By Sarath Obeysekera

The recent article Helming a Sea Change: Building the Future Workforce for US Shipbuilding” (January 12, 2026) correctly identifies shipbuilding as a cornerstone of national strength, economic resilience, and security. Ships still carry more than 80 percent of global trade, and yet the United States—once a dominant maritime power—now accounts for barely 0.2 percent of global commercial shipbuilding, a dramatic fall from its 5 percent share in the 1970s. In defense shipbuilding, the imbalance is even more alarming: China now produces more than three warships for every one built in the United States.

The diagnosis is clear: America faces a critical shortage of skilled maritime labor, and this gap will widen as global demand for ships and naval assets accelerates over the next three decades. The question is whether the proposed remedies—reassessing nautical education, creating new maritime academies, and modest private-sector incentives—are anywhere near sufficient.

The Workforce Reality No One Wants to Name

Shipbuilding is hard, physical, and highly disciplined work. It requires welders, pipefitters, electricians, naval architects, outfitters, and planners willing to work long hours in industrial environments. In today’s US labor market, younger generations are understandably drawn toward technology, finance, or services rather than heavy manufacturing. Even when shipyards raise wages, they struggle to attract and retain workers at scale.

This creates an uncomfortable truth: the United States cannot rebuild a globally competitive shipbuilding industry relying solely on its domestic labor pool. Demographics, skills mismatches, and lifestyle expectations make that mathematically improbable.

What emerges instead—often without being openly acknowledged—is a system that resembles neo-slavery with pay.”

What Neo-Slavery with Pay” Really Means

The phrase is provocative, but it reflects a global reality. Many advanced economies already rely on migrant labor to sustain industries their own populations no longer wish to serve—construction, shipyards, caregiving, agriculture, and logistics. Workers are paid, often better than in their home countries, but they live in constrained conditions, with limited mobility, limited political voice, and a narrow economic role.

The United States already benefits indirectly from this system through global supply chains. Ships built in South Korea, China, or Japan are constructed by workforces that include migrants living in dormitories, company housing, or tightly regulated townships. The difference is that this neo-slavery with pay” happens offshore, out of sight.

If the US wants ships built at home, it must confront this reality directly.

A Radical but Realistic Proposal: Immigration Linked to Shipbuilding Townships

Rather than pretending that marginal reforms will solve a structural labor crisis, the US should adopt a streamlined, sector-specific immigration framework tied explicitly to shipbuilding and maritime manufacturing.

Key elements could include:

1. Purpose-Driven Immigration
   • Fast-track visas for skilled and semi-skilled shipbuilding workers from countries with strong maritime traditions.
   • Clear pathways tied to employment in certified shipyards and suppliers.
2. Planned Shipbuilding Townships
   • Purpose-built, affordable townships near major shipyards, combining housing, healthcare, schools, and vocational training centers.
   • These would revive the historic shipyard town” model that once powered US industrial growth.
3. Contractual Protection and Oversight
   • Transparent wage structures, enforceable labor rights, and independent oversight to prevent exploitation.
   • Mobility within the maritime sector, even if broader labor mobility remains limited initially.
4. Skills Transfer and National Benefit
   • Mandatory training and mentorship programs to transfer skills to US citizens over time.
   • Integration with community colleges, unions, and maritime academies.

This is not about charity. It is about national survival in industrial and defense capacity.

The Moral Discomfort—and Why It Must Be Faced

Calling this model neo-slavery with pay” forces an ethical reckoning. Yes, such systems risk exploitation if poorly designed. But refusing to name the issue does not make it disappear. The alternative is continued decline: empty shipyards, delayed naval programs, strategic vulnerability, and permanent dependence on foreign builders.

The real moral failure would be to demand world-class shipbuilding without being willing to create the human systems that make it possible.

Rebuilding Ships, Rebuilding Communities

If done transparently and humanely, shipbuilding-linked immigration could do more than fill labor gaps. It could:

• Revitalize declining industrial regions
• Rebuild middle-skill manufacturing ecosystems
• Restore America’s maritime credibility
• Strengthen national security in a volatile world

The United States once built ships—and cities—at scale because it aligned labor, housing, policy, and purpose. Today, rebuilding that capacity requires courage to challenge comfortable narratives.

Shipbuilding cannot be resurrected with slogans alone. It requires hands, skills, and people willing to do the work. If those people must come from abroad, then the US should design a system that is honest about the trade-offs, firm about protections, and bold enough to match the scale of the challenge.

Anything less is not strategy—it is denial.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Courtesy Hiru News

Buddhist monks should not remain silent in the face of social unfairness and serious cultural decline, but instead speak fearlessly for the nation without being intimidated by threats.

Venerable Wendaruwe Upali Anunayake Thera of the Asgiri Chapter emphasised this during a book launch held at the historic Mihintale sacred site.

The prelate stated that monks should never fear intimidation and must advocate for the country and its religion.

He questioned who would speak up if the clergy remained silent while the nation’s culture faced such significant erosion.

He further noted that while some individuals reside in Sri Lanka, their mindsets remain fixed on European values, contributing to this cultural shift.

The remarks came during the launch of the book “Sela Chethiya,” written by Mihintale Rajamaha Viharaya Chief Incumbent Venerable Valahagunawewa Dhammarathana Thera.

The event took place today (31) at the Mihintale Rajamaha Viharaya, presided over by the Anunayake Theros of both the Malwathu and Asgiri Chapters.

Lankaweb on Buddhism

When I asked AI what the difference between Loba and Thanha in Buddhism, this is the reply I got.

Great question — they’re closely related, but Buddhism is very precise with words.

Lobha (often spelled loba)

Meaning: Greed, craving, attachment
Scope: Broad and general

• Lobha is one of the three unwholesome roots (akusala mūla):
  lobha (greed), dosa (hatred), moha (delusion)
• It refers to any mental state that clings, grasps, or wants to possess.
• It can be gross (greed for money, power, people) or subtle (liking, preference, attachment, I want this to continue”).

👉 Think of lobha as the greedy tendency of the mind.

---

Taṇhā (Thanha)

Meaning: Thirst, craving
Scope: Specific, dynamic, experiential

• Taṇhā is specifically identified as the cause of suffering in the Second Noble Truth.
• It describes the felt craving that arises in experience, especially in response to pleasant or unpleasant sensations.
• Classic three types of taṇhā:
  1. Kāma-taṇhā – craving for sense pleasures
  2. Bhava-taṇhā – craving to be, to exist, to become
  3. Vibhava-taṇhā – craving to not be, to escape, to annihilate

👉 Think of taṇhā as the moment-to-moment thirst that fuels rebirth and suffering.

---

Key Difference (simple analogy)

• Lobha = the character trait/root tendency of greed
• Taṇhā = the active craving that arises in a moment

Or:

• Lobha is the firewood
• Taṇhā is the flame

---

How they relate

• Taṇhā is a form of lobha, but not all lobha is described as taṇhā.
• In dependent origination, taṇhā has a very specific role:
  feeling → taṇhā → clinging → becoming → suffering.
• Lobha is used more in Abhidhamma and ethical psychology;
  taṇhā is central in sutta-level explanations of dukkha.

---

One-line summary

Lobha is the unwholesome root of greed; taṇhā is the craving that actively drives suffering.

If you want, I can also explain how upādāna (clinging) fits between taṇhā and lobha — that’s where it gets really interesting.

Can you please explain how upādāna (clinging) fits between taṇhā and lobha

Glad you asked — this is one of those places where Buddhist psychology gets beautifully surgical. Let’s walk it slowly.

---

The basic relationship (big picture)

Lobha → Taṇhā → Upādāna

• Lobha = the root tendency to desire and attach
• Taṇhā = craving that arises in experience
• Upādāna = craving that has hardened into clinging

So upādāna is not separate from lobha — it is lobha intensified, structured, and owned.

---

Step-by-step in lived experience

Imagine something pleasant appears.

1. Lobha (latent tendency)

There is already a background habit in the mind:

Pleasure is good. I want it.”

This isn’t active yet — it’s potential, like dry grass.

---

2. Taṇhā (thirst arises)

A pleasant feeling arises (vedanā), and the mind responds:

I want this.”
I want more.”
I don’t want this to stop.”

This is taṇhā — the pull toward the experience.

Still fluid. Still possible to let go.

---

3. Upādāna (clinging takes hold)

Now something important happens:

This is mine.”
This is me.”
I must have this.”

At this point:

• craving becomes identification
• desire becomes possession
• liking becomes psychological ownership

This is upādāna.

👉 The Buddha literally uses the word fuel” here — what keeps the fire burning.

---

Why upādāna is its own stage

Taṇhā can arise and pass quickly.
Upādāna sticks.

• Taṇhā says: I want.”
• Upādāna says: I am someone who needs this.”

That shift is huge.

---

The Four Types of Upādāna

Upādāna isn’t only about pleasure:

1. Kāmupādāna – clinging to sense pleasures
2. Diṭṭhupādāna – clinging to views and opinions
3. Sīlabbatupādāna – clinging to rules, rituals, identities
4. Attavādupādāna – clinging to the idea of a self

Notice:
Only the first is obvious greed.”
The others are subtle lobha wearing philosophical clothes.

---

How this fits in Dependent Origination

The classic sequence:

Feeling (vedanā)
→ Taṇhā (craving)
→ Upādāna (clinging)
→ Bhava (becoming)
→ Dukkha (suffering)

• Taṇhā reaches out
• Upādāna grips
• Bhava builds an identity and a world around it

That’s how suffering gets momentum.

---

Lobha’s role in all this

• Lobha is the root condition
• Taṇhā is the expression
• Upādāna is the entrenchment

Without lobha, taṇhā doesn’t arise.
Without taṇhā, upādāna can’t form.

But upādāna is where liberation or bondage really gets decided — because clinging always implies a self who is clinging.

---

A sharp one-line insight

Taṇhā wants the experience; upādāna wants to be someone who has it.

That’s why insight practice often focuses on seeing taṇhā early — before it congeals into upādāna.

If you like, next we can look at how mindfulness cuts the chain specifically between vedanā and taṇhā, which is one of the Buddha’s most practical teachings.

ChatGPT can make mistakes. Check important

Courtesy The Island

One of the major initiatives of the NPP government is reforming the country’s education system. Immediately after coming to power, the government started the process of bringing about transformational” changes to general education. The budgetary allocation to education has been increased to 2% of GDP (from 1.8% in 2023). Although this increase is not sufficient, the government has pledged to build infrastructure, recruit more teachers, increase facilities at schools and identified education reforms as an urgent need. These are all welcome moves. However, it is with deep concern that we express our views on the general education reforms that are currently underway.

The government’s approach to education reform has been hasty and lacking in transparency and public consultation. Announcements regarding the reforms planned for January 2026 were made in July 2025. In August, 2025, a set of slides was circulated, initially through unofficial sources. It was only in November 2025, just three months ahead of implementation, that an official policy document, Transforming General Education in Sri Lanka 2025, was released. The Ministry of Education held a series of meetings about the reforms. However, by this time the modules had already been written, published, and teacher training commenced.

The new general education policy shows a discrepancy between its conceptual approach and content. The objectives of the curriculum reforms include: to promote critical thinking”, multiple intelligences”, a deeper understanding of the social and political value of the humanities and social sciences” and embed the values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Yet, the new curriculum places minimal emphasis on social sciences and humanities, and leaves little time for critical thinking or for molding social justice-oriented citizens. Subjects such as environment, history and civics, are left out at the primary level, while at the junior secondary level, civics and history are allocated only 10 and 20 hours per term. The increase in the number of essential subjects” to 15 restricts the hours available for fundamentals like mathematics and language; only 30 hours are allocated to mathematics and the mother tongue, per term, at junior secondary level. Learning the second national language and about our conflict-ridden history are still not priorities despite the government’s pledge to address ethnic cohesion. The time allocation for Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy, now an essential subject, is on par with the second national language, geography and civics. At the senior secondary level (O/L), social sciences and humanities are only electives. If the government is committed to the objectives that it has laid out, there should be a serious re-think of what subjects will be taught at each grade, the time allocated to each, their progress across different levels, and their weight in the overall curriculum.

A positive aspect of the reforms is the importance given to vocational training. A curriculum that recognises differences in students, whether in terms of their interest in subject matter, styles of learning, or their respective needs, and caters to those diverse needs, would make education more pluralistic and therefore democratic. However, there must be some caution placed on how difference is treated, and this should not be reflected in vocational training alone, but in all aspects of the curriculum. For instance, will the history curriculum account for different narratives of history, including the recent history of Sri Lanka and the histories of minorities and marginalised communities? Will the family structures depicted in textbooks go beyond conventional conceptions of the nuclear family? Addressing these areas too would allow students to feel more represented in curricula and enable them to move through their years of schooling in ways that are unconstrained by stereotypes and unjust barriers.

The textbooks for the Grade 6 modules on the National Institute of Education (NIE) website appear to have not gone through rigorous review. They contain rampant typographical errors and include (some undeclared) AI-generated content, including images that seem distant from the student experience. Some textbooks contain incorrect or misleading information. The Global Studies textbook associates specific facial features, hair colour, and skin colour, with particular countries and regions, and refers to Indigenous peoples in offensive terms long rejected by these communities (e.g. Pygmies”, Eskimos”). Nigerians are portrayed as poor/agricultural and with no electricity. The Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy textbook introduces students to world famous entrepreneurs”, mostly men, and equates success with business acumen. Such content contradicts the policy’s stated commitment to values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Is this the kind of content we want in our textbooks?

The career interest test” proposed at the end of Grade 9 is deeply troubling. It is inappropriate to direct children to choose their career paths at the age of fourteen, when the vocational pathways, beyond secondary education, remain underdeveloped. Students should be provided adequate time to explore what interests them before they are asked to make educational choices that have a bearing on career paths, especially when we consider the highly stratified nature of occupations in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, the curriculum must counter the stereotyping of jobs and vocations to ensure that students from certain backgrounds are not intentionally placed in paths of study simply because of what their parents’ vocations or economic conditions are; they must also not be constrained by gendered understandings of career pathways.

The modules encourage digital literacy and exposure to new communication technologies. On the surface, this initiative seems progressive and timely. However, there are multiple aspects such as access, quality of content and age-appropriateness that need consideration before uncritical acceptance of digitality. Not all teachers will know how to use communication technologies ethically and responsibly. Given that many schools lack even basic infrastructure, the digital divide will be stark. There is the question of how to provide digital devices to all students, which will surely fall on the shoulders of parents. These problems will widen the gap in access to digital literacy, as well as education, between well-resourced and other schools.

The NIE is responsible for conceptualising, developing, writing and reviewing the general education curriculum. Although the Institution was established for the worthy cause of supporting the country’s general education system, currently the NIE appears to be ill-equipped and under-staffed, and seems to lack the experience and expertise required for writing, developing and reviewing curricula and textbooks. It is clear by now that the NIE’s structure and mandate need to be reviewed and re-invigorated.

In light of these issues, the recent Cabinet decision to postpone implementation of the reforms for Grade 6 to 2027 is welcome. The proposed general education reforms have resulted in a backlash from opposition parties and teachers’ and student unions, much of it, legitimately, focusing on the lack of transparency and consultation in the process and some of it on the quality and substance of the content. Embedded within this pushback are highly problematic gendered and misogynistic attacks on the Minister of Education. However, we understand the problems in the new curriculum as reflecting long standing and systemic issues plaguing the education sector and the state apparatus. They cannot be seen apart from the errors and highly questionable content in the old curriculum, itself a product of years of reduced state funding for education, conditionalities imposed by external funding agencies, and the consequent erosion of state institutions. With the NPP government in charge of educational reforms, we had expectations of a stronger democratic process underpinning the reforms to education, and attention to issues that have been neglected in previous reform efforts.

With these considerations in mind, we, the undersigned, urgently request the Government to consider the following:

*  postpone implementation and holistically review the new curriculum, including at primary level.

*  adopt a consultative process on educational reforms by holding public sittings across the country .

*  review the larger institutional structure of the educational apparatus of the state and bring greater coordination within its constituent parts

*  review the NIE’s mandate and strengthen its capacity to develop curricula, such as through appointexternal scholars an open and transparent process, to advise and review curriculum content and textbooks.

*  consider the new policy and curriculum to be live documents and make space for building consensus in policy formulation and curriculum development to ensure alignment of the curriculum with policy.

*  ensure textbooks (other than in language subjects) appear in draft form in both Sinhala and Tamil at an early stage so that writers and reviewers from all communities can participate in the process of scrutiny and revision from the very beginning.

*  formulate a plan for addressing difficulties in implementation and future development of the sector, such as resource disparities, teacher training needs, and student needs.

A.M. Navaratna Bandara,
formerly, University of Peradeniya

Ahilan Kadirgamar,
University of Jaffna

Ahilan Packiyanathan,
University of Jaffna

Arumugam Saravanabawan,
University of Jaffna

Aruni Samarakoon,
University of Ruhuna

Ayomi Irugalbandara,
The Open University of Sri Lanka.

Buddhima Padmasiri,
The Open University of Sri Lanka

Camena Guneratne,
The Open University of Sri Lanka

Charudaththe B.Illangasinghe,
University of the Visual & Performing Arts

Chulani Kodikara,
formerly, University of Colombo

Chulantha Jayawardena,
University of Moratuwa

Dayani Gunathilaka,
formerly, Uva Wellassa University of Sri Lanka

Dayapala Thiranagama,
formerly, University of Kelaniya

Dhanuka Bandara,
University of Jaffna

Dinali Fernando,
University of Kelaniya

Erandika de Silva,
formerly, University of Jaffna

G.Thirukkumaran,
University of Jaffna

Gameela Samarasinghe,
University of Colombo

Gayathri M. Hewagama,
University of Peradeniya

Geethika Dharmasinghe,
University of Colombo 

F. H. Abdul Rauf,
South Eastern University of Sri Lanka

H. Sriyananda,
Emeritus Professor, The Open University of Sri Lanka

Hasini Lecamwasam,
University of Peradeniya

(Rev.) J.C. Paul Rohan,
University of Jaffna

James Robinson,
University of Jaffna

Kanapathy Gajapathy,
University of Jaffna

Kanishka Werawella,
University of Colombo

Kasun Gajasinghe, formerly,
University of Peradeniya

Kaushalya Herath,
formerly, University of Moratuwa

Kaushalya Perera,
University of Colombo

Kethakie Nagahawatte,
formerly, University of Colombo

Krishan Siriwardhana,
University of Colombo

Krishmi Abesinghe Mallawa Arachchige,
formerly, University of Peradeniya

L. Raguram,
University of Jaffna

Liyanage Amarakeerthi,
University of Peradeniya

Madhara Karunarathne,
University of Peradeniya

Madushani Randeniya,
University of Peradeniya

Mahendran Thiruvarangan,
University of Jaffna

Manikya Kodithuwakku,
The Open University of Sri Lanka

Muttukrishna Sarvananthan,
University of Jaffna

Nadeesh de Silva,
The Open University of Sri Lanka

Nath Gunawardena,
University of Colombo

Nicola Perera,
University of Colombo

Nimal Savitri Kumar,
Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya

Nira Wickramasinghe,
formerly, University of Colombo

Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri,
University of Colombo

P. Iyngaran,
University of Jaffna

Pathujan Srinagaruban,
University of Jaffna

Pavithra Ekanayake,
University of Peradeniya

Piyanjali de Zoysa,
University of Colombo

Prabha Manuratne,
University of Kelaniya

Pradeep Peiris,
University of Colombo

Pradeepa Korale-Gedara,
formerly, University of Peradeniya

Prageeth R. Weerathunga,
Rajarata University of Sri Lanka

Priyantha Fonseka,
University of Peradeniya

Rajendra Surenthirakumaran,
University of Jaffna

Ramesh Ramasamy,
University of Peradeniya

Ramila Usoof,
University of Peradeniya

Ramya Kumar,
University of Jaffna

Rivindu de Zoysa,
University of Colombo

Rukshaan Ibrahim,
formerly, University of Jaffna 

Rumala Morel,
University of Peradeniya

Rupika S. Rajakaruna,
University of Peradeniya

S. Jeevasuthan,
University of Jaffna

S. Rajashanthan,
University of Jaffna 

S. Vijayakumar,
University of Jaffna

Sabreena Niles,
University of Kelaniya

Sanjayan Rajasingham,
University of Jaffna

Sarala Emmanuel,
The Open University of Sri Lanka

Sasinindu Patabendige,
formerly, University of Jaffna

Savitri Goonesekere,
Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo

Selvaraj Vishvika,
University of Peradeniya

Shamala Kumar,
University of Peradeniya

Sivamohan Sumathy,
formerly, University of Peradeniya

Sivagnanam Jeyasankar,
Eastern University Sri Lanka

Sivanandam Sivasegaram,
formerly, University of Peradeniya

Sudesh Mantillake,
University of Peradeniya

Suhanya Aravinthon,
University of Jaffna

Sumedha Madawala,
University of Peradeniya

Tasneem Hamead,
formerly, University of Colombo.

Thamotharampillai Sanathanan,
University of Jaffna

Tharakabhanu de Alwis,
University of Peradeniya 

Tharmarajah Manoranjan,
University of Jaffna 

Thavachchelvi Rasan,

University of Jaffna

Thirunavukkarasu Vigneswaran,
University of Jaffna

Timaandra Wijesuriya,
University of Jaffna

Udari Abeyasinghe,
University of Peradeniya

Unnathi Samaraweera,
University of Colombo

Vasanthi Thevanesam,
Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya

Vathilingam Vijayabaskar,
University of Jaffna

Vihanga Perera,
University of Sri Jayewardenepura

Vijaya Kumar,
Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya

Viraji Jayaweera,
University of Peradeniya

Yathursha Ulakentheran,
formerly, University of Jaffna.

උපුටාගැණීම මුහුනුපොත

https://www.jadetimes.com/…/sri-lanka-s-first-lady-the…

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහට දාලා තියන නඩුව නිසා බොහෝ අය හිතන්නෙ රනිල්ගේ ප්‍රතිරූපය සහ කීර්තිය පමණක් විනාශ වෙනවා කියලා. නමුත් බොහෝ දෙනාට නොපෙනෙන කාරණය නම් මේ නිසා අපේ රටේ කීරිතියත් විනාශ වෙන බව. ඒ මන්දයත්,

මෛත්‍රී වික්‍රමසිංහ මැතිණිය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගෙ බිරිඳ කියන කාරණය මොහොතකට අමතක කරොත්, ඇය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිටින ප්‍රමුඛ පෙළේ විද්වතෙකු සහ ස්ත්‍රී-පුරුෂ සමාජභාවය පිළිබඳ ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමේ ප්‍රවීණයෙක්. ඇය සිය ප්‍රථම උපාධිය (BA) ලන්ඩනයේ King’s College වෙතින් ලබා, ඉන්පසු කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයෙන් කාන්තා අධ්‍යයනය පිළිබඳ ශාස්ත්‍රපති උපාධිය (MA) ලබා ගන්නවා. ඇය සිය ආචාර්ය උපාධිය (PhD) ලබා ගත්තේ ලන්ඩන් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ අධ්‍යාපන ආයතනය (Institute of Education) මගින්. ඇය කැලණිය විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ ඉංග්‍රීසි අධ්‍යයන අංශයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ මහාචාර්යවරියක සහ එම අංශයේ ප්‍රධානියා (Chair) ලෙස දැනුත් කටයුතු කරමින් ඉන්නවා. ඇය වසර 35 කට අධික කාලයක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සහ විදේශීය විශ්ව විද්‍යාල රැසක (Sussex වැනි) ආරාධිත කථිකාචාර්යවරියක ලෙස සේවය කර තිබෙනවා. පොත්පත් ලියා තිබෙනවා.

ඉතින් සරලවම කිඋවොත් ඇය අපේ රට ආඩම්බරයෙන් කතා කළ යුතු කාන්තාවක් මිසක් මේවගේ අපහාසයට හෝ උපහාසයට ගත යුතු කාන්තාවක් නෙවෙයි. මක්නිසාදයත් ඇයට තිබෙන ජාත්‍යන්තර ගෞරවය නිසාම මේ නඩු කටයුත්ත දිහා විදේශිකයන් බලා සිටින නිසා. අපේ රටේ ජනාධිපති රේල්පාරක් උඩ ජොගින් කරනවා බලා ඔවුන් නිසැකවම සිනාසෙනවා ඇති. ඒමදිවට දැන් ඔහුගේ චරපුරුෂයන් කියනවා මෙම විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය අතිශය පුද්ගලික විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයක්ලු.

වොල්වර්හැම්ප්ටන් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලය එක්සත් රාජධානියේ පිහිටි ප්‍රසිද්ධ රජයේ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයක් (Public University) මිස “අතිශය පෞද්ගලික විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයක්” නෙවෙයි. එහි උපාධි ප්‍රදානය කරනු ලබන්නේ රජයේ අනුමැතිය සහ ප්‍රමිතීන්ට යටත්වයි.

ඒවගේම, 2023 වසරේදී එම විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ කලා, ව්‍යාපාර සහ සමාජ විද්‍යා පීඨය මගින් මෛත්‍රී වික්‍රමසිංහ මැතිනියට ලබාදෙන්නේ ගෞරව මහාචාර්ය ධුරයක් (Honorary Professorship). මෙය ඉතාමත් දුර්ලභ සහ සුවිශේෂී ගෞරවයක්. සාමාන්‍යයෙන් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයකින් පිරිනමන ගෞරව උපාධි වලට වඩා “ගෞරව මහාචාර්ය” (Honorary Professor) ධුරයක් පිරිනැමීම වඩාත් බරපතළ සහ උසස් පිළිගැනීමක් ලෙස සැලකෙනවා. ලෝක ජනගහනය සහ විද්වතුන් සංඛ්‍යාව සමඟ සැසඳීමේදී මෙය 0.01% කටත් වඩා අඩු පිරිසකට හිමිවන අතිශය දුර්ලභ ගෞරවයක්.

ඉතින් මෙවැනි දෙයක් මෙහෙම තමන්ගෙ පටු දේශපාලන අරමුණු ඉෂ්ට කරගන්න ගාවා ගැනීම මොනතරම් නින්දිත තත්වයක්ද. රටක ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුගේ ආර්‍යාවකට මෙවැන්නක් හිමිවීම තවත් අතිශය දුර්ලභ දෙයක්. අපේ මිනිසුන් මේවා ගැන ආඩම්බර වෙනවා වෙනුවට කරන්නේ අමු තිත්ත කුණුහරප කියමින් රටත් රටේ ගෞරවයත් විනාශ කිරීමයි.

දිලීප ඔහේ මෙයට සමාව ගත යුතුයි.

Senaka Weeraratna

34,747 views Jan 28, 2026 #CNAInsider #CNAInsiderDocumentaries #CNATheMarkOfEmpire

The island of Sri Lanka has lured travellers from near and afar to its shores. Over 2,500 years ago, this was the domain of the Anuradhapura Kingdom, a unifying force that turned the island’s dry plains into a breadbasket to fuel their cultural growth as a budding centre for the new religion of Buddhism, and where followers flocked to from as far away as Greece and China. Curator and scholar Peter Lee travels across this beautiful island to discover how it became known across the ancient world for its unimaginable riches, drawing traders in search of luxury goods, but also becoming a target of envy to unwelcome visitors. From visiting the kingdom’s first Buddhist stupa, to practicing the ancient martial art of Angampora, to tracing the origins of its celebrated moonstone gem, he sees how the kingdom created a dazzling golden age that laid the foundations for a distinct culture and identity that has endured until today. WATCH MORE The Mark of Empire:   

 • The Mark of Empire   00:00 Introduction 02:15 At the Esala Perahera festival 04:20 Sri Lanka’s Buddhist roots 06:23 First stupa 07:39 Inside a monastery for women 11:40 A history of invasions 12:46 Warriors’ martial art: Angampora 16:22 Street art around Sri Lanka 18:36 City architecture of Anuradhapura 21:11 Surprising visitors 23:07 Inside UNESCO site Lion Rock 27:08 Ancient hydraulic network 29:34 Historical hospital complex 31:52 Sri Lanka’s traditional medicine 35:01 Panning for gems 39:49 Jewel of Anuradhapura art: Moonstone 42:37 Fall of the kingdom  ============================== ABOUT The Mark of Empire: Kingdoms of the Sea: What are the secrets and mysteries behind Asia’s ancient empires? In the third season of this award-winning series, curator and scholar Peter Lee is back on a journey to trace clues and uncover new theories behind the Srivijaya empire, the Champa kingdom, the Sultanate of Sulu, and the Anuradhapura kingdom. What were the epic battles, political alliances and cultural exchanges forged by the four powers in the region? From investigating the iconic reliefs of Borobudur temple in Indonesia, to diving for sea cucumbers in the Philippines’ Sulu Archipelago, to practicing the ancient martial art of Angampora in Sri Lanka, and learning about modern Cham rap music in Vietnam, Peter traces the rise and fall of these formidable kingdoms, and the cultural legacies that they have left on the region until today.

සංගදාස අකුරුගොඩ

 ‘ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා නියෝගය කඩාකප්පල් කිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය’ යන මාතෘකාව යටතේ 2026 ජනවාරි 22 දින ‘ද අයිලන්ඩ්’පුවත් පතෙහි පළ වූ කතුවැකිය, 2022 ජූලි මාසයේදී අරගලයට සහාය දුන් අයට සහ ‘ක්‍රම වෙනසක්’ ඇතුළු විවිධ ධනාත්මක අපේක්ෂාවන් සමඟ වත්මන් පාලනය බලයට ගෙන ඒමට ඡන්දය දුන් අයගේ ඇස් ඇරවීමකි. ( https://island.lk/conspiracy-to-subvert-constitutional-order/ )

විදේශීය රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයෙකු සහ සුප්‍රකට ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් පිරිසක්, පැහැදිලිවම නීති විරෝධීලෙස ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝනය කරමින් විධායක ජනාධිපති ධුරය භාර ගන්නා ලෙස එවකට කථානායක ධුරය දැරූ මහින්ද යාපා අබේවර්ධන මහතාට බලපෑම් කිරීමට උත්සාහයක් ගත් ආකාරය, එම කතුවැකිය මගින් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ නොහැකි සාක්ෂි සහිතව ඉස්මතු කර දක්වා ඇත. එම සුප්‍රකට ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින් පිරිස අතර බෞද්ධ භික්ෂුවක්, කතෝලික පූජකවරුන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු සහ වෘත්තීය සමිති ක්‍රියාකාරිනියක් වූ බවත්, බිය ගැන්වීමේ උපක්‍රමවල අරමුණ ලිබියාවේ ඇති තත්ත්වයට සමාන තත්වයක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ නිර්මාණය කිරීම බව කියනු ලැබේ.

අමාත්‍ය කේ.ඩී. ලාල් කාන්ත සහ ඔහුගේ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව අල්ලා ගැනීම සඳහා ඊනියා අරගල විරෝධතාකරුවන් මෙහෙයවීමට උත්සාහ කළ නමුත් එය සාර්ථක නොවූ ආකාරය ද කතුවැකියේ සඳහන් විය. දින කිහිපයකට පෙර ‘ලෙනින් කියවමු’ යන මාතෘකාව යටතේ පැවති මහජන රැලියක් අමතමින් අමාත්‍ය ලාල් කාන්ත හෙළි කළේ රුසියානු විප්ලවය අතරතුර ලෙනින් පැවසූ සහ කළ දේ අනුගමනය කිරීම ඔවුන්ගේද සැලසුම් බවයි. අමාත්‍ය ලාල් කාන්ත මෙසේ පැවසීය: අපට රජයේ බලය ලබා ගැනීමට හැකි වුවද, අපට රාජ්‍ය බලය නැත. එබැවින්, අපි දැන් රාජ්‍ය බලය දිනා ගැනීමේ අරගලයේ නිරතව සිටිමු”.

ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී සමාජයක, කිසිදු රාජ්‍ය මැදිහත්වීමකින් තොරව නීතිය හා සාමය පවත්වාගෙන යාම සහතික කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවයක් පවතී. අමාත්‍යවරයාගේ අභිප්‍රාය වනුයේ, රජයේ විරුද්ධවාදීන් මර්දනය කිරීම සඳහා, පොලීසිය, සන්නද්ධ හමුදා සහ අධිකරණය ඇතුළු සියලුම රාජ්‍ය සේවාවන්හි තනතුරු, ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ හිතවතුන්ගෙන් පුරවා, පාලක පක්ෂයේ සෘජු පාලනය යටතට පත් කිරීම බැව් එම ප්‍රකාශයෙන් පැහැදිලි වේ.

නීතිපතිවරයාට එරෙහිව තහවුරු නොකළ චෝදනා එල්ල කරමින් ඔහු ඉවත් කිරීමට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ ප්‍රමුඛ බලවේග උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටී. “අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යාශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් ලෙස ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරයෙකු පත් කිරීම විපක්ෂය හෙළා දකී” යන මාතෘකාව යටතේ, ‘ද අයිලන්ඩ්’ පුවත් පතෙහි පලවූ නවතම ප්‍රවෘත්තියකට අනුව, ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක අධිකරණ හා ජාතික ඒකාබද්ධතා අමාත්‍යාංශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් ලෙස ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරයෙකු පත් කිරීමෙන් අධිකරණය පාලනය කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරන බැව් සඳහන්වේ. (https://island.lk/opposition-slams-sitting-hc-judges-appointment-as-justice-ministry-additional-secretary/)

අනෙක් අතට, පාලක පක්ෂය ඔවුන්ගේ ගජ මිතුරන්ගෙන් කෙනෙකු විගණකාධිපති ලෙස පත් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරන්නේ, ඔවුන් පාලනය කළ වසර තුළ සිදු කරන ලද සැක සහිත ගනුදෙනු ගණනාවක් වසන් කිරීමට සහ ඊනියා රාජ්‍ය බලය සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම සහතික කිරීමට විය හැකිය.

රටෙහි ජනතාවට, විශේෂයෙන් බොළඳ ලෙස ‘ක්‍රම වෙනසක්’ ගැන සිහින මැවූ අයට, සිදුවෙමින් පවතින වෙනස්කම්වල අවසාන ඉලක්කය සහ අභිප්‍රායන් පිළිබඳ පැහැදිලි අවබෝධයක් නොමැති නම් සහ ඔවුන්ගේම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අයිතිවාසිකම් ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීම සඳහා සුදුසු ක්‍රියාමාර්ග නොගතහොත්, මර්දනකාරී රජයක් යටතේ ජීවත් වීම හැර වෙනත් විකල්පයක් ඔවුන්ට ඉතිරි නොවනු ඇත.

සංගදාස අකුරුගොඩ

වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

නීතීඥවරුන්ට එරෙහිව අධිකරණයට අපහාස නඩු දැමීමට කඩිනමින් ක්‍රියාත්මක වන නීතිපති ත්‍රී මලේ පිළිම නඩුවේදී පොලීසියට එරෙහිව අධිකරණයට අපහාස නඩු දැමීමට කරුණු දැක්වීමට නීතිපති තමන්ට විරුද්ධ වීම 2024 අංක 8 දරන අධිකරණයකට, විනිශ්චය අධිකාරයකට, ආයතනයකට අපහාස පනතේ 15 වගන්තිය යටතේ ප්‍රශ්නයක් බව පොලීසියට එරෙහිව අධිකරණයට අපහාස නඩු දැමීමට එම නඩුවේ දින කිහිපයක හඬ පටවල පිටපත් ඉල්ලීමට මැදිහත් වූ නීතීඥවරයා අද (2026.01.28) දින එම නඩුව ත්‍රීකුණාමලය මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණයේ කැදවූ අවස්ථාවේ මහේස්ත්‍රාත්තුමා වෙත පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

කෙසේ වෙතත් ඉදිරි දින එකී හඬ පට පිටපත් ලබා දීමට නියෝග කරන බව මහේස්ත්‍රාත්තුමා දැනුම් දෙනු ලැබීය.

එසේම සම්පූර්ණ නඩු වාර්තාවේ පිටපත් ලබා ගැනීමටද එතුමා නියෝග කළේය.

https://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2026/01/blog-post_28.html?m=1

වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන දුරකථන 0712063394

ධර්මසිරි සෙනෙවිරත්න

සමරිසි ප්‍රවර්ධනයෙන් , හෙළ බොදු විරෝධීත්වයෙන්,බෙදුම් වාදයෙන් හා මකොලි අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයෙන් රට ගලවා ගෙන මුළු ලොවටම ආදර්ශයක් දිය හැකි වුද අපේ උරුමයට ගැ ලපෙන්නාවුද රාජ්‍ය ක්‍රමයක් බිහි කරගෙන සිංහල බෞධ්ධ්යන්ගේ උරුමය රැක ගනිමින් අන්‍ය වර්ගයන් ද ආරක්ෂා කරගැනීම සඳහා වහාම දේශප්‍රේමීහු එකපෙරමුනකට ආ යුතුය

දැනට රටේ පවතින ප්‍රධාන විපක්ෂ දෙක වන සජිත් රනිල් ලාගේ එජාපයේ ඇත්තේ විජාතික මත වාදයකි රටට පුර්ණ නිදහස එපා කී දවසේ සිට අද දක්වාත් මේ පක්ෂය බෙදුම් වාදයට කත් ඇද්දේය.ජාතිකත්වය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළේය වෙන එකක් තියා කොටි පැරදවීම වැලක් වීමටද ප්‍රසිධ්ධියේ ක්‍රියා කළහ .මේ වටා ඉන්නා පාක්ෂිකයන් කෙතරම් මුග්ධයින් දැයි කිවහොත් උන්ට ඒ ද්‍රෝහී නායක යක්ෂයින් පෙනෙන්නේම දෙවියන් ලෙසය .එනිසා ‘ජාතික පෙරමුණට ‘උන් ගෙන් වැඩක් නැත .කෙසේ හෝ මාලිමා ආණ්ඩුව පෙරලීමට කියා උන් ගාවා ගත්තොත් වන්නේ අර මුග්ධයින්ගේ ප්‍රමාණය වැඩි නිසා අනුන්ගේ පානේ එළිය යොදා උන් බලය අල්ලා ගැනීමය .අනුරගේ මාලිමා ප්‍රතිපත්තිත් රනිල්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිම නිසා ඉඟුරු දී මිරිස් ගත්තාට වැඩක් නැත . අපි නොරැවටෙමු

කොටි පැරදවීම ජනතා මතකයේ තිබෙන තුරුජනතා ආකර්ෂණයෙන් පොහොට්ටුව මුළුමනින්ම බැහැර නොවන බව සහතිකය .එනිසාම කෙලෙහි ගුන දන්නා සිංහල බෞධ්ධයා විශේශයෙන්ද අනෙකුත් අ යද මේ පක්ෂය මුළුමනින්ම අත්හැර යන්නේ නැත. කැඩී ගිය ශ්‍රීලනිප හා පොහොට්ටු ව නැවත එක්වී ම මෙහිදී අතිශයින්ම වැදගත්ය .තාවකාලිකව හෝ මේ මුල් වටයේදී සිරිසේන හා නාමල් දෙවෙනි පෙලේ සිටගත යුතුය. එසේ කල යුත්තේ හරිහෝ වැරදි වේවා යම් අප්රාසදයක් මේ දෙදෙනාටම දැනට ඇති නිසාය . නාමල්ට වයස ඇත .මේ වර දෙවෙනියා වී වැඩකිඩ පෙන්වා ජනතා ප්‍රසාදය යලි නංවා දෙවන වටයේදී මුල්පෙලට එන්නට ඔහු සිතාගත යුතුය .

එතකොට කවුද මෙහි දැනට නායකයා විය යුත්තේ . උත්තරය පැහැදිලියි. ඒ සරත් වීරසේකර . මෙය කියවා රාජපක්ෂ ගැත්තෝ පරලනොවියයුතුය මෙසේ කියන්නෙම රටේ අනාගතය ගැන සලකා බැලීමෙනි .

රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂක කටයුතු , සිවිල් ආරක්ෂක කටයුතු මෙන්ම දෙස බස රැස ,,ඉතිහාසය ,සාහිත්‍ය කලාශිල්ප හා මෙකී නොකී බොහෝ දේ දත් රණවිරු දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වන සරත් වීරසේකර මෙහිදී නායකත්වයට ඉතා සුදුසුය .සැබවින්ම සරත් නාමල්ට වඩා ජාතිකවාදියෙකි . නාමල් ගේ ජාතිකත්වය ජාතිකත්වය මහින්දගේ තරමට හෝ ඇතැයි දැනට කිසිවෙක් පිළිගන්නේ නැත . එනිසා සියලු ජාතිකවාදීන්ට එකතුවීමට සරත් ගේ නායකත්වය හොඳ රුකුලකි .ඒකීය රාජ්‍යය බිඳ දැමීමට ,පොලිස් ඉඩම් බලතල පළාත් සභා වලට දීමට හෝ රට හොරගිවිසුම් මගින් ඉන්දියාවට පාවා දීමට හෝ සරත් ක්‍රියා නොකරන බව සිතිය හැකි වුවත් නාමල් ගැන කාටවත් අරවාගේ විශ්වාසයක් නැත . එනිසා විමල් වීරවංශ ,ගම්මන්පිල දිලිත් ජයවීර මෙන්ම අවශ්‍යනම් චම්පකටත් මෙහිදී සරත් වී රසේකර සමග එක් වීම පහසුය .

එහෙත් සරත් කිසිදා නාමල් ට හෝ රාජපක්ෂලාට එරෙහිව බලය ගැනීමට තත් කරන්නේ නැත ((රාජපක්ෂලාට කෙලෙහිගුන සැ ලකීමට වඩා සරත්ට රට වෙනුවෙන් භාරයක් පැවරී ඇති බව මෙහිදී සඳහන් කල යුතුය )) .එනිසා නාමල් ම කැමැත්තෙන් ඔහුට බලය පැවරිය යුතුය . සරත් ට බල කර හෝ එය නාමල් කල යුතුය .සරත් ජනපති යටතේ නාමල් අගමැති වී සීරුවෙන් තම දක්ෂතා අ වංක ඍජු බව පෙන්වා රාජපක්ෂ පවුලේ ගෑවුන දැලි සෝදා හැර තම පියාගේ ප්‍රතිරූපය නැවත ගොඩනැන්වෙනසේ කටයුතු කිරීමෙන් පසුව නාමල්ගේ වාරය ඉබේම එළඹේ . ඉක්මන් කොටයි නාමල් . ”ස්ලෝ ඇන්ඩ් ස්ටේඩි ඉස් බෙටර්”

සරත් තම කාර්ය භාරය කරගෙන යාමේදී විමල් වීරවංශ ට කර්මාන්ත ,මහාමාර්ග වැනි සුදුසු ඇමති කමක්ද ගම්මන්පිලට අද්යාපන සංස්කෘතික හෝ අධිකරණ වැනි ඇමතිකමක්ද චම්පකට විදුලිබල,ඛනිජතෙල් (බලශක්ති ) ඇමතිකම වන්නක් දිය යුතුමය . දිලිත් ට දේශීය ව්‍යාපාර නැංවීමේ කටයුතු පැවරිය යුතුය කැපිලි කෙටිලි වලින් තොරව මෙය කල යුතුය .අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ථ ගේ සේවය හා සහයෝගය ලබාගැනීමට කටයුතුකිරීම මෙහිදී ඉතා වැදගත්ය. තැලෙන මිරිකෙන උතුරේ ජනතාව සිංහලයන් හා ”ඒකීයත්වයට ”ගැනීමට හැ ක්කෙ ඔහු හරහාය.

පළාත් සභා සුදු අලියා ඉවත් කර කුඩා එකක වලට තම කටයුතු කරගැනීමට හැකිවෙන ක්‍රමයක් දැන්ම සකසා ගෙන සිටීම අත්‍යවශ්‍යය මුල් 6 මාසය තුලම මෙය ක්‍රියාත්මක කලයුතුය එමෙන්ම රටීකීයත්වයට කිසිදා හානියකිරීමට නොලැබෙන අයුරින් රටේ පළාත් නැත බෙදා අවසන් කල යුතුය 75 % සිංහලයන් සිටින එමෙන්ම අන්‍ය වාර්ගිකයන් සමග 85 % කට වඩා දැනටත් කතා කරන සිංහල භාෂාව ඉගෙන ගැ නීම රටේ හැමෝටම අනිවාර්ය කර එකිනෙකා හා සන්නිවේදන ය පුළුල් කිරීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය ය .

මෙසේ රටගොඩ නැගීමේ ක්‍රියාවලියට පදනම දමා සරත් විශ්‍රාම ගිය පසු දක්ෂයෙක් ඒ කාර්ය භාරයට උරදෙනු ඇත

Lanka Voice

රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය මීට වඩා විවෘතයි | නවදිල්ලියට ඕන විදිහට තමයි වැඩ වෙන්නේ | මේ තරම් තොරතුරු වසන් කරන ආණ්ඩුවක් මීට කළින් තිබිලා නැහැ | ආණ්ඩුව යන්නෙ ශිෂ්ට සම්පන්න නොවන ගමනක් | හුස්ම ගන්නත් ආණ්ඩුවෙන් අවසර ඕන වෙයි | දේශපාලන විශ්ලේෂක, මාධ්‍යවේදී කුසල් පෙරේරා | Lanka Voice | Kulasri Kariyawasam | Kusal Perera

ධර්මසිරි සෙනෙවිරත්න

 1 – ඩී එස් , ඩඩ්ලි , කොතලාවල —-මේ එක්කෙනෙකුටවත්  අපේ උරුමය ගැන නිවැරදි වැටහීමක්  තිබුනේ නැත  DS ගේ   සිංහල කමට  තිබු රුචිය  නිසාම   ගොවි  ජනපද පිහිටුවීම,වාරිමාර්ග දියුණුකිරීම  වැනි කටයුතු වල ඔහු නිරත වූවායයි  සමහරු  කියතත් ඒවා ඉංග්‍රීසී පාලකයන්ගේ  ක්‍රියාදාමයන්ගේ දිගුවන් ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමේ ක්‍රියාවලියකි .කෙසේ හෝ ඒ කල කීදේ හොඳය . එත් ඔහු     ඊට වඩා  ”තම පන්තිය ” රැ ක ගැනීමට උත්සාහ  කල අයෙකි    කන්නන්ගර ගේ නිදහස් අද්යාපනයට  විරුද්ධ වූවෙකි.පුර්ණ නිදහස එපා අර්ධ නිදහස ප්‍රමාණවත් ය  කියුවෙකි . විදේශ තුන් කට්ටුවක් යටතේ පරිහානියට පත්වූ සිංහල සංස්කෘතිය නගා සිටු වීමට හෝ  90 % දන්නා රටේ භාෂාවෙන් රටේ කටයුතු  අරඹා, පරයන් නිසා  තැලී පොඩිවී  මිරිකුන ”සිළිඳු ”ලා යලි නගා සිටුවීමට  කටයුතු කිරීමට  මනාපයක් නොදැක් වූ අයෙකි. 

                                                        ඩඩ්ලි පුතා DS  පියාට වඩා අවංක නිහතමානී අයෙකි. ඒ ත් නිලධාරීන්  ගේ ගොනාට ඇන්දවීමෙන්  මිදී  කටයුතු කරන්නට තරම් දැනු මැත්තෙක් නොවීය . සිරිමා ශාස්ත්‍රී  ගිවිසුම ක්‍රියාත්මක නොකර  අඩපන කර  සිංහලයන්ට ද්රෝහිකම් කල අයෙක් බව  අමතක කල නොහැක .

                                                        කොතලාවල ට සිංහල හැදියාවක් ඉතිහාසයක් ගැන කැක්කුමක් නොවීය.බටහිරයෙක් ලෙසම ජීවත් විය. ඔහු සුද්දන්ට බැ ට දුන්නා නම්  එසේකලේ ඔහුගේ කළු හමට   ‘යම් නිග්‍රහයක් ”කළ  සුද්දන්ට මිස  සුදු  අධිරාජ්‍යයයට  නොවේ.  වතු කම්කරුවන් පිලිබඳ ඔහුගේ නේරු කොතලාවල ගිවිසුම නම් හොඳ එකකි  

                                                                                  මේ තිදෙනාගේත් ඉන්පසු JR ,ප්‍රේමදාස හා රනිල් ගේ එජාපය   යනු සිංහල බෞද්ධ  අපේ උරුමයට එතරම් ගරු කල පක්ෂයක් නොවේ . බෙදුම් වාදී කොටින්ට  ආවඩමින් උන් පැරදවීමට බාධා කල පක්ෂයකි 

                                                                                JR  යනු ශුර මෙන්ම ඉතා සටකපට  දේශපාලකයෙකි .අතිශයින්ම  බටහිර/යුරෝපීය ගැ ත්තෙකුවූ  මොහු හන්දින්වුනේද ”යැංකි ඩිකී ” නමිනි .රාජ්‍යමන්ත්‍රණ සභා කාලයේදී ම මොහු  සන්දේශයක් මගින් කියාසිටියේ ”’සින්හලදේශයේ ගැමුණු පැරකුම් කාල පරිච්චේධ සිහිනයන් බවත් අපරට ඉන්දියාවේ ප්‍රාන්තයක් විය යුතු  ”බවත් ය .මොහුගේ බටහිර ගැතියාව නිසාම ඉන්දියාව  බලහත්කාරයෙන් මොහු යටත් කර  සින්හලදේශය  විනාශ කරන   13  හෙවත් පළාත් සභා   පිහිටුවීමට  ඔහුව යොමු කළේය .හෙළ අ භිමානය සුනු විසුනු කරමින් ඉන්දියානු පරිප්පු අහසින් වැටුනේම ඔහුගේ බටහිර ගැ තියාව නිසාමය .  රටෙ සියලු දෙශීය කර්මාන්ත  විනාශ කරන  ලවක් දෙවක් නැති අවලම් විවුර්ත ආර්ථික ක්‍රමය  රටට හඳුන්වා දී  2026 වන විට රට බංකොලොත්  කිරීම ඇරඹුවේ  ඔහුය. දේශීය කර්මාන්ත විනාශ කළා පමණක් නොව ඒවා ආරම්භ කල  සිරිමාවෝ  ගේ ප්‍රජා අයිතීන් අහිමි කිරීමේ ද්‍රෝහී  නරුම පාපක්රියාවද  කළේ  කිසිදු පැකිලීමකින් තොරවය . යාපනේ පුස්තකාලය ගිනිතැබීමට වැඩ කල ඔහු  ජුලි කලබල  ඇතිකර සිංහලයින් ගේ කරපිටින් ඒ පවු  යවා සිංහලයා වනචාරියෙක් ලෙස ලෝකයෙන් හංවඩු ගස්සවා  අවසන ඔහු ගුද මාර්ගයේ පිළිකාවකින් වේදනා විඳ  මිය ගියේ ය .

ප්‍රේමදාස 

 ප්‍රේමදාස යනු බෙහෙවින් උත්සාහවන්ත නොපසුබස්නා  වීර්යයෙන්  යුතුව බලය  හඹා ගිය අයෙකි .කුල ප්‍රශ්න නිසා හීනමානය වසා ගැනීමට  නම පවා වෙනස් කිරීමෙන් සමහරුන්ගේ අනවශ්ය විහිලු තහලුවලට  පවා ගොදුරු වූවෙකි .රටේ බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට ඔහුගේ කුලය ප්‍රශ්නයක් නොවන බව ඔහු නොදත්තේය . ඔහු රහසේ දක්ශයින්ගේ ”කුළමළ පැටිකිරි ” පිරික්සා තමන්ට ගැලපෙන උන් සොයා ”වරිගේරැකීම ‘ ඔලුවලට දමා   සමීපතමයන් බවට පත් කර ගත්තේ තම ආරක්ෂාව සඳහාය. ඉන්දියානු වතු කම්කරුවන් පිලිබඳ නේරු කොතලාවල  ,සිරිමා ශාස්ත්‍රී  ගිවිසුම් නොතකා  ,ලොව කිසිදා දේශප්‍රේමියෙක් නොකරන දේශද්‍රෝහී ක්‍රියාවක් ඔහු කළේය . බලය රැකගනීමට අවශ්‍ය තම චන්ද ගොඩ වැඩි කර ගැනීම සඳහා දිවුරුම්පෙත්සමකින් සිය පදිංචිය ඔප්පුකරන   සියලු ඉන්දියානු කම්කරුවන්ට මොහු  රටවැසිකම දුන්නේ  මුළු මහත් සිංහල ජාතියම අසරණ කරමිනි.මෙය නැවත හදන්න බැරි වරදකි .කොටින්ට අවි ආයුධ සිමෙන්ති දුන් ඔහු  නොදැනුවත්වම උන්ගේ උගුල්වල පැටලුනේ තමන්ගේ නුගත්කම නිසා ම ”උගතුන් හා වියතුන් ”යයි කියන  උන් ගේ වදන් මහත් භක්තියෙන් වැළඳ ගැනීම නිසාය ඔහුගේ ලේකම් වරක් රෝගී කොටි ත්‍රස්තයෙක්   බලන්නට  ඇපල්  මල්ලක් ගෙන රෝහලටද ගියේය. දයාන් ජයතිලක  වැන්නවුන්ද ප්‍රේමදාසගේ අනුශාසක යෝ  වුහ.මකොලි උගතුන්ට ඔහු වහ වැටුනේය උන්ගේ වහ කෑවේය .අවසානයේ කොටි බෝම්බයකින්ම  මහමගදී  සුනු විසුනු විය 

    මොහුගේ පුතා සජිත් ගැන නම් වැදගත් කිසිදෙයක් ලියන්නට  නැත               

2 -S W R D /සිරිමාවෝ හා චන්ද්‍රිකා  බණ්ඩාරනායක 

                                                                          අසරණවූ රටේ උරුමක්කාරයින්ගේ  උරුමය එජාපයේ  කිසිදු පිළිවෙතකින් යලි නොලැබෙන බව කල්යත්ම ජනතාවට අවබෝධ වන්නට විය . බටහිර අ ධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් ට ගැති එජාපයේ පිළිවෙත් ගැන ජනතාවට  අවබෝධය ලබා දුන්නේ  මාක්ස්වාදීන් විසිනි.එහෙත් සින්හල බෞධ්දයන්ගේ  සිරිත් විරිත් හා උරුමය , විශේෂයෙන්ම  සින්හලරටේ සිංහලයන්ට නොතේරෙන බසකින් කෙරෙන කටයුතු නිසා ‘අසරණවූ සිළිඳු ලාට ‘ ඒ බව තේරුම් කර දුන්නේ  සංඝයා වහන්සේ ප්‍රමුඛ  දෑ  හිතැති  සිංහල ප්‍රභූන් ය . මේ ජනතා හදගැස්ම  හඳුනා ගෙන  සියලු බටහිර ”රෙදිපිළි ”උනා දමා රටට අ වශ්‍ය ඉල්ලුමට  සැපයුම දීමට ඉදිරිපත්වුනේ  SWRD  ය .මකොලි අධ්යාපනය නිසාම රටසභා පනත් ගෙනාවද  ඔහු  පසුව එයද ඉවතට වීසි කර දැ ම්මේය. යාපනේ කුලභේදය හා වහල් සේවය වැලක් වීමට මොහු 1957  සම්මත කල පනත නිසා යාපනේ ”කුලවතුන් ”යයි කියන උන්ගේ  වයිරයට මෙතුමා ලක් විය. විජාතිකයන් සතු වත්කම් ජනසතු කරමින් රටගොඩ නගා   ජාතියට පණ දීමට මෙතුමා ක්‍රියා කරන විට මාක්ස් වාදීන්ද මෙතුමා ”නොමරා මරමින් ‘ සිටියදී   අවස්ථාවෙන් ප්‍රයෝජනගත්  බලවත් වූ නියම  සතුරෝ මෙතුමා මරා දැමුහ .

   සිරිමාවෝ ——  කිසිදා  දේශපාලනයට  ගෑවීමට සිතා නොසිටි මෙතුමිය  භික්ෂුන් ඇතුළු දෑ හිතැතියන්ගේ  බලවත්  ඉල්ලීම මත  දේශපාලනයට අවතීර්ණ වූ වා ය .1960 ජුලි 21 දින ලොව ප්‍රථම අගමැතිනිය ලෙසින් පත්  වී    නැවත 1970 දීද  ජය ගත් ඇය    සැබවින්ම  ස්වාදෙශානුරාගී  කාන්තාවක් වුවාය .සිය නොබැඳි ප්‍රතිපත්තිය මගින්  සෑම රටක් සමගම මිතුරු ලෙසින් කටයුතු කල ඇය   1963 දිවයිනේ විදේශිකයන් සතු වූ තෙල් සමාගම් රජය සතු කිරීම සහ තෙල් නිෂ්පාදනය ආනයනය බෙදා හැරීම් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ඛනිජ තෙල් සංස්ථාවට පවරන ලදි.

දකුණු අප්‍රිකාවේ ඈප තීඩ් පාලනයෙන් නිදහස් කර ගැනීමේ සටන මෙහෙය වූ නෙල්සන් මැන්ඩලාට සහය පළ කරන ලදි.

1972 ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ නීතිය, 1974 වතු රජය සතු කිරීම එතුමියගේ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයකි.

  1971 සැප්තැම්බර් 26 වැනි දින සෙනට් සභාව අහෝසි කරන ලද අතර, අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී ආරෝපණයක් ලෙස එවකට සිටි වාමාංශික පක්ෂ හඳුන්වා දුන් සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනුවට නව ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාව 1972 මැයි 22 වැනි දින හඳුන්වාදීමත් සමග ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ජනරජයක් බවට පත් විය.

1973 මැයි 17 වැනි දින බණ්ඩාරනායක අනුස්මරණ ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලාවේ ඉදිකිරීම් ආරම්භ කරන ලදි.

1974 ඔක්තෝබර් 06 වැනි දින යාපනයේ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය සිරිමාවෝ මැතිනිය විසින් විවෘත කරන ලදි.

                                             මීට අමතරව තවත් වැදගත් කරුණු 2ක් කිවහැක  .එනම් , වතුකරයේ සේවය කළ ඉන්දියානු සම්භවයෙන් යුත් දමිළ ජාතිකයන්ගේ පුරවැසි භාවය පිළිබඳ අත්සන් කරන ලද සිරිමා – ශාස්ත්‍රී ගිවිසුම 1964 ඔක්තෝබර් 30 වැනි දින සාර්ථකව නිමා විය.

1974 ජුනි 23 වැනි දින කච්චතිව් දූපත සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අයිතිය තහවුරු කළ සිදුවීම් මාලාව ද ඇයගේ රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික කුසලතා ගෙන හැර දක්වන්නක් විය.

                                               මේ සියලු දේ  දේශද්‍රෝහී JR රිස්සුවේ නැත. ඔහු 1977  බලය ගත් පසු 1980 ඔක්..16 සිරිමාවෝගේ ප්‍රජා අ යිතිය පවා අහෝසි කලේ  සිය සමහර මැදහත්  පාක්ෂිකයන්ගේ මෙන්ම  ද්‍රවිඩඑක්සත් පෙරමුණේද  විරුධත්වය  මැදය 

 චන්ද්‍රිකා ——  මවගේත් පියාගේත් ‘’අනුහසින් ‘ කරලියට ආ චන්ද්‍රිකා ගැන බොහෝ අ ය හිතුවේ  දෙමා පියන්ගේ  ජාතිකත්වය  අනුව ඇය ද  කටයුතු කරාවිය යන්නය .විජය කුමාරතුංග නම් නළුවා  සැමියා කරගත් චන්ද්‍රිකා පළාත් සභා චන්දයට ඉදිරිපත් වීමට පෙර  ශ්‍රී ලපයේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති වලට ඇති අකමැත්ත රටට හෙළි නොකර සිටීමට  වග බලා ගත්තේ  හැකිතරම් බලය තහවුරු කර  ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය නිසාය .පළාත් සභා ව  ජයගත් පසුවය , ඇය   විජයගේ බෙදුම්වාදී, කොටි  කතෝලික පුජක  හිතවාදී  අදහස් එලියට දැම්මා ය  . ‘’අවලම් තවලම්’  ඇය ගියේ ‘’සුදුනෙලුම් ‘’රැගෙනය. සිංහලයෙකු වී ඉපදීමත් ලැජ්ජාවකි යි තම පුතා පවසන බව පැවසූ ඇය  මේ වනවිටත් ‘’ඒ පුතා ‘’බලයට ගෙන එමට කැ සකවමින් සිටින්නීය. ද්‍රෝහී JR ට හා  ප්‍රේමදාසට කළකම් පලදුන් හැටි මෙන්ම නළු   සැමියා කොටි මුලස්ථානයට ගොස් උන්ගේ අවි ආයුධ ඔසවා ගෙන උන්ගේ බලමහිමයෙන්  මවිතයට පත්වෙන  සේයාරු පළකර ජනතාව බිය වදදෙන අයුරින් ක්‍රියා කිරීමේ පාපයෙන් අකාලයේ වෙඩි පහරකින්  මරණයට පත් වීමෙන්  හෝ  තමන්ට  වැදුන බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරයෙන් වත් මැය පාඩමක්  ඉගෙන ගෙන  නැත .එසේ ඉගෙන ගන්නේ පවු පින් හඳුනන  බෞද්ධයන් ය

රාජපක්ෂලා ————-                                                                                                                      මහින්ද නොපසුබස්නා වීරියෙන් කට්ට කාගෙන චන්ද්‍රිකාට ‘’එරෙහිවෙමින් නොවෙමින් ‘’ සිය කාලය එළඹෙනතෙක්  ඉවසීමෙන්  සිටි ජයග්රාහියෙකි .ඔහු  JR ප්‍රේමදාස  හෝ චන්ද්රිකා මෙන්  ජාතිකත්වයෙන් ඈත්  වුවෙක් නොවේ. මුල් කාලයේදී   ජාතිකත්වය නියම ලෙස හඳුනා ගත්තෙක් ද නොවේ .බොහෝ  අ ය මෙන්ම  මහින්දද  හිතුවේ ‘’මකොලි උගතුන් ‘  ප්‍රාඥයන් ‘ ලෙසිනි උන්ගේ දේශද්‍රෝහී චින්තනය බොහෝ අ ය හඳුනා ගත්තේ  බොහෝ මෑතදීය .එය හෙලි දරවු කලේ  විශේෂයෙන් ගුණදාස අමරසේකර , නලින් ද සිල්වා  හා සූරිය ගුණසේකර වැනි   දෑ හිතැතියන් විසිනි.නලින් වැනි අයත් සෝමවංශ අමරසිංහ වැනි අ යත්  කොතෙක් කිව්වද මහින්ද  හිතුවෙම කොටි පැරදවිය නොහැකි බවය. ඔහු පිළිගත්තේ රොහාන් ගුණරත්න වැනි අ යගේ   මකොලි  අදහස් ය .නලින්දසිල්වා වකුගඩු රෝගයට හේතුවන වසවිස  ගැන කියන විට පවා මහින්ද  හිතුවේ ඉන් වියහැකි ‘’ආර්ථික පාඩු ‘’ගැන මිස ජනතාවට සිදුවෙන  ‘’සෞඛ්‍ය පාඩු ‘’  ගැන නොවේ ..මහින්ද කොටි සටනට ඉදිරි පත්ව අණ දුන්නේ  ජනතාවගෙන් බේරෙන්නට බැරිම තැනට  පත් වීමෙන් පසුව,  ඒ ජනහදගැස්ම  තේරුම්  ගැනීමෙන් පසුවය .එයත් ලොකු  දෙයකි . සටනට වන් පසු ඔහු බලවතුන්ට හිස නොනැමුවේය .එජාප ‘’ ගොන්නු ‘’ කල කටමැත දෙඩවීම් නින්දා අපහාස හා උපහාස  තුට්ටුවකට මායිම් නොකළේය.  රනිල් රාජිත හා  රවී  වැන්නෝ වාචාලයෝම, ද්‍රෝහියෝම බව ඔහු  දැන සිටියේය.  ඔහු අවසානයේ කොටි පරදා  වසර 35 කට පමන පසුව  රටට  සාමය උදා කළේය .ඒ පිනෙන් තාමත් ඔහු නිරුපද්රිතය . ඊට පසු කලයුතු කටයුතු නොපිරිහෙලා නොකිරීම මෙන්ම   කොටිපැරදවීමට එරෙහිව වයිර  බැඳගෙන සිටි  උන්ගෙ කුමන්ත්‍රණ විසින් මහින්දබලයෙන් පහකරන ලදී .එදා SWRD ට විරුද්ධ වුනෙත් මෙවන් සිංහල විරෝධී බලවේගයන් මය.

ගෝ ටාභය———ගෝටා ගැන මහින්දටත් වඩා ජනතා ව  බලාපොරොත්තු තබාගෙන සිටියහ .අසරණ වූ ‘’සිළිඳු ‘’ ලා  රොත්ත පිටින් ඔහු පසු පස ආහ. ඔහු සමග රුවන්වැලි   සෑ රජුන් වටා  පෙලගැසුනහ. එහෙත් මහින්දට වැරැ ද්දු  උන් ඔහු වටාත් සිටියේය. ගෝටාද  මකොලි උගතුන්  ප්‍රාඥයින්  කියා සිතුවේය   අත්දැකීම් නැති හෙයින්  වියතුන්  යයි සිතු අසුන්දර ජයසුන්දරලා  ගෙ බහට යටවිය..වසවිස නැති ආහාර ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ඔහුගේ ඔලුවට ආවේම ජනතාව කෙරෙහි ඇති  අසීමිත ආදරය නිසාමය  .එහෙත්  එය ක්‍රමානුකුලව පියවරෙන් පියවරට  ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමට   ඔහුට  උපදෙස් නොදී ‘එක රැ යින් ‘’ කරන්නට සලස්වා  ප්‍රශ්න ඇතිකළේ  වසවිස සමාගම්  වල  මුදලට වහ වැටුන  මකොලි උගතුන් ය .  අත්දැකීම්  හා  නිසි ජාතික චින්තනයක් නැති  කම නිසා  මෙන්ම පවුලත් රටත්  එකවර  රැ ක ගැනීමට ගොස්  ගෝටා ‘’අසාර්ථක  වන බව ‘’  දුටු බොහෝ  හෙළ බොදු විරෝධී  හතුරෝ  කොරෝනා උපද්‍රවයද  අල්ලාගෙන  ගෝටා අසාර්ථක කරවීමේ  මහා මෙහෙයුමක් දියත් කළහ   එය ‘’අරගලය ‘’ නමින් හැඳින් වුවද ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම   ‘පර ගලයකි ‘. ගෝටා ගියේ නැවතත් රනිල් රජ කර  වීමෙන් පසුවය ..

රනිල්  වික්‍රමසිංහ                                                                                                                     —— චන්ද්රිකා ජනපතිනිය කාලෙත් අගමැතිවී  චන්ද්‍රිකාටත් රටටත්  හොරා කොටි සමග හොර ගිවිසුම් ගසා උන්ට නැවත සවිමත් වීමට ඉඩ සැලසු මේ මිනිසා 2015 දී  මහින්ද පරදවා සිරිසේන ජනපතිකර තමන් අගමැතිවී ජනපති පඹයෙක්  කර    ස්රිලාංකිකයෙක්  නොවන අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහබැංකු අධිපති ලෙස පත් කර  මහදවල් සිදුකල ‘’මහබැංකු මංකොල්ලය’’  ට හෝ බටලන්ද  වධකාගාරයේ  චෝදනා වලට හෝ  කිසිදු  දඬුවමක්  නොවිඳ බේරී සිටින්නෙකි . මේ ගැන කල පරීක්ෂණ  හා කමිෂන් වාර්තා  පවා  එළිදැක්වීමට  නොදී  වහන්නට  හැම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම කටයුතු කර ඇත. විශේෂයෙන්   චන්ද්‍රිකා බටලන්ද වාර්තාව  වසර 20 කට සීල්  තබා වැසුවේ ‘පන්ති  යාලුවා’’ බේරාගැනීමටද ?. ඔක්කොම හොරු !   මේ බලවන්ත කම ලැබෙන්නේ කොහෙන්ද ?

 අනුර දිසානායක —                                                                                                                                                  ජවිපෙ නායක  විජේ වීර පැහැදිලි කල ඉන්දියානු ව්‍යාප්ත වාදය ගැන පැහැදී සිටි දේශප්‍රේමීන්  ගේ සහය ලැබී  වරෙක ජනප්‍රිය වූ  ජවිපෙ  හොර රහසේම  සමාජවාදයෙන්  ධනවාදය දෙසට  තල්ලු කල ටිල්වින් සිල්වා  ප්‍රමුඛ   කණ්ඩායම  දේශප්‍රේමී  හා ජාතිකවාදී නැඹුරුවක් ඇති සෝමවංශලා හා  වීරවංශ ලා  ට පල නොකියා පලා බෙදන්නට වුහ . ජනතාවටත් නොදැනීම එතැන් සිට  ජවිපෙ  ඇතුල ධනවාදී  විය . පිටට පෙනෙන පොත්ත  මාක්ස්වාදී විය.ලොක්කෝ නොයෙක් බිස්නස් මගින්ද කැට හෙල්ලීමෙන් පාක්ශිකයන්ගෙන්ද ගැරූ මුදලින්  නඩත්තු  වෙමින් හෙමින් හෙමින්  කෝ ටි ගණන් වත්කම් ඇති අ ය වෙමින් සිටින බව අසරණ පාක්ෂිකයෝ  දැනසිටියේ නැත .උන් ඒවා දැනගත්තේ මුන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු වී පාලන බලයත් ගත්  පසුවය . මහින්ද හොරා කියු  ජවිපෙ  මහින්දගේ එක හොරකමක් හෝ නොඇල්ලුවද නොපෙන්වූව ද   ජවිපෙ ලොක්කන්ගේ කෝ ටි ප්‍රකොටි වත් කම් නම් හෙළිවී ඇත. සියලු කටයුතු විනිවිද   භාවයෙන් කරනබවට ප්‍රතිඥා දුන් මොහු ඉන්දියාව සමග දැනටම හොර ගිවිසුම් 8 ක් අත්සන් කර ඒවා ජනතාවගෙන් වසා ඇත  වසර එකහමාරක් ගතවුවද රටේ කිසිදු දේශීය කර්මාන්තයක්  මේ වනතෙක් අරඹා නැත් තේ  ආනයන මිස අපනයන නැතිවී රට බංකොලොත්  වූ පසුව රට ඉන්දියාවට භාරදීමෙ කොන්දේසිය ඉටු කර  තමන් ඉන්දීය සාමන්තයා වීමේ අරමුණින් බව  බොහෝ අ ය පවසති .

හරිනී  අමරසුරිය –                                                                                                                             ලංකාවේ කිසිදු උසස් අධ්‍යාපනයක්  නොලැබූ මැය සියල්ල උගත්තේ පරයන් ගෙන් පමණි.ලංකා දේශපාලනයට එන තුරුම අ ය වැඩ කලේ NGO වලය . හෙලබෝදු විරෝධීන් හා වැඩකළ ඇය   දේශපාලනයට ඒ මට පෙර සිටම LGBTQ+   ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ  උනන්දුවක් දැක්වූ අයෙ කි.  2016 ලාල් විජේනායක ව්‍යවස්ථා කමිටුවේදී පවා  ඇය පවසා සිටියේ රටේ කොඩියෙන් සිංහයා ඉවත් කල යුතු බවත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙ බුදුසසුනට විශේෂත්වයක් දෙන  9 වගන්තිය ඉවත් කලයුතු බවත් ය . බටහිර NGO  විසින් ඇය ජවිපෙ සමග සම්බන්ධ කලේ  ජවිපේ  සංවිධාන ශක්තිය උපයෝගී කරගන බලයට පත්වී  සිංහල සංස්කෘතිය විනාශ කිරීම සඳහාය.හරිණි  අමරසුරිය දැන්   රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ගේ මගම යමින්    ඔහුගේම  කොපියක් වී ඇත  .   

Concept:  Senaka Weeraratna Content and information: AI Overview

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Concept:  Senaka Weeraratna

Content and information: AI Overview

A Proposal for adoption by the Global Buddhist community

In the spirit of global harmony and non-violence, the

The Global Buddhist Peace Prize is hereby symbolically inaugurated. This honor recognizes those who embody the core tenets of the Dharma—loving-kindness, compassion, and equanimity—through tangible, peaceful action.

The inaugural recipients are the 19 Buddhist monks currently completing their 2,300-mile “Walk for Peace” across the United States.

Citation of Honor: The 19 Monks of the Walk for Peace

• The Journey: Since October 26, 2025, these 19 monks (primarily from the Huong Dao Vipassana Bhavana Center in Fort Worth, Texas) have been walking across 10 states toward Washington, D.C.. The monks are drawn mainly from Vietnam, Thailand and Taiwan. They are led by Ven. Pannakara, a Theravada Buddhist monk of Vietnamese origin.
• Message of Unity: Their mission, known as the Walk for Peace USA, aims to raise awareness of loving-kindness and compassion while fostering national healing.
• Resilience & Forgiveness: The group notably demonstrated the power of Buddhist practice by forgiving a driver after a traffic accident near Houston that resulted in one monk losing a foot—an act that has inspired millions worldwide.
• Global Impact: Their pilgrimage, accompanied by Aloka the Peace Dog, has garnered a massive social media following and brought together people of all faiths, with thousands gathering to greet them in cities like Raleigh, North Carolina.
• Aloka’s story resonates with specific Buddhist principles:
• Metta (Loving-Kindness): Aloka’s name itself is derived from the Pali word for “light” or “enlightenment”. He represents Metta by offering unconditional friendship and comfort to everyone he encounters, regardless of their background.
• Ahimsa (Non-Violence): By walking peacefully without a leash or traditional training, Aloka serves as a living example of non-violence. He responds to the calm environment of the monks rather than to forced commands.
• Mindfulness and Presence: Observers note that Aloka embodies the Middle Path by remaining fully present in the moment—walking when the monks walk and resting when they rest—without seeking a specific destination or reward.
• Interconnectedness of All Beings: His inclusion in the pilgrimage emphasizes the Buddhist view that compassion extends to all sentient beings, erasing the distinction between human and animal in the pursuit of world peace.
• Resilience and Karma: Originally a destitute street dog, Aloka’s transformation into a “world-renowned symbol of peace” is seen by some as evidence that any being can develop noble qualities if given the right guidance and love. 

Aloka is currently traveling with approximately 19 monks from the Huong Dao Vipassana Bhavana Center toward Washington, D.C., with the journey expected to conclude in mid-February 2026. 

This proposed prize i.e., ‘The Global Buddhist Peace Prize’ celebrates their unwavering commitment to Dharma in motion, proving that “peace is attainable if we strive for it collectively” and furthermore it highlights inclusivity by bringing animals ‘ (e.g. Aloka) into the fold in the quest for PEACE. This is true Pluralism.

Source: AI Overview

Courtesy Hiru News

Former Presidential Secretary Saman Ekanayake was ordered to be held in remanded custody until February 11 by Colombo Fort Magistrate Isuru Nettikumara today (28).

The order was issued during the magisterial inquiry into the case involving former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who faces allegations under the Public Property Act.

Ekanayake appeared before the court today, where the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officially named him as the second suspect in the ongoing proceedings.

The investigation centers on the alleged misuse of public funds, with the court recently noting that certain foreign travel associated with the case appeared to be private rather than official business.

SL Leaders

Shenali D Waduge

A child nurtured with virtue becomes a lamp to the world; a teacher who guides with wisdom lights the path of many.”
— Dhammapada, Verse 183

The Buddha never saw education as passing exams or collecting certificates. Teaching was about shaping charater – imparting discipline, respect, moral clarity. A teacher who does this builds not just students, but society itself. Students, in turn, carry the duty to listen, respect, and practice moral learning. When this moral lens collapses, confusion and misconduct follow. Look around – when calamities of every kind plague a nation, its worth asking: Did we fail our education system or did our education system fail us? We carried forward a colonial model designed to produce clerks, not citizens; workers, not leaders. In doing so, we sidelined the indigenous systems that once formed strong minds, grounded values, and principled leaders and mighty inventions that continue to be held in awe. If we want order, wisdom, and moral strength, we must be honest enough to rethink how and why we educate—not just what we teach. Real reform begins when education returns to its true purpose: forming human beings, not just passing students.

Why Schools Exist

Schools are not merely centers for exams or certifications. They are moral ecosystems where character, discipline, self-restraint, responsibility, and social conduct are formed in partnership with parental guidance. 

Schools do not replace moral foundations at home — they reinforce them.

When morality weakens at home, in schools, or both, no academic excellence can compensate for the damage to self and society. 

A life detached from virtue is not progress, and celebrating it brings consequences.

Distorting Morality: When Boundaries Collapse

Schools function safely only when roles are clear.

When boundaries are blurred, violations do not appear suddenly — they appear predictably.

·      Teachers reduced to service providers → authority collapses

·      Students treated as autonomous adults → restraint disappears

·      Leadership granted without maturity → responsibility erodes

·      Parents sidelined → moral guidance fractures

·      Society addicted to spectacle → misconduct becomes systemic

These are not isolated scandals. They are symptoms of moral breakdown: weakened discipline, fragile authority, and technology racing ahead of ethics.

No society can sacrifice moral architecture — in homes, schools, or public life — and escape the consequences.

The Child Then and the Child Now: What Technology Cannot Replace

The child of the past grew up with limits before liberties.

Without screens, algorithms, or digital supervision, children learned through living: through nature, play, consequence, correction, and example. They learned restraint by experience, respect by observation, and responsibility by expectation.

That child was not perfect – but the child was formed.

The child of today is growing up differently. Childhood is increasingly mediated by screens, templates, and policies. Decisions are guided by charts, emotions outsourced to professionals, discipline replaced by negotiation, and exposure arrives long before understanding. Technology now occupies the space once held by parents, elders, teachers, and lived experience.

Technology offers information – not wisdom.

Exposure – not discernment.

Simulation – not formation.

A child raised on devices but deprived of moral grounding does not mature faster; the child becomes confused earlier. Curiosity accelerates while restraint weakens. Empathy dulls. Boundaries blur. This is not empowerment – it is premature adultification without moral armour.

The consequences are now global and undeniable:

·       Rising childhood anxiety, isolation, emotional fragility, and dependence on medication

·       Early sexual exposure without maturity, accompanied by contraception, abortion, substance use, and adult vices experimented with in childhood

·       Online cruelty replacing face-to-face correction, with children falling prey to grooming, scams, exploitation, trafficking, and abuse

·       Children increasingly harmed – and harming – in ways once rare

·       Fractured family bonds, where children raised without attachment later justify abandoning parental responsibility

Technology did not create these harms.

But it magnified them in the absence of moral guidance.

No device can teach right from wrong.

No algorithm can replace conscience.

No platform can substitute for character.

When moral formation is removed and technology is allowed to lead, childhood is not enriched – it is endangered.

Progress that abandons humanity is not progress.

Education that forgets character is not education.

If society truly wishes to protect its children, it must restore what technology can never provide: moral clarity, restraint, boundaries, and example.

A Civilizational Reversal

Then:
Moral formation before freedom.
Gradual exposure to complexity.
Authority grounded in credibility.
Correction guided by restraint.

Now:
Adult concepts imposed early.
Rights taught before duties.
Mistakes amplified online.
Guidance weakened, authority questioned.

The result is inevitable: confusion replaces clarity, and misconduct follows.

Western societies that adopted these models first are now confronting their failures and reversing course. Sri Lanka risks importing what others are abandoning.

Policies Without Moral Readiness

In weakened systems, policies such as Comprehensive Sexuality Education amplify harm – as child has not been guided to what is moral/immoral:

·      Adult frameworks introduced before maturity

·      Teacher authority neutralized

·      Parental roles diluted

·      Curiosity expanded without ethical grounding

Harm is not accidental. It is the consequence of policy without moral readiness.

Reframing Child Protection

True protection demands:

·       Clear boundaries upheld by accountable adults

·       Age-appropriate guidance

·       Rejection of child adultification

·       Education rooted in moral formation, not ideological experimentation

Law can support this — but law alone cannot replace moral authority.

Shared Moral Responsibility

Students must practice respect and restraint.
Teachers must lead with integrity and firm boundaries.
Parents must guide, monitor, and model values.
Institutions must enforce discipline with wisdom.
Society must protect children — not exploit crises for spectacle.

A Civilizational Warning

When authority collapses, childhood is shortened.
When boundaries blur, children suffer.
When morality weakens, society fractures.

Restoring boundaries, restraint, and moral guidance is no longer optional.
It is imperative.

Shenali D Waduge

By Laala Bechetoula and Amir Nour Global Research, January 24, 2026

Today more than ever, Arabs and Muslims must become aware of the terrible maneuvers and plots being hatched against them by lighting the fires of discord and sedition among the members of the Ummah, between Sunnis and Shiites, Arabs and Kurds, Arabs and Berbers, and Muslims and Christians.

Proof of this is the turpitudes suffered by the central cause of the Arabs and Muslims, that of plundered Palestine.

I highly recommend reading Amir Nour’s book because of the judicious choice of carefully documented writings by authoritative authors and studies, the sagacity of the analysis, and the clairvoyance of the foresight.” — Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Algeria (1982–1988)

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To read this article in the following languages, click the Translate Website button below the author’s name.

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There are endorsements that adorn a book, and there are endorsements that place it inside history. The words of Ahmed Taleb-Ibrahimi do not merely recommend The Monstrosity of Our Century: The War on Palestine and the Last Western Man”; they situate it within a long tradition of intellectual vigilance against division, manipulation, and moral corrosion. They also state—without euphemism—what many governments, institutions, and editorial boards prefer to dilute: Palestine is not merely a political cause; it is a truth test.

Amir Nour’s new book does not approach Palestine as a conflict,” a cycle,” or a file.” It approaches it as a historical rupture—the point at which the contemporary international system ceased to reconcile power with principle, law with alliance, and narrative with reality. One year after the full return of Trumpism to the center of global machtpolitik—might politics—this book no longer reads as a polemical incursion. Rather, it reads as a forensic document.

Indeed, the question is no longer whether Nour went too far in his analysis of contemporary geopolitics and their lasting implications. The real overarching question is whether reality itself has already gone further than his words.

Gaza Is Not the Event—It Is the Mirror

Right from its opening pages, Nour’s book dismantles the most comforting illusion of modern diplomacy: that Palestine in general, and Gaza in particular, represents an aberration in an otherwise functional international order. He writes—without rhetorical excess and with devastating precision:

What is unfolding in Gaza is not a tragic deviation from the international order; it is the moment when that order reveals its true hierarchy of lives.”

This sentence is not a metaphor. It is a diagnostic instrument. Gaza, in Nour’s analysis, is not the breakdown of the so-called rules-based order;” it is the place where those rules finally stop pretending to be universal. The book’s title itself draws from the formulation of Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, who described Gaza as the monstrosity of our century.” Nour adopts this phrase because it names a condition, not an emotion: a world capable of witnessing mass destruction in real time while simultaneously organizing its justification.

That is why Richard Forer, in the foreword, states unambiguously,

For logistical reasons, Israel could not act alone. It needed the blessing and the military assistance of the United States, Britain, and Germany.”

This is not an accusation from the margins. It is an observation grounded in arms transfers, sustained funding, diplomatic cover, and repeated vetoes. Gaza exposes not only violence but also complicity structured as policy.

Double Standards as an Operating System

One of the book’s most meticulously documented sections is devoted to what Nour identifies as the institutionalization of double standards. This is not moral indignation; it is comparative analysis. While Ukraine is framed as a sacred cause of sovereignty, legality, and civilian protection, Palestine is consistently stitched up as complex,” contextual,” and indefinitely postponed. Forer writes,

In its unrestrained codependency with Israel, hypocrisy plays a major role,” adding, Confusion and dissembling occur when a nation acts contrary to its publicly stated values.”

These lines matter because they identify hypocrisy not as a lapse but as a governing logic and behavior. International law has not disappeared; it has become selective. And selectivity, Nour shows, is no longer a flaw—it is the design.

This diagnosis is reinforced by Chas W. Freeman Jr., former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense, who writes that Amir Nour eloquently and unflinchingly shows how the course of events in Palestine has discredited the moral authority of the West and devalued international law, while changing the world order and isolating Israel, making its survival increasingly doubtful.”

When such words come from within the Western strategic establishment, they are not radical. They set alarm bells ringing.

When Justice Becomes a Target

Perhaps the most chilling section of the book concerns international justice. Nour does not romanticize the ICJ or the ICC; he treats them as fault lines where the system’s contradictions surface. Forer notes how Western officials responded to the ICJ’s finding of a plausible genocide”:

Criticism is answered with ‘Israel’s right to defend itself,’ without explaining how killing children by the thousands makes Israel more secure.” And Nour’s conclusion leaves no ambiguity: Even in the midst of a ‘textbook case of genocide,’ the West continues to shield and thus bolster the actions of Israel.”

This is not rhetoric. It is a description of procedural reality. When international justice approaches protected actors, it ceases to be celebrated as law and begins to be treated as a threat.

The book documents the intimidation of the ICC prosecutor and the explicit warning: Target Israel, and we will target you.” What Nour analyzed as pressure has since hardened into policy through sanctions and institutional retaliation. The system does not merely ignore justice; it disciplines it. Hence, as the foreword states bluntly, The West has abandoned its responsibility to the world order and made a mockery of its alleged respect for international law.”

For Full Story The Monstrosity as a System: The War on Palestine and the Moment the World Lost Its Moral Gravity – Global ResearchGlobal Research – Centre for Research on Globalization

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

1) Between Literature and Psychology ( Foreword   by  Professor Mary V. Seeman, OC MDCM, FRCPC DSc.  Professor Emerita    , Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto) 

LINK; https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2016/08/a-new-book-on-literature-and-psychology.html

2)  Psychological Aspects of Buddhist Jātaka Stories ( Foreword by 

 Rolf B. Gainer, PhD, Chief Executive Officer, Neurologic Rehabilitation Institute at Brookhaven Hospital, Tulsa, Oklahoma)

LINK; https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-new-book-on-buddhist-jakata-stories.html

3) Shell Shock to Palali Syndrome: PTSD Sri Lankan Experience (Foreword by  Professor Richard N. Lalonde,   Department of Psychology, York University, Canada) 

LINK; https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2025/10/shell-shock-to-palali-syndrome-ptsd-sri.html

4) PTSD in the Soviet Union ; (Foreword by Dr Gordon Atherley M.D., PhD   LLD, Honoris Causa, from Canada’s Simon Fraser University) 

LINK; https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2021/01/foreword-ptsd-in-soviet-union-by-dr_21.html

5) Clinical Meditation (Foreword by Brian Rees, MD, MPH, Colonel (retired) US Army, Executive Director, TM for Veterans Director, Operation Warrior Wellness)

LINK;   https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2023/08/my-book-on-clinical-meditation-is.html

Read More; https://transyl2014.blogspot.com/2025/12/five-books-are-ready-for-purchase.html

ACN Newswire

– AFF draws 4,000+ global political and business leaders, inaugural Global Business Summit showcases Hong Kong’s strengths in financially empowering industry

HONG KONG, January 27, 2026 – (ACN Newswire) – The 19th Asian Financial Forum (AFF), jointly organised by the Hong Kong SAR (HKSAR) Government and Hong Kong Trade Development Council (HKTDC), concluded successfully today. The forum attracted an enthusiastic response, drawing over 4,000 leaders from governments and business sectors across over 60 countries and regions. Over the two-day forum, over 150 financial officials, leaders of multilateral organisations, representatives from financial institutions and enterprises took the stages as speakers. The forum also launched the inaugural Global Business Summit to further integrate finance with key industries, driving innovation and economic development, while injecting strong momentum into Hong Kong as it embarks on a new chapter in the year ahead by strengthening its role through financial empowerment.

The Asian Financial Forum kicked off International Financial Week 2026, marking the first significant financial event in the region this year. AFF’s various sessions, including Plenary Sessions, Keynote Luncheons, a Breakfast Panel and thematic workshops, were all well attended. Guests engaged actively in exchanges on a wide range of trending topics, offering valuable insights and forward-looking perspectives.

At the Keynote Luncheon on the first day of AFF, Dr José Manuel Barroso, Former President of the European Commission, Former Prime Minister of Portugal, and the Chairman of the Advisory Board of Goldman Sachs International, delivered a keynote speech on Hong Kong’s pivotal role in fostering regional cooperation and how Asia can draw on Europe’s experience to deepen economic integration. Dr Barroso said: What we are seeing now is a technological race. This creates instability. And so, the major companies in the world – American, European, but also in Asia – the leaders want to see how they can position their corporations in a favourable position facing the geopolitical risk and the technological risk.”

Furthermore, at the Panel Discussion on Global Economic Outlook, Dr Zhu Min, Member of the Senior Expert Advisory Committee of the China Center for International Economic Exchanges (CCIEE), spoke about the opportunities that renminbi internationalisation will bring to Hong Kong. He said: I see competition among the three major currencies. RMB internationalisation requires liquidity and a bond market – Hong Kong is perfectly positioned to provide this service.”

At the forum yesterday, the Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau signed a cooperation agreement with the Shanghai Gold Exchange, marking a significant milestone in strengthening collaboration between the Hong Kong and Shanghai gold markets. The agreement established a high-level cooperative governance framework for Hong Kong’s central gold clearing system, explored opportunities for coordinated development of physical infrastructure, and enhanced market connectivity. This initiative represented an important step forward in Hong Kong’s development as an international gold trading hub.

The inaugural Global Business Summit, co-organised by the Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau of the HKSAR Government, HKTDC and the Office for Attracting Strategic Enterprises (OASES), was held today as part of AFF. The summit opened with welcome remarks delivered by Paul Chan, Financial Secretary of the HKSAR Government, and Prof Frederick Ma, Chairman of the HKTDC.

Prof Ma said: Financial services help industries and investors maximise their investments and their impact. This will have far-reaching benefits, supporting continued technological breakthroughs, as well as closer integration and sustainable development. In this sense, the Global Business Summit reflects the greater emphasis we are placing on co-creation at this year’s AFF.  In these unpredictable times, working together on shared goals adds to the agility and resilience of our economies, our industries and businesses, and our communities. Hong Kong, under the One Country, Two Systems” arrangement, is perfectly suited to host these conversations and promote cross-sector collaboration, as a superconnector, super value-adder and supercollaborator. Our city is home to businesses from around the world.  It is a bustling two-way gateway between the Chinese Mainland and the rest of the world – helping high-growth enterprises from the Chinese Mainland to go global, while enabling high-growth foreign enterprises to enter China.”

A Pledging Ceremony today demonstrated the commitment of HKSAR Government, the HKTDC and AFF Partners in working together to assist Chinese Mainland enterprises in going global via the Hong Kong platform and to integrate into overall national development. AFF Partners included EY, HSBC, Bank of China (Hong Kong), Standard Chartered, UBS, CICC, Huatai Securities, Bank of Communication (Hong Kong) and China CITIC Bank International. During the summit, a series of plenary sessions were held, including Business Plenary I – Chinese Mainland Enterprises Going Global, and Business Plenary II – Strategic Collaboration for Shared Growth, focusing on the latest opportunities in global market expansion and inbound foreign investment.

In Business Plenary I – Chinese Mainland Enterprises Going Global, chaired by Victor Chu, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, First Eastern Investment Group, and prominent business leaders from XPENG, Zhejiang Geely Holding Group, LONGi Green Energy, Wusawa Advisory, Alibaba Group, Seres Group, and Shanghai Industrial Investment (Holdings), discussed  how Chinese Mainland enterprises are formulating global expansion strategies amid shifts in the macroeconomic landscape. The speakers explored challenges these companies face and emerging opportunities in their pursuit of international growth.

Leading global investment institutions and business executives shared their observations and strategies for entering the Chinese Mainland market in Business Plenary II – Strategic Collaboration for Shared Growth. With national policies promoting stronger domestic demand and high-quality development, the Chinese Mainland offers abundant opportunities for international enterprises to expand cross-border collaboration and deepen their positions along industry value chains. The session featured remarks by Liu Haoling, President, China Investment Corporation and was chaired by Lincoln Pan, Chief Executive Officer, Jardine Matheson. Speakers included representatives from Banking Circle, Infineon AG, Investcorp, JP Morgan, Revolut and Triton Partners. They engaged in an in-depth discussion on how international companies can develop new business roadmaps in the Chinese Mainland through investment, partnerships and joint ventures. They examined Hong Kong’s critical role as a gateway for international enterprises entering the Chinese Mainland market.

During the session, Mohammed Alardhi, Executive Chairman, Investcorp, said: The China-Gulf Cooperation Council corridor is vital. We’re connecting companies throughout the corridor, implementing Chinese technology there, and buying Chinese vehicles for logistics. It bridges the world’s second-largest economy and the Gulf region, which is transforming with vast opportunities and capital. When you compare the valuations of Chinese companies and technologies with those from the West, there’s no comparison. There is a significant appetite in the Gulf region to partner with them.”

The summit featured a series of discussion sessions covering high-growth, high-value sectors, including biomedicine and healthcare, green energy, new consumer trends, artificial intelligence and robotics. The speaker lineup was powerful. In the session titled Biomedicine 2026: Trends, Challenges and Opportunities”, Amgen and Merck highlighted key challenges facing the industry; notably the high cost and lengthy cycles of R&D. They emphasised the need to build diversified and internationalised financing channels, enabling financial services to play an empowering, multiplier role in accelerating technological translation and commercialisation.

The sessions AI Infrastructure: Powering the Intelligent Supply Chain” and AI Driven Robotics and Autonomous Technologies Revolutionising Industry” featured a who’s who of business leaders with speakers from DexForce Technology, JD.com and Pictet Group discussing scalable application strategies, key investment priorities and growth momentum generated through ecosystem collaboration. The latter session, chaired by Dr Allan Wong, Chairman and Group Chief Executive Officer, VTech Holdings Limited; leaders from AI² Robotics, Galbot and Tencent offered forward looking insights into how AI driven robotics can integrate into the real economy, transforming sectors such as healthcare, manufacturing and services, while creating entirely new investment opportunities.

Polling on Future Technology Trends and Asset Allocation Strategies

AFF conducted real-time polling across multiple sessions to gauge participants’ views on the global economic outlook, their expectations for future financial and technological trends, and their asset-allocation strategies. More than 70% of attendees were neutral to optimistic about the global economic outlook for this year. Meanwhile, 51.2% of participants believed that in today’s rapidly evolving international landscape, priority should be given to developing artificial intelligence and AI-driven applications, followed by energy transition and sustainable development (20.3%).

Onsite deal-making sessions and online platform extend outcomes

The HKTDC has long positioned AFF as a vital platform for facilitating international investment and driving substantive cooperation, proactively connecting enterprises with potential partners and providing business-matching opportunities. During the forum, HKTDC and the Hong Kong Venture Capital and Private Equity Association continued to co-organise AFF Deal-making. This year, AFF Deal-making attracted over 280 investors and over 600 investment projects, resulting in more than 800 one-on-one meetings that successfully connected global capital with investment opportunities. Among them, a returning participant from Thailand, who joined the event to explore new funding sources and co-investment opportunities, said he was pleased to have met several promising potential partners. An Australian food processing project owner also reported positive outcomes, noting that the platform helped identify potential partners who can provide support beyond financial investment, including practical expertise and technical guidance. The matching services will move online on Wednesday 28 and Thursday 29 January, allowing investors and project owners to continue connecting via the online platform.

This year’s Project Investment Sessions highlighted several strategically essential development initiatives in Hong Kong. These included the Northern Metropolis, which drives cross-sector collaboration and industry upgrading; SKYTOPIA, the Airport City development shaping the future international aviation hub at Hong Kong International Airport; and the Hong Kong–Shenzhen Innovation and Technology Park, which accelerates the growth of the I&T ecosystem in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area. Representatives of the respective organisations presented the latest project updates and investment opportunities on-site, offering participants deeper insights into Hong Kong’s long-term plans for regional connectivity, innovation-driven development and infrastructure enhancement, underscoring the city’s unique strengths as a premier international investment destination.

In addition, on the first day of this year’s AFF, Hong Kong food-tech company Techvalue International and Australia’s Gryph Holdings signed a Memorandum of Understanding to establish a joint venture that will launch innovative plant-based products that can be prepared instantly with either cold or hot water. The collaboration was facilitated by the HKTDC Sydney Office, building on business connections the two parties developed through previous editions of AFF. The joint venture will first introduce its products in Papua New Guinea before gradually expanding into the Australian and New Zealand markets. It demonstrates Hong Kong’s pivotal role in enabling cross-border collaboration in food-tech innovation.

Four zones showcase new opportunities in innovation, sustainability and investment

This year’s AFF featured four key thematic zones –  the FutureGreen Showcase, FintechHK Start-up Salon, InnoVenture Salon and Global Investment Zone – bringing together some 150 exhibitors, including EY (AFF’s Knowledge Partner), HSBC, Bank of China (Hong Kong), Standard Chartered, CICC and Huatai Securities. The newly introduced FutureGreen Showcase highlighted the latest applications in green finance and green technology, fostering capital matching and collaboration with sustainable development projects. Exhibitors showcased solutions spanning green certification and standards, climate-risk assessment and reporting, carbon-credit trading and management, regulatory compliance and ESG monitoring, demonstrating robust market demand for green transformation across different sectors.

Two roundtable meetings were also held during AFF. The Hong Kong International Fundraising Roundtable 2026, held today, brought together senior executives from Chinese Mainland and overseas enterprises, as well as leaders from Hong Kong’s financial and professional services sectors, to discuss how to meet financing needs across various industries. The Attracting Strategic Enterprises: Roundtable on Hong Kong Opportunities held on the first day of the AFF was co-organised for the first time by the HKTDC and the OASES. The session provided a dedicated platform for key Chinese Mainland and international enterprises interested in establishing or expanding their presence in Hong Kong to connect with local financial and professional service providers.

2026 International Financial Week kicks off, showcasing Hong Kong as a leading international financial centre

International Financial Week 2026 officially commenced on 26 January, featuring 14 industry events that span a wide range of globally watched financial and business topics, including ASEAN opportunities, digital finance, green finance, family offices, private equity and alternative investments. Together, these events underscore Hong Kong’s unique role as the region’s most comprehensive and diversified international financial centre.

Websites
Asian Financial Forum: https://www.asianfinancialforum.com/aff/

Courtesy The Morning

Senior Buddhist prelates have urged President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to appoint a qualified officer from within the Auditor General’s Department to the post, warning against selecting an external candidate.

They recommended Dharmapala Gammanpila, a senior departmental officer with long experience, as a suitable choice and called for an urgent appointment.

The Auditor General position has been vacant since April 2025, and delays have raised concerns over public finance oversight and transparency.

Courtesy The Peoples Gazette

Sri Lanka has stepped up monitoring measures following reports of a Nipah virus cluster in India’s eastern state of West Bengal.

Patients in hospital used to illustrate the story

Sri Lanka has stepped up monitoring measures following reports of a Nipah virus cluster in India’s eastern state of West Bengal.

Health authorities across parts of Asia have also heightened vigilance over the emerging situation, the Daily Mirror reported.

Health officials said Sri Lanka is tracking developments at the regional level and remains in contact with international health monitoring systems.

While no cases have been reported locally, authorities have indicated that preparedness measures are in place should the situation evolve.

The alert follows confirmation by Indian authorities of at least five Nipah virus infections in West Bengal, including cases among healthcare workers.

The development has prompted several countries in the region to strengthen preventive measures, particularly at international airports.

Nipah virus is a zoonotic disease transmitted between animals and humans and, in some instances, through human-to-human contact.

It is classified as a priority pathogen by the World Health Organisation due to its epidemic potential and the severity of illness it can cause. Past outbreaks of the Nipah virus have been associated with high fatality rates, ranging from 40 per cent to 75 per cent.

Courtesy  Peoples Gazette

According to health authorities, the move is expected to reduce the cost barrier associated with fertility treatment.

IVF Chart used to illustrate the story [Credit: News-Medical]

Sri Lanka’s public healthcare system is set to offer in vitro fertilization (IVF) treatment for the first time, with a new facility to be established at the Castle Street Hospital for Women in Colombo.

According to health authorities, the move is expected to reduce the cost barrier associated with fertility treatment, which is currently available almost entirely through private medical providers.

In the private sector, a single IVF cycle typically costs between two million rupees ($6,460) and three million rupees, limiting access for many couples.

According to Ajith Kumara Danthanarayana, director of Castle Street Hospital, work is underway to set up the IVF unit, which is scheduled to begin operations within approximately three months.

He said the initiative is intended to make advanced fertility treatment accessible to couples who have been unable to pursue private options due to financial constraints.

The service would be integrated into the hospital’s existing maternal and reproductive health programmes, which are a leading public maternity institution in the country.

Kamanthi Wickramasinghe   Courtesy The Daily Mirror

There are two groups who’ll get reductions too, first is commercial organisations, but the biggest beneficiary are those households who consume large amounts of electricity (over 180 units per month) who will see close to 50% reduction, with those who consume more, seeing larger reduction. When that happens, they will steeply increase their consumption, while the poor people will have to reduce consumption even for essentials

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If you have a solar rooftop, you will be converted into time-of-use tariff – so your solar generation will only be offset against the daytime consumption. Evening use will be billed at Rs 67/unit and overnight consumption at Rs 21/unit. For many solar prosumers, this is going to be a steep increase of costs which will even compromise their ability to pay the loans they have procured for solar system installation

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Concerns have been flagged regarding the incumbent government’s draft National Electricity Policy which had been tabled with the objective of ‘ensuring an efficient electricity supply at cost-effective prices.’ However, according to industry stakeholders and energy experts, imposing mandatory time-of-use tariffs for solar power users, removing feed-in tariffs and removing cross-subsidies are certain proposals that could possibly weaken access to sustainable and affordable energy. In a candid interview with the Daily Mirror, renewable energy expert Dr. Vidura Ralapanawe pointed out several alarming concerns in the draft Policy, simplifying certain technical terms and explaining in detail how certain proposals would affect normal electricity consumers and solar power users. Excerpts:  

QDoes the draft National Electricity Policy address the needs of the normal consumer? 

No, it does not appear to do that. It increases the cost for the large majority of consumers – for quite a lot of them by significant amount. Some of the other measures in the policy will keep the overall electricity costs high, which will then be passed to the consumers.

Could you explain about lifeline tariff and cost reflective pricing mentioned in the Policy?

The majority of consumers in Sri Lanka consume very small amounts of electricity. This electricity is provided at affordable prices to the consumers. The tariff policy asks for multiple changes that impact the current pricing. They include;

a)    Removal of consumption bands (0-30, 31-60 etc) to go to a flat tariff irrespective of consumption

b)    Cost reflective pricing” for each category of consumers

c)    Calculation of fixed rates based on the cost to service each consumer group

d)    Lifeline tariff restricted to consumers with consumption less than 30 units per month

The first three will result in steep electricity cost consumption for majority of Sri Lankan consumers (5.2 Million households – about 17 million citizens). The policy says a subsidy will be given to those who consume less than 30 units per month. This means those between 31-90 units will see sharp price increases-a staggering 3.4 million households which is more than 50% of the population.

In addition, the changes to the fixed rates envisaged above will disproportionately impact poorer households with lower consumption, with steep increases for them.

Alongside that, religious institutions will also see a steep increase with some getting bills as much as 600% increase. Hotels and factories will see steep rises too, affecting their competitiveness.

There are two groups who will get reductions too, first is commercial organisations, but the biggest beneficiary are those households who consume large amounts of electricity (over 180 units per month) who will see close to 50% reduction, with those who consume more, seeing larger reduction. When that happens, they will steeply increase their consumption, while the poor people will have to reduce consumption even for essentials. 

This even goes against the policy which is supposed to promote conservation and efficiency. These changes in consumer tariff will lead to electricity deprivation (through high cost) for less affluent people, while the affluent people lose all incentives to conserve and increase efficiency.

This is a deeply inequitable tariff approach that would be bad policy for any government let alone the current NPP government who wears their progressive credentials on their lapels. 

QCould you explain about cross subsidies?

We have a differentiated tariff system where we look at equity, ability to pay and competitiveness as part of tariff principles. This means some consumers pay more than others – so that their excess payment is used to provide a subsidy to others. This is called the cross subsidy. Historically, CEB provided direct subsidies to keep overall tariffs low, in addition to cross subsidies, and these became large losses for the treasury to take over from tax revenue (or go bankrupt). 

This is not an unfair system – as our system has a high marginal cost. Hydropower which produces 30-35% of our electricity is quite cheap – about Rs 3 per unit, and at the higher end, diesel based generation of Sobadhanavi is Rs 75 per unit. When consumption increases, that increase is coming from the higher cost generators such as Sobadhanavi. Thus people who consume less paying a lower cost cannot be considered unfair. 

From 2022, the total cost of CEB is covered through the income keeping CEB from defaulting on their payments or creating a dependency on the treasury.

The policy is asking for a range of direct treasury subsidies to the sector, including lifeline subsidy (for consumers with less than 30 units per month), connection subsidy for SME industries, competitiveness subsidy for factories etc. These may come or not come creating a dependency on the treasury to keep the power system operational, and increasing risk of deferred payments and default.

There is no need for this rather than rightwing economic fundamentalism. Plenty of countries do cross subsidies, including our neighbours and even Europe. 

QWhat is the demand for electricity by 2030?

As per CEB it’s about 21,245 GWh.

QWhat is the current demand and do we have the capacity to meet this demand with existing issues?

It is 18,100 GWh for 2025. 

Yes, we have capacity to meet current demand, thanks to renewable energy and rooftop solar growth in the last 3 years. If you remember, we were plagued with energy shortages, and what used to be routine emergency power procurement” which were steeped in corruption and insider deals. This got stopped from 2024 due to the high renewable energy especially rooftop solar addition. We saw multiple coal plant breakdowns in 2025 including instances where two coal units were not operational (it is the case even now), and we were able to operate the grid without any hitch or shortages. 

Renewable energy – especially rooftop solar – has removed oil use during the daytime and also drastically reduced the use of hydro power during daytime. This gives CEB extra water to generate electricity during evening peak hours, reducing high cost oil generation. These have helped us to operate the grid smarter and at a lower cost. The current tendered battery storage will also increase the power capacity in the evenings, and reduce oil.

So in addition to meeting the demand, renewable energy has done an amazing job of reducing costs, especially by reducing oil use for electricity generation.

QHow does this policy affect solar power users?

In two ways for existing system holders.

If you have a solar rooftop, you will be converted into time-of-use tariff – so your solar generation will only be offset against the daytime consumption. Evening use will be billed at Rs 67/unit and overnight consumption at Rs 21/unit. For many solar prosumers, this is going to be a steep increase of costs which will even compromise their ability to pay the loans they have procured for solar system installation. For some, removing the solar system and going back to the standard tariff system will be more financially better than moving to time-of-use tariff with a solar system.

For a company with a ground mounted solar system, or any other renewable energy system for that matter, policy is blocking CEB for paying if the CEB asks them to stop generating. As you may know, CEB has an excess power problem during daytime on weekends and holidays (in part created by CEB not building battery storage as per their own plan), and they order renewable energy power producers to stop generating. Since their power purchase agreements does not allow this, this policy directive is against the contract, in addition to being arbitrary. It is also against specific clauses in the Electricity Act that guarantees all power companies financial viability.

So the policy is attempting to punish anyone who is involved in renewable energy by pure vindictiveness. This tells a whole lot about the real author” of this policy.

Policy also proposes abolition of solar net metering (where we offset our own consumption with solar) and solar net accounting (where we offset our consumption and sell excess to the grid) – two very popular schemes. With these changes, it will not be worthwhile for many consumers to install solar systems, which will also collapse the industry with companies going out of business. Even your existing solar plant may not have someone to service and provide spare parts.

Policy also proposes cancelling of Feed-in-Tariff methodology of buying renewable energy – this mechanism accounts for over 80% of ground mounted solar and wind power and 100% of mini-hydro and biomass power plants in this country. CEB has tenders but they do not add sufficient capacity to the grid with low success rate especially for solar. This is a singular attempt to kill future of renewable energy in Sri Lanka. 

There is one direct beneficiary of this policy – that is LTL Holdings, who is the owner of the two (expensive) private oil based generators with a third one on the way. Renewable energy developers will get wiped out and general public will see a continuous increase of electricity costs for a foreseeable future.

QWhat are the biggest concerns about this policy?

In addition to the above there are few major concerns.

The policy is not forward looking, and is backward looking. The sector is evolving fast and there is nothing in this policy that advances Sri Lanka’s energy sector to be in par with the global transition. What we are seeing is massive democratization of energy generation, storage and system services (mainly from rooftop solar, batteries etc) which the policy reverses. Energy security is now measured from a lens of energy independence – for example, India plans to be energy independent (not just with electricity) by 2047 – this policy misses the point, and actively works against it. Many provisions in the policy are Orwellian – for example provisions under the section heading enhancing renewable energy share of the grid” is actually mechanisms to reduce the renewable energy in the grid. The section under open access are studies, and rules that are designed to delay and block viable implementation of this mechanism.

This is also a badly written policy. In addition to providing a policy framework, this document goes to minute implementation details and timelines which are not part of a policy, and has the result in straightjacketing the Minister himself and the regulator. It has multiple provisions which are legally ambiguous, which will lead to confusion, conflict and block action. It gets technical terms wrong, and is written with poor understanding of technical terms. It has multiple contradictions. It is shockingly bad scholarship that I would die of shame if my name was in there.

This policy is bad for investment in the sector for both local and foreign investors, and will see the sector starved of investment. Not only we are signaling massive policy reversals (for example in renewable energy), it takes a bold step to destroy financial viability of existing renewable energy projects (including rooftop solar). Why would any investor think this is a good environment for future investment?

QThere is a question about affordability of electricity.  The government said it would reduce electricity tariff by 30% or so. Is this doable? Where did we go wrong?

It is quite difficult to do 30%, because quite a lot of the power system costs are tied to the dollar. So one main problem is the Rupee depreciation which drives up the costs of electricity. But this does not mean that the costs cannot be reduced.

The largest cost of generation is going to oil plants, and the way to reduce the costs is to replace this with renewable energy, local, small scale contracts that are in Rupee terms. Rooftop solar is the best here, because it does not require transmission upgrades. Then we also have projects with Feed-in-tariffs, which are also Rupees. The same projects the current policy is trying to block. Some large scale renewable energy projects are also tagged to the exchange rate, so they are not as cost saving as Rupee tariffs, though cheaper than coal or oil.

These coupled with battery storage is what we need to rapidly develop – this has the possibility for reducing tariffs, but 30% is simply not a serious number in any timeframe.

Where we went wrong is government policy. As soon as they came, they said LNG is the path to go, and promoted an unviable project for now almost 18 months, even when we pointed out that this is going to increase costs. But they went on this charade, probably to promote the completely unviable Sahasdhanavi combined cycle diesel plant, which got cabinet approval by showing artificially low costs. Now the government has announced that LNG project is unviable. This makes Sahasdhanavi unviable too (but that doesn’t get cancelled because it is a LTL project).

They used future LNG as an excuse to significantly dismantle renewable energy development pipeline – this policy is a continuation of this – and we are still going down this road even without the cover of LNG. 

QWhat does the future look like for power generation through renewable energy in Sri Lanka ?

There is no future coal, or nuclear plants for Sri Lanka, nor do we need them for electricity or for lowering costs. Nor can we bring/afford LNG. So the pathway that is in front of us is renewables, of which we have all types (water, wind, sun) and with which we can create a low cost electricity system. We can also export if we have the courage to dream big. 

But with these types of policies in place, we will be forever dependent on oil based generation, and higher electricity costs. 

 KELUM BANDARA  Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• ”Mr. Prabhakaran had a huge problem in accepting a compromise. The peace process can only be a compromise. He wanted everything in his own way. You cannot get that in the peace process.”
• ”Prabhakaran was fundamentally a military man whereas Balasingham was fundamentally a political man. They clashed.”

Erik Solheim, a Norwegian diplomat and former Cabinet minister best known in Sri Lanka for his role as the chief international facilitator of the Sri Lankan peace process during the 2002–2006 ceasefire talks, shared his views in an interview with Daily Mirror about the pitfalls of the process . Also, in his current role as an international commentator and adviser on climate change, geopolitics and sustainable development, he said Sri Lanka has enormous potential for green economic development. He also served as UN Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of UN Environment. He now serves as the President- Europe Asia Centre.

QYou have been a visitor to Sri Lanka quite often, right from your days as a peace facilitator. What brought you here this time? 

Just to keep a friendship with many, many old friends, and of course to meet new friends. But I will also attend a number of meetings.

There will be a meeting in Sigiriya focused on green tourism, because Sri Lanka is a fantastic tourist destination, but we discussed how to make it even greener. I will make a speech at a Think- Tank event about renewable energy in the Indian Ocean. I will also attend the launch of the book about the peace process by my old friend Prof. G.L. Peiris.

QThe book by Prof. Peiris is already out. Did you read it?

I have read it, absolutely. 

QWhat is your impression about the book and the peace process? 

The book is a very good overview of all the difficulties in the peace process.

I think it points to the major difficulties, like the lack of cooperation between the main political actors in the South- between the SLFP and the UNP at that time. It points to all the difficulties at the sea. There were weapon smugglings, that created difficulties with the Navy.

It points to the difficulty of coordinating the peace process with an economic policy, which created short-term pain for many people. Then people tended to see that as a result of the peace process. I wish he could also be a little bit more personal about his own experiences because it’s more like academic work rather than the work of an actor in the peace process.

QHow do you see the genuineness of the LTTE? 

That’s, of course, a very good question, where there is not one answer. The LTTE started the peace process at the peak of their power.

It was right after they attacked the Bandaranaike international airport and crippled the Sri Lankan economy. It was right after they had been close to overtaking the entire Jaffna Peninsula, right after they had taken over the Elephant -Pass . So, it came at a time of the maximum military, political strength of the LTTE.

They started the peace process, when they were strong, not when they were weak. I tend to believe it was genuine. However, I think also Mr. Prabhakaran had a huge problem in accepting a compromise. The peace process can only be a compromise. He wanted everything in his own way. You cannot get that in the peace process.

Also, he didn’t understand that he can come so far by military means. He tended to see everything as a military problem. If you didn’t like someone, better kill them, rather than look for a compromise and a political solution. He over-focused on military means and not so much on politics.

QAre you aware of reasons for the break-away of Vinayagamurthy Muralitharan alias Karuna from the LTTE? Some people say it was a direct result of the peace process. Others say Karuna went outside the country to attend the peace talks ,saw the world and got carried away. What is the reason? 

I’m very much aware of the last reason because Karuna, as far as I know, hardly ever been out of the north and the east of Sri Lanka.

I think when he came to Bangkok and saw how big, how modern life was in Bangkok, and how fast development is in Thailand, he was carried away. He was understanding that Sri Lanka also needed to change.

But, of course, only Karuna himself can answer the question.

QWhen you selected world capitals for hosting peace talks, was there a particular reason? 

We selected Thailand for the very simple reason that it was a place which was agreeable to both the government and the LTTE. It was a bit surprising, because Thailand is a fundamentally Buddhist country. I thought the LTTE would have difficulties, but they accepted Thailand.

One reason may also be that when it comes to weather, nature, food and everything, Thailand is quite familiar to Sri Lanka. Europe is much colder. I still recall when we had some meetings in Norway where some of the Sri Lankan delegates were absolutely scared of the ice, the slippery ice.

They were as scared of the ice as I would have been scared of, say, a tiger. The most of the talks were in Thailand.

We also had talks in Japan, Germany and Norway, but these were mainly for political reasons to carry the message of the peace process to different places. Thailand was the main venue, and I think it was mainly about weather and food. People felt comfortable there. 

QWere you aware that there was a conflict between LTTE leader Velupillay Prabhakaran and its chief negotiator Anton Balasingham ? 

I don’t think Balasingham would ever split from the LTTE, but very clearly there were huge disagreements. For example, Balasingham went public and apologised for the killing of Rajiv Gandhi to Indian media. He got a strong negative reaction from Prabhakaran.

Balasingham accepted that the final result of the peace process should be Federalism. Prabhakaran was not comfortable with that. There were clearly disagreements, but they were like an old couple who had been together their whole life. 

• ”I think when he came to Bangkok and saw how big, how modern life was in Bangkok, and how fast development is in Thailand, he was carried away. He was understanding that Sri Lanka also needed to change.”
• Lack of political unity in south , Prabhakaran’s military mindset hindered peace process
• Anton Balasingham, Prabhakaran had clear disagreements

When they disagreed, they didn’t speak to each other for quite some time. They just closed the phone and didn’t speak. Balasingham also understood that with the politics of the LTTE at the time, they were very likely to lose. He told me that the LTTE will lose the East, and even the North if it continues on this path. Prabhakaran was fundamentally a military man whereas Balasingham was fundamentally a political man. They clashed. 

QBecause of this adamant attitude of Prabhakaran, was there any possibility for a durable solution? 

I think, throughout the peace process, the two main obstacles were the lack of unity in the south and the character, as you say, of Prabhakaran. His lack of flexibility and his priority of military rather than political solutions. I still believe there was an opportunity for a peaceful end. There were two main opportunities which were wasted. First, when the peace process started in 2002, there was an enormous support. Everyone supported the peace process.

It was like 90 percent support from all communities in Sri Lanka. For two years, there were no killings. That kind of momentum was lost.

The other was the tsunami, which was in December, 2004. There was a kind of national feeling after the tsunami.

The army helped LTTE. The LTTE helped the Sinhalese. There was very much a national coming together after the tsunami. But that momentum was also lost due slowness and bureaucracy.

QHow do you see the situation of minority communities today in Sri Lanka?

I think Sri Lanka still has a long way to go to create rights for minorities like Tamils and Muslims. However, of course, economic development also helps.

If there can be more economic development in Jaffna, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, that will help. People also want economic and social uplifting. Jaffna once was the most educated place in Sri Lanka.

With the enormous flow of Tamils out of Sri Lanka, it’s today much less developed than many other cities in Sri Lanka.

QHad the peace process continued at a particular time, do you believe that LTTE would have been diluted with many factions breaking away like the Karuna faction?

If the peace process had been successful, the LTTE would have necessarily had to make a transformation from a fundamental military group to a political party or a group.

That would also have been a difficult and painful process. But, of course, after peace, there could not be a huge separate army in Sri Lanka, at least not for a long time.

QI would like to move to the next subject- climate change. You remained the international climate change advisor to former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. There were talks about the setting up of an international climate change university. How relevant is such a university for Sri Lanka?

I’m in doubt that there should be a separate climate university. I think what is more needed is to strengthen a climate department or climate work in the already existing universities like Colombo or Peradeniya Universities. 

To set up a separate university, you need to focus on buildings, recruiting staff and a lot of other activities.

It is better to make climate an important integrated part of an already existing university. 

QHow far had the then government progressed as far as such a university was concerned?

It was mainly a good idea. It didn’t really materialise. It was just an idea. 

What is most important is intellectual output, the ideas from universities, ideas as to how Sri Lanka can prepare better for future cyclones and natural catastrophes. That’s the most important, not to spend the time on constructing buildings, recruiting staff which will necessarily come from other universities, etc.

That’s why I recommend it strongly. Let this be a unit, a department, a faculty in one already existing university! Then, you don’t need to construct the buildings. You don’t need to recruit new staff. 

QHow do you see the potential of Sri Lanka’s green economic potential?

It has a huge potential for green economics in many, many different ways. Being a tropical nation, it has enormous potential for solar and wind energy- both onshore and offshore wind energy.

Sri Lanka is blessed with a lot of sun. Solar energy is by far now the fastest sort of energy in the world. For the first time last year, the world produced more solar and wind energy than coal.

For the first time last year, both in India and China, the use of coal went down. It was the first time in the history of both nations that they reduced coal. The reason is the massive investments in solar energy.

That is the number one opportunity for Sri Lanka. The second opportunity is, of course, tourism. That’s the number one source of foreign currency in Sri Lanka today.

Potentials are enormous because Sri Lanka has so much to offer- beaches and national parks with elephants, fantastic cultural sites like the Temple of Tooth (16:44) or the Bodhi Tree in Anuradhapura , Sigiriya and Dambulla. It’s a very, very beautiful place.

It has all these in a very, very small area. There is more to offer in India, but India is virtually a continent. China is virtually a continent.

With three, four hours’ drive, you can go to all these places in Sri Lanka. That’s absolutely unique. But tourism, more and more, will demand green solutions; that the beaches are free of plastic; that transportation is happening with electric cars and electric buses; and that hotels are providing the services in an eco-friendly way.

All this will be demanded. Sri Lanka should develop the concept of eco-tourism. 

QWhat is your observation of the current status in Sri Lanka? 

There have been a lot of steps in Sri Lanka, but there’s also a lot more to be done.

In China now, basically all transportation is electric. If you go to a tourist place there, all buses, all cars, all scooters, and even a lot of lorries will be electric. That creates a very calm, no noise, no pollution atmosphere.

Sri Lanka should try to catch up with that. By the way, in Nepal, which is much poorer than Sri Lanka, 80 percent of all new cars are now electric. 

QBut for us to realise these green economic goals, our investment climate should also be improved. What is your assessment about Sri Lanka’s investment climate? 

Many of these investments are not costly. Investing in solar energy is not a cost. Solar is the cheapest energy anywhere in the world. So, it’s like changing the mindset to develop solar energy. 

QThe previous government sought investments from India’s Adani company. (19:11) And they finalised the agreement and the project was about to take off the ground. But then suddenly there was a change of government. The new government scrapped the project. How will lack of policy consistency affect the country in this regard?

I don’t want to go into disputed issues in domestic politics in Sri Lanka. But clearly if you wish to develop renewable energies, foreign investment will make it much easier.

The two main sources of foreign investment in Sri Lanka will be India and China. There is also opportunity for investment from Japan, Europe, and also from the United States. But at the end of the day, if you look at the map, India is very, very close.

China is now the biggest trade partner with every single nation in Asia. Absolutely everywhere China is the number one trade partner. China is the indispensable nation for green solution.

Adani in my view is a fantastic Indian company. If you look at what they are now doing in Gujarat, they are developing the largest solar and wind plant everywhere in the world. Sri Lanka should absolutely look into how we can maximise investment from both India and China.

QBut it is a very difficult task because of competing geopolitical interests?

But Sri Lanka is for Sri Lankans. Sri Lanka is not there for India or for China.

The only meaning for both economic and foreign policy for Sri Lanka is Sri Lanka first. If Sri Lanka can benefit from Chinese investment, Sri Lanka should say yes.

If it can benefit from Indian investment, also yes. It can be balanced with more investment from the West. It’s just that the United States are now so inward looking.

Sri Lanka is very, very far from the United States. 

-Are you going to meet some government leaders this time during your visit? I hope so, but the programme is not exactly finalised yet.

But for sure, I’m very eager to meet the present government. 

I want to meet with everyone.

-You look passionate in working for Sri Lanka or working with Sri Lankans. What is the reason ? Because I’ve spent so much time here. I have so many friends here. I consider Sri Lanka second home. It’s the most beautiful place in the world. It’s one of the most beautiful places in the world. It has so many nice, friendly, hard-working people. If I can be of any help to them, I’m very happy to do that.

QWhat do you like most in Sri Lanka-beaches, mountains, wildlife, or food? 

The combination of all of these. That’s what makes Sri Lanka unique, again. You can be at the beaches in Matara or Galle. In a couple of hours’ time, you are in the most beautiful national parks. In another a couple of more hours, you are at the most beautiful cultural sites, or the tea plantations of central Sri Lanka, or the Temple of Tooth and Kandy. Everything is such a small place. You can enjoy all aspects of life with a good beer at the beach.

QWhen Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe was arrested and put behind bars, you defended him in a message on X . What prompted you to do it? 

Quite simply, it was because even if all the accusations that were made against Ranil were true, he had done nothing illegal by the standards of any other country. The main allegation was that he had undertaken a private visit to the University of Wolverhampton, which incurred costs due to security arrangements.

When Mr. Trump goes golfing, he receives full security provided by the American state. When Mr. Modi attends a yoga session, the Indian state provides full security. When you are the head of state, security accompanies you in whatever you do.

You cannot protect against terrorism only when you are at work. Heads of state must also be protected against criminals and terrorists during private or non-official activities. Therefore, even if all these accusations were true, what he did would not be considered illegal in Norway, the United States, or India. 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

This was the first time that a Portuguese army was completely wiped out in battle. This gave King Senarat the possibility of ending Portuguese domination by taking the fortress of Colombo. As we have seen, he failed to do so because the Sinhalese forces lacked the necessary artillery power and the naval power          

We have already seen how Constantino de Sa, perhaps the ablest Portuguese captain general to arrive here, worked hard to stabilise the Portuguese position in the coastal and low-country areas under their control before finally setting off to invade Kandy. Conquest of the troublesome kingdom in the hills would have pleased the viceroy of Goa as well as the king of Portugal, and consolidated his position as Jaffna was already under his control.

De Sa’s unconventional invasion route of 1630 Source: Derived from C.R. de Silva’s book ‘The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617-1638’

After putting down a plot to hand over the fort of Colombo to King Senarat’s forces by stealth, De Sa began his ambitious invasion of Kandy on August 3, 1630 with high hopes.  He had assembled a large army for the 17th century – 628 Portuguese soldiers (including 120 armed landowners enlisted for the invasion), and 4,500 lascarins.

Portugal’s principal problem in running a far-flung empire was manpower. In 1500, the country had only 1.1 million people. This led to a policy of hiring local mercenaries to fight their wars in colonies. In Sri Lanka, this was the Achilles’ heel in Portuguese military strategy. The loyalty of the lascarins (local mercenaries) was crucial to both their defences and offensives. If the lascarins deserted, De Sa had less than 700 soldiers to rely on. Thus, he had done his best to secure the lascarin commanders’ loyalty.            

Why he didn’t take the traditional invasion route via Balane Pass to Kandy remains a mystery. He had already led an expedition to Balane, taking the Sinhalese stronghold, and then retreating to Colombo. He did this  in late June 1629, during the southwest monsoon, losing many men to sickness, soldiers having to fight leeches and reptiles as well the Kandyans. His army reached Kandy and burnt it, but his men were exhausted and the army retreated to Manikkadawara with both sides claiming victory. De Sa is known to have fallen ill before this, and one can only conclude his judgement was impaired as a result.

It is possible that (this is my own theory), being a nobleman, he may have read about Rome’s wars with Carthage, and about Carthagian general Hannibal crossing the Alps to attack Rome from the rear. As all traditional invasions of Kandy had failed, he may have believed that a very daring and unconventional approach might succeed. 

He chose to take a very difficult southern route to Uva across the Idalgashinna Pass. This expedition is the best documented of all Portuguese invasions of Kandy, and we have a very clear picture of what happened. The army started from the fort at Menikkadawara on August 3, 1630, and marched leisurely to Sabaragamuwa. From there, they began marching into Kandyan territory on August 9. 

The army had to take a circuitous route through the Pelmadulla Gap to avoid the tough Rakwana Hills. After marching sixty miles through forests with no roads and  having to forge streams, it arrived at Haldummulla (1000 metres above sea level); the worst parts lay ahead, a climb of 2,500 feet within two miles through jungle up to the frontier post at Idalgashinna. This was ideal country for guerrilla warfare.

But the Kandyans withdrew, drawing the Portuguese army further into the trap.  Anyone who has trekked in these areas would know how tough the climb is, and this was an army carrying weapons, gunpower and provisions. After Idalgashinna, though, they were in open country with gently undulating hills. 

This is the Uva Basin, with Badulla at its centre. De Sa reached Badulla on August 15, and set fire to the settlement. By the time he realised that he was being encircled by King Senarat’s Kandyan army of 12,000 men, he was already trapped.  The Kandyans had only 1000 muskets, but even so, the Portuguese had reasons to worry. De Sa realised that the invasion would have to be cancelled and retreat was the best course.

He had another worry; news of a planned defection by his lascarin commanders. Trying to pacify them, De Sa promised to reward them when they reached Colombo safely. He kept the lascarin soldiers at the front and the rear as the retreat began on August 21, thus keeping his Portuguese force intact. 

But his retreat was blocked by forces led by princes Kumarasinha and Vijayapala; and Dom Jeronimo Rajapakse, one of the lascarin commanders,  defected, leaving De Sa’s flanks  unprotected. This was the signal for the others to follow. Dom Cosmo, killing the Portuguese nearest to him, deserted with his forces, followed by the other lascarin commanders Dom Aleixo, Dom Theodosio and Dom Balthazar.

De Sa’s position was now desperate. Some of the lascarins were still with him, but he could not trust them not to desert. As the Idalgashinna route was now blocked, he was  forced  to retreat southeastwards, even further away from safety. 

By superhuman efforts, the Portuguese managed to reach the Lunugala Hills, suffering heavy losses. The next day, the Kandyans cut off the rear guard led by disava Luis Texeira  Macedo and took 22 prisoners. Finally, on Tuesday August 22, the remnants of De Sa’s army  were completely surrounded in an open field at Randeniwela. By 2 p.m., after two hundred Portuguese had fallen, the captain general himself was killed. The remainder surrendered an hour later. 

This was the first time that a Portuguese army was completely wiped out in battle. This gave King Senarat the possibility of ending Portuguese domination by taking the fortress of Colombo. As we have seen, he failed to do so because the Sinhalese forces lacked the artillery power to batter down the fortress walls, and the naval power necessary for a maritime blockade.

Thus, this tug of war continued, and led to the next Portuguese disaster in the battle of Gannoruwa which, as historian C. R. de Silva points out in his ‘ThePortuguese in Ceylon 1617-1638,’ signalled the end of Portuguese dominance in the island, though not the end of Portuguese rule.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, Jan. 27 (Daily Mirror) – The Parliamentary Select Committee appointed to inquire into the release of 323 containers from the Port of Colombo without mandatory physical inspection has decided to meet weekly and aims to complete its investigation within three months.

The Committee, which will report its findings, proposals and recommendations to Parliament, will meet every Wednesday at 2.00 p.m. to conduct its inquiry.

The decision was taken at the Committee’s inaugural meeting held under the chairmanship of Minister of Justice and National Integration Harshana Nanayakkara. The Committee is scheduled to meet again on Wednesday, January 28, 2026, at 2.00 p.m.

During the meeting, members held preliminary discussions on the conduct of future proceedings and the parties to be summoned before the Committee.

The meeting was attended by Minister of Ports and Civil Aviation Anura Karunathilaka; Deputy Minister of Industries and Entrepreneurship Development Chathuranga Abeysinghe; Deputy Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs, Sunil Watagala; Deputy Minister of Power Arkam Ilyas; and Members of Parliament Dayasiri Jayasekara and Lakmali Hemachandra, along with Ajith P. Perera, D.V. Chanaka, Mujibur Rahuman and Mayilvaganam Jegatheeswaran.