C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.

ජයතිස්ස හා රොස්ලින්” – අපට වෙච්ච දේ (1906)

පියදාස  සිරිසේන (1875-1946)

හැඳින්වීම (මෙම ලිපියේ අරමුණ):

අන්ද මන්දවූ රටක්!

සිංහල බෞද්ධයයි කියාගන්නා අතරමංවූ පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයින්!

කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන රාමුවක් යටතේ ආණ්ඩුවේ මන්ත්‍රීන් 159+1 දෙනාත්, විරුද්ධ පක්ෂ මන්ත්‍රීලාත්, රටවැසියාත්, රජයෙන් පඩි ලබන හැම දෙනාත්, ලෝයර්ලාත් යන හැම පිරිසක්ම අන්ද මන්ද වී අතරමංවී සිටී. මුස්ලිම් හා දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීන්ට මෙවැනි සංකාවක් නැත. අපේක්ෂා බංගවීමක් ඔවුන්ට සිදුවී නැත. පරාජිත මන්ත්‍රීලා ගලේ පැහැරූ බළලුන් වැනිය. බුද්ධ සාසනයට සිදුවෙමින් පවතින පරිහානිය හා ආණ්ඩුවේ කෙනහිලිකම් ඉදිරියේ පන්සල් අසරණවී සිටී. එහෙන් මෙහෙන් ඇසෙණ කතා හැර පන්සල් අතර සමඟියක් නැත.  ගෝඨාභය කෙරෙහි ඇතිවූ විශ්වාශ බංගත්වය නිසා මාලිමාවට චන්දය දුන් සිංහල බෞද්ධ  ජනයා ඉඟුරු දී නයි මිරිස් ගෙන කොටුවී සිටී.

එතෙක් බලයේ සිටි ආණ්ඩු කල නොයෙක් වැරදි හා දූෂණ දඩමීමා කරගෙන,  ජනයා රවටා බොරු කියා බලය අල්ලාගෙන, කඩිනමින් බොල්ෂෙවික් පාරේ යමින් සිටින, අනුර කුමාරලාගේ ආණ්ඩුව, මේ වනවිට ඉතාමත් ශීඝ්‍රයෙන් <කොට උඩ> යමින් සිටී.  සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී, මාක්ස්වාදී, totalitarianist, JVP ආණ්ඩුවකට, ඔවුන් ජනයාට දුන් පොරොන්දු ඉටුකරණ ලෙස ඉල්ලා නුගේගොඩට රැස්වීමේ තේරුමක් නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට, 2024 චන්දයේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තු චන්දයට මුහුණ දීමට පවා බියවූ පරාජිත පිරිස් දැන් ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම කල යුත්තේ, නැවතත් ජනයා ඉදිරියට ආ යුත්තේ, තමන් පරණ පව් සොදාගත්, JVP කල්ලියට වඩා හොඳ සැලැස්මක් සහිත පංචස්කන්ධ බව පෙන්වා දෙමින්ය.

මෙහිදී, චන්ද දායකයා රැවටීම, විදේශ රටවල් සමඟ හොර ගිවිසුම් ගැසීම, බොල්ෂෙවික් පාලනයකට අර ඇඳීම, දිවයිනේ චිරාත් කාලයක සිට පැවත එන සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ටාචාරයට පහරදීම, නිරාගමික අශීලාචාර සමාජයකට පාරකැපීම, වැනි කාරණා සියල්ලටම වඩා අතිශයින් භයානක වන්නේ, සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට ලෝකයේ ඇති එකම භූගෝලීය දූපත (භූමිය), අනුරකුමාර-ටිල්වින්-හරිනි ත්‍රිත්වය හා ඇමෙරිකන්/ඉන්දියන්/කැනඩා/UK/EU යන රටවල වසන දෙමළ කොටි චන්ද බලය (Tamil block vote) හා  ඩොලර් උපයෝගී කරගෙන, පලාත් සභා මර උඟුල හරහා දෙකට තුනට  කඩා  දකුණු ආසියාවේ පලස්තීනයක් බිහිවීමට ඉඩ සලසා දෙන ව්‍යපෘතියය.

එහෙත්, උවිඳු විජේවීර, යාපනේ අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ථ්, ගෙවිඳු කුමාරණතුංග, නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු හා අද්මිරාල් සරත් වීරසේකර යන පස් දෙනා  හැර, මෙම මර උඟුලට විරුද්ධව කතා කරණ කිසිදු දේශපාලන”  පංචස්කන්ධයක්,  ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී යූටියුබ් නාලිකා, මුහුණු පොත්, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය හෝ දැනට පෙනෙන්නට නැත. නාමල්, සංජීව එදිරිමාන්න, ගම්මන්පිල, විමල්, පාඨලී චම්පික, දයාසිරිලා මේ ගැන නිහඬය. සජිත් නම් 13A+ (දයාන් ජයතිලක 2009 මැයි 19 යුද ජයග්‍රහණයට සතියකට පසු ජීනීවා ගොස් 13A + පොරොන්දුවී කල රණවිරුවන් පාවාදීම) ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට එකඟ බව   ඉන්දියාවට ගොස් කියා සිටියේය.  මෙම මර උගුලේ ඉතිහාස කතාව විරුද්ධ පක්ෂවලට අමතක වුනා සේය.

විපක්ෂයේ 21 එකතුවට සෙනඟ එනවාද නැද්ද යන්න වැදගත් නැත. එයට නයි-මුගටි හැම දෙනාම සහභාගි වෙනවාද නැද්ද යන්නද වැදගත් නැත. වැදගත් වන්නේ එය ඉදිරියේ සිදුවිය යුතු ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය එකඟතාවයකට මුල් පියවර වන්නේය යන බලාපොරොත්තුවය. පලාත් සභා අහෝසිකර ඒ වෙනුවට ජන සභා සංකල්පය, ජල ද්‍රෝණි මත පදනම්ව, පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොරව ක්‍රියාත්මක කල යුතුය, යන පැරඩයිම් වෙනසට එකඟ නොවන කුමණ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් වත් දේශපාලකයාගේ වාසිය පිණිස  මිස රට ජාතියට යහපතක් ගෙන එන්නේ නැති බව JVP ආණ්ඩුවට විරුද්ධ/ රැවටුන, පරණ හා අළුත් සෑම පක්ෂ හා ජන කොටසක්ම අවභෝධ කර ගතයුතුය.

මෙය එක් එක් පුද්ගලයාගේ හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය පිළිඹඳ අර්බුදයකි. යාපනේ ස්වාධීන දෙමළ හින්දු මන්ත්‍රී අර්චුනා මොවුන්ට ආදර්ශයකි. දියවන්නා හෝටලයේදීත්, ඉන් පිටතදීත් ප්‍රභාකරන් ඔහුගේ දෙවියා යයි කියන්නේ ආඩම්බර යෙනි.   ඔහු තම හෘදය ශාක්ෂියට එකඟව ක්‍රියාකරමින් සිටී. ඔහුගේ මතය, මතවාදයෙන් පරදවන්නට හැකි සිංහල බෞද්ධ යයි කියා ගන්නා එකදු මන්ත්‍රී පුළුටක් දියවන්නා හෝටලයේ නැත. සෝම හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ භූමිකාව මතුවූයේ දුටුගැමුණු රජතුමාගේ භූමිකාව  නම කියන්නටවත් සිංහල බෞද්ධයින් මැලිවූ භයවූ චන්ද්‍රිකා-මංගල සමරවීර- S. B. දිසානායක කාලයකය. 21 දා එකතුවේදී පලාත් සභා අහෝසිකරන්නට කට අරින එක පංචකන්ධයක් වත් සිටී විද?

*1. ඉතිහාසය කන්නද? (මුර දේවතා සංකල්පය)

අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන – ගලබොඩ අත්තේ ඥානසාර-බලංගොඩ කස්සප හිමිවරු

දිඹුලාගල නාහිමියන් ඝාතනය, අරන්තලාව භික්ෂු සංහාරය, R. ප්‍රේමදාස විසින් පොලිස් භටයින් 600 ක් බිලිදීම, ශ්‍රී මහ බෝධියට පහරදීම යනාදිය අමතක කලත්, ඉහත සඳහන් භික්ෂූන්ගේ භූමිකාව නොවැම්බර් 21 දින එකතුවන, අන්ත පරාදයකින් පසු යළි හිස ඔසවන්නට සදන, පංචස්කන්ධ විසින් අමතක කරන්නේ කෙසේද? සුමනරතන හිමියන් අවුරුදු 30 ක් පුරා මරණය අභියස මඩකලපුවේ ගෙන යන හුදකලා සටන හා ඥානසාර හිමියන් ශාරියා ආක්‍රමණයට විරුද්ධව ගෙන යන සටන නොසලකා හරිමින් සිටිනා පිරිසක් නොවැම්බර් 21  දා ඉදිරිපත් කරණ ප්ලෑන කුමක්ද? මේ එකතුවේ කී දෙනෙක් මඩකලපුවට ගොස් උන්වහන්සේගේ දුක් ගැනවිල්ල අසා බලා තිබේද? ඥානසාර හිමියන් පිළියෙල කල එක රටක්-එක නීතියක් වාර්තාව  නිකමටවත් කියවූ 21 දින එකතුවේ පංචස්කන්ධ සංඛ්‍යාව කුමක්ද? එය ගැන අලි සබ්‍රි හා මුස්ලිම්  ජාතිවාදී පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයින් විරුද්ධව කතා කරද්දී රනිල් ඔවුන් හා එකඟ විය. දැන් රනිල් එම වාර්තාව අනුමත කරණ වාද? මෙවැනි කරුණු මඟහැර  JVP ටිල්වින්, ලාල් කාන්තලා, හරිනි හා අනිකුත් පාපිසි වලින්ගෙන්  රට බේරා ගත හැකිද?  අතීතයේදී අනාගාරික ධර්මපාල තුමාට සිංහල දේශපාලකයින් පහර දුන්නා මෙන් ඥානසාර හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ මස් රාත්තලම ඉල්ලා කෑ නොගැසූ සිංහල දේශපාලකයෙක් සිටිනවාද? සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට විරුද්ධව පැනවූ නිතියක් වන ICCPR යටතේ ලංකාවේ  මුලින්ම නඩුවක් පැවරුවේ උන්වහන්සේටය.

1802 සිට ලංකා කොලනියේ ඉතිහාසය පාලක සුද්දන් (හා කළු සුද්දනුත්) පන්සලත් අතර ඇතිවු නොනවතින අරගලයක් නොවේද යන අළුත් ප්‍රශ්ණයක් ඇසූවිට, 1802-1873 (පානදුර මහා වාදය) දක්වා කාලය පුරාම පැවති බුද්ධාගම කියන්නේ බොරුවක් යන ක්‍රිස්තියානි පාලක-පූජක මතයේ සිට, එකිනෙක මත වැටෙන අවධි 11-13 ක් හඳුනා ගැනීමට මට  හැකිවිය.  එය රට බේරාගත් මුර දේවතා සංකල්පයේ ඉතිහාස කතාවය (කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය, තෙවන භාගය, (2025), 397-399).

පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල නැතුවත් 13- A යටතේ සිංහලයාට කරණ හිරිහැර

උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර පලාත් දෙකේ සිංහල ජනයාට දෙමළ හා මුස්ලිම් ග්‍රාම සේවකගේ සිට ඉහලින් සිටින නිලධාරීනුත්, ප්‍රදේශීය සභා නියෝජිතයිනුත් වෙනස්කම් කරන්නේ  පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල නැතිවය. දෙමළ නොදන්නා මේ සිංහලයින්ට සේවය කල හැකි සිංහල නිලධාරීන් හෝ සිංහල දන්නා දෙමළ නිලධාරීන් හෝ නැත. ඔවුන්ට දකුණට යන ලෙස මේ නිලධාරීන් එලිපිටම කියයි. සිංහල දරුවන්ට උප්පැන්න සහතික දෙන්නේ දෙමළ භාෂාවෙනි. උසාවි වල නඩු අසන්නේ දෙමළෙන් පමණය. සිංහල නීතීඥයින්ට ඉංගිරිස් වලින් කතා කරන්නටවත් ඉඩ නොදේ.. මෙය වර්තමාන තත්වයය. මීට හේතුව වී තිබෙන්නේ RP විසින්  16 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා  සංශෝධනය (1988 දෙසැම්බර් 17 දිනැති) මඟින් දෙමළ භාෂාව මුළු රටේම රාජ්‍ය භාෂාව කර ඇතත් සිංහල රාජ්‍ය භාෂාව වශයෙන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ දකුණු පලාත් හතේ පමණක් වීමය.

15 වෙනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය මඟින් (1988 දෙසැම්බර් 17) යම් පක්ෂයක් හෝ ස්වාධීන කණ්ඩායමක් විසින් යම් දිස්ත්‍රික්කයක මන්ත්‍රී ආසනයක් ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා  අවම වශයෙන් ලබා ගත යුතුව තිබූ  සියේට 12.5 ක චන්ද ප්‍රතිශතය සියේට 5 දක්වා අඩුකරණ ලදී.  මෙය අගමැති RP  විසින් සිය ජනාධිපති තරඟය සඳහා මුස්ලිම් චන්ද ලබා ගැනීම පිණිස ඔවුන්ට දුන් අල්ලසකි.  මේ නිසා මුස්ලිම් හා දෙමළ පක්ෂ වලට වාසියක් සිදුවේ.

යාපනේ තිස්ස රජ මහා විහාරයේ හෝ මුලතිව් කුරුන්දි විහාරයේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට වන හිරිහැර ගැන මීට පෙර 21 දින එකතු වීමට ඉන්නා විරුද්ධ පක්ෂ අය කල දේ කුමක්ද? ක්‍රිස්තියානි බලවේග විසින් කරණ මේ හිරිහැර ගැන ඔවුන් අවධානය යොමු කරනවාද? අළුත්ම උදාහරණය ත්‍රිකුණාමලයේ බෞද්ධ පන්සල් ඉඩමේ බුදුපිලිමයේ ප්‍රශ්ණයය. ඊට මැදිහත් වූයේ ගෝල්පේස් අරගලයටද සහභාගීවූ බලංගොඩ කස්සප හිමියන්ය. ත්‍රිකුණාමළ පන්සල් භූමිය රකින්නේ වයස 21 ක් වන තරුණ හාමුදුරු කෙනෙකි. මෙම හාමුදුරුවරු ඉටු කරන්නේ ජාතියේ මුර දේවතාවුන් වශයෙන් භික්ෂූන්ට පැවරුණු ඓතිහාසික වගකීමය. විදේශ ආක්‍රමණ වලින් රට ජාතිය බේරා ගැනීමේ සටන් වලදී පන්සල මූලිකත්වය ගත්තේය. අවුරුදු 550 ක ක්‍රිස්තියානි පාලනයකින් පසුව සිංහල බුද්ධාගම දියකර දමන්නට නොහැකිවූයේ මුර දේවතා සංකල්පය නිසාය.

ඊලම දමණය – යුද්ධය හා මත වාදය

සිංහල-දෙමළ භාෂා දෙක හා ඉතිහාසය ඉගැන්වීම අනිවාර්ය කිරීම වැනි තවත්  අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය කරුණු තිබුණත්  ඒකීය රටක්  ඉතුරු නොවේ නම් සිංහල බුද්ධාගමක් හෝ දිලිත් ජයවීර කියන අවිහිංසක සභ්‍යත්වය ඉතුරු නොවේ. ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩ රටක් සඳහා 1918 දී ආරම්භවූ  ව්‍යාපාරය අනුව යමින්, 1923/24 දී පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් ලංකාවේ දෙමළ රටක් සඳහා දැරූ වෑයම, රේල් පාරේ හෙමින් ඉදිරියට යන කෝච්චියක් මෙන් මේ වන විට ගමනාන්තයට ලඟාවී සිටී. එය අඩියෙන් අඩිය ඉහළට පය තැබූ ඉණිමගක් වැනිය. 1957 බණ්ඩාරනායක-චෙල්වනායගම් ගිවිසුමෙන් රටේ දෙමළ නිජ භූමියක් තිබෙනවාය යන මිථ්‍යාව ලේඛනගතවිය. 1965 දී ඩඩ්ලි-චෙල්වා ගිවිසුමෙන් ඊට ඔක්ෂිජන් ලැබුණේය. 1987  රජිව් ගාන්ධි  විසින් JRJ ට පැටවූ ගිවිසුම  හා  ඒ යටතේ ඉන්දියන් පණතක් කොපිකර 1988 දී ගෙනා, 13 වන සංශෝධන  ජරමරය, වර්තරාජා පෙරුමාල් උතුරු-නඟෙනහිර මහ ඇමති, ජනාධිපති R. ප්‍රේමදාසට භයෙන් 1990 මාර්තු මස ඉන්දියාවට පැනයාමෙන් ආරම්භ විය. පෙරුමාල් ට කලින් ඔහුගේ කැබිනට් ඇමති දයාන් ජයතිලක ඉන්දියාවට පැන ගොස්, පසුව R. ප්‍රේමදාස ගෙන් අභයදානය ලබා ඔහුගේ දාසයෙක් ලෙස හැසුරුණේය (1993 මැයි මස කොටින්ට ආයුධ දුන් ජනාධිපති RP ව කොටින් විසින්ම ඝාතනය කරණ ලදී). පසු කලෙක දයාන් සජිත්ගේ උපදේශයෙක් විය.

1994-2000 ජනාධිපති චන්ද්‍රිකා ගෙනා නීලන්-GL-ජයම්පති පැකේජ් ඩීල් එක හරහා රට කෑලි 9 කට 10 කට කැබලි කිරීමේ  කුමන්ත්‍රණය (ප්ලෑන), රනිල් විසින් ඉන් තමා බලාපොරොත්තු වූ දේ නොලැබෙන නිසා, රටේ කෙන්දරයේ හොඳකම නිසා, අවසාන මොහොතේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ගිනි තැබුවේය. 2002 පෙබරවාරි මස  අගමැති රනිල් විසින් එරික් සොල්හයිම් හා ප්‍රභාකරන් විසින් ලියු  CFA ගිවිසුමට  එය නොකියවාම අත්සන් කලේය.  එය ලෝක ඉතිහාසයේ සිදුවූ ලොකුම පාවාදීම (greatest  give away in history) යයි ස්කොට් ජාතික යුද වාර්තාකරු පෝල් හැරිස් විසින් ප්‍රකාශ කලේය. ලංකාවේ පදිංචිවීමට ඔහු කල ඉල්ලීම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කල විදේශ ඇමති G. L,  කොටි බාලසිංහම් ගේ ඉල්ලීමට අනුව ඔහුව රටින් පිටුවහල් කලේය (2002 දෙසැම්බර් ඔස්ලෝ ප්‍රකාශණයට අනුව ඊලමක් වෙනුවට පෙඩරල් විසඳුමකට ටයිගර්ලා එකඟ වුණා යයි G.L. සිය ප්‍රීතිය ප්‍රකාශ කලේ ටයිගර් බාලසිංහම් ට His Excellency  කියා ආමන්ත්‍රණය කරමින්ය).

භාෂාව හා ආගම පදනම්වු චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ 2000 ප්ලෑන, රනිල්-සුමන්තිරන්-ජයම්පති-ලාල් විජේනායක  යන යහපාලන කල්ලිය විසින් 2018 දී පියර දමා ඉදිරිපත් කල විට, තම ප්ලෑන අවුරුදු කට පසුව පිළිගත්තා යයි කියමින් චන්ද්‍රිකා උදම් ඇණුවාය! දැන් 2025 වනවිට කොටි ඩයස්පෝරාවට අවශ්‍ය වන ආකාරයට මෙය අනුමත කර ගැනීම ටිල්වින්-අනුරකුමාරලාගේ අභිප්‍රායය.

නයි පැටව් ඔඩොක්කුවේ ඔබා ගැනීම

චන්ද්‍රිකා විසින් ගෙනා ISGA (2003, October) හා Ptom (2005 July, 2004 December ෂුනාමියට පසු) මර උඟුල් JVP විසින් උසාවි ගොස් උඳුරා දමන ලදී.  ඒවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම හැර වෙන කල හැකි කෙන්ගෙඩියක් මහින්ද අගමැතිට නොතිබුණි. 2009 යුද ජයග්‍රහණයට පසුව දයාන් ජයතිලකලාගේ මාක්ස්වාදී උපදෙස් අනුව උතුරු පලාත් සභාව සඳහා චන්දයක් තබන්නට ජනාධිපති මහින්ද තීරණය කලේය. එය 1987 ට හා 2009 ට පසුව පැවත්වු ප්‍රථම මැතිවරණය විය. 2013 සැප්තැම්බර් මස පැවත්වූ ඉන් දිණුවේ මධ්‍යස්ථ දමිල මතධාරියෙකු ලෙස දයාන් කතාකල දකුණේ සිංහලයින් සමඟ ජීවත්වූ විග්නේෂ්වරන් ය. එහෙත් පුදන කොටම කාපි යකා කිව්වා මෙන් මේ විග්නේෂ්වරන් සිංහල ආණ්ඩුව දෙමළ සමූලඝාතන කරනවා යයි යෝජනා සම්මත කිරීම ආරම්භ කලේය. සිය පුත්තු දෙන්නා සිංහල තරුණියන්ට ආලය කිරීම අනුමත කල ඔහු වර්තරාජා පෙරුමාල්ට වඩා කපටි අවස්ථාවාදී දුෂ්ට නයෙක් විය. 

යාපනේ මිනිසුන්ට නැවත ජීවිතය ගොඩ නඟා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය  මූලික අවශ්‍යතා (ජලය, වැසිකිළි, ගොවිතැන් සඳහා ඉඩම්, පාසැල්, ආරෝග්‍යශාලා) වෙනුවට පාරවල් වලට ප්‍රමුඛතාවය දී ආණ්ඩුව ඉල්ලාගෙන කෑවේය. චන්ද පවත්වන්නට කලින් අවුරුදු 50 කටත් වැඩි කාලයක් පුරා අරටු බැස තිබූ මතවාදයක්, මතවාදයෙන්ම පරාජය කල යුතු වන්නේය. මේ පිළිඹද කදිම නිදසුනක් වන්නේ යුදහමුදා කර්නල් රත්නප්‍රිය බන්ධුය. යාපනේ හා වන්නියෙන් 2018 දී ඔහුව කොළඹට මාරු කල විට දෙමළ ජනයා හඬා වැටුනේය.

Col. Rathnapriya Bandu has done what Prabakaran, Wigneswaran, Sivajilingam, Sumbanthiran, Sambanthan or even Tamil Nadu politicians could not do & do not want to do. (A Poignant Farewell at Vishvamadu in 2018: Rathnapriya Banda’s Work of Reconciliation | Thuppahi’s Blog)

කුලය හා ලේ අතර ඇති ගැටුම නිසා, අදටත් යාපනේ ජනයාට ලේ දන් දෙන්නේ  සිංහල හමුදා භටයින්ය!

අනුර කුමාරලාගේ හා විරුද්ධ පක්ෂ එකමුතුවේ හෘදය  ශාක්ෂි අවුල

මේ වනවිට වැළලී ඇති , එහෙත් මියගොස් නැති (burried but not dead), පලාත් සභා සඳහා චන්දය ඉල්ලා සිටීම JVP ආණ්ඩුවට කෝචැක් කිරීමක් වුනත්, ඒ ඉල්ලීම පලාත් සභා  මර උඟුලට නැවත ඔක්ෂිජන් පිඹීමක් නොවේද යන සරල කරුණ මේ විරුද්ධ පක්ෂ එකතුවට නොතේරෙන්නේ ඇයි? ඔවුන්  කරන්නේ අත්තේ අග සිට ගහෙන් අත්ත කපා දැමීම වැනි නැණවිකල් ක්‍රියාවක් නොවේද?.  පලාත් සභා ක්‍රමයට විරුද්ධ වන අයෙක්, සිය හෘදය ශාක්ෂියට එකඟව පලාත් සභා චන්දයක් ඉල්ලන්නේ කෙසේද? එක අතකින් හාමුදුරුවරුන්ට වඳිමින් යන ගමන්, අනිත් අතට තිස්ස විහාරයට හා දැන් අළුතින්ම ත්‍රිකුණාමළේ පන්සලට හිරිහැර කරමින් AKD කරගෙන යන්නේද ගෙන  තම හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය රැවටීමකි. කඩිමුඩියේ දළදා ප්‍රදර්ශන පවත්වා බුද්ධ සාසන  අමත්‍යාංශය ක්‍රිස්තියානි හෝ නිරාගමික අයට භාර දීම කරන්නේ කුමණ අරමුණ කින්ද?

තිස් අවුරුදු යුද්ධයකින් පසු 2009 මැයි මාසයේදී ප්‍රභාකරන් සමඟ දෙමළ කොටි බෙදුම් වාදය යුදමය වශයෙන් පරාද කලත්, ඊලම් මතවාදය, මතවාදයෙන්ම පරාද කලයුතු බව රාජපක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුවට එත්තු ගියේ නැත. සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝදී ව්‍යාජ උපදේශකයින්ගේ ග්‍රහනයට ඔවුන් අසුවිය. මේ නිසා  ඩොලර් පෑනෙන් ඊලමක් ලබා ගැනීම දැන් 2025 අග වන විට ලඟදීම සැබෑ වීමට  මඟ පෑදී අවසානය.

පලාත් සභා චන්දයකින් JVP+NPP පාපිසි පරදවා, 13A+ මර උඟුලට යළි පණදී සිය දිවි නසා ගැනීම නමැති මුග්ධ උපායක්”  වෙනුවට, ඔවුනුත් ඒකීය රටත් ගලවා ගැනීමට, පැහැදිලි ඓතිහාසික-භූගෝල විද්‍යාත්මක, ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ඇත. එය වනාහි 1832 සිට රටේ පවතින කෝල්බෲක් සූත්‍රය  හෙවත් කොළඹ පැරඩයිම් එක වෙනුවට අළුත් රජරට පැරඩයිම් එකකට අනුගතව ජන සභා සංකල්පය  ක්‍රියාවට නැඟීමය. ගම, ගමට බලය ලබා දීම යනුවෙන්, ගෝල්පේස් අරගලකාරයින්, පෙරටුගාමීන් හා දැන් ගම බොල්ෂෙවික් කිරීමට වලිකන  JVP කාරයින්ද තටමන්නේ මේ ජන සභා සංකල්පයමය.  

*2. ඉතිහාසය කන්නද?

(රටක ඉතිහාසය කියන්නේ ඒ රටේ අතීත භූගෝල විද්‍යාවටය)

යමෙකුට ඉතිහාසය අරහං වන එක හේතුවක් නම් ඔහුගේ/ඇගේ සැඟවුණු කැත අතීතය ඉන් එලිවන නිසාය. අනිත් හේතුව නම් අන් අයගේ යහපත් අතීතයට ඇති ඊර්ෂ්‍යාව හා බයය (උදාහරණ වශයෙන් JRJ, R. ප්‍රේමදාස, චන්ද්‍රිකා, රනිල්, ටිල්වින්, ආනන්ද විජේපාල, හරිනි, 1971, 1988 JVP,  ක්‍රිස්තියානි පල්ලිය (Catholic Action), ගැන සිතා බලන්න). 1967 දී පේරාදෙණියෙන් පිටවු කාලයේ සිටම ලංකාවට සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එකක් අවශ්‍යබව මට වැටහී තිබුණේය. 1971 දෙසැම්බර් මස අල්ලාගත් හා භාරවූ JVP කැරලිකරුවන්ගේ ශාක්ෂි සටහන් කර ගැනීමට රජයෙන් පත්කල සිවිල් නිලධාරීන් 200 දෙනාගෙන් එක් අයෙක් වශයෙන් එම කැරැල්ලේ සුලමුල ගැන හොඳින්

දැනගැනීමට අවස්ථාවක් මට ලැබුනේය. 1978  දී ජාතික විද්‍යා සභාවේ රක්ෂාවෙන් අස්වී ඇමෙරිකාව බලා  මා ලංකාවෙන් පිටවූයේ, JRJ විසින් රටට කරන්නට යන විනාශය ගැන ඉවක්” මට තිබූ නිසාය. හිටපු පාලකයින් එලවා දැමුවාට පසු බස් වල හා බස් හෝල්ට් වල  කොලපාට ගෑම නගරයෙන් මට ලැබුණ සංඥාවය. රත්නසිරි වික්‍රමනායකට වැඩකල විද්‍යා සභාවේ නිමල් චන්ද වියරුවට පසුදා, දින කීපයකට විද්‍යා සභාවේ නවතින්නට මගෙන් අවසර ඉල්ලීමෙන් ගම් වල වෙන දේ මට තේරුම් ගියේය. JRJ  බොරුකාර ගාන්ධි කෙනෙක්ම විය.

ඇමෙරිකාවේ සිට මා ලංකාවේ දේශපාලනය” ගැන මුලින්ම අදහසක්  ප්‍රකාශකලේ , An Alternative to the Devolution” Dilemma: Move the Capital to Raja Rata” (April, 21-24), යන මාතෘකාවෙන් 1998 දී අයිලන්ඩ් පත්තරයට ලියූ දීර්ග ලිපිය මඟින්ය.  13 වන සංශෝධන -පලාත් සභා මර උඟුල  යන නමින් මෙම අදහස තවදුරටත්  වර්ධනය කරමින්, දයාන් ජයතිලක වැනි 13A+ පප්පා වැන්නන්ට  පිළිතුරු සැපයීම මා විසින් දිගටම කරගෙන යන ලදි.  2024 දී මුද්‍රණය කල ” ලංකාව : කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය, දෙවන භාගය: 1948-2024 යන කෘතියේ, 24 වෙනි රචනාව ලෙස, ගෝල්පේස් අරගලකරුවන් ඉල්ලන සිස්ටම් චේන්ජ් එක හා ජන සභා  සිස්ටම් එක”  (part I), 280-92), යනුවෙන් ලිපියක් හා, එම පොතේ XXIV පිටුවේ කොළඹ වෙනුවට රජරට පැරඩයිම්” යනුවෙන් දේශපාලකයින් විසින් සලකා බැලිය යුතු ආකෘතියක්ද  (model) ඉදිරිපත් කරණ ලදී. 2025 නොවැම්බර්/දෙසැම්බර් වන විට පිටවීමට නියමිත කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය- 1948-2025, තුන්වන භාගය” යන කෘතියේ අනු මාතෘකාව වන්නේ <පලාත් සභා මර උඟුල – ජන සභා විසඳුම> යන්නය.

ඉතාමත් කෙටියෙන් කියනවා නම් ජන සභා විසඳුම කියන්නේ  දැනට පවතින දේශපාලන හා සිවිල් පාලන ඒකක වෙනුවට, භාෂාව, ආගම හෝ කුලය යන නිර්ණායක අනුව නොව, ස්වාභාවික මායිම් (natural/geographical boundaries) සහිත ජන සභා ඒකක පිහිටුවා, පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොර නියෝජිතයින් පත්කර ගන්නා , ජනයා බලවත් කිරීමකටය (empowerment of people, not politiicians). මේ පිළිඹඳ දීර්ග විග්‍රහයක් ඉහතින් සඳහන් කල පොත් වලින් හෝ ලංකාවෙබ් වෙබ් අඩවියෙන් ලබා ගත හැකිය. අවශ්‍ය අයෙකුට එය ඊමේල් කර එවීමටද මම කැමැත්තෙන් සිටිමි (wijeychandra@gmail.com).  ස්වාභාවික මායිම් යනු ජල ද්‍රෝණි අනුව ජන සභා මායිම්  කිරීමය. මේ සඳහා බොරු නිර්ණායක කොමිෂන් අවශ්‍ය නැත. එය විදේශීය හා දේශීය බලවේග විසින් යෝජනා කරණ නියම ලෙසම ජනයාට තම ප්‍රදේශයේ බොහෝ දේ තීරණය කර, ක්‍රියාවට නැඟීමට ඉඩ ලබා දෙන ක්‍රමයකි (meaningful dvevolution). ජාතික මිස ජාති වාදයකට හෝ බෙදුම් වාදයකට ඉඩක් ඉන් නොලැබේ.

[AKD ට පැටලෙන ජාතිවාදය හා ජාතික වාදය අතර ඇති වෙනස

<ජාතිවාදියා යනු තම ජන වර්ගය  මිහිපිට සිටින උසස්ම  ජනයා ලෙස සිතා සෙසු ජන කොටස් පහත් කොට සලකන්නා බවත් (හිට්ලර්…), ජාතික වාදියා යනු තම ජනයා සෙසු හතුරන්ගෙන් බේරා රැකගන්නා පුද්ගලයෙක් බවත් (අනාගාරික ධර්මපාල…) යන වෙනස ජනාධිපති AKD ට නොතේරේ.  බෞද්ධ ජීවන රටාව ගොඩනැඟී ඇත්තේ මෙත්තා-කරුණා-මුදිතා-උපෙක්ඛා, සියළු සත්වයෝ (සතා සිව්පාවා ගහ කොළ පවා), නිදුක්-නිරෝගී-සුවපත් වේවා යනාදී මූලික සංකල්ප  අනුවය. බුදු දහමේ  උගන්වන සමානාත්මතාවාදය, සූරා කෑමට ලක්වන සමාජය පැතලි කිරීමට සිතූ මාක්ස්වාදයට වෙනස්ය.>]

ගම් මට්ටමින් ජනයා බලවත් කරලන මෙම පැරඩයිම් වෙනස් කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය ගැන උගත් පාඩම් හා සංහිඳියා කොමිෂමටද (LLRC, 2010/11) ලංකාවට පැමිණ ශාක්ෂි දී ඉදිරිපත් කල අතර එය එම කොමිෂම විසින්ද පිළිගත්තේය. ගෝල්පේස් අරගලකාරයින්ද මීට සමාන ඉල්ලීමක් කලේය. ඇමති බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ හා ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභයද එය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නට සිතුවා පමණය.  ජන සභා සංකල්පයට සමානවූ ගැමි දිරිය යනුවෙන් තිබූ දේශපාලකයාගෙන් තොර වැඩ සටහන බැසිල් විසින් නතර කර දැම්මේය. ආණ්ඩුව විසින් සිය පාක්ෂිකයින් හරහා ගම් මට්ටමින් සිය බලය තහවුරු කර ගෙන බොල්ෂෙවික් පාරක යනවා වෙනුවට මෙම ජන සභා සංකල්පය ක්‍රියාවට නැගිය යුතුය.

වඳුරන්ට දැලි පිහි දීම (1931) හා බංගවේවා දේශපාලනය (1935)

1929 දී ඩොනමෝර් කොමිෂම විසින් ලංකා කොලනියට සර්ව ජන චන්දබලය දීමට යෝජනා කල අවස්ථාවේදී ඊට පක්ෂව පෙනී සිටියේ කම්කරු පක්ෂයේ නායක  A. E. ගුණසිංහ මහතා පමණය කියා මා අසා ඇත. අනිත් මන්ත්‍රීන්ලාගේ මතය වූයේ එය වඳුරන්ට දැලි පිහි දීමක් වගේය යන්නය.  එහෙත් අනුරාධපුරයේ රාජ්‍ය මන්ත්‍රණ සභා මන්ත්‍රී වශයෙන් 1931 දී තේරී පත්වුනේ සුදු ජාතික W. H.  ෆ්‍රීමන් නමැති හිටපු දිසාපති වරයාය. 1936 දී ඔහු නිතරඟයෙන් පත්විය. සිංහල බෞද්ධ ගැමියා තම හෘදය ශාක්ෂියට එකඟව ක්‍රියා කලේය. කොලනියේ සිංහල මන්ත්‍රීන් වූයේ සුද්දන්ට කත් ඇද ධනය හා බලය ලබාගත්, ඉන්ගිරිස් හා කැඩිච්ච සිංහල කතාකල කළු සුද්දන්ය.

මොවුන්ගේ හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය වුයේ සිය ක්‍රිස්තියානි හැව හංගා ගෙන බොරු බෞද්ධයින් ලෙස පෙනී සිට ගමේ හාමුදුරුවන් රවටා ගෙන චන්ද කිරීමය (මීට වෙනස් ස්වල්ප දෙනෙක් සිටින්නට ඇත).  මේ තමන්ම අටවා ගත් රදළ-හාමු-වලව් රොඩු  පංචස්කන්ධ හා ඔවුන්ට එකතුවු රට ගොස් ඉන්ගිරිස් ඉගෙනගෙන ආ ඔවුන්ගේ දරුවන්ගේ ක්‍රියාකලාපය අනුව දැලිපිහි ගත් වඳුරන් වූයේ මේ අය මිස ඔවුන් විසින් රවටන ලද ගැමි ජනයා නොවේ. සුද්දන් විසින් ඇතිකල රට සූරා කෑමේ හා බෙදා පාලනය කිරීමේ ක්‍රමයකට වහළුන්වූ මොවුන් එම ක්‍රමයම දිගටම පවත්වා ගෙන යෑමට ක්‍රියාකලේ සුද්දන්ගේ ආණ්ඩුකාලයේ ආණ්ඩුවේ නිලධාරීන් පවා ශූක්ෂම ලෙස පුද්ගලික ව්‍යාපාර වලට හවුල්වූ පරිදිමය.

කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය: 1948-2025

1931 දී සුද්දා විසින් දෙනලද සර්වජන චන්දබලයත් සමඟ ආරම්භ වුණ නියෝජිත ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය නමැති සෙප්පඩ විජ්ජාව” යටතේ, පක්ෂ දේශපාලක කළු සුද්දන් විසින් 2022 වන විට බංකොලොත් රටක් බිහිකර ගත්තේය. 1948 න් පසු කාලය රටේ ඉතිහාසය හරියට නොදන්නා ව්‍යාජ පක්ෂ දේශපාලක පංචකන්ධ විසින් හඳුන්වන්නේ, 76 අවුරුදු ශාපය,” මුන් රට කෑවා” යන ගැලරියට ගැලපෙන ලේබල් වලින්ය.

මෙවැනි ලේබල් රනිල්, චන්ද්‍රිකා, මහින්ද, මෛත්‍රීපාලන යනාදීන් විසින් එකිනෙකාට කලින් කලට එල්ල කලත්, ඉන් උපරිම වාසියක් ලබාගෙන රට රැවටුවේ අනුර කුමාරය.  ඊට විරුද්ධව විශේෂයෙන් දූෂණ චෝදනාවට මහජනයාට පිළිගත හැකි පිළිතුරක් දීමට ගතානුගත පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයින්ට නොහැකිවිය. රටේ ඉතිහාසයක්, භූගෝල විද්‍යාවක් නොදන්නා  කොට්ටහච්චි ලාබාල මන්ත්‍රීණියට අනුව, 1948 න් පසු කාලය, මූසල මුස්පේන්තු අඳුරු යුගයක් විය. ඇගේ දේශපාලන විද්‍යා දැණුමට අනුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය යටතේ යමෙකුට හිතාමතාම බොරු කීමටද අයිතියක් තිබේ.”  මෙය අනුර කුමාරගේ JVP  රැල්ලෙන් හා හරිනි අමරසූරියගේ  ජුලී චං NPP ආධාරයෙන් දියවන්නාට පාවූ පාපිසි වල මනස සංකේතවත් කරලයි. තවද එය 2025 වන විට ලංකාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය අනාථවී ඇති තරම පෙන්වා දෙන්නේය. බොරු කියන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී, ඇත්ත කියන්නේ ඉන් පිටත දී යයි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදීම කියන ලද ලෝකයේ එකම රාජ්‍ය නායකයා අනුර කුමාරය.  අරගලයේ මුවාවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ගින් තබන්නට උත්සාහ කලේ ලාල්කාන්ත ඇතුළු තුන් දෙනෙක් විසින්ය. ගාල්ලෙන් පාවුනු දෙමළ පාපිස්සක් වුන පෝල් රාජ් නම් ඇමතිනිය , පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රමය කණපිට හරවනවා යයි වහසි බස් දෙඩුවේය.

1931  සිට ලංකාවේ සිදුවූයේ (1) [පක්ෂ දේශපාලක] වඳුරන්ට දැලි පිහි දීමකුත්,  (2) [මාක්ස්වාදී/නිරාගමික] බංගවේවා දේශපාලනයකුත්  (3)  සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ටාචාරයට උඩින්, යටින් හා වටකරගෙන පහරදීමත් නොවේද යන්න විමසා බලා අපක්ෂපාතී ලෙස රටට පෙන්වාදීමට එකදු විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ආචාර්ය පුළුටක්වත් රටේ නොසිටීම ඛේදජනකය. මෙම කාලය  හැඳින්විය යුත්තේ මෙම කළු සුද්දන්ගේ (ඉහත 1 හා 2 කොටස්) විසින් රට විනාශ කල/කරමින් සිටින අවධිය ලෙසය. එක් උදාහරණයක් පමණක් දෙනවා නම්,  1 කොටස විසින් යම් යම් යහපත් ක්‍රියාද නොකලා නම් AKDලාට හඳුන්නෙත්තිලාට සරසවි වරම් නොලැබේ. එහෙත් මාක්ස්වාදයේ නාමයෙන් ඔවුන් රටට කල විනාශයෙන් ගැලවීමට ඔවුන්ට නොහැකිය.

මෙම කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන කාලයේ ආනිසංශ මාතෘකා තුනක් යටතේද  සළකා බැලිය හැකිය. ඒවා නම්:  (1) පක්ෂ දේශපාලන පාර්ලිමේන්තු ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර    (නාස් ලණු) වාදයක් යටතේ බංකොලොත් රටක් බිහිවීම (2)  බංගවේවා/බෙලි කපන අතීතයක් සහිත මාක්ස්වාදීන් ශූක්ෂම උපාය මාර්ග යොදා ගනිමින්, පවතින විකෘති-බලු පොර චන්ද ක්‍රමය හරහා ආණ්ඩු බලය අත්පත් කර ගැනීම හා (3) රට මුහුණපා සිටින තනි පක්ෂ (බොල්ෂෙවික්, totalitarianism) පාලනයක් අබියස රට බංකොලොත් කිරීමට දායකවූ, පැරදුණ පක්ෂ දේශපාලකයින්, ඊට විරුද්ධව රට බේරා ගැනීමේ අළුත් ප්ලෑනක් ගැන සිතන්නටවත් නොහැකිව නන්නත්තාර වී සිටීම,  යනුවෙනි.

හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය-අධ්‍යාත්මය

මෙම ලිපියේ අරමුණ වූයේ අන්ද මන්දව සිටින රටක දේශපාලනයේ හිරවී ඉන්නා පරණ හා අළුත් පංචස්කන්ධ වලට තමන්ගේ හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය  විමසා බැලීමට පරීක්ෂණයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමය. මෙම හෘද ශාක්ෂි කතාව ජනප්‍රිය කලේ නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු මහතාය.

මේ සඳහා ප්‍රශ්ණ 53 ක් අඩංගුය. මෙම එක් එක් ප්‍රශ්ණයට යමෙකුට එකඟ වීමට හෝ එකඟ නොවීමට හෝ හැකිය. එය යම් දේශපාලකයෙකුගේ රිපෝට් කාඩ් එකක් වැනිය. යම් චන්දයකදී මෙම ප්‍රශ්ණ පත්‍රය තමන්ගේ ගෙදරට එන චන්ද අපෙක්ෂකයාට දිය හැකිය. එහි ඇති චන්දදායකයාට වැදගත් ප්‍රශ්ණ ගැන අපේක්ෂකයාගෙන් කෙළින්ම විමසිය හැකිය.

අවශ්‍ය නම් එහි නැති අළුත් ප්‍රශ්ණ ද ඇසිය හැකිය.

දේශපාලන පංචස්කන්ධවල (පක්ෂවල) හෘදය ශාක්ෂිය පරීක්ෂා කිරීම (Bell the cat !)

1	ඉංග්‍රීසින් විසින් සිලෝන් කිව්වේ අතීතයේදී විදේශික වෙළෙන්ඳන් විසින් සෙයිලාන් ලෙස හැඳින්වූ  සිංහලේ යන දිවයිනේ මුල් නමය.
2	එම සිංහලේ නමැති රාජධානියේ සිංහල, දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් ජනයා සමඟියෙන් ජීවත්විය.
3	1505 කතෝලික පෘතුගීසින්ගේ ආගමණයත් සමඟ, විශේෂයෙන් 1798 න් පසු ඉංග්‍රීසීන් විසින් යටත් වැසියා බෙදා පාලනය කිරීමේ උපාය යටතේ, ජනවර්ග කෙටවීම ආරම්භවිය.
4	ලංකාව සිංහල සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට ලෝකයේ ඇති එකම බිම් කැබැල්ලය.
5	ඊලමකට පාර කපා රට තවත් පලස්තීනයක් කරණ 13 වන සංශෝධනය අහෝසි කල යුතුය.
6	1917/23 කාලයේදී සිට ආරම්භවුණ ලෝකයේ වෙනම දෙමළ රටක් යන ව්‍යාපාරයට ලංකාව ගොදුරුවී ඇත.
7	ලෝකයේ දෙමළ නිජබිම ටැමිල් නාඩු ප්‍රාන්තයය.
8	එක රටක්-එක නීතියක් කාර්ය සාධක බලකායේ නිර්දේශ ක්‍රියාත්මක කල යුතුය.
9	බුදු දහම සර්ව බලධාරී දෙවියෙක් අදහන අනිකුත් ලබ්ධීන්  සමඟ පාස්සන්නට නොහැකිය.
10	බුද්ධ සාසනය හතුරන්ගෙන් රැකදීම රජයේ වගකීමකි.
11	බහු ආගමික ඉන්ටර්ෆේත්/බහුජතික කතා බටහිර රටවල හා ජිනීවා ලණුය.
12	ලංකාවේ අගමැති/ජනාධිපතිලාගේ පවුල්වල බෞද්ධ නොවන ලඟම ඥාතීන් සිටී.
13	යසර් අර්ෆත් හා ගඩාෆි විසින් බිහිකල ගර්භාෂ යුද්ධය ලංකාවේද ක්‍රියාත්මකවේ.
14	වහාබි හා ශාරියා ඉස්ලාම් අන්තවාදය රටපුරාම ක්‍රියාත්මකවේ.
15	බෝන් අගේන් වැනි ක්‍රිස්තියානී මූලධර්මවාදීන්ගේ අයථා අන්‍යාගමීකරණය තහනම් කලයුතුය.
16	ජාතිවාදියා යනු සෙසු ජාතීන්ට (ජන වර්ගවලට?) වෙනස්කම් කරණ, ඔවුන් හෙලා දකිණ හිට්ලර්වාදීන්ය.
17	ජාතික වාදය යනු තම ජාතිය හතුරන්ගෙන් ආරක්ෂාකර ගැනීමට ජාතිකාණුරාගයෙන් (ධර්මපාලවාදය) ක්‍රියාකිරීමය.
18	ආගමික අන්තවාදය යනු තම ලබ්ධියට, බලයෙන් හෝ වෙනත් අල්ලස් උපාය මඟින් අන්‍යාගමිකයින් බඳවා තබා ගැනීමය.
19	ඉන්දියාවේ සිට මන්නාරමට පාලමක් දැමීමෙන් ලංකාව ඉන්දියාවේ කොටසක් බවට පත්වන්නේය.
20	ලංකාව ඉන්දියාවට පූට්ටු කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය ආරම්භකලේ  අගමැති/ජනාධිපතිව සිටි  රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින්ය
21	එක්ටා ගිවිසුම වනාහි සිංහල බෞද්ධයාගේ විනාශයේ ආරම්භයය.
22	ඇමෙරිකන් MCC ගිවිසුම සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට කරණු ලබන කොඩිවිනයකි.
23	දස අවුරුදු ප්ලෑනකට අනුව රටේ අගනුවර රජ රටට (අනුරාධපුරය දෙසට) ගෙනයා යුතුය.
24	කොළඹ මාර්ග තදබදයට විසඳුම අහසින් ජපන් කෝච්චි දැමීමේ ප්ලෑන විශාල ධන විනාශයකි.
25	1832 කෝල්බෲක් සූත්‍රය වෙනුවට මුළු රටම ජන සභා සංකල්පයට අනුව  බෙදා මායිම් කල යුතුය
26	දැනට තිබෙන GSN  (ග්‍රාම සේවා නිලධාරී) ඒකක 14,026 ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත (ජල ද්‍රෝණි) ඒකක වශයෙන් අළුතෙන් සංවිධානය කලයුතුය.
27	මෙම ස්වාභාවික මායිම් සහිත GSN ඒකක කීපයක්  එකතුකර රටතුල  ජන සභා ඒකක ඇතිකල යුතුය.
28	පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශ ජන සභා ඒකකවල එකතුවෙන් සැදිය යුතුය.
29	ජන සභාව පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයෙන් තොර නියෝජිත ආයතනයක් විය යුතුය.
30	ජන සභා වලට ගම්වල සිටිනා ආගමික/ පොලිස්/ යුදහමුදා නියෝජිතයින්ද  සහභාගී කරගත යුතුය.
31	ජාතික ජන සභා කවුන්සිලයක් (සෙනේට් සභාවක්) පිහිටුවිය යුතුය.
32	ජන සභාව තීරණ ගත යුතු වන්නේ සම්මුති ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ක්‍රමයට අනුකූලවය.
33	අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා දිය යුත්තේ ලමයාගේ මව් භාෂාවෙන්ය.
34	රජයේ හා පුද්ගලික සියළුම පාසැල් වල සිංහල හා දෙමළ අනිවාර්ය විෂයයන් කල යුතුය.
35	ඉංග්‍රිසි තුන්වන භාෂාවක් ලෙස පාසැල්වල ඉගැන්විය යුතුය.
36	රජයේ පාසැල් වල ඉංග්‍රීසි මාධ්‍යය ආරම්භ නොකල යුතුය.
37	ඉතිහාසය හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාව අනිවාර්ය විෂයයන් කලයුතුය.
38	යම් රටක/ ප්‍රදේශයක ඉතිහාසය යනු ඒ රටේ (භූමියේ) අතීත භූගෝල විද්‍යාවය.
39	සිංහල මව් භාෂාව  වන සිසුන්ට සිංහල සාහිත්‍ය විෂය හඳුන්වා දිය යුතුය.
40	ලෝකයේ  ආගම් පිළිඹඳව තුලනාත්මක අධ්‍යයන විෂයක් හඳුන්වා දිය යුතුය.
41	රජයේ සේවකයින් දේශපාලන කටයුතුවල යෙදීම තහනම් කලයුතුය.
42	රජයේ සේවකයින් සඳහා (විශ්ව විද්‍යාලද අතුළුව) performance evaluation ක්‍රමය හඳුන්වා දිය යුතුය.
43	විශ්ව විද්‍යාල අධ්‍යාපනය නොමිලේ ලබාදීම වෙනුවට රාජ්‍ය ණය ක්‍රමයක් හඳුන්වා දියයුතුය.
44	සිරකරුවන් හිරගෙදරින් පිටත වැඩට යොදාගන්නා ක්‍රමයක් (public work projects) සැදිය යුතුය.
45	දිස්ත්‍රික්/මනාප විහිළුව (බලු පොරය) අහෝසි කර  1978 ට පෙර පැවති මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශ චන්ද ක්‍රමයට නැවත යායුතුය.
46	තම මන්ත්‍රීවරයා ආපසු කැඳවීමේ අයිතිය චන්දදායකයාට තිබිය යුතුය
47	වතුකරයේ තනිකර දමිල  ජනාවාස සැදීමේ කුමණ්ත්‍රනය පරාද කල යුතුය
48	මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකුගේ ධූර කාලය වාර දෙකකට සීමා කල යුතුය
49	මන්ත්‍රී හෝ ඔහුගේ/ඇගේ ලඟ ඥාතීන් රජය සමඟ කොන්ත්‍රාත්/බිස්නස් ගණුදෙනු නොකල යුතුය.
50	සමරිසි-සමලිංගික ක්‍රියා ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ සංස්කෘතියක් බිහිකිරීමේ අරමුණෙන් දේශීය හා විදේශීය ව්‍යාපාර ගෙන යන  කුමන්ත්‍රණයට රහසින්වත් ආණ්ඩුවේ මැති ඇමතිලා හෝ නිලධාරීන් සම්බන්ධ නොවිය යුතුය
51	1988-89 වර්ෂයේ සිට ලංකාවේ සිදුවූ කැරළි, මනුෂ්‍ය ඝාතන, (රාජ්‍ය, ත්‍රස්තවාදීන්, LTTE, ඉන්දියන් හමුදා) විමසා බැලීමට කොමිෂන් සභාවක් පත් කල යුතුය
52	ICCPR නීතිය,  එහි පස්සිකො (come and examine, not come and believe)  මූල ධර්මය මත පදනම්වූ බුදු දහමට විරුද්ධව යොදා ගත හැකි ආයුධයකි. එය සංශෝධනය කල යුතුය.
53	සුද්දන්ගේ කාලයේ පැනවු රටට හා විශේෂයෙන් සිංහල ජාතියට හා බුද්ධාගමට හානි ගෙන දෙන නීති සංශෝධනය කල යුතුය.
	Source:  ලංකාව: කළු සුද්දන්ගේ පාලන සමය, දෙවන භාගය, 1948-2024, (343-344 පිටු)

 Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

The enduring armed conflict in Sri Lanka has led to an alarming increase in mental health disorders among former combatants, with a notable proportion of veterans being diagnosed with complex forms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Many of these individuals experience severe anxiety that manifests through a diverse array of clinical symptoms, resulting in significant psychosocial challenges. This group of veterans often falls under the diagnostic criteria for Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified (DESNOS), a classification that encompasses the intricate and multifaceted nature of their trauma. The concept of Complex PTSD, as articulated by Dr. Judith Herman in 1992, highlights the profound impact of prolonged exposure to traumatic events, emphasizing the need for specialized therapeutic approaches to address the unique experiences and needs of these veterans.

According to Herman (1992), Complex post-traumatic stress disorder (C-PTSD) is a psychological injury that results from protracted exposure to prolonged social and/or interpersonal trauma in the context of either captivity or entrapment that results in the lack or loss of control, helplessness, and deformations of identity and sense of self. C-PTSD is distinct from but similar to PTSD, somatization disorder, dissociative identity disorder, and borderline personality disorder.

Luxenberg, Spinazzola, & van der Kolk (2001) elucidate that a characteristic of DESNOS is trauma, which involves interpersonal victimization, multiple traumatic events, or events of prolonged duration with disturbances in six areas of functioning, such as regulation of affect and impulses,  attention or consciousness, self-perception, relations with others, somatization and systems of meaning.

The DESNOS has more distinctive features than traditional PTSD, which is illustrated in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, and the victims experience loss of control, disempowerment, loss of self-worth,  loss of sense of self, lack of trust, and enduring personality changes more profoundly. According to the clinical findings of  Nemčić-Moro, Frančišković , Britvić, Klarić & Zečević (2011), PTSD and DESNOS can occur in comorbidity, which is in contrast with the ICD-10 criteria.

Psychological symptoms and psychophysical problems of war victims are much more complex than those described in the diagnostic criteria for PTSD. Ford (1999) indicates that DESNOS was described in the DSM-IV as one of the associated features of PTSD, although more recent evidence concurs that DESNOS and PTSD may be distinct disorders and DESNOS represents a potential public health problem. The DESNOS is associated with severe functional impairments affecting cognition and emotions, especially impaired emotion processing capacities.  It has extreme post-traumatic intrusive symptomatology. DESNOS is one of the debilitating disorders that has a poor therapeutic outcome.  DESNOS was conceptualized to describe the alterations in the functioning of individuals exposed to chronic trauma (Blaz-Kapusta, 2008).

Lundy (1992) highlights that traditional thinking about PTSD has focused on the traumatic quality of external rather than internal events. PTSD still remains an under-researched anxiety disorder, and the mental health experts debate about the cultural impact and the symptoms of PTSD. Gil & Caspi (2006) postulate that, despite the large body of research on predictors and risk factors for PTSD, a comprehensive understanding of the development of the disorder remains elusive. On the other hand, DESNOS is more elusive than PTSD and needs more case investigations and research. The manifestation of DESNOS-related symptoms may not be identical, and each culture has its unique way of presenting the pathology.

Extreme Trauma and the Cultural Impact

Culture affects the ways of describing thoughts and feelings, and reports distressing symptoms. Culture affects individuals and communities, shaping their worldview.  Culture has a profound influence on how psychological trauma is perceived by the person and how it is interpreted. Understanding trauma in the cultural context is highly important, and culture influences healing and resilience.

The concept of trauma (especially PTSD) has psychological, sociological, political, and economic implications.  Although PTSD is institutionally framed, it has had different labels. In the European war theatre, it was called Shell Shock; in the United States, it became the Vietnam Syndrome; and in Sri Lanka, it earned the title Palai Syndrome.

Although a large number of studies indicate that posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a universal phenomenon, some of the cardinal symptoms associated with PTSD could vary from culture to culture. Many researchers question whether the etiology and maintenance of PTSD are culturally similar. In some cultures, psychological distress is pronounced in different ways. Replicating standard studies, Jobson & Kearney (2009) showed that trauma survivors with PTSD from independent cultures reported more mental defeat, alienation, permanent change, and fewer control strategies than non-PTSD trauma survivors from independent cultures.

Traumatic life events can be simple or complex in nature and result in simple or complex forms of posttraumatic adaptation. Similarly, cultures can be simple or complex in nature with different roles, social structures, authority systems, and mechanisms for dealing with individual and collective forms of trauma……….. The nature of how cultures deal with the social, political, and psychological consequences of trauma raises the issue of the availability of therapeutic modalities of healing and recovery (Wilson, 2007).

The Sri Lankans knew the impact of combat trauma for centuries. The ancient scripts vividly describe the mental agony of the sufferers.  In Sri Lanka, PTSD-like symptoms are often expressed in different psychological and somatic routes. The victims frequently complain of heaviness in their chest and tension in their head. Many Sri Lankan combatants believe that repeatedly talking about distressing experiences is a sign of weakness, and many try to repress their awful memories of war. The victims of war trauma often use religious and cultural beliefs (such as the concept of Karma, reincarnation, and astrology) to buffer the negative implications.

The Impact of Early Life Trauma on Combatants

A large body of research has shown that childhood trauma forms a serious risk for mental health problems in adult life. Many researchers suspect a strong correlation between early childhood trauma and DESNOS. Ford et al. (1998) indicate that a history of early childhood trauma was prevalent and highly correlated with Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified (DESNOS) in a sample of veterans in inpatient treatment for chronic posttraumatic stress disorder.

Childhood abuse has a damaging effect on brain development. Childhood trauma can have an impact on an adult’s mental health, and it affects social and psychological functioning. Much research concurs that early physical abuse and the manifestation of numerous other subsequent social and psychological problems, including mental health problems. Horwitz A, Widom C, McLaughlin J, et al (2001) indicate that men who were abused and neglected as children have more dysthymia and antisocial personality disorder as adults than matched controls.

Maternal and paternal deprivation during childhood could cause separation anxiety in children and could also affect their adult lives. According to the Foreign Employment Bureau, Sri Lanka has nearly a million citizens working in the Middle East, most of them as housemaids. Over 100,000 women workers go abroad to work as housemaids every year, leaving their children with relatives. This has resulted in separation anxiety among the children. Breslau, Chilcoat, Kessler & Davis (1999) point out that prior traumatic experience, particularly violent experience, abuse, or catastrophe when young or separating or divorcing parents before age 10, increases adult vulnerability to stress disorders.

During the Eelam War, which spanned from 1983 to 2009, a significant number of young individuals from economically disadvantaged backgrounds enlisted in the military. Many of these youths carried the weight of traumatic experiences from their childhoods, having endured various forms of abuse, neglect, and the absence of parental figures, all exacerbated by the harsh realities of extreme poverty. Those who joined the armed forces often hailed from vulnerable villages in the North Central Province, where they had been exposed to the harrowing consequences of the conflict from a tender age. These communities were frequently targeted by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), leading to the traumatic witnessing of mass killings and the grim practice of mass burials. The impact of such violence was profound, as many of these young recruits had lost family members, leaving them with deep emotional scars that would shape their identities and experiences in the military.

Between 2002 and 2006, a comprehensive study was conducted to assess the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among 824 soldiers of the Sri Lankan Army. The findings revealed that 56 of these combatants exhibited full-blown symptoms of PTSD, while an additional 6 soldiers were identified as having partial PTSD. Notably, among those who tested positive for PTSD, a significant correlation was observed, as 30 individuals reported having endured severe trauma during their childhood. This research highlights the profound impact of early life experiences on mental health outcomes in military personnel, underscoring the importance of addressing both combat-related and pre-existing psychological issues in the context of military service (Fernando & Jayatunge, 2013).

Military veteran survivors of childhood trauma have prevalent problems with affect regulation, impulse regulation, relational engagement self- self-efficacy and self-esteem, and pathological dissociation. These symptomatic and functional impairments are precisely the core constituents of DESNOS. (Bremner, Southwick, & Charney, 1995).

Traumatic Combat Exposure

The experience of war can lead to profound psychological distress, manifesting as a complex form of trauma that often intensifies over time. This traumatic impact is multifaceted, significantly undermining the mental well-being of those involved. For instance, during the Eelam War in Sri Lanka, numerous combatants encountered harrowing events that fundamentally challenged their perceptions of safety and security. Many of these individuals were engaged in combat for extended periods, with some spending over a decade in active conflict zones, perpetually under the threat of enemy assaults. As a result, the cumulative nature of these traumatic experiences profoundly altered their psychological states, leading to lasting negative effects on their mental health and overall psychological resilience. The relentless exposure to life-threatening situations not only eroded their sense of safety but also reshaped their emotional and cognitive frameworks, leaving enduring scars that would affect their lives long after the conflict had ended.

Numerous Sri Lankan combatants suffering from complex PTSD have endured a series of traumatic experiences both on the battlefield and in their civilian lives. A poignant example is Lance Corporal SX46TX, who was profoundly affected after witnessing a land mine explosion in Mannar in 1998. This initial trauma was compounded in 2004 when he encountered the harrowing sight of numerous deceased individuals at the Matara Hospital following the catastrophic Asian Tsunami, leading to a significant deterioration in his mental health. Similarly, Lieutenant BX34XT, who received a diagnosis of acute PTSD after experiencing traumatic events during battles in Paranthan, Jaffna, in 1999, found himself overwhelmed in 2006. This was due to the horrific aftermath of a suicide bombing at the Army Headquarters in Colombo, which further exacerbated his psychological distress and highlighted the long-lasting impact of such cumulative traumas on the mental well-being of those who have served in conflict zones.

The aftermath of repeated traumatic experiences in combat left many individuals grappling with intense emotional distress. During the prolonged Sri Lankan armed conflict, the absence of psychological first aid, debriefing, or systematic counselling at the front lines meant that numerous psychological casualties of the Eelam War remained silent about their struggles until their suffering became unbearable. Many soldiers found themselves trapped in a cycle of reliving harrowing memories associated with their wartime experiences, leading to a state of emotional numbness and disconnection from their surroundings. A significant number of Sri Lankan combatants exhibited various dissociative reactions while engaged in combat, which ultimately contributed to the development of conditions such as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified (DESNOS). This lack of timely psychological support not only exacerbated their mental health issues but also hindered their ability to reintegrate into civilian life after the conflict.

The war veterans with past trauma exposure but who are asymptomatic at present could be a risk group. Numerous studies have indicated delayed reactions to combat trauma.  In a study among Vietnamese refugees, Silove, Phan& Bauman (2009) found that people who were exposed to more than three traumatic events had a heightened risk of mental illness after 10 years compared to people with no trauma exposure.

DESNOS Symptomatology

According to Yehuda (2002), approximately 10% to 25% of adults who are exposed to an extreme stressor may develop simple acute stress disorder and PTSD. Complex trauma generates complex reactions like DESNOS, which is not adequately described in the DSM–IV  (Courtois, 2004). DESNOS has a wide range of symptomatology. DESNOS is conceptualized as a constellation of chronic problems with the regulation of self, consciousness, and relationships that is not formally recognized as a diagnostic entity (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).

The victims of prolonged repeated trauma could suffer from DESNOS, and they can have a wide range of symptoms. Among the symptoms are emotional dysregulation (persistent sadness and explosive anger), cognitive dysfunctions (impaired memory and attention), pathological dissociation, hopelessness, shame and guilt, distorted perceptions, mistrust, isolation, loss of sustaining faith, and despair are prominent.

Loss of the Pre-traumatic Personality Structure

It has been known to researchers that psychological trauma can cause dramatic personality changes. ICD-10 introduced a diagnostic category of Enduring Personality Change After Catastrophic Events (F62.0), which includes features such as hostility and a mistrustful attitude toward the world, social isolation, a feeling of emptiness and hopelessness, irritability, and estrangement. Personality changes following combat trauma have been reported from many battle fronts. Soldiers diagnosed with DESNOS have marked personality changes.

Allport (1961) defines personality as: The dynamic organization within the individual of those psychophysiological systems that determine his characteristic behaviour and thought.” Beltran, & Silove (1999) show that a substantial portion of trauma experts working in the field of human-engendered violence recognize the possibility that certain traumas can result in personality change.

There is a significant difference between pre-trauma personality and post-trauma personality. After exposure to traumatic battle events, soldiers could have a negative outlook on their buddies,  platoon leaders, commanding officers,  the military, and sometimes on the government. They lose the sense of trust and ability to view the world as a safe place. Southwick et al. ( 1993) indicate that Combat veterans have been found to have particularly high rates of borderline, avoidant, and obsessive-compulsive personality disorders when assessed by structured interviews.

Daud and colleagues (2008) in their study Trauma, PTSD and personality: the relationship between prolonged traumatization and personality impairments ” found prolonged torture experiences or early trauma exposure may impair personality formation by enhancing the effects of cognitive, affective, and behavioural vulnerabilities.

Lieutenant BXSCX35X, who experienced the harrowing loss of seven soldiers during the conflict in Paranthan Jaffna, subsequently faced a profound transformation in his mental health, culminating in a diagnosis of severe post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This psychological turmoil manifested in significant alterations to his personality, which were particularly noticeable to his wife and close friends. Following the traumatic events of battle, he became increasingly withdrawn, often reacting impulsively and without consideration for the consequences of his actions. One notable incident involved an aggressive confrontation with a bus driver over reckless driving, highlighting his escalating hostility and propensity for conflict. The lieutenant’s inability to tolerate criticism or negative feedback further exacerbated his emotional instability, leading to frequent bouts of depression and thoughts of self-harm or suicide. He developed a pervasive sense of paranoia, feeling as though the world conspired against him, which eroded his trust in his commanding officers and left him questioning their directives. Once a courageous and disciplined soldier, Lieutenant BXSCX35X now grappled with an unshakeable sense of fear, prompting him to avoid situations involving injury, blood, or even combat-related media, as he struggled to navigate the psychological aftermath of the Eelam War.

Rifleman Mx38 found himself ensnared within enemy territory for two harrowing days, engulfed by an overwhelming sense of fear. Concealed in a makeshift pit, he meticulously observed the movements of enemy forces, each passing moment amplifying his anxiety as he feared discovery, torture, and death. When a fleeting opportunity for escape presented itself, he cautiously made his way toward the outer perimeter of his camp, successfully alerting his comrades and returning to his platoon without any physical harm. However, the psychological scars of his ordeal soon manifested, leading to persistent feelings of dread, recurrent nightmares, and a tendency to avoid situations reminiscent of his traumatic experience. Subsequently, he was referred for psychiatric evaluation, where he was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The onset of PTSD brought about profound changes in Rifleman Mx38’s personality; he exhibited marked impulsivity, heightened anxiety, an obsessive focus on safety, irritability, and compulsive behaviors. Notably, he developed a ritualistic pattern when crossing roads, engaging in specific actions that provided him with a fleeting sense of security and relief amidst the turmoil of his mental state.

Rifleman Sn34 experienced profound psychological trauma as a result of the harrowing events he encountered during Operation Yale Devi, which commenced in 1993 to dismantle the LTTE Sea Tiger strongholds located in Kilali. During this operation, the enemy executed a sudden and devastating assault on the advancing military column, leading to the tragic loss of hundreds of soldiers. The LTTE employed a relentless barrage of mortars and rocket-propelled grenades, creating chaos and destruction on the battlefield. Amidst this turmoil, Rifleman Sn34 witnessed the deaths of several of his comrades, an experience that left an indelible mark on his psyche. Additionally, the enemy’s onslaught resulted in the capture of some of the wounded soldiers, further compounding the sense of despair and helplessness that permeated the ranks of the advancing troops.

After this dreaded battle,  Rifleman Sn34 found himself engulfed in a cloud of despair regarding his future. The memories of the conflict haunted him, replaying in his mind like a relentless loop, each recollection triggering a wave of anxiety. Startle responses became a significant source of distress, leaving him in a constant state of unease. Lacking access to professional help or a means to articulate his psychological suffering, he endured the weight of his post-traumatic symptoms in silence for an extended period. Over the years, a pervasive mistrust developed within him, not only towards individuals but also towards the very systems designed to provide support. This growing suspicion led to heightened vigilance around unfamiliar faces, prompting him to withdraw from social interactions entirely. The once-brave soldier, who had been honored for his valour, now found himself paralyzed by fear, avoiding new experiences and succumbing to lethargy. Even the innocuous sound of a firecracker could send him into a panic, starkly contrasting the confident demeanour he had once exhibited before the trauma.

Altered Self Perception

According to social psychologist Daryl Bem, people come to know their own attitudes, beliefs, and other internal states by inferring them from their own behaviour and the circumstances under which it occurs (Bem, 1972). Combatants with complex PTSD have altered self-perception, and their interpretation of events is distorted. Following dreadful past experiences, their primary appraisal is often altered, and they apprehend events as life-threatening. Therefore, the affective response could be negative.

Skinner (1957) believed that Self-perception is an individual’s ability to respond differentially to his own behaviour and its controlling variables, which is a product of social interaction. War trauma could change healthy interactions and transform the victim into a pathological level that leads to unhealthy interactions. Maksakis (1996) describes that upon victimization of trauma, PTSD sufferers could go into a condition known as assumption-shattering in which the victim grapples with issues of vulnerability, negative self-image, and the perception of a disorderly world and exhibits signs of immature behaviours, childish emotions, withdrawal, and dependency.

The combatants affected by severe war trauma often have distorted beliefs. Some do not trust the support services, the health care system, and even their therapists. They could have a sense of re-victimization and concern about their safety and well-being. Some go to the extent of making attempts to victimize others.  In addition, the loss of beliefs and a coherent sense of self are very evident among them.

The Bombardier AXTX36 case involves a patient with a well-documented history of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), who exhibits significant alterations in his self-image. This individual served in combat for an extensive period of 14 years, during which he played a pivotal role as an interrogator amid the tumultuous backdrop of the 1988-89 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) uprising. His responsibilities included extracting critical information from suspects, a task he approached with extreme measures that often involved brutal torture techniques. Over time, he developed an unhealthy fixation on the act of torture, to the extent that he occasionally found a disturbing sense of gratification in the anguished cries of his victims. This complex interplay of trauma, guilt, and distorted self-perception underscores the profound psychological impact of his experiences in combat and interrogation.

By the year 2000, his mental well-being began to deteriorate significantly, leading to a series of distressing experiences characterized by intrusive thoughts, haunting nightmares, and vivid flashbacks. During these episodes, he often found himself re-experiencing traumatic memories, at times perceiving the anguished cries of his victims echoing in his mind. This relentless cycle of recollection contributed to a profound sense of depression, which he openly discussed, frequently expressing thoughts about his own mortality. The weight of his past actions seemed to cast a long shadow over his psyche, leaving him in a state of turmoil and despair.

The self-image of Bombardier AXTX36 underwent a profound transformation with the emergence of his symptoms. He experienced a significant decline in self-esteem, perceiving himself as a sinner and a wrongdoer deserving of punishment from Karmic forces. He openly identified as a villain, expressing a desire for all manner of blasphemies to befall him. In his despair, he often claimed that he was no longer human, asserting that the essence of his humanity had vanished long ago. He even encouraged others to use derogatory terms when addressing him, revealing a troubling need for self-deprecation. In a troubling turn, he began to disclose details of his past interrogative work to strangers, fully aware that he would not receive any sympathy in return. When, contrary to his expectations, individuals did express compassion, he reacted with irritation and, on occasion, aggression, even attempting to physically confront them. This emotional turmoil led to a state of heightened aggression and emotional numbness, eroding his ability to trust those around him. He oscillated between blaming his senior officers, his parents, and himself for his suffering, ultimately succumbing to a bleak outlook on the future. In moments of despair, he contemplated suicide, reflecting the depth of his anguish and hopelessness.

Alterations in Systems of Meaning

Psychological trauma alters long-held beliefs and changes the perception of the world and universe. When the belief system changes, thoughts, words, and actions change accordingly.

Sergeant NXX48CX was a deeply religious individual whose faith was profoundly shaken after he became a patient suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The harrowing experiences he endured on the battlefield led him to a bleak perception of the world, one in which he believed that evil predominated and that no human effort could alter this grim reality. He often expressed the conviction that the Universe was under the sway of malevolent forces, which he felt were responsible for an unending cycle of destruction and despair. Despite his own suffering, he maintained that he had never inflicted harm upon others, finding it utterly irrational that he should emerge as a psychological casualty of war. In his view, it was these negative forces that had orchestrated his anguish, leaving him disillusioned and estranged from the very faith that once provided him solace.

Affect  Dysregulation

Aronson et al.(2005) view that emotions result from people’s interpretations and explanations of their circumstances, even in the absence of physiological arousal. In PTSD, interpretations and explanations of circumstances are not healthy, and the sufferers perceive stimuli from the outside world as dangerous and threatening.

The combatants with complex PTSD have extreme emotions and often they find it difficult to regulate their emotions and react in a socially acceptable manner. The horrific past experiences could constantly give feelings of terror and dread. Re-experiencing traumatizing events and avoidance of reminders of the trauma constantly affect their emotions. The victims are troubled by rage, despair, guilt, shame, and self-loathing. Some victims have alexithymia or an inability to express feelings with words.

The researchers believe that PTSD is associated with heightened emotional intensity and reactivity. Heightened negative affect intensity and the tendency to negatively evaluate emotions may be associated with the development and maintenance of posttraumatic stress symptoms. (Tull , Jakupcak , McFadden & Roemer, 2007).

Affect dysregulation has been described as a cardinal feature of chronic war zone-related PTSD, particularly problems modulating anger (Chemtob, Hamada, Roitblatt, & Muraoka, 1994). When emotions are dysregulated, the combatants become highly reactive and with the slightest provocation, they could act violently without any rational consideration. Combatants affected by severe PTSD find it difficult to respond to their emotions, regardless of their intensity. They are unable to understand and distinguish the emotions that they experience. They are unable to control emotions and regulate it a situationally appropriate manner.

Some suspect that affect dysregulation has some close links with the process of pathological dissociation. Pathological dissociation has been identified as one of the key features of DESNOS. Chu et al. (1999) state that affect dysregulation is extremely common in dissociative disorders.

Lance Corporal NHXX36X dedicated 16 years to military service, during which he experienced a multitude of traumatic events related to combat. In 2004, he was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a condition that profoundly affected his behavior and relationships. He exhibited severe hostility and struggled to manage his anger, which often escalated into physical confrontations. This volatility extended to his personal life, where he faced challenges in maintaining stable interpersonal relationships and grappled with feelings of self-loathing. His difficulties in pursuing goal-directed activities and a lack of emotional clarity further compounded his struggles. Tragically, these issues manifested in frequent outbursts of anger, leading to instances of physical abuse towards his wife and children. In some cases, he resorted to military-style punishments, such as the Irshi Position, a disciplinary method commonly used in the Sri Lankan Army, to exert control over his family. His rage also destroyed household property, including significant items like the television. His aggressive behavior led to multiple arrests for assaults on neighbors, highlighting the extent of his challenges in coping with the aftermath of his military experiences.

Numbing of Responsiveness

Numbing of responsiveness or loss of affect has been recorded among soldiers who have been diagnosed with PTSD. Emotional numbing (emotional anesthesia) symptoms are part of the avoidance cluster of PTSD symptomatology. Often, they distance their feelings from others, and they are unable to feel happiness, unable to be content, and unable to form emotionally secure attachments.

Numbing of responsiveness, which may be registered as depression, anhedonia and amotivational states, psychosomatic reactions, or in dissociative states, is tonic and part of the patient’s baseline functioning. It interferes with the ability to explore, remember and symbolize, which are essential to finding good meaning. Throughout the literature, numbing is all too unquestioningly described as a psychological defence against remembering painful effects. Below, we will argue that numbing is a core, biologically based symptom of PTSD (van der Kolk & Saporta, 1991)

Combatants with war trauma report restrictions in their emotional experience. After facing trauma, they lose interest in once pleasurable activities and find themselves inability to emotionally connect with others. Many have restricted emotions and emotional detachment.

Corporal KXX46LX, having endured the traumatic loss of his fellow platoon members and the harrowing task of dealing with human remains, found himself grappling with the debilitating effects of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). He experienced profound emotional numbness, rendering him incapable of feeling joy or happiness, which had once been integral to his life. Describing his emotional state as a dead end, he struggled to find satisfaction in activities that had previously brought him pleasure. The fleeting moments of happiness he once enjoyed were now elusive, leaving him in a state of emotional unresponsiveness. This profound disconnection extended to his relationships, as he found himself unable to express or even feel love for his children, further deepening his sense of isolation and despair.

DESNOS and Pathological Dissociation

Dissociation is defined in the Diagnostic and, Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-IV) as a disruption in the usually integrated functions of consciousness, memory, identity, or perception, of the environment” (APA, 2000). Dissociative disorders are usually associated with trauma, and Combat soldiers who were exposed to distressing battle events could go into dissociative reactions. It is reasonable to believe that there is a strong link between combat trauma and dissociation, and many combatants with PTSD have dissociative features. Moskowitz (2003) states that PTSD and dissociative disorders not only have some symptoms in common but may also share etiology.

Zucker et al. (2006) highlight that the symptoms of PTSD include dissociative experiences, such as amnesia for aspects of the trauma, and dissociative flashback episodes. They further state that one of the DESNOS domains, alterations in attention or consciousness, includes amnesia, transient dissociative episodes, and depersonalization.

According to the APA, Depersonalization is an anomaly of self-awareness that consists of a feeling of watching oneself act, while having no control over a situation. They feel detached from their own thoughts and emotions and disconnected from one’s body. The combatants who had experienced derealization often feel that the environment around them was unreal and unfamiliar. Some describe it as a sensory fog or being spaced out.

Psychogenic amnesia (dissociative amnesia) had been reported among the Sri Lankan combatants who experienced extreme forms of war trauma. Some could not recall the entire incident but had some fragmented memories about the traumatic incident. In all cases, organic brain damage or substance abuse had been excluded.

Lieutenant BX34XT experienced a traumatic event in 1999 when he witnessed the deaths of seven soldiers due to a mortar explosion in Paranthan, Jaffna. Although he emerged physically unscathed, the psychological impact of the incident was profound, plunging him into a state of shock. In the aftermath, he found himself disoriented and unable to recall the sequence of events that transpired following the blast. This disconnection from reality left him with a significant gap in his memory, and he could not piece together how he ultimately arrived at the Psychiatric Unit of the Military Hospital in Colombo. The experience marked a turning point in his life, highlighting the often-overlooked mental toll of warfare on those who serve.

Confusion and emotional distress related to amnesia have been noticed among trauma survivors. Many soldiers with combat trauma have impaired concentration and memory. Halepota & Wasif (2001) believe that the cataclysmic impact of the trauma events on an individual’s personal life often impedes the ability of the survivor to share his or her experiences.

Some experts believe that dissociation is a form of defense mechanism and an attempt to move away from reality. Putnam (1992) calls Dissociation the escape when there is no escape. Dissociation could delay information processing and recovery. Foa & Hearst-Ideka (1996) postulate that dissociative symptoms are attempts at mental escape from the overwhelming and dysphoric consequences of the trauma and, subsequently, of the memory of the trauma. They believe that this maladaptive process hinders the psychological processing of the trauma.

Corporal VXX43X experienced a profound dissociative episode during a combat operation in 1998, an occurrence that transpired without any physical injury or the influence of medication or substances. In that moment, he felt an unsettling detachment from the chaos of the battlefield, as if he were merely an observer in a film rather than an active participant. The sounds of gunfire and explosions faded into silence, leaving him in a disorienting void where the concepts of time and space lost all meaning. When he eventually regained his senses, the stark reality of the situation struck him: the soldiers positioned to his left had pushed forward, and the enemy had begun to launch mortar attacks against them, highlighting the perilous nature of his surroundings and the urgency of the moment.

Corporal AXX39SX has dedicated 17 years of his life to serving in operational zones characterized by intense and extreme battle stress. Throughout this time, he grappled with posttraumatic symptoms, yet he found himself without access to the psychological support he desperately needed. In fulfilling his military responsibilities, he often suppressed the mental anguish he was experiencing. This internal struggle culminated in a particularly alarming incident when he entered a dissociative fugue state, inadvertently crossing into enemy territory. When a group of friendly soldiers eventually located him, Corporal AXX39SX was found disarmed and aimlessly wandering in a hostile environment, completely unaware of how he had left his bunker and arrived at such a perilous location.

Dissociative experiences could cause severe dysfunctions among the combatants. According to Dalenberg (1999), among the PTSD symptoms, dissociative experiences are often the most emotionally disturbing to the patient. Sometimes, Pathological dissociative reactions are culture-specific and cannot be found in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.  Numerous dissociative symptoms that were not specified in the DSM had been found among the Sri Lankan combatants.

Lieutenant SXX32VC found himself engulfed in an overwhelming sense of dread when a female cadre from the LTTE hurled a grenade in his direction. Miraculously, the device failed to detonate, yet for several agonizing minutes, he was gripped by an inexplicable terror for his life. This harrowing experience left an indelible mark on his psyche, leading to persistent nightmares and intrusive memories that haunted him long after the incident. Approximately six to eight months later, Lieutenant SXX32VC began to observe significant alterations in his speech patterns, particularly a pronounced shift in his accent. When he attempted to communicate in Sinhala, it was now tinged with a distinct Tamil inflection, a change that left him both bewildered and disheartened. The extent of this transformation was so profound that it severely hindered his ability to express himself, compounding the psychological toll of his earlier trauma.

Bromberg (1998) views Dissociation as a precious psychic survival tool that arises from the need to separate and compartmentalize aspects of traumatic experiences while maintaining the attachment to those who have neglected or abused them.

Dissociative Flashback Driven Violence

Many experts suspect a relationship between PTSD and violence. Some identify dysfunctional anger and violent behavior as comorbidities of PTSD.  It has been reported that combatants who were diagnosed with complex PTSD had committed violence while experiencing flashbacks and had no clear sense of their acts. Such a phenomenon had been reported elsewhere.

Freedman and Sadock (1980) described flashbacks as ‘episodes of visual distortion, time expansion, physical symptoms, loss of ego boundaries, or relived intense emotions, lasting usually a few seconds to a few minutes, but sometimes longer.

Private SXXT31 served in a combat zone for nine years, during which he endured significant psychological trauma. He witnessed the deaths of his fellow soldiers due to enemy fire, mortar explosions, and artillery strikes, experiences that left him deeply affected, particularly when it came to handling the remains of his comrades. Over time, the cumulative weight of these harrowing events took a toll on his mental health, leading to severe transient headaches and memory loss. By 2002, he was diagnosed with full-blown post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), characterized by persistent nightmares and intrusive flashbacks. These flashbacks often transported him back to the traumatic moments of his service, causing him to disconnect from reality. In one alarming incident, he experienced a dissociative flashback during which he inadvertently squeezed the neck of his five-year-old daughter, mistaking her for a threat. His wife, noticing the distressing situation, quickly intervened and alerted their neighbors, who helped save the child from suffocation. Although the girl was hospitalized and eventually recovered, Private SXXT31 was left in a state of profound distress and guilt upon realizing what had occurred, as he had no recollection of the incident and was horrified to learn that he had harmed his own daughter.

Somatization

Somatization is defined as a tendency to experience and communicate psychological distress in the form of somatic symptoms (Lipowski,1988). These somatic symptoms have no organic causes. Psychologically traumatized veterans may suffer from different combinations of symptoms, including somatization. Elklit & Christiansen (2009) express the view that the relationship between trauma and somatization appears to be mediated by posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

There are significant numbers of Sri Lankan combatants who were exposed to combat for a long period and suffer from posttraumatic symptoms and somatization.  These psycho-somatic ailments show poor responses to the medication. Some of these symptoms have no medical basis. Therefore, these symptoms are often taken as elements of malingering.

Sergeant NX42HX enlisted in the Army in 1985, embarking on a journey that would test his resilience and fortitude. Following the completion of his basic training, he was assigned to the Jaffna Fort, a strategic location that was under the control of the Sri Lanka Army at the time. The atmosphere was fraught with tension, as the fort was frequently targeted by enemy forces who launched relentless mortar attacks. The sounds of explosions echoed through the air, both day and night, creating an environment of constant peril. Surrounded by adversaries, Sergeant NX42HX faced not only the physical dangers of combat but also the psychological toll of living under such duress, which led to significant distress and anxiety as he navigated the challenges of military life in a conflict zone.

In 1997, Sergeant NX42HX was stationed at the Paranthan forward defense line during a particularly challenging time, exacerbated by the aftermath of the monsoon rains. These torrential downpours not only disrupted supply lines but also halted evacuations and reinforcements, leaving the soldiers in a precarious situation. One fateful night, the enemy launched a fierce assault on their position. Despite the overwhelming odds, the soldiers managed to hold their ground and initiated a counteroffensive. The ensuing five-hour battle was brutal, resulting in significant casualties among the ranks, with many soldiers losing their lives and others sustaining serious injuries. Although Sergeant NX42HX emerged physically unscathed, the psychological toll of witnessing such violence and loss was profound. In the weeks that followed, he began to experience a range of somatic complaints, with his physical symptoms intensifying under stress. His ability to cope diminished, leading to the emergence of anxiety and depression, as well as startling reactions to everyday stimuli. Furthermore, he found that traditional pain relief methods were ineffective, and long-term treatment yielded little success, leaving him grappling with the invisible scars of war.

van der Hart et al. (2000) describe somatoform dissociation as a lack of normal integration of sensorimotor components of experience ( hearing, seeing, feeling, speaking, moving, etc). The phenomenon of somatoform dissociation” was found among a number of Sri Lankan war veterans suffering from a severe form of PTSD. Their symptoms are characterized by numbness, paralysis, psychogenic seizures, persistent body pains, dyspepsia, sexual dysfunctions, etc., without any organic causes, and these symptoms have a poor response to typical medical treatments.

Private NXS32W faced significant challenges from an early age, having endured maternal deprivation during his childhood. In the wake of financial hardships, he decided to enlist in the military, where he dedicated seven years to service in operational areas, confronting numerous life-threatening situations. Throughout his deployment, he was tasked with handling human remains, an experience that left him profoundly affected and emotionally shattered. The loss of several close friends in combat further deepened his sorrow, contributing to a growing sense of grief and trauma. Over time, he began to experience intrusive thoughts, recurrent nightmares, and heightened startle responses, which indicated the toll that his experiences had taken on his mental health. In 2002, he was referred for medical evaluation due to the onset of right-sided hemiplegia. Following consultations with both a physician and a neurologist, a series of diagnostic tests, including EEG and CT scans, returned normal results, effectively ruling out any organic causes for his condition. Ultimately, Private N found relief and recovery through hypnotherapy, which helped him address the psychological scars of his past experiences.

Sexualized Behaviors 

Sometimes, sexualized behaviors are evident among combatants with complex PTSD. Some psychologically traumatized war veterans were found with behaviors such as sexual preoccupation, spending money and time on pornographic material and on prostitutes, sexual aggression- committing marital rape, engaging in sexual violence – rape and sexual assaults, child abuse, voyeurism, exhibitionism, frottage,  bestiality, etc.

Sexual behavior and concerns are also related to a childhood history of sexual abuse (Friedrich, Jaworski, Huxsahl &Bengtson, 1997). The combatants with a past history of childhood physical, sexual, and emotional abuse (as well as physical and emotional neglect) could engage in sexual violence. These actions could be disastrous to the victim as well as to the perpetrator. The extreme forms of sexualized behaviours have serious consequences for targets, including physical and psychological harm. Abbey et al. (2004) indicate that sexually violent men, especially multiple offenders, are more likely to lack empathy or have remorse for their victims and blame their victims for the rape.

Private AXJ43SX, a recognized patient suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), openly acknowledged his struggles with sexual compulsions and voyeuristic urges. In therapy sessions, he revealed that he had previously found gratification in inflicting pain on his wife during intimate encounters. This behavior escalated alongside his increasing libido and tendencies toward sexual violence. This troubling pattern not only strained his marital relationship but also led to legal repercussions stemming from his sexual conduct. Private AXJ43SX articulated how these destructive behaviors took control of his life, attributing their emergence to the psychological toll he experienced as a result of his wartime experiences.

Sense of Foreshortened Future

Combatants with complex PTSD do not have specific life goals or motivations to pursue them. They do not wish to advance their military career, to have a family or children (if married, no interest in family matters and family advancements) and often make negative predictions about their health and lifespan.

Sergeant AXC38RX, a highly skilled and seasoned field operator from the Commando Unit, experienced a profound psychological decline following a series of traumatic events during combat at Thoppigalla. The horrors he witnessed were particularly haunting; on one occasion, he discovered two of his comrades brutally murdered in a bunker, their throats cut by enemy forces. In another instance, he helplessly watched as a sniper’s bullet claimed the life of a close friend right before his eyes. These traumatic experiences left him grappling with severe psychological repercussions, including persistent nightmares, intrusive thoughts, flashbacks, and a strong desire to avoid reminders of the battlefield. In 2002, a Consultant Psychiatrist from the Sri Lankan Army diagnosed him with full-blown Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). As his mental health deteriorated, Sergeant AXC38RX found it increasingly difficult to envision a hopeful future, leading to a profound sense of demotivation. He lost interest in pursuing further training or participating in specialized military courses, and physical ailments such as chronic pain and headaches hindered his ability to engage in sports or exercise, activities he once enjoyed. The weight of his depression isolated him from social interactions, causing him to withdraw from relationships, including his marriage and responsibilities as a parent. Ultimately, he felt a pervasive sense of despair, believing that his life was nearing its end.

Self-Harm

Self-harm is defined here as deliberate and voluntary physical self-injury that is not life-threatening and is without any conscious suicidal intent ( Herpetz, 1995). The types of self-harm reported were: taking excessive numbers of medication, cutting oneself, burning, throwing oneself against vehicles, swallowing things, head banging, reckless and risk-taking behaviors, etc. Farber (2000) points out that when faced with life-threatening psychological trauma people exhibit radical changes in eating behavior and may become self-injurious. Self-harm has been reported among a number of Sri Lankan combatants with malignant PTSD.

Self-harm allows the individual to adapt to the most horrific of circumstances without becoming psychotic and without killing himself or someone else, and in that way serves an invaluable defensive function. But it is far more than a defence, and more than a symptom. It is the behavioral, component of a part of the self with a set of needs, feelings, and perceptions that have been dissociated from the patient’s total self-experience (Farber, 2006).

L/Cpl FWX suffered a gunshot wound to his left leg, which marked the beginning of a series of psychological and physical challenges. Following his injury, he found himself grappling with intrusive thoughts and heightened startle responses, symptoms that are often associated with combat trauma. The memories of his experiences in battle haunted him relentlessly, contributing to a growing sense of distress. In a moment of poor judgment, he consumed a significant amount of alcohol and chose to sleep on a precarious 20-foot-high parapet wall, fully aware of the inherent dangers. Unfortunately, his decision led to a predictable outcome; he eventually lost consciousness and fell, resulting in a fractured femur. This incident not only exacerbated his physical injuries but also highlighted the profound impact of his mental state on his decision-making.

L/Cpl SCX34X, who has been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), exhibits significant challenges related to emotional regulation and impulse control, often accompanied by feelings of shame and humiliation. His mental health struggles have led him to contemplate self-harm on multiple occasions, reflecting the depth of his distress. In a particularly alarming incident, he impulsively stepped in front of a moving van, resulting in severe injuries that underscored the gravity of his condition. This incident not only highlights the urgent need for comprehensive mental health support but also raises concerns about the potential risks associated with untreated PTSD and its impact on behavior.

Suicidal Behavior

According to Afifi et al. (2008), numerous studies indicate that there is a correlation between psychological trauma and suicidal behaviors. In addition, there is evidence that traumatic events such as childhood abuse and other types of trauma may increase a person’s suicide risk.

The prevalence of suicidal thoughts, suicide planning, and suicide attempts is significantly higher among combatants with severe war trauma.

The Eelam War, which spanned from 1983 to 2009, witnessed a troubling phenomenon: a considerable number of Sri Lankan soldiers took their own lives, with many believed to be grappling with the psychological aftermath of combat. Investigations into these tragic cases, often referred to as psychological autopsies, uncovered a range of mental health issues among the victims, including depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, various psychiatric conditions, substance abuse, interpersonal relationship difficulties, and overwhelming work-related pressures. The findings suggest that a significant portion of these suicides could have been prevented through timely and effective interventions aimed at addressing the mental health needs of soldiers. The implications of these revelations highlight the critical importance of mental health support systems for military personnel, particularly in the wake of intense and prolonged conflict.

Private SXB29XC served in active combat zones, where he witnessed the devastating effects of artillery and mortar attacks, including the loss of fellow soldiers. Frequently exposed to intense gunfire, he endured significant psychological distress, manifesting as severe headaches, nightmares, intrusive thoughts, and flashbacks. During his involvement in the Jayasikuru military operation, he found himself unable to take leave or communicate his struggles to his superiors, leading him to suppress his anxiety for an extended period. Eventually, the weight of his suffering became unbearable, prompting him to walk toward enemy lines, seemingly inviting sniper fire. A fellow platoon member noticed his perilous actions and alerted the rest of the unit, who quickly retrieved him from the open terrain. Upon his return to camp, he faced harsh disciplinary measures for abandoning his post. Subsequently, Private SXB29XC was referred to the Military Hospital, where he was diagnosed with full-blown symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

DESNOS and Psychotic Symptoms

According to our empirical investigations, some of the Sri Lankan combatants with complex PTSD were found with psychotic symptoms in the latter stages, leaving us to question the relationships between PTSD and psychosis. Some researchers have speculated potential links between trauma and psychosis. Ellison & Ross (1997) suggest that psychosis may emerge as a reaction to trauma. PTSD with secondary psychotic features (PTSD-SP) is an emerging diagnostic entity (Hamner,2011).

There is much speculation about the relationship between traumatic life events and the development of psychosis, particularly its association with childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse, or interpersonal violence (Morrison, Frame, & Larkin, 2003).

Lance Corporal JXXE36X experienced traumatic combat situations during his deployment in Palampiddi, which left him in a state of shock. Witnessing the devastating impact of incoming mortar fire, he saw his comrades fall victim to the violence, their bodies tragically torn apart. For nearly ten months, he remained with his platoon, unable to return home for leave, as they continuously faced aggressive assaults from hostile forces. This relentless exposure to danger took a significant toll on his mental well-being, ultimately leading to a diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). As his anxiety symptoms intensified, Corporal JXXE36X began to exhibit signs of psychosis, prompting medical intervention. He was subsequently prescribed atypical antipsychotic medications to help manage his condition and alleviate the distressing symptoms he was experiencing.

Corporal KXX38BX experienced a profound acute stress reaction after witnessing the tragic deaths of two comrades due to a mortar explosion. This traumatic event triggered a cascade of psychological symptoms, including intrusive memories and vivid flashbacks that haunted him relentlessly. As a result, he developed a pronounced aversion to combat situations, leading to a significant decline in his mental well-being. Over time, his condition deteriorated further, culminating in a diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) accompanied by psychotic symptoms. These manifestations included incoherent speech, unsettling hallucinations, and disordered thought processes, all of which severely impacted his ability to function and engage with the world around him.

Lommen & Restifo (2009) are of the view that Psychosis and PTSD can both be part of a spectrum of responses to a traumatic event.  There have been many reports from various parts of the world that survivors of war trauma or torture have been found with complex PTSD and psychosis. Wenzel et al. (1999) vividly describe the case histories of two patients suffering from Capgras syndrome along with schizoaffective disorder and posttraumatic stress disorder after prior experience of prolonged torture.

Sri Lankan Combat Veterans with Complex PTSD

1) Lance Corporal P

Lance Corporal P enlisted in the Army in 1991, dedicating himself to service in various operational theatres. By 1993, he was stationed as a signalman at the Senapura Camp, a critical location during a tumultuous period. That same year, the camp came under a devastating assault by the LTTE, resulting in a catastrophic breach that led to the deaths of numerous soldiers. In the chaos of the attack, Lance Corporal P was captured by enemy forces. The harrowing experience left an indelible mark on him, particularly as he witnessed the brutal execution of his commanding officer, Lieutenant [Name], who was killed in a gruesome manner. The enemy not only took the Lieutenant’s life but also committed the atrocity of removing his eyes, an act that filled Lance Corporal P with profound horror and paralyzing fear. This traumatic event would haunt him, serving as a stark reminder of the brutal realities of war and the fragility of life in combat zones.

He was forcibly taken to one of the LTTE camps, where he endured severe beatings. For nearly seven months, he was confined to a small, dimly lit room, a tactic designed to disrupt his biological clock and disorient him. This prolonged isolation eroded his sense of time and reality, leading to a psychological breakdown. Once they had shattered his mental resilience, the torment escalated to physical torture. He was brutally beaten, subjected to electric shocks, and relentlessly interrogated in an effort to extract classified radio signal codes. The interrogators, convinced he was an undercover officer, subjected him to mock executions, heightening his terror. On one harrowing occasion, he witnessed the execution of an EPRLF prisoner from a rival rebel faction, a chilling reminder of the brutality surrounding him. Lance Corporal P ultimately endured nearly five excruciating years as a prisoner of war under the custody of the LTTE, a period marked by relentless suffering and despair.

In 1998, he was released from captivity through the efforts of the International Red Cross, yet upon returning home, he found himself devoid of joy. His emotional state was severely dulled, overshadowed by an overwhelming fear of being recaptured by the LTTE. This pervasive anxiety manifested in deep-seated suspicions, intrusive thoughts, flashbacks, and nightmares, alongside troubling suicidal thoughts. Despite the severity of his condition, Lance Corporal P was not referred for psychological evaluation following his release, leaving him undiagnosed and untreated for several years. As time passed, his symptoms worsened, culminating in a significant dissociative episode that rendered him unable to speak. By 2000, he was diagnosed with full-blown post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Over the years, his anxiety disorder evolved into a more malignant form, characterized by a range of symptoms associated with Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified (DESNOS). These included difficulties in regulating his emotions, persistent suicidal thoughts, memory loss, profound feelings of guilt and shame, an inability to trust others, physical manifestations of psychological distress, and a pervasive sense of hopelessness and despair. Ultimately, in 2005, Lance Corporal P was medically discharged from the Army due to his psychological disability, marking a significant turning point in his life.

2) Corporal JXXX32T

Corporal JXXX32T was actively involved in the military offensive known as Operation Ranagosa in 1999, where he encountered profoundly traumatic experiences during combat. Throughout the operation, he found himself in numerous life-threatening situations, which left an indelible mark on his psyche. Following the conclusion of the operation, he struggled significantly with intense feelings of distress and survivor’s guilt, leading to a gradual decline in his mental health. He began to experience debilitating headaches and exhibited symptoms of pathological dissociation. In his despair, he attempted suicide on several occasions, prompting a referral for a psychological evaluation. The assessment revealed that Corporal JXXX32T was suffering from severe post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), characterized by a range of debilitating symptoms. In addition to the hallmark signs of PTSD, he was also diagnosed with affect dysregulation, difficulties in managing anger, chronic suicidal ideation, persistent feelings of dysphoria, significant sexual dysfunction, repressed memories of combat (amnesia), and alterations in his self-perception, all of which contributed to his ongoing struggle with mental health.

3) Lance Corporal  LX31CXX

Lance Corporal LX31CXX spent several years conducting interrogations, a role that left him deeply scarred by the traumatic experiences he endured. The weight of his past haunted him, manifesting in frequent nightmares that plagued his sleep, often featuring a haunting image of a bleeding skull. This recurring vision became a symbol of his inner turmoil, reflecting the psychological scars he carried. In 2002, he was diagnosed with severe post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a condition that significantly impacted his daily life. Despite seeking help through medication and psychotherapy, his response to treatment was disappointing, leaving him to grapple with the persistent shadows of his memories and the obsessive thoughts that revolved around blood. The struggle to find relief from his symptoms only added to his distress, creating a cycle of anxiety and fear that he found increasingly difficult to escape.

The treatment he received failed to alleviate his anxiety symptoms, which escalated to a severe and malignant level. This deterioration was evident in his emotional regulation, as he exhibited significant changes in how he managed his feelings and impulses. His demeanor became increasingly hostile, accompanied by frequent thoughts and fantasies of violence. Concurrently, he sank into a deep depression, becoming consumed by suicidal ideation. In a desperate attempt to escape his pain, he once ingested pesticides in a suicide attempt. Despite being in a phase of life where sexual activity was common, he found himself devoid of any interest in sexual relationships or the prospect of marriage. Lance Corporal LX31CXX displayed numerous self-destructive behaviors, notably his reckless habit of crossing streets without regard for oncoming traffic. He later confided that he was, in fact, anticipating a fatal accident, suggesting a troubling acceptance of his own potential demise.

His cognitive faculties began to deteriorate, leading to a significant decline in his ability to focus for extended periods. This impairment manifested in his inability to remember key events from his past, which further compounded his distress. He frequently experienced dissociative episodes, particularly characterized by feelings of depersonalization, leaving him feeling detached from reality. A pervasive fear consumed him, as he worried that during these episodes, he might inadvertently cause harm to his sister’s children while reliving traumatic memories. Additionally, LX31CXX suffered from a range of physical ailments that proved resistant to pain relief, further complicating his condition. These challenges were accompanied by profound shifts in his personality and belief systems, eroding his capacity to trust others, including his therapists, which left him feeling isolated and vulnerable.

4) Private CX29VX

Private CX29VX endured a tumultuous childhood marked by trauma stemming from neglect, poverty, and a lack of maternal care. Raised initially by his grandmother, he faced further upheaval following her death, which led to his upbringing under the care of his uncles. His formative years were spent in a perilous village located in the Polattackonnaruwa District, a place that was frequently besieged by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The village was a scene of relentless violence, with LTTE militants launching brutal attacks that resulted in the deaths of numerous villagers, including men, women, and children, often using machetes. These harrowing experiences left a profound impact on him, as he not only lost several relatives during these assaults but also bore witness to the aftermath, including mass burials that followed the atrocities. Living in a constant state of fear and uncertainty, he grappled with the psychological scars of his environment, which shaped his understanding of safety and community in a world fraught with danger.

After completing his education, Private CX29VX enlisted in the Army, where he was deployed to various operational areas. Demonstrating exceptional skill and dedication, he was chosen for specialized training that prepared him for high-stakes missions. Throughout his service, he encountered numerous harrowing experiences, witnessing the deaths of fellow soldiers and frequently dealing with the aftermath of combat, including the handling of human remains. After dedicating twelve years to military service, the psychological toll of these experiences began to manifest, leading to significant mental health challenges. Private CX29VX began to suffer from a range of symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), including intense feelings of fear, recurrent nightmares, heightened arousal, intrusive memories, emotional numbness, and a strong tendency to avoid reminders of his traumatic experiences. In 2003, he was formally diagnosed with combat-related PTSD, marking a pivotal moment in his struggle to cope with the lasting effects of his military service.

By 2004, he increasingly found himself in a state of isolation, becoming profoundly withdrawn and distancing himself from those around him. The weight of guilt over the comrades he had to leave behind on the battlefield, who never made it home, burdened him heavily. This self-reproach was compounded by a persistent sense of guilt and societal stigma, leading to a pervasive cynicism about the world. He often perceived his existence as futile, grappling with feelings that life lacked any real purpose. Anger consumed him, fueled by a deep-seated desire for revenge, which he struggled to manage, resulting in multiple encounters with law enforcement. To escape the torment of night terrors, he turned to alcohol, seeking solace in its numbing effects. Private CX29VX exhibited a diminished ability to maintain positive emotional experiences, spiralling into self-destructive behaviours that adversely affected those around him, particularly his family. His psychological state was marked by symptoms of somatization and pathological dissociation, further complicating his already troubled existence.

DESNOS and Cultural Impact in Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, the interaction between local cultural and religious beliefs significantly influences the expression and interpretation of trauma symptoms. This cultural framework not only shapes how individuals manifest symptoms related to combat trauma but also determines the pathways available for healing and recovery. Traditional beliefs often guide the understanding of psychological distress, resulting in symptom expressions that may diverge from Western conceptualizations of trauma. For example, individuals may turn to spiritual practices or community rituals for comfort and support, rather than seeking conventional medical interventions. This cultural perspective plays a vital role in recognizing trauma and informs the coping strategies employed, underscoring the necessity for culturally sensitive approaches when addressing mental health challenges in the Sri Lankan context.

Treatment Measures

In Sri Lanka, a number of treatment methods are used to treat war veterans with complex PTSD. Among the treatment methods, medication, psychotherapy, and indigenous treatments are prominent. A variety of medications are used to treat the victims of war trauma. Anti-depressants, Anxiolytics, Antipsychotics, and Mood Stabilizers are often used. Sometimes, Psychiatrists use ECT to control severe agitation and suicidal behaviour.

Psychotherapies are widely used in major hospitals and rehabilitation centers in Sri Lanka. Client-Centred (Rogerian) Counseling, Cognitive Behavior Therapy, and Family Therapy are widely used by trained therapists. Empirical data concur that EMDR has been an effective mode to treat combatants with complex PTSD. Many Sri Lankan war veterans with full-blown symptoms of PTSD with pathological dissociation and other complications were able to achieve remarkable therapeutic success after being treated with EMDR (Jayatunge,2008)

Traditional healing methods are frequently used by indigenous healers. The ancient ritual Thovilaya, which is a form of Psychodrama, is widely used to treat the sufferers. It creates action methods, role training, spontaneous dramatization, and group dynamics to alleviate illnesses. A benediction ritual, which is known as Dehi Kapima or ceasing the evil spirits and evil eye, is often used. Spiritual therapy and meditation are other important methods to treat war victims since ancient times. Chanting Pirith for blessings and numerous types of meditation are prescribed to treat war victims. Mindfulness meditation, meditation of loving kindness, helps PTSD victims to control anger, reduce anxiety and improve concentration.

Discussion

The impact of combat trauma on Sri Lankan soldiers became evident as early as 1981, escalating significantly in 1983 with the intensification of the armed conflict. During this period, the Sri Lankan military mobilized a substantial number of troops to confront the rebel forces of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), an organization notorious for its pursuit of racial separation and recognized as one of the world’s most lethal terrorist groups. The LTTE’s activities prompted several governments, including those of India, Malaysia, the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, to impose bans on the organization. Utilizing a combination of ground, naval, and air capabilities, the LTTE executed extensive assaults on government forces, often targeting civilians as well. Their tactics included the deployment of suicide bombers and the recruitment of child soldiers, further complicating the humanitarian crisis. 

The conflict persisted until 2009, culminating in a military defeat of the LTTE by the Sri Lankan armed forces. Throughout this protracted war, approximately 90,000 lives were lost, and countless individuals suffered both physical and psychological disabilities. Over 300,000 personnel from the Army, Navy, Air Force, Police, and Home Guards were exposed to combat situations during the Eelam War, with many frontline combatants enduring traumatic experiences that far exceeded the typical range of human suffering. Unfortunately, from the onset of the conflict, the military lacked effective strategies for addressing combat trauma, leading to a neglect of psychological conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The absence of psychological first aid for troops persisted until the ramifications of war trauma became glaringly apparent, affecting both military personnel and society at large. A significant number of soldiers deserted their posts, and many were believed to be grappling with combat stress. The rate of military suicides surged, with reports indicating that nearly 400 soldiers took their own lives in the post-war period from 2009 to 2012, highlighting the urgent need for comprehensive mental health support for veterans.

The aftermath of the war in Sri Lanka has left many soldiers grappling with the effects of trauma, leading to a significant prevalence of PTSD and complex PTSD, commonly referred to as DESNOS (Disorders of Extreme Stress Not Otherwise Specified). This condition is characterized by a triad of symptoms, including emotional dysregulation, dissociation, and various physical health issues. Furthermore, DESNOS is associated with profound functional impairments that disrupt both personal and social aspects of the affected individuals’ lives. Alarmingly, a considerable number of combatants remain undiagnosed, and many of those who are diagnosed do not receive the necessary treatment to address their complex PTSD. For those who have been identified as suffering from PTSD and DESNOS, treatment options typically include pharmacological interventions alongside various psychotherapeutic approaches. While some veterans opt for traditional indigenous therapies, cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) and eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) have emerged as preferred psychological treatments, with numerous Sri Lankan war veterans reporting positive outcomes following these therapeutic modalities.

It is crucial to enhance the efficiency and comprehensiveness of therapeutic interventions for combatants suffering from war-related trauma, necessitating a collaborative effort between psychiatric and rehabilitation services to ensure effective outcomes. The Ministry of Health must prioritize the training of medical professionals to accurately recognize trauma responses and facilitate appropriate referrals. As a forward-looking strategy, the implementation of evidence-based psychotherapeutic approaches, such as Cognitive Processing Therapy (CPT), should be considered for the treatment of Sri Lankan war veterans. CPT, a structured 12-session therapy, has demonstrated significant efficacy in addressing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and is currently employed successfully in various Veterans Affairs centers to support combat veterans affected by war. Furthermore, integrating Psychosocial Rehabilitation into the treatment framework is essential for assisting traumatized veterans in their recovery journey. This approach focuses on helping veterans regain their roles within the community, fostering independence, and promoting reintegration into everyday life. By managing behaviors, perceptions, and emotional responses, these interventions empower veterans to pursue a fulfilling and meaningful existence post-conflict.

Acknowledgements

1) Dr. Neil J Fernando: Consultant Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army

2) Professor James Alcock -Department of Psychology, Glendon College, York University. Canada

2) Professor Onno van der Hart – the Department of Clinical and Health Psychology, Utrecht University, Netherlands

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Dr. Hans Wolfgang Schumann

German-born Buddhist scholar Dr. Hans Wolfgang Schumann raised the question of German gratitude to the German Dharmaduta Society (GDS) for its role in supporting Buddhism in Germany after World War II

. Many German Buddhists would likely agree, citing the GDS’s crucial intervention in purchasing and preserving “Das Buddhistische Haus,” a historic Buddhist center in Berlin.

The GDS’s efforts and impact on post-war German Buddhism include:

• Saving Das Buddhistische Haus: The Buddhist center founded by Dr. Paul Dahlke in 1924 was left in a dilapidated condition after the war. Without intervention, it may have been dismantled. In 1957, the GDS used a large inheritance from German Buddhist Walther Schmits to purchase the property and prevent its loss. It was then transformed into the Berlin Buddhist Vihara, the first Theravada Buddhist temple in Germany.
• Re-establishing a Theravada presence: German interest in Buddhism was disrupted by the Nazi regime, which suppressed Buddhist activities. In 1957, the GDS sent the first Buddhist mission from Sri Lanka to Germany. Since then, it has sponsored a continuous stream of monks to reside at the Berlin Vihara, offering a reliable center for Dhamma teachings and meditation.
• Filling a spiritual void: Following the devastation of World War II, many Germans were disillusioned with traditional Western religious-political traditions. The GDS’s founder, Asoka Weeraratna, observed a deep spiritual hunger and a new openness to alternative philosophies like Buddhism, which emphasizes peace and non-violence. The mission was intended to provide spiritual solace rather than to convert people.
• Symbol of renewed connection: 

The Berlin Buddhist Vihara continues to serve as an important hub for Theravada Buddhism in Europe and a symbol of cultural and religious connection between Germany and Sri Lanka. 

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Why did King James ban the Ethiopian Bible? What’s inside Africa’s oldest and most complete biblical text that the king didn’t want you to read? In this video, we uncover the shocking truth behind one of history’s most controversial editorial decisions. Discover how the Ethiopian Bible preserved ancient scriptures banned from the King James Version and what that tells us about power, empire, and erasure. We explore the lost books, forbidden knowledge, and the spiritual war over Africa’s role in biblical history. Watch till the end for a jaw-dropping connection between colonial censorship and spiritual sovereignty.

Courtesy Hiru News

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa stated that providing fertiliser subsidies to farmers after the harvesting period instead of providing them at the proper time is a futile exercise.

He made this comment while attending the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Environment, Agriculture, and Sustainability.

He noted that farmers are complaining that despite the government allocating Rs. 25,000 per hectare for cultivation, these fertiliser subsidy funds were not received on time for the current Maha season.

He further pointed out that a proper system is still not in place to provide these funds before the commencement of cultivation activities.

Iraj Show and 5 more

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Asoka Weeraratna was called the “Deveni Dharmapala” (Second Anagarika Dharmapala) for his monumental contributions to the revival and international spread of Buddhism, particularly in the West. This comparison is drawn due to the significant parallels between his life and work and that of the influential 19th-century Buddhist revivalist Anagarika Dharmapala. 

The accolade was publicly bestowed upon him by the late Venerable Bellana Gnanawimala Maha Nayaka Thero during a commemoration of Weeraratna’s death anniversary. 

Key similarities and contributions

Buddhist missionary work in the West

• Anagarika Dharmapala: A pioneer in taking the Buddha’s teachings to the West, he famously addressed the 1893 World Parliament of Religions in Chicago.
• Asoka Weeraratna: He spearheaded the first Buddhist mission to Germany in 1957. He founded the German Dharmaduta Society in 1952, paving the way for the spread of Buddhism in Europe. 

Renouncing lay life

• Anagarika Dharmapala: He renounced his worldly life at age 66 to enter the Sangha, becoming Venerable Devamitta Dharmapala.
• Asoka Weeraratna: Following Dharmapala’s example, he also renounced his successful lay life at age 53 to ordain as a forest hermit, becoming Venerable Mitirigala Dhammanissanti. 

Revival and preservation of Buddhist structures

• Anagarika Dharmapala

: Founded the Maha Bodhi Society in 1891 and is credited with recovering and restoring the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya, one of Buddhism’s most sacred sites.

• Asoka Weeraratna

: Established the Mitirigala Nissarana Vanaya, a forest hermitage dedicated to meditation. This helped revive the tradition of serious meditation practices in Sri Lanka. 

Personal sacrifice

• Both men came from materially comfortable backgrounds but made immense personal sacrifices to serve the Buddha Sasana. This willingness to “let go and go forth” sets them apart from many other Buddhist figures. 

The comparison is a recognition of Asoka Weeraratna’s legacy as a true successor to Dharmapala’s missionary zeal and commitment to propagating the Dhamma internationally. 

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By Palitha Ariyarathna

The Cabinet’s decision to declare December 12 as Sri Lankan Day” is presented as a multicultural festival of parades, food fairs, and exhibitions. At the administrative level, this is framed as reconciliation, a symbolic gesture of unity across communities. Yet beneath the surface, it reveals the government’s reliance on ideological theatre rather than genuine policy. Instead of strengthening sovereignty or addressing the people’s real needs, the state machinery is mobilized to produce a spectacle that consumes mahajana mudal — public funds.

For the people, December 12 is already sacred. It is the day Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thero passed away in 2003. Though never declared by presidential proclamation, it has become a day of dharmic native remembrance. Communities across the nation continue to honor Soma Himi as an authentic national mentor, whose fearless voice challenged corruption and reminded the Army of its true duty. Soma Himi words in shorts — Hamudawa inne rat rakking, despalakayan rakkin nowe” (The army exists to protect the country, not to protect politicians) — remain etched in the conscience of the nation. They motivated soldiers to see themselves as guardians of sovereignty, not tools of political power. By imposing Sri Lankan Day” on this date, the government buries that moral strength under a carnival of weakness.

The government claims this festival will promote unity. But unity cannot be staged with banners and parades. True unity is moral, not theatrical. It arises from shared truth, not forced multicultural shows. A carnival on a day of Remembrance divides rather than reconciles. Communities see this as political manipulation, not reconciliation. Sovereignty too is weakened. Real sovereignty was defined on May 22, 1972, when Sri Lanka became a Republic. Declaring new days” without civilizational meaning dilutes national identity. Sri Lankan Day” risks becoming another tool to bury truth under spectacle, eroding the people’s sense of who they are.

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara has long cautioned against multiplying celebrating days.” He insists that sovereignty is defined by May 22, 1972 — not by artificial festivals. His critique exposes the administrative weakness of Sri Lankan Day”: it dilutes sovereignty by creating meaningless commemorations. Buddhika Polpitiya calls Sri Lankan Day” a manipulation of public memory, warning that government leadership is attempting to domesticate Sinhala tradition under the guise of multiculturalism. He demands December 12 remain a Day of Remembrance for Ven. Soma Himi, not a carnival. Their arguments converge on a single point: the government’s administrative decision undermines both unity and sovereignty by trampling native remembrance.

The Daily Mirror report describes exhibitions, food fairs, and four entertainment zones. In my view, this reveals the emptiness of the program, since it offers spectacle but no meaningful remembrance. It notes that the Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs will stage the event across Colombo Municipal Council Grounds and Vihara Maha Devi Park, divided into four zones with participation from public and private organizations. But large venues and zones do not create cultural depth; they create distraction. True culture is lived in villages, temples, and homes not staged in municipal grounds. Exhibitions of industries and food stalls are commerce, not culture. They enliven markets, not minds. High cultural intelligence means knowing where we live, respecting native traditions, and protecting civilizational continuity. A carnival of consumption will not strengthen identity; it will weaken it.

This program is not about unity. It is about burying native remembrance under political ideology. December 12 is already sacred as the day of Ven. Soma Himi an authentic national mentor whose words gave moral strength to the Army and the people. Turning this day into a carnival wastes mahajana mudal the people’s money while eroding sovereignty and tradition. The claim of celebrating diversity” is hollow if it comes at the cost of erasing native foundations. Diversity must be lived with respect, not staged with banners.

The passing of the late Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thero in December 2003, under circumstances in Russia that remain shrouded in mystery, continues to weigh heavily on the conscience of the nation. For the people of Sri Lanka, and especially for those who were close to him, the unanswered questions surrounding his demise are not merely personal sorrow but a collective wound. We may choose the path of forgiveness, but we cannot allow ourselves to forget. The purpose of writing this is to let our readers know that we may forgive but will never forget this crime against the Buddha Sasana.

As author, I am writing this to remind our entire Sinhala Buddhist nation: if you truly believe in the Triple Gem, then know this — we may choose the path of forgiveness, but we will never forget. The passing of Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thero remains a wound in our collective conscience, and it stands as a crime against the Buddha Sasana. To forget would be to betray both our faith and our civilizational duty.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

”මෙම ලිපිය අවසන් කිරීමට පෙර, පූජ්‍ය ගංගොඩවිල සෝම ස්වාමීන්වහන්සේගේ අවසාන දේශනය අසා බලන්න…”

Do not end this article without hearing the final sermon of Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thero — a voice that still echoes through the conscience of our nation.”

Video link:

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පූජ්‍ය ගංගොඩවිල සෝම ස්වාමීන්වහන්සේගේ අවසාන දේශනය

National Development Bank PLC

The festive season is in full swing, and NDB Bank is reminding parents that there’s still time to be part of this year’s much-loved NDB Shilpa Santa Campaign 2025 — an enchanting tradition that continues to bring the joy of Christmas directly to the homes of young savers across Sri Lanka.

Running from 1st October to 15th December 2025, the campaign gives NDB Shilpa Children’s Savings Account holders aged 15 years and below a chance to experience the magic of Christmas in a truly personal way. Parents who make a deposit of above LKR 50,000 into their child’s Shilpa account during the promotion period can look forward to a special surprise — a festive gift chosen by their child, delivered right to their doorstep by none other than Santa Claus himself, starting 1st December 2025.

The NDB Shilpa Account has long been a cornerstone of financial empowerment for young savers, offering not just attractive interest rates but a range of meaningful benefits including free hospitalisation and life insurance cover, and special academic rewards for high achievers in the Grade 5 Scholarship and G.C.E. O/L examinations.

Through this campaign, NDB aims to make saving a joyful experience — blending the wonder of the festive season with the lifelong habit of financial discipline. Each deposit represents more than just a contribution; it’s an investment in a child’s future and an opportunity to teach the value of saving in a fun and memorable way.

Parents who haven’t yet joined the campaign are encouraged to make their qualifying deposits before 15th December to ensure their little ones don’t miss out on Santa’s special visit this Christmas.

For more details about the NDB Shilpa Children’s Savings Account and the Santa Campaign 2025, please contact 011 744 8888 or visit [https://www.ndbbank.com/personal-banking/accounts/childrens-savings-account/shilpa-childrens-savings-account](https://www.ndbbank.com/personal-banking/accounts/childrens-savings-account/shilpa-childrens-savings-account).

Make this Christmas truly magical with NDB Bank — where the joy of giving meets the gift of saving, and Santa brings the spirit of Christmas straight to your home.

Press Release  LankaPropertyWeb

LankaPropertyWeb (LPW), Sri Lanka’s leading real estate platform, has appointed Tharindu Jayarathne as Chief Operating Officer (COO), effective 6 November 2025. The appointment strengthens the company’s leadership team as the company expands operations and drives innovation across the real estate sector locally and internationally.

Jayarathne rejoins LankaPropertyWeb, having previously spearheaded the company’s data and research division and played a pivotal role in launching the first Real Estate Market Outlook Report, along with numerous research projects for both local and international clients. He brings over two decades of leadership experience across strategic management, corporate finance, development consultancy, research, risk management, and auditing.

He holds a Bachelor’s (Honours) Degree in Business and Finance from Coventry University, UK, and an MBA in Business and Finance from the University of the West of Scotland, UK. He is also a Doctoral researcher at Lincoln University, Malaysia, focusing on the impact of crowdfunding on the real estate market.

Jayarathne is a Member of the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants and the Chartered Institute for Securities and Investment (UK). He is also a Fellow Member of the Institute of Public Accountants (Australia), the Institute of Financial Accountants (UK), and the Association of Accounting Technicians of Sri Lanka.

In his new role, Jayarathne will oversee operations and lead strategic initiatives across LPW’s business divisions, including real estate technology, market intelligence, media, education, and the Realtors’ Hub.

Commenting on his appointment, Jayarathne said:

LankaPropertyWeb has established itself as a trusted leader in Sri Lanka’s property landscape by combining technology, data, and market expertise. I look forward to advancing our vision of building a more transparent, efficient, and globally connected real estate ecosystem.”

LankaPropertyWeb’s Managing Director Daham Gunaratna added:

We are thrilled to welcome Tharindu back to the company upon the completion of his doctoral studies. In his new role, he will leverage his strategic mindset, financial leadership, and deep expertise in local and overseas real estate markets. These skills will be instrumental in driving our ambitious growth plans, ensuring sustainable success and enhanced value for our users and partners.”

Since its inception, LankaPropertyWeb has evolved beyond Sri Lanka’s No. 1 property portal to provide real estate data, market reports, and advisory services to buyers, sellers, investors, and industry professionals. Jayarathne’s appointment coincides with LPW’s 2026 expansion plans, including the rollout of innovative products and AI-powered solutions designed to strengthen its market-leading portfolio and deliver even greater value to customers and the wider market.

Shenali D Waduge

In May 2009, Sri Lanka achieved a historic victory: the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), ending decades of terror, death, and disruption. The heroic war heroes eliminated one of the most sophisticated terrorist movements of modern times. Yet, as history has repeatedly shown, defeating an armed force does not eliminate the threat it leaves behind. Sri Lanka’s decision makers erred in not identifying the scope of the threat & the players involved.

Today, fifteen years later, the shadow of the LTTE continues to loom—not on the battlefields of Sri Lanka, but in the boardrooms, seaports, and digital corridors of the global diaspora. These networks, originally designed to fund, supply, and propagate LTTE operations, have not disappeared. They quietly continue to operate in Europe, North America, Australia, and Southeast Asia. Through fundraising, lobbying, and maintaining logistical channels to accrue profits for themselves, have kept alive the template of transnational terror, long after their weapons fell silent.

What has remained largely unexamined is that the LTTE did not operate as an isolated ethnic militant movement. It was an externally enabled proxy force that served the geopolitical needs of several competing powers. Now, the same external actors are quietly repurposing parts of the old LTTE machinery toward new destabilisation objectives across South Asia.

The handlers have changed the puppets, not the theatre

But there is a more dangerous evolution afoot. Across South Asia, recent bombings in Pakistan and India reveal a rapidly growing nexus between extremist groups and organized crime, particularly narcotics trafficking. Islamist extremist networks—ISIS-K, TTP affiliates, and local cells—are expanding their footprint, exploiting the very maritime routes, smuggling corridors, and financial channels that were once pioneered by the LTTE.

They all have a common understanding & probably common handlers too.

With the LTTE’s battlefield defeat, foreign actors have shifted attention to Islamist extremist networks as the next useful instrument.

The Easter Sunday attack was a message of what’s to come.

The Church erred in not identifying the playing ground & the message before forgiving the assassins and diverting blame elsewhere which enabled the perpetrators to buy time.

These groups now occupy the same strategic corridors the LTTE once dominated—maritime lanes, smuggling lines, forged documentation routes, and narcotics trails. What failed in ethnic militancy is being reattempted through religious extremism.

What remains largely unspoken is the role of foreign intelligence networks in sustaining these ecosystems. The LTTE’s global footprint did not survive by accident; it survived because it remained useful. Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces could have easily eliminated LTTE without terror lasting 3 decades. However, the LTTE bogey was needed for other reasons. Tamils were the guinea pigs just as were all victims of terror.

Today, the same actors who once found utility in LTTE logistics now find new value in Islamist cells seeking maritime mobility, forged documentation, political cover, and narcotics-based financing. The Indian Ocean is no longer merely a smuggling zone—it is a geopolitical chessboard. Until Colombo recognizes the external hands that kept these networks alive, dismantling the crime-terror nexus will remain impossible. Terrorism did not evolve alone; it evolved because someone wanted it to. Unfortunately, those at the helm and tasked to monitor & read the writings on the wall chose not to adopt counter measures to protect the sovereignty of Sri Lanka.

The patterns are alarming:

• Shared smuggling routes:The LTTE once controlled maritime passages from Karachi to Gujarat and down to Tamil Nadu, transporting arms, drugs, and people. Today, these same routes are used by Islamist extremists for explosives, operatives, and illicit funding.

• Narco-terror financing:The LTTE perfected the model of using narcotics trafficking to fund terror operations decades ago. Modern extremists now use similar structures, combining drug money with diaspora donations and front organizations.

• Diaspora influence and lobbying:LTTE diaspora networks mastered the art of influencing foreign governments, media, and NGOs to shape global narratives. Islamist extremists are now adopting the same playbook, leveraging legal loopholes, political sympathies, and charities to secure legitimacy while quietly funding radical operations. One cannot overlook the entities that speak for both.

For decades, one fact remained curiously ignored: LTTE smuggling corridors and Islamist trafficking routes operated side-by-side without ever clashing.

This ‘non-aggression’ arrangement was not organic. It reflected a broader regional underworld system—where drug bosses, arms brokers, and foreign handlers ensured that each group operated in designated zones. Such coordination does not happen without powerful mediators and protectors.

Beyond financing and logistics lies an even graver concern: demographic expansionist strategies. Radical Islamist networks increasingly promote population consolidation in key regions, using higher birth rates, migration, and control over educational and religious institutions to create pockets of influence.”

The UN does not help matters either. Its core bodies while supporting birth control in select regions are promoting birth support where expansionist agendas are taking place. Is this a coincidence or planned?

The greater danger is convergence.

LTTE diaspora logistics, Islamist ideological networks, South Indian underworld operations, and Pakistani narco groups are no longer isolated entities. They are evolving into a hybrid ecosystem—one supplying money, one providing numbers, one offering political cover abroad, one managing maritime channels.

This fusion is the perfect architecture for a new generation of transnational extremism.

When combined with smuggling networks, financial channels, and ideological propagation, the risk escalates from isolated terror acts to sustained regional destabilization. Fermenting ghettos that foster and fume discord rarely leaves people in unity.

The LTTE diaspora and its narco-terror legacy have inadvertently enabled this new generation of threats. The expertise, logistics, and transnational connectivity built over decades of insurgency now provide a template for others—groups with even wider demographic bases, global funding networks, and a transnational ideology. The LTTE diaspora is pulling all its trumps simply to keep its kitty going for the kitty operators themselves.

Sri Lanka’s vulnerability has increased—not because the threats are stronger, but because the nation’s internal defences have been deliberately weakened and following appeasement mentality. Intelligence agencies have been fragmented, anti-terror laws diluted and demoralized, NGO influence expanded, and security policy increasingly outsourced to foreign advisers with conflicting agendas while another set have been tasked to spread and promote bizarre narratives via social media and even amongst decision makers. Meanwhile, radical cells re-activate under humanitarian fronts, demographic consolidation accelerates in sensitive districts, and political parties open doors to external funding. We are becoming a soft target by choice, not by fate.

Sri Lanka, and indeed all of South Asia, faces a warning that cannot be ignored:
Defeating a terrorist group does not neutralize the network, nor the infrastructure that sustained it.

On the other hand, the rise of Islamist extremist cells exploiting these same channels is proof that the war has simply changed shape. Moreover, with internal networks weakened or neutralized, outsourcing sovereignty and national security to a neighboring nation is certainly not the answer.

It is time for concerned parties—governments, security agencies, and informed citizens—to open their eyes. The same networks that once terrorized Sri Lanka can now fuel instability across South Asia. Ignoring the legacy of the LTTE’s global operations is no longer an option. Strategic vigilance, intelligence cooperation, and a firm understanding of the crime-terror nexus are critical. Those who fail to see the links between the past and the present may soon face the consequences of history repeating itself.

The ultimate objective of those behind the LTTE was not Tamil liberation—it was leverage over Sri Lanka. A fragmented, unstable island gives external powers control over sea lanes, intelligence staging points, economic concessions, and political compliance. The proxy may change, but the strategic intention remains constant.

But the shift now underway is far more dangerous. Unlike the LTTE, which was externally sustained and internally rejected by most Tamils, the Islamist expansionist agenda is demographic, ideological, and generational. Once embedded, it cannot be switched off or reversed. External powers may see it as a new proxy, but the endgame of Islamist demographic consolidation is not negotiable, not containable, and not reversible once it crosses critical mass. The proxy may change, but the strategic intentions—and the danger—are exponentially greater this time.

The lesson is clear: terrorist networks do not vanish—they evolve. And evolution without scrutiny is a threat waiting to explode.

Sri Lanka bled for three decades to defeat one of the deadliest terrorist movements on earth. Today, we risk sleepwalking into its return not for a single cause—this time through new faces, new ideologies, and revived networks hidden behind NGOs, demographic shifts, and transnational funding and using ethno-religious themes as a front & camouflage. None of those representing either ethnic groups or religious groups have any say or control over these entities as they previously did.

We cannot afford to forget the price we paid.

The war may have ended in 2009, but the threat never did and never will unless all Sri Lankans wake up to ground realities brewing under their very noses.

Shenali D Waduge

Senaka Weeraratna

I am Sinhalese. I am Sri Lankan. I am proud to be both. 

As a Sinhalese I am conscious and proud to be an heir to a heritage rich with a unique history, a deep connection to Theravada Buddhism, remarkable ancient engineering, and a vibrant culture that has endured for over 2,500 years

The key reasons for my pride include the following historical facts:

Ancient History and Civilization

• A Long, Recorded History: The Sinhalese have one of the world’s oldest continuously recorded histories, chronicled in detail in ancient texts like the Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa, dating back to the 6th century BCE.
• Advanced Engineering: Ancient Sinhalese kingdoms, such as Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa were known for remarkable feats in engineering, including extensive irrigation systems and colossal reservoirs (tanks) like the Parakrama Samudra, which earned the island the name “Granary of the Orient”. The sophisticated use of hydraulic principles, such as the bisokotuwa (valve tower), is a testament to this ingenuity.
• Architectural Marvels: The construction of massive stupas (dagobas) like the Jetavanaramaya and Ruwanwelisaya, which were among the tallest brick buildings in the ancient world, and the intricate rock fortress of Sigiriya (often considered the eighth wonder of the world), showcase advanced architectural and artistic skills. 

Culture and Values

• Theravada Buddhism: The Sinhalese identity is deeply intertwined with Theravada Buddhism, which was introduced in the 3rd century BCE and has been preserved in its original form in Sri Lanka. This faith has shaped the culture’s core values of mindfulness, compassion, and respect for all living beings.
• Unique Language and Literature: The Sinhala language is an Indo-Aryan language that developed a unique script and literary tradition solely on the island, distinct from other mainland Indian languages. Ancient literary works like the Sandesha Kavyas (poetry) are highly regarded.
• Arts and Traditions: The culture boasts vibrant traditional arts, including intricate temple paintings (e.g., Sigiriya frescoes), sculpture, traditional dance (Kandyan dance), music, and martial arts like Angampora, many of which are inspired by Buddhist beliefs. 

Humanitarian and Social Contributions

• Pioneering Healthcare: Ancient Sri Lanka, under kings like Pandukabhaya and Buddhadasa, established some of the world’s earliest known hospitals and veterinary hospitals as far back as the 4th century BCE.
• Environmental Stewardship: The establishment of the world’s first recorded wildlife sanctuary at Mihintale in the 3rd century BCE reflects a historical value for conservation and harmony with nature and animals (wild life).
• Hospitality and Community: Sinhalese people are traditionally known for their warm hospitality, strong community bonds, and deep respect for elders and teachers. 

These elements collectively have contributed to a strong sense of pride in the resilience, unique identity, and historical depth of my Sinhalese heritage. 

The glory of the Sinhalese of Ancient Lanka

I have genuine concerns that my race Sinhalese and my religion Buddhism are currently endangered and face an existential crisis in Sri Lanka. The Government and the people of Sri Lanka must make every effort to negate these fears.

Acknowledgements

The following information is extracted from a website called ‘ My Sri Lanka Holidays’. Full credit is due to them for collating and compiling the information. I am only circulating as a matter of duty and loyalty to my race and country what they have collected and published. I am inspired by Thero Mahanama who wrote the Mahavamsa ( Great Chronicle) in the sixth century AD. 

Mahanama Thero explicitly stated that the Mahavamsa was written in the interest of piety. The concluding stanza of every chapter in the chronicle states that it was compiled for the “serene joy and emotion of the pious” (or “for the glorification of Buddhism”).  The purpose of the Mahavamsa was primarily religious and moral, intended to inspire a sense of joy (pasada) in the Buddha’s doctrine and a sense of urgency (samvega, or revulsion from worldly misery) in readers. While it serves as an invaluable historical source, its explicit, stated goal was to promote Buddhism and record the good deeds of kings who were patrons of the Mahavihara monastery. 

Mahanama also mentions in the introduction that he intended to correct the “repetitions and shortcomings” of earlier chronicles (like the Dipavamsa or the Sinhala Atthakatha), creating a more coherent and elegant epic poem suitable for memorization. The work’s focus is largely on royal acts of devotion, such as building stupas and viharas, to the exclusion of certain secular matters like statecraft or the economy, which further highlights its pious intent. ( AI Overview) 

Beginning

“When the Guide of the World, having accomplished the salvation of the whole world and having reached the utmost stage of blissful rest, was lying on the bed of his nibbana; in the midst of the great assembly of gods, he, the great sage, the greatest of those who have speech, spoke to Sakka’ who stood there near him: “Vijaya, son of king Sihabahu, is come to Lanka from the country of Lala, together with seven hundred followers. In Lanka, O lord of gods, will my religion be established, therefore carefully protect him with his followers and Lanka. When the lord of gods heard the words of the Buddha he from respect handed over the guardianship of Lanka to the god who is in colour like the lotus.“

History: 2550 years of unbroken recorded history beginning from 543 BC
Ancient kingdoms: Anuradhapura (437 BC-845 AD), Polonnaruwa (846 AD-1302 AD) (entire cities are UNESCO World Heritage Sites)
Ancient citadels: The Lion Rock citadel (Sigiriya) (479-496 AD) (UNESCO World Heritage Site)
Medieval Kingdoms: Kandy the Royal City (1469-1815 AD) (UNESCO World Heritage Site)
Invaders: Dravidians from South India (Intermittent invasions 161 BC-1236 AD), Portuguese (1505- 1655), Dutch (1656-1795), British (1796-1814)
Colonialist ruler: the British (1815-1948)

Cultural triangle: Mihintale, The Lion Rock citadel (Sigiriya) (WHS), Golden Dambulla Rock Temple (WHS), Anuradhapura (WHS), Polonnaruwa (WHS), Kandy the Royal City (WHS). Since five centuries prior to the birth of Christ, Lanka, Taprobane as Ptolemy called it, has been a throbbing isle of vitality and a well-ordered civilization of advanced network of irrigation engineering, rainwater management, hydraulic achievements & river basin management which made it the Granary of the Orient with trade relationship with the Roman Empire.

Cities, castles, palaces, fortresses, tens of thousands of rain water reservoirs, parks, temples, monasteries, monuments of art bear testimony to the character, imagination, culture, philosophy, faith & nature of the people of the Resplendent Isle. The vestiges of this ancient civilization, which are abundantly extant today, substantiate the ancient history recorded in the ancient chronicle of Lanka, Mahawamsa.

Epigraphica Zeylanica

The University of Cambridge, England has 274 volumes of ‘Epigraphica Zeylanica’ with over 3000 inscriptions from Ceylon (that is more inscriptions than the whole of mainland China has, even though Sri Lanka is only 1/2 the size of the state of New York), including one dating back to 6th century BC. Over 2000 of these have been deciphered, indicating the consistent development of the Sinhalese language.

Irrigation

“Neither in the lands of their (i.e. of the Indo-Aryan settlers) origin nor in South India did there develop an irrigation system of the magnitude or the complexity of that which the Sinhalese afterwards constructed in Ceylon; nothing comparable & contemporaneous (i.e.1st century A. D. – 12th century A. D.) with the ancient dam, canal & tank system of Ceylon, mingling the water of rivers flowing in different directions is known in continental India“
(A Short Account of the History of Irrigation Works, C. W. Nicholas, JRASCB 1960, 43-69)

“In no other part of the world are there to be found within the same space, the remains of so many works of irrigation, which are, at the same time, of such great antiquity, & of such vast magnitude as Ceylon. Probably no other country can exhibit works so numerous, & at the same time so ancient & extensive, within the same limited area, as this island“
Colonial Governor of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Sir Henry Ward (1885-1860)

Architecture

“The constructive & artistic genius of the Sinhalese race proceeded in the following century (i.e.2nd century B. C.) to develop the design to an extent not found elsewhere. The most important examples erected in Ceylon are comparable with the greatest pyramids of Egypt. The two largest dagobas at Anuradhapura surpass in contents, three exceeded in height all but the two enormous pyramids Khufru & Khafra at Gizeh“
(Ancient Ceylon, H. Parker, 262)

Literature

“One of the greatest contributions of the Sinhalese people to the cultural development of South & South East Asia & to world literature is the creation of historic literature. It is well-known that on the Indian sub continent before the invasion of the Islamic conquerors virtually no historic literature had developed… Sri Lanka tells a different story. In the Dipavamsa & Mahavamsa & in various other Sinhalese texts, we are given an account of the political & cultural history of the island from earliest times until the present time“
(Wilhelm Geiger – His Life & Works, Heinz Bechert, 2nd ed., 69)

Colonization

“The Sinhalese voluntarily surrendered their island to the British Sovereign with full reservation of their rights & liberties. They may thus claim to be one of the few ancient races of the world who have not been conquered.“
(Sketches of Ceylon History by Sri Lankan-then called Ceylonese-Tamil scholar Ponnambalam Arunachalam, 1906)

“The Sinhalese people are not, in my opinion, happier or better than they were in the eighteenth century. Talk of progress, & reality, are not the same. Civilization is supposed to advance by the creation of new desires, to gratify which the individual must endeavour to improve his position. But it is not quantity, but quality of wants that may be taken as evidence of progress in the Art of Living. No one acquainted with modern Sinhalese taste will pretend that it gives evidence of any improvement in the quality of wants. Indeed, it is sufficiently obvious that quantity, variety, & novelty are not compatible with quality.“
Mediaeval Sinhalese Art: Sri Lankan – then called Ceylonese – Tamil scholar Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy (1908) comparing the period prior to British rule with the period of British rule.

Buddhist Bhikkus (monks)

“Go and talk to the yellow robed and tonsured recluse – not of course through an interpreter, or out of a book of phrases: you must know not only his language but something of Buddhist ideas; and you must speak to him as man to man, not as the wise to the barbarian. You will certainly be courteous; for whatever else a Buddhist Bhikkhu may be, he will be sure to give proof of courtesy and a dignified demeanor. And it will be strange if you do not find a new world of thought and of feeling opening out before you.“
Rhys Davids, Professor of Pali in the University of London at Manchester during 1882-1904

Creation of an Island

Mount Meru or Mount Sumeru is a sacred mountain in Hindu mythology considered to be the center of the universe. It is believed to be the abode of Brahma and other deities. The mountain is said to be 80,000 leagues (450,000 km) high and located in Jambudvipa, one of the continents on earth in Hindu mythology. Many Hindu temples & Angkor Wat, the principal temple of Angkor in Cambodia, have been built as symbolic representations of the Mountain. Legends say that Mount Meru and the wind god Vayu were bosom friends. However, the sage Narada approached Vayu and incited him to humble the mountain. Vayu blew with full force for one full year, but Meru was shielded by Garuda with his wings. However, after a year Garuda took respite for some time. Taking advantage of this opportunity, Vayu unleashed an assault with all his might. Thus, the apex of the mountain was broken, and it fell into the sea and created the island of Lanka.

The capital of Lanka too was then called Lanka. It is said to have been built of gold by Viswakarma, the architect of the gods for the residence of Kuvera, from whom it was taken by king Ravana.

Naming an Island

The island was renamed Sri Lanka, meaning “resplendent land” in Sanskrit, in1972.
In Hindu epic Ramayana the island was known as Lanka.
Sri Lanka was known in many names:
Ratnadivpa (i.e. the island of precious stones),
Lanka & Lankadweepa (in Hindu epic Ramayana)
Heladiva (island of Hela=island of Sinhalese)
Tambapanni (Copper-coloured beach)
Simoundou, Taprobane by the Greeks & Romans (from Sanskrit Tambapanni)
Serendib (from the Sanskrit Sinhaladvipa, i.e. the island of the Sinhalese)
Si-lan by Chinese, Seylan by the Arabs
Celao during the Portuguese era, Zeilan in the Dutch era
Ceylon during the colonization by the British.

Edward Barbosa, a Portuguese captain who visited the island in 1515, tried to persuade his countrymen to adopt Tenasserim, which in an ancient Indian language meant “Land of Delights”, but they had already settled on Celao. To Marco Polo it was “a land like no other”.

Cosmas Indicopleustes, the Byzantine author of “Christian Topography” twisted the Arabic into Sielediba, but the 18th century English novelist Horace Walpole stuck to the original for his fairy tale, “The Three Princes of Serendib”, & used it to coin the term “serendipity”, meaning discovery by happy accident. 

Sinhalese

The Sinhalese are the indigenous people in Sri Lanka, and have lived on the island for over 2550 years. ‘Sinhala’ or ‘ Sinhale’ means ‘of lion blood’, because the prince who first settled in the island (with 500 followers in 6th century BC) was believed to have had a lion for a grandfather. The Sinhalese are of Indo-Aryan descent, and speak ‘Sinhala’, the oldest of the living Indo-Aryan languages. The Sinhalese have the oldest, continuously recorded history in the world-the story of the Sinhalese is traced back to 2550 years.

Ancient Sinhalese irrigation

The ingenuity of the Sinhala irrigation engineers is best exemplified by the invention of the “bisokotuwa” which literally means “queen’s enclosure” signifying “out of bounds”. The Bisokotuwa is the equivalent of the valve-pit (sluice gate), which functions in the regulation of the outward flow of water & is therefore essentially an invention made by the Sinhala irrigation engineers more than 2200 years ago, 1000 years before the rest of the world, and are considered to have built the most sophisticated irrigation systems in the world according to British excavation engineers. It has remained essentially unchanged since then. “it was this bisokotuwa invention alone which permitted the Sinhalese to proceed boldly with the construction of reservoirs that still rank among the finest work of its kind in the world” (Parker, 1981) Minneriya tank, was the first great rainwater reservoir ever constructed in the world, if the great lakes of Egypt, which are immense natural hollows into which streams were turned, are not considered. This was built by King Mahasena (276-303 AD)

The first recorded hospital in the world

The history of medical care began early, for in the fourth century BC King Pandukabhaya (437-366 BC), in the course of sanitizing the town, constructed an Ayurvedic hospital.

At Mihintale there is found the Ayurveda Medicine trough, a ruin of a hospital built in the ninth century AD. In the fourth century AD King Upastissa the second provided quarters & homes for the crippled & the blind.  King Buddhadasa (337-365 AD) himself a physician of great repute, appointed a physician to be in charge of every ten villages. For the maintenance of these physicians, one tenth of the income of the fields was set apart. He also set up refuges for the sick in every village. Physicians were also appointed to look after the animals. Animal Welfare influenced by Buddhist tenets commenced in Sri Lanka. King Kassapa the fifth (914-923 AD) founded a hospital close to the southern gate of Anuradhapura. General Sena in the tenth century is believed to have built a hospital close to the ceremonial street (Managala Veediaya).

The oldest recorded tree in the world: Sri Maha Bodhi (Sacred Bo-Tree)

A sapling of the sacred Bo tree (Peepal) (Ficus religiosa) in the shelter of which Prince Siddhartha Gauthama attained supreme enlightenment & became Buddha (6th century BC) was brought to Sri Lanka by Buddhist nun Sanagamiita, as a gift from her father Mauryan Buddhist Indian Emperor Asoka in the 3rd century BC. Today, the huge specimen of this Ficus religiosa has no rival to the claim of being the oldest historical tree (i.e. having the longest recorded written history) in the world. It has been protected by an uninterrupted series of Buddhist monks since it was planted.

The world’s first museum

The world’s first museum was built in Sri Lanka 2200 years ago. It housed the parts of the ship that brought the Bodhi sapling to Sri Lanka from India in the 3rd century BC. Sri Maha Bodhi (Sacred Bo-Tree).

The world’s first recorded (247 BC) wildlife and nature reserve

Sri Lanka was the setting – Mihintale being the site – of the world’s first recorded (247 BC) wildlife and nature reserve, established by King Devanam Piya Tissa, deeply influenced as he was by the inspirational message of the Buddha imparted to him by Arahat Mahinda. Further evidence of this deep-rooted concern for wildlife and the commitment to conservation is found in an inscription engraved on a stone slab at Anuradhapura’s majestic millennia-old Ruwanweliseya Stupa. The inscription attributed to the 12th Century King Nissankamalla of Polononnaruwa, forbade the capture, killing or commercial trafficking of any animals, birds and fish within a radius of 7gau (4 miles) from the city. References to royal protection and preservation of wildlife are extant throughout the Mahavamsa and this traditional care and concern for creatures of the wild continues to this day.

Most possibly the oldest steel plant in the world

The earliest evidence of steel making in the ancient world, dating back to 300 BC, has been found in the Samanalwewa reservoir area. In comparison, England’s first steel making occurred in 1491. The early furnaces were ingeniously powered by natural draught-the monsoon winds-rather than the forced draught (bellow-operated) method employed elsewhere. Recent excavations found the ruins of a steel plant (built circa 300 BC) manned solely by wind power. Sri Lanka did indeed export high quality steel to Persia to make the famed Persian swords. The internationally reputed ‘ Damascus Sword’ is said to have its origin in ancient Sri Lanka. Such was the skill and talent of the Sinhalese craftsmen and iron workers. 

Ancient Sinhalese ships

At one time, the Sinhalese ships were the biggest at Canton harbor (Chinese records). Chinese historians and scholars even to this day  say that the Chinese then living in Canton used to look forward to the arrival of Sinhalese made Ships because they brought goods and delightful material in short supply in China.  History records a time when the Sinhalese Ambassador to Rome sat on the right hand side seat of the Roman Emperor Claudius Caesar.

Elephants of Ancient Lanka

The excellence of elephants of Sri Lanka was well known to the Greeks as far back as 3rd century BC, in the time of Alexander the Great. Onescritus, an admiral of the fleet of Alexander the Great has stated that the elephants of Lanka “are bigger, more fierce & furious for war than those of India” Greek writers Megasthenes (300 BC) & Aelian (44AD) corroborate this. Sixth century writer Cosmos Indicopleustes says that the elephants from Sri Lanka were highly priced and valued in India for their excellence in war.

The Ancient Maritime Sea route (250 BC-250 AD)

In Topographia Christiana of the 6th century AD, Sri Lanka is referred to as an important sea trade center on the Maritime Silk Route. Sri Lanka is also mentioned in The Periplus Maris Erythraei, a guide to trade on the Red Sea & India, written by an author in Alexandria, supposedly around 40 AD. The Ancient Maritime Sea Route (250 BC-250 AD) extended from Alexandria to China: Alexandria – Nabataean Kingdom – The Red Sea – Himyarite Kingdom (Yemen) – The Arabian Sea – Satavahanas Kingdom (India) – Ruhuna Kingdom (Sri Lanka) – Malacca – Don Song Kingdom (Cambodia) – China.

One & only monument of the world built in honor of a fallen enemy

Sri Lanka is the only country in the world known to have a monument built in honor of a fallen enemy (2nd century BC). The Tamil invader Elara was killed in the epic war by the Sinhalese prince from Ruhuna who rose to become the hero of the nation. The victorious King Dutugamunu of Lanka decreed that anyone passing the monument pay homage to the dead king, who even though an invader and enemy. Furthermore, a Kandyan Sinhalese Chieftain and Nobleman, Keppetipola Disawe, did so at the cost of his life as recently as 1815, while fleeing from the British who were at his heels. Keppetipola handed over to the British occupiers the weapons he had with him before switching sides. Had he retained and fought with British weapons in the Great Rebellion of 1817 – 1818 against British colonial Rule the history of Sri Lanka might have taken a different turn. The ancient Sinhalese believed neither in being ruled by foreign powers nor the contrary. Whenever there were invaders, they were successfully overthrown, but once the kingdom was won back, these very same invaders were ‘allowed to live as they pleased‘ (ancient inscriptions). The Kings even built religious monuments for these very same invaders, some of which exist to this day. The Sinhalese have never conquered foreign lands as a matter of State Policy as Western Conquerors have done sometimes with the blessings of the Vatican and its Missionaries. The ancient concept of tolerance of the Sinhalese has been inspired by the gentle sway of Buddhism. 

Awe-inspiring ancient monuments. Ancient yet sophisticated vast Irrigation network consisting of well over 10,000 massive Rainwater Reservoirs (fervet opus = the work seethes) which to date irrigate the island making it self sufficient in Rice. The Island was called the Granary of the Orient during the reign of King Parakramabahu the Great (1153-1186) who proclaimed that “not a single drop of rainwater should flow into the sea without serving the purpose of man“. 

Serandib, the island of Gems, attracted the Moorish traders, who were then called upon to compete and  battle it out with the invading Portuguese & Dutch & the British. They joined the Sinhalese in the defence of Sri Lanka ( Seethawaka and Kandyan Kingdoms) for 300 years. Serendib in Arabic, Ceilao in Portuguese, Ceylon in English. All stem from the Pali word Sinhala or Sinhaladipa.

Ancient Inscriptions of Sri Lanka

The earliest archaeological remains connected with the Sinhalese, which are still preserved without alteration in later times, are many hundreds of caves with inscriptions engraved on their brows, found in various parts of the island. These caves are found among the numerous boulders which litter the sides of hills in certain places like Mihintale, Ritigala, Dambulla & Situlpahuwa & at other sites.

The artificial improvements effected to these caves consist mainly of a drip line cut along the brow, so as to prevent rain water flowing into them. Some of these caves were provided with walls as well as the face of the rock inside, were covered with a coating of lime plaster & painted in some instances. In most of the caves, an inscription has been incised below the drip line.

The script of these records is the same as that of the most ancient historical inscriptions in India. The edicts of Emperor Asoka are in the same script. Closer examinations of the script of these records reveal that the forms of the individual letters were imperceptibly undergoing change during the period in which they were being written. A comparison of the letters in these records from Sri Lanka with the forms in Asoka inscriptions & others in India, to which definite dates can be given, enables us to conclude that these cave inscriptions have been made in dates ranging from approximately the last quarter of the century B.C. to about the end of the first century A.C.

Like the script, the language of these documents is akin to that of the earliest records found in India. These various dialects belong to a family of languages-namely the Indo-Aryan of which the most highly cultivated is the Sanskrit, & to which belong the languages spoken today in North India as well as by the Sinhalese. A study of the language of the records in the caves in Sri Lanka enables one to conclude that it has, by gradual changes following natural phonological laws, risen to the Sinhala that is spoken today. The Aryan languages are spoken today in the North of India. The Languages of South India is included in a different family, the Dravidian. These inscriptions thus collaborate to the literary tradition according to which the Sinhalese migrated to this island from Lala, a region in North India. Considering that there is, between Sri Lanka & the regions in which the Aryan languages are spoken in India, an extensive area in which the language spoken by the people are Non-Aryan, the original Sinhalese, as their traditions testify, have arrived in this island by sea-routes.

The oldest Sinhalese inscriptions are found in the North as well as in the South of the island, in its western regions as well as in the East. They are also found at sites in the hill country, though the majority of sites containing early Sinhalese inscriptions are found on the plains. These inscriptions bring forth testimony to the fact that the Sinhalese have occupied practically the whole of the island.

The inscriptions dated in the reign of the Kings of the Lambakarna dynasty (65 AD-432 AD) are numerous. They are sometimes of considerable length, & are generally in agreement with the chronicles. There are inscriptions which furnish us with genealogical information not given in the Chronicles, & indicate the dynasty’s continuity where the Chronicles would lead us to conclude that there was a break. These records register the donations made to the religious institutions by kings & nobles, but do not refer to political events directly. The records however, furnish us with valuable data concerning the land tenure, revenue system & the administrative, economic, social & religious conditions of the time. They also enable us to understand the gradual evolution of the Sinhalese language.

Historical chronicles of Sri Lanka

Mahawamsa

Uniqueness of Mahawamsa

The Mahawamsa is one of the most remarkable histories in existence, unrivalled-with perhaps the sole exception of the Shu King records of the Chinese emperors.

But then again, while Mahawamsa is a continuous narration of unbroken civilization & history of 2550 years, Shu King is simply a collection of historical memoirs over a time span of 1700 years, but on no connected method, & with frequent & great gaps between them.

Accuracy of Mahawamsa

The accuracy of the Mahawamsa as historical record of ancient Sri Lanka is generally accepted by means of other numerous local & Indian edicts (for eg., King rock edict of Indian Emperor Asoka & records of Roman historian Pliny), inscriptions, historical works, literary works as well as by way of ruins, renovated historical & Buddhist monuments, ancient yet sophisticated irrigation networks, which extend the lifeline to date, consisting of intact & renovated massive rainwater reservoirs & canal systems.

Humanity of Mahawamsa

Kings who rescued the Sinhalese race, the island & Buddhism from marauding Dravidian armies (of powerful South Indian kingdoms) hell bent on plunder & pillage, murder & mayhem, sack & ruin with sword & fire were given due credit. Kings who performed deeds of piety, who made the country self sufficient in rice by way of irrigation engineering, promoted Ayurveda medicine & medical practice, build Buddhist temples, stupas & reigned with efforts to follow Dasaraja Dharma (tenfold righteous path of a king, according to Buddhism) were showered with praise. Even prior to the advent of Buddhism, Lanka had much more than its share of benevolent rulers.

Mahavamsa chronicles represent King Bhatikabhaya, the Sinhalese king who presumably was responsible for sending the embassy to Rome during Emporer Caludius’ reign, as a benevolent ruler. His conduct was narrated by Pliny to stand in opposition to that of the Roman principate. The idea of Taprobane (Sri Lanka) as a utopia, which was to become commonplace among Roman writers, occurs first in Artemidorus of Ephesus (fl 104-101 B.C) (as cited by Pliny N. H. V11 2.30)

The Buddha’s discourse in the Cakkavatti Sihanada Sutta, found in the Digha Nikaya, describes the duties of a “Righteous King” or “wheel-turning monarch”. It states that a righteous ruler’s responsibilities include providing protection and shelter for all beings, including humans of different classes, as well as for birds and animals. This principle is foundational to the concept of a ruler governed by Dhamma (righteousness or law) and has influenced the rulers of Sri Lanka to care for both human and animal welfare. 

Compilation of Mahawamsa

Language: compiled in Pali, the language of Theravada Buddhism
Form: Verse
Material: Ola leaves
Period: From the advent of Vijaya in 543 BC to Lanka’s greatest betrayal of the nation in 1815; by the hill country (Kandyan) chieftains to the British, who were ruling the lower country plains.

4th century AD
Dipavamsa (Island Genealogy or Dynasty). Believed to have been written by two Buddhist nuns Sivala & Maharuha from India.

6th century AD
Mahawamsa (Great Genealogy)
Classic adaptation of earlier Dipavamsa by Buddhist monk Ven. Mahanama Maha Thera (an uncle of King Dhatusena (461-478 A.D.), who lived in the Dighasanda Senapathi Privena, which belonged to the Maha-vihara Fraternity in Anuradhapura. His works ends with Ch. 37:50

The rest of the Mahawamsa is known as Culavamsa, especially after Prof. Wilhelm Geiger, who is said to have made the division.

12h century AD

Culavamsa (Lesser Genealogy)
Main body of Mahavamsa written by Buddhist monk Ven. Dhamma-kirti Maha thera who lived during Dambadeniya period (1220-1293)

17th century AD

Additions by Ven. Tibbotuwawe Sri Siddhartha Buddha-rakshita Maha Thera who lived during the reign of King Kirti Sri Rajasinha (1747-1778) & Ven. Panditha Yagirala Sri Pragnanada, the Chief Sangha nayaka of Gonagala Sudharma-kara Pirivena.

18th century AD

Culavamsa expanded by Buddhist monk Tibbaootuwawe Sumangala Thera
Year 1815: Chapter 101 was added as a supplement by Buddhist monk Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera
Year 1877 Chapter 101 was expanded by D. A. de Silva Batuwantudawa Esq.

Rosetta Stone of Sri Lanka & translation of Mahawamsa

Year 1826: Ceylon’s Rosetta stone was found; ola parchment at Mulgirigala that led to deciphering of classical Pali scripts, & the translation of the Mahavamsa.

A provincial agent of British colonial rulers named George Turnour ( the prestigious Royal College Turnour Prize inaugurated in 1846 was named named after George Turnour ) was burrowing in a temple on top of a 200-meter rock called Mulkirigala on the south coast when he came across a stack of palm-leaf parchment that provided the clues that enabled him to decipher the archaic pali script of ancient Sinhalese chronicle Mahavamsa.

From an Indian perspective, it is viewed as an invaluable text for historians, since it often relates to contemporary royal dynasties in the Indian subcontinent.

Mahavamsa: official translation by Dr. Wilhem Geiger in 1912
Chulawamsa: official translation by Dr. Wilhem Geiger in 1930

The first English translation of Mahavamsa from Dr. Geiger’s native German was done by Mrs. Mabel Haynes Bode. Overall, the chronicle has over 200,000 words of text in about 960 pages. Dr.Geiger called the first part (Chapters 1-37) the Mahavamsa, the second part (Chapters 38-79) the Culavamsa 1 & the third & final part (Chapters 80-101) the Culavamsa 2.

Other ancient chronicles of Sri Lanka

Rajawaliya
Pujawaliya
Attana-galu Vihara Vamsa
The Dhatuvamsa
The Elu-Attangaluvamsa
The Elu-Bidhivamsa
The Maha Bodhivamsa
The Thupavamsa
The Daladavamsa
The Viharavamsa

References

• Codrington, H. W.: A Short History of Ceylon, New Delhi 1994 (Reprint.
• De Silva, Chandra Richard: Sri Lanka – A History, New Delhi 1987 (2nd,
• De Silva, K. M.: A History of Sri Lanka. New Delhi, Penguin, xvii, p.
• Johnson, B. L. C., and M. Le M. Scrivenor.: Sri Lanka Land, People and
• Knox, Robert: An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon in the
• Mendis, G.C.: Ceylon Today and Yesterday, Colombo 1957 (3rd edition
• Smith, Vincent A.: The Oxford History of India, Oxford 1958 (4th
• Williams, Harry: Ceylon Pearl of the East, Robert Hale Limited, London, Great Britain, 1950.

The Sources – My Sri Lanka Holidays – The Glory of Ancient Sri Lanka ( http://www.mysrilankaholidays.com/ancient-glory.html) and 

AI Overview                             

Gamaya TV

This program discusses in detail the invasion of the Pandyan kingdom of South India by King Parakramabahu the Great, who ruled Sri Lanka during the Polonnaruwa era. This program does not distort or change any information mentioned in history. Disclaimer: 1. This video is intended for educational and informational purposes only. All information, stories and everything shared on the videos of GAMAYA TV channel is based on information collected from various sources like books, newspapers and internet. GAMAYA TV does not create or claim authenticity of any of the information provided in this channel. Any resemblance to real persons, living or dead is unintentional and purely coincidental. We do not intend to hurt any religious sentiments of our viewers. Some parts from this video like music, pictures and videos are sourced from the web. GAMAYA TV does not declare any ownership and is ready to give the rights to whoever it is due. 2. Multiple sources like books, newspapers, blogs and internet have been referred to create the content and stories for the videos and we try our best to use content with owner’s permission and under ‘fair use’, however, if we happen to use your copyright material without the permission, please reach out to us at dilki2k15@gmail.com and we will remove your copyright materials. 

Source : AI Overview

TheMahavamsa of Mahanama Thero is widely considered the single most important literary work of Sri Lankan (Sinhala) origin and a major achievement on the world stage due to its unique historical and literary significance.  The combined work (Mahavamsa and its continuation, the Culavamsa) provides one of the world’s longest continuous historical records, spanning over two millennia.

Written in the 6th century AD, its significance extends to a world stage because it is a valuable source for historical data on ancient South Asia and has been recognized by UNESCO for its outstanding universal value. Its translations into various languages have also contributed to its global reach and importance. 

Every chapter of the Mahavamsa ends by stating that it is written for the “serene joy of the pious”. 

The first part of the Mahavansa was written in the 6th century AD by Ven. Mahanama Maha Thera, an uncle of king Dhatusena (460-478), who lived in the Dighasanda Senapathi Pirivena, which belonged to the Mahavihara Fraternity in Anuradhapura. His work ends with Chapter 37:50. His work was greatly influenced by the Dipavamsa written five centuries earlier. It describes the foundation of the Sinhalese monarchy with the consecration of King Vijaya and continues to the end of King Mahasena’s rule in the 4th century AD.

Importance and significance

• Historical significance: The Mahavamsa provides a detailed chronological account of Sri Lanka’s history, making it a crucial source for historians studying both Sri Lankan (primarily Sinhala) and Indian rulers. It has been instrumental in corroborating information about the Maurya emperor Asoka, for example.
• Cultural and religious importance: The chronicle is a fundamental document for understanding the history and spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia. It details the transformations in the local society and culture following the introduction of Buddhism.
• Literary and linguistic importance:  Written in elegant Pali verse, it is considered the most important epic poem in the Pali language, influencing chroniclers and artists across Southeast Asia.
• It was translated into several European languages ( including English and German) in the 19th and 20th centuries, making it accessible to a global audience of scholars and historians. 
• Global recognition: The Mahavamsa has been included in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register, acknowledging its outstanding universal value. 

Context and evolution

• The original text covers the period from the legendary founding of the Sinhala kingdom up to the 4th century AD.
• Subsequent continuations of the chronicle, such as the Culavamsa, extend the history up to the 16th century.
• The first English translation was published in 1837 by George Turnour, and a German translation was completed by Wilhelm Geiger in 1912. 
• The Mahavamsa stands as a foundational and unparalleled historical and cultural epic of global historical and literary importance. 

• Source : AI Overview ( https://share.google/aimode/4qGAM29tOY4DDdcFm)

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Nov. 18 (Daily Mirror) – The Chief Incumbent of the Sri Sambuddha Jayanthi Bodhiraja Viharaya in Trincomalee, Venerable Kalyanawansa Tissa Thera, has filed a writ petition before the Court of Appeal seeking an order to prevent the demolition of a section of the temple premises.

The petition names the Director General of the Coastal Conservation Department, the Secretary to the Ministry of Environment and the Minister of Environment as respondents.

According to the petition, the temple was officially registered in 1951 under the Amarapura Nikaya in accordance with the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance. It further noted that on June 6, 2014, then President Mahinda Rajapaksa granted a valid deed to the temple during the tenure of Venerable Mahinda Wansama Tissa Thera, who served as the chief incumbent at the time.

The petitioner also states that the Trincomalee Municipal Council previously issued a letter indicating it had no objection to the development of the land bearing No. 57/TG, which belongs to the Viharaya.

Venerable Kalyanawansa Tissa Thera maintains that any attempt to demolish part of the temple premises is unlawful and seeks a court order to prevent such action.

SEPAL – short clips

SEPAL – short clips

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