The main Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balwegaya (SJB) accused the Government of nepotism through appointing those linked to the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) to a number of high-ranking public service and diplomatic positions.
SJB Parliamentarian, attorney Chithral Fernando made these allegations while speaking at a press briefing held yesterday (21).
Before it came to power, the NPP stated that it will not give any person any government position based on friendships. However, a large number of individuals that supported the NPP’s victory have been given chairperson positions in Government institutions and secretary positions in ministries.”
Fernando alleged that an NPP member who contested in elections and lost and another individual who is a member of the NPP-run collective for retired military personnel have been given ambassador positions, which he said goes against President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s statement that only the qualified would be appointed to ambassador positions. Moreover, he claimed that a number of other members of various groups run by the NPP have been appointed to high-level positions in the public sector including those handling disaster management, telecommunication, ports, and excise.
Colombo, August 21 (Daily Mirror) – Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe has been called before the FCID tomorrow for a statement to be recorded on his tour to London.
Wickremesinghe went on a tour to London to attend a convocation of his wife Professor Maithree Wickremesinghe during his tenure as President.
The consumption of pork is unequivocally forbidden in Islam. This command is not merely an arbitrary dietary law but a direct instruction from God. In the Holy Quran, Allah declares: He has made unlawful to you only that which dies of itself, and blood and the flesh of swine, and that on which the name of any other than Allah has been invoked.” (Surah al-Baqarah, Ch.2: V.174)
The term used for pork, lahm al-khinzir, is described as rijs, meaning impure or abominable. This prohibition is repeated across the Quran in several places, thus highlighting its moral gravity and spiritual significance. (See Surah al-Maidah, Ch.5: V.5, Surah al-An’am, Ch.6: V.147, and Surah an-Nahl, Ch.16: V.117)
Islam does not base the worth of a command on whether humans comprehend its wisdom fully. Instead, divine commandments are to be followed out of obedience and trust in God’s superior wisdom.
Interestingly, this view is not unique to Islam. The Bible also clearly prohibits the consumption of pork. In Leviticus 11:7-8, it states: And the pig, though it has a divided hoof, does not chew the cud; it is unclean for you. You must not eat their meat or touch their carcasses; they are unclean for you.” Similarly, Isaiah 66:17 strongly condemns those who eat pork, associating such behaviour with divine punishment.
These texts show a long-standing religious view of the pig as a spiritually impure animal. Jesusas, though believed by many to have lifted dietary restrictions, never permitted the consumption of pork. In fact, he used the swine metaphorically to denote spiritual ignorance and moral corruption. In Matthew 7:6, he warned, Do not give what is holy to the dogs; nor cast your pearls before swine, lest they trample them under their feet, and turn and tear you to pieces.” This powerful image underscores the perception of swine as unworthy of sacred things, affirming their association with impurity in religious thought.
From a medical and scientific perspective, modern research supports many of the concerns that Islamic teachings raise. Pigs are omnivorous scavengers that will consume waste, excrement, and decaying matter. Their digestive system is notably inefficient at filtering toxins, which can become embedded in their flesh.
Pork has long been associated with diseases such as trichinosis – a parasitic infection caused by Trichinella spiralis – as well as Salmonella, Taenia solium (pork tapeworm), and hepatitis E. Though some of these dangers have been reduced through modern hygiene and cooking methods, the potential risks remain real.
Studies have also linked high pork consumption to chronic illnesses such as colorectal cancer, cardiovascular diseases, and obesity-related complications. The physiological harm of consuming pork continues to validate the divine prohibition, showing how religious laws often precede scientific discovery.
Beyond physical health, Islam strongly emphasises the spiritual impact of food. What we consume influences not just our bodies but our minds and souls. Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmadas, the Promised Messiah, elaborated beautifully on the symbolic and moral implications of pork consumption.
He wrote, In its prohibition of swine, the Torah has gone so far as to forbid even touching it, and it clearly says that the prohibition is for all times […]” (Four Questions by Mr. Sirajuddin, a Christian, and their Answers, pp. 56-57)
He also explained that the pig represents shamelessness, gluttony, and moral decay, and that consuming its flesh can gradually deaden a person’s sense of spiritual refinement. The prohibition, therefore, serves not just to protect the physical body but to cultivate purity of heart and character. (The Philosophy of the Teachings of Islam, pp. 38-39)
Some sceptics ask: if God created pigs, why would He forbid their consumption? This question misunderstands the role of creation and the function of divine commandments. Not everything that exists is created for human consumption. Poisonous plants, harmful substances, or venomous animals are part of the ecosystem but not meant for our direct use.
Pigs, in many ways, serve a vital ecological function. As scavengers, they help decompose waste and dead matter. Their existence benefits environmental cleanliness, but that does not mean their flesh is meant to nourish human beings. The Quran teaches that life is a test. The presence of harmful or forbidden things is a part of that test, to see whether humans can exercise moral restraint and obedience to divine guidance. Just as interest, alcohol, and drugs exist in society but are forbidden, so too pork is a test of whether one will choose divine command over personal desire.
Moreover, Islamic teachings acknowledge that certain forbidden things may have permissible uses in specific contexts. For instance, pig organs, such as hearts, are sometimes used in medical research and education due to their anatomical similarities to human organs. This utilisation is not for consumption but serves scientific and educational purposes, reflecting the nuanced understanding within Islamic jurisprudence that considers intent and necessity.
Islamic law is rooted in five higher objectives: the protection of religion, life, intellect, lineage, and property. Anything that poses a threat to these principles is discouraged or forbidden. Pork consumption, by its association with physical diseases, spiritual dullness, and moral desensitisation, can be seen as undermining multiple values at once.
Moreover, Islam’s dietary laws are structured to promote both physical well-being and moral discipline. In the same way that prayer trains the spirit and fasting develops willpower, abstaining from forbidden foods builds the habit of self-control. This is not merely about food but about the principle of submission.
The Quran states: And it behoves not a believing man or a believing woman, when Allah and His Messenger have decided a matter, that there should be a choice for them in the matter concerning them.” (Surah al-Ahzab, Ch.33: V.37) Thus, the true believer finds beauty and liberation in obedience – even when the command challenges their understanding.
In Islamic teachings, moderation and purity are emphasised across all aspects of life. The Holy Prophet Muhammadsa advised that one should eat in three parts: one part for food, one part for water, and one part for air. (Sunan Ibn Majah, Kitab al-atʿimah, Hadith 3349)
This promotes not only a healthy lifestyle but a consciousness of what one allows into their body. Food is more than just sustenance; it is part of a holistic spiritual lifestyle. Just as one would not allow immoral entertainment or impure thoughts to pollute the heart, one must be vigilant about what is consumed physically.
In a world increasingly driven by materialism, the Islamic stance on pork serves as a reminder that not all that is available is beneficial. The spiritual dignity of a human being demands that we rise above base desires. Choosing what to eat becomes a reflection of who we are and what values we uphold. The pig, an animal known for its shamelessness and filth, is not suited for those who wish to attain spiritual clarity and moral elevation.
Thus, the prohibition of pork is not an isolated rule but part of a broader moral and spiritual framework that defines the Islamic way of life. It combines divine wisdom, spiritual symbolism, health guidance, and moral training. Through its ban, Islam calls on believers to elevate themselves – to consume that which is pure, avoid that which is impure, and to constantly be mindful that every choice in life, even what we eat, has consequences beyond the surface. This divine law, echoed by previous prophets and confirmed through modern insights, remains as relevant today as it was 1,400 years ago.
Non-Binding but Deadly: How UNHRC ResolutionA/HRC/60/21 (2025)could destroy Sri Lanka’s Sovereignty
UNHRC resolutions are technically non-binding. Yet for Sri Lanka, ending terrorism has been met with relentless scrutiny—a witch hunt targeting select war heroes and commanding officers. Every Resolution since 2009 has been a ticking time bomb, made worse by the 2015 co-sponsorship from the Ranil–Sirisena–Mangala yahapalana” government. While lacking formal legal force, the nations backing A/HRC/60/21 (2025)—notably the UK, Canada, and EU states—can enforce these recommendations through sanctions, aid conditionalities, visa bans, military restrictions, and economic pressure. If passed, these non-binding” recommendations will be weaponized politically, and the Sri Lankan government risks prioritizing their party survival over national sovereignty. This danger is amplified as Sri Lanka’s economic sovereignty is already constrained: the IMF controls key policy levers, the Central Bank operates independently of Sri Lanka’s legislature, and critical national assets remain in foreign hands. The only way forward is clear: Sri Lanka must reject these resolutions outright, realign with the Non-Aligned bloc, deepen ties with traditional friendly nations, and refuse to barter sovereignty for temporary political survival. To concede now is to risk becoming not a partner in the international community — but a protectorate.
Against this backdrop, UNHRC demands — from a Truth & Reconciliation Commission to full 13th Amendment implementation and external accountability — are Trojan horses designed to dismantle sovereignty from within, redraw governance structures, and keep Sri Lanka permanently under watch.
This is colonialism re-defined & restructured.
Sri Lanka has already erred in the past by believing compromise would ease the pressure. Co-sponsoring resolutions, flirting with hybrid courts, and entertaining international assistance” only emboldened those determined to rewrite the country’s history and dictate its future. The lesson is clear: Surrender and appeasement, only means demands grow more dangerous.
Immediate Term (0–3 months): Sanctions & Diplomatic Pressure
· UNHRC Resolution Passed – Though non-binding” Western blocs voting for resolution will consider it mandatory.
· Visa bans / travel restrictions against military & political figures named in OHCHR/ITJP reports – may even deny children travel, scholarships or admissions.
· Foreign pressure increases on Sri Lanka to show good faith” – setting up Truth & Reconciliation mechanisms, or else face punitive measures.
· Economic chokehold begins – IMF conditions tightened; loan tranches delayed unless Sri Lanka cooperates with Geneva.” Carrot.
· Sovereignty hit: Central Bank already beyond elected government’s control, enforcing IMF austerity without people’s consent.
· Who is impacted first: Military leadership, political elites, war heroes, and the poor (with fuel, electricity, and tax hikes).
Short Term (3–6 months): Appeasement Phase: Government Trapped
· Pressure to implement 13A fully – devolution of police & land powers to Provincial Councils, weakening central governance. Even possibility of a UDI/separate state. Military removed from the North and East, Camps closed down.
· TRC (Truth & Reconciliation Commission) set up under UN guidelines, opening door for foreign experts” to sit in judgment of Sri Lankans.
· Targeted sanctions expand on businesses linked to military/political figures — banks and companies begin de-risking” Sri Lanka.
· Asset transfers accelerate – national infrastructure (ports, energy, telecom, plantations) negotiated into foreign hands under debt restructuring.”
· Sovereignty hit: Sri Lanka loses decision-making over its economy, while national security is compromised by loss of central powers.
· Who is impacted first: Military families, public sector in North/East, workers in state enterprises facing privatization.
Medium Term (6–12 months): A Nation being disempowered
· Hybrid accountability demands escalate – calls for international judges, prosecutors, and investigators to override domestic law.
· UN monitors embedded in Sri Lankan institutions under guise of capacity building.”
· Economic colonization complete – Ports, airports, utilities, and natural resources are majority foreign-owned.
· Debt-for-assets swaps finalised – Sri Lanka’s weak anti-national government will trade away sovereignty for survival.
· Foreign security interests embedded – military bases / strategic access points” leased out under cover of foreign investment.
· Sovereignty hit: Sri Lanka ceases to function as an independent state — reduced to a protectorate under foreign control. Sovereign in name only.
· Who is impacted first: Entire population — loss of sovereignty means loss of future generations’ independence.
The danger is not Geneva alone, but Geneva + IMF + foreign corporate takeovers working in tandem. The non-binding” resolutions are the political battering ram; IMF dependency is the economic stranglehold; and asset privatization is the Trojan horse. Together, they dismantle sovereignty piece by piece until Sri Lanka is left independent in name only.
True Dr NM Perera was an old Anandian, but it is doubtful whether or not as an adult he had ever attended a Buddhist temple with the true sense of worshipping the Lord Buddha. The LSSP never fought for Sinhala, Buddhist rights. It’s other Marxist partner, the Communist Party was the same.
When DS Senanayake and Dudley Senanayake were busy establishing ‘colonies’ in the North, North Central Province (Rajarata) and the East, these Marxists strenuously opposed it. NM pleaded with the Southerners not to relocate to the North, Rajarata and the East. He fearmongered them stating they will contract Malaria. He stated that in the North and Rajarata there are mosquitos the size of crows.
We all know it is thanks to DS’s and later Dudley’s colonies that the country was saved from Prabhakaran’s terror. During the Elam wars, the agricultural settlements that DS and Dudley established – Padaviya, Sri Pura, Weli Oya, Gal Oya, Aranthalawa, Kanthale etc provided the much-needed buffer for big cities like Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa and Ampara.
If not for these ‘ marginal villages’ Prabhakaran would have easily roamed into Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa etc and killed most of its inhabitants.
NM and few others were briefly in jail during the World War 2. But, that was not for engaging in freedom struggle. They opposed the 1942 budget. As the country was at war, they were naturally sent to prison. NM and the clan escaped from the jail and fled to India. Upon their return, they were pardoned and allowed to resume their MP seats.
It is important to mention that like India, Sri Lanka never had a strong anti-imperialistic movement. Independence was served to us on a platter.
Anagarika Dharmapala conducted a lone battle against the British. For being anti-British, he was imprisoned in India for a long period of time. It was Dharmapala’s brother, a medical doctor, who fought with immense dedication to obtain his release.
DR Wijewardane’s Lake House attacked Dharmapala fiercely, even making the false allegation that Dharmapala was a rogue. DS, FR Senanayake, Sir DB Jayathillake et al did not acknowledge his service but ridiculed him secretly. These were the reasons why Dharmapala left Sri Lanka. At the massive ceremony to intern his ashes in Colombo, DS, FR and Sir DB played a major role. They ‘sang hosannas’ for him.
It is sad that when living, Dharmapala was not given high regard and dignity. The elite despised him. The common masses always loved him.
Without kneeling down to the British, young Edward Henry Pediris bravely gave his life. He was shot dead in the Colombo jail for a crime that he never committed.
In the early 70’s and late 80’s Rohana Wijeweera conducted two brutal insurrections in Sri Lanka. His name is written down in history as the man who introduced terrorism to modern Sri Lanka. Even Prabhakaran learned the trade from him.
Both JVP struggles were utter failures. As a result, many thousands of people lost lives and limbs. The damage caused to public and private property is unprecedented.
Both JVP struggles were not for the safeguarding of Sinhala, Buddhist rights.
Wijeweera’s were selfish and jealous insurrections. He had a hatred against the democratically elected governments of the time. He saw that the country’s security was weak; he decided to take advantage of that.
Through his superb organisational skill and mockery, he mobilised disadvantaged youth to take up arms to topple the governments.
He deceived them too. When hiding in the Ulapane estate, he lived like a ‘king’ in utmost luxury. Drinking whisky and playing chess was his pastime. While in hiding, he produced five children. At the time of capture, his wife was expecting the 6th.
The state looked after this whole family.
In 1987/88, Wijeweera was fond of Prabhakaran. Wijeweera knew that because of the latter’s war, the South was militarily weak. He took advantage of that to wage his terror campaign.
Wijeweera had an unwritten pact with Prabhakaran about fighting against the government – LTTE to attack from the North/East and the JVP to attack from the South.
This is not the thinking of a patriot but a traitor.
One may argue that during this time the IPKF was in Sri Lanka thus the Sri Lankan Army was not in full military combat. This is not fully true.
There was a major war being fought in the North and the East. The Army’s constant focus was on it. The Army was not having much faith on the IPKF.
They were always ready to save the country from the Tamil Tiger terror (that is why R Premadasa demanded the IPKF leave Sri Lanka within a matter of weeks).
The Army never wanted that focus to be broken.
The last thing the government wanted was another war to erupt in the South. That is exactly what Wijeweera wanted; and, he did it.
Basically both Prabhakaran and Wijeweera had the same mindset – destroy and annihilate Sri Lanka.
If Sri Lanka collapsed (came very close to that), Wijeweera and Prabhakaran would have divided Sri Lanka among themselves.
But what happened in Batalanda, Sooriyakanda etc cannot be condoned.
Wijeweera’s cadres (ඉල් මහ විරුවෝ) cannot be described as patriots.
A patriot would never kill government soldiers, the Police or destroy public property.
These terrorists detonated hundreds of CEB transformers, set fire to thousands of SLTB buses/public vehicles, attacked military targets; even the magnificent Health Ministry building in Colombo Fort (in 1987 Sunethra Ranasinghe was the minister) was set on fire by them.
Why did they kill such innocents like Rex De Costa, Vijaya Kumaranathunga, Professor Stanley Wijesundera, Premakeethi De Alwis, Dr Gladys Jayawardane, Sagarika Gomes, Ven Kotikawatte Saddhathissa Thero, Ranjith Wickramarathne et al?
People who have committed such heinous crimes, perhaps crimes against humanity – it is impossible to think that they will ever be good.
It is strange how some JVP veterans relate their crimes now like heroic acts. Some openly state how they attacked military posts and rob banks etc. Under the law, if they were not then prosecuted, they could be prosecuted now. Serious Criminal law acts have no statute of limitation. Those who had been in jail must make a candid disclosure as to why they were so jailed.
In any case, such people can never be patriots.
They may do improvements to stay in power, but they do not have the real ‘passion’ to build Sri Lanka.
When they were the proletariat (the downtrodden) they had a hatred against the bourgeoisie (the ‘upper class’). But, when they become the elite themselves (eg. after winning the 2025 elections), they seem to have forgotten the proletariat.
Marx failed to explain this frequently occurring anomaly.
Because the Marxist JVP leaders do not genuinely love Sri Lanka (otherwise the past JVP members could not have committed such atrocious acts), they can easily form the mind to split this country into pieces. Their inbuilt hatred towards the country that they were born and bred must still be there.
That is why they are ever willing to work with those who have separatist and other vengeful agendas.
Wijeweera was never a practising Buddhist. He married a Catholic woman, but there is no record that he was a practising Christian either.
Prima facie, the JVP is an atheist political party. Being Marxists, we must expect this from them.
The major difference between NM and Wijeweera is that the former was a gentleman par excellence. Though a Marxist, he believed in democracy. Unlike Wijeweera NM (and his cohorts) never possessed murderous intentions.
Wijeweera was cruel and had extreme/bizarre ideas. He believed that old people were a burden to the country. He once stated that tea must be removed from the upcountry estates and grass grown instead. He stated that in that way the country could become self-sufficient in milk.
Marxist Pol Pot killed almost all the elderly people of Cambodia. He even killed those who wore spectacles stating that they were intellectuals. A similar rhetoric prevailed in North Vietnam, thankfully not anymore.
Marxist Stalin shot dead or sent to labour camps almost of every Russian Orthodox clergy member and that faith’s believers.
Marxist Mao Tse Tung destroyed many Buddhist temples in China. It is believed that during the Cultural Revolution (1966 – 1976) about 6,000 Buddhist monasteries and temples were destroyed in Tibet.
Though he had a Christian education and upbringing, Marxist Castro worked to counter the Catholic Church’s influence in Cuba.
Prior to September 2025 election, the current NPP leaders advocated an anti-Sinhala, anti-Buddhist sentiment. Some of the things that they stated are as follows:
We must get rid of tradition. Tradition is not good as it inhibits economic progress.
The state must separate itself from religion. The state should not provide assistance/patronage to any religion.
They stated they were ashamed that for 76 years Sri Lanka was not able to produce a Tamil PM.
Tutsis comprised of about 9% of Rwanda’s population, more than 90% are Hutus. Since the current Tutsi Presidency, Rwanda’s top positions are stacked with Tutsis.
Rwanda is blamed for helping M23 Tutsi insurgents to mount a war against the Hutus in Eastern DR of Congo.
For any person, mental freedom, freedom of expression and freedom to live without fear from anyone including the state are far more important than economic freedom
The writer is not against having a Tamil PM, but we must be careful not to fall into a Rwanda type situation.
Tamil or Muslim President or PM for this country is most welcome as long as they get elected on merit. High positions must not be afforded based on quotas.
The current PM Harini did not come to that position because of being a woman; but because of her talent and skill.
Article 9 of the Constitution that gives preferential treatment to Buddhism must be abolished.
The NPP has been in power for over 10 months. Thankfully they have not caused major damage to Sinhala and Buddhism during this period. But the future is uncertain, no one knows what sort of outcomes are forthcoming.
The following incidents are reasons for concern:
They disbanded the Buddhasasana Ministry.
They removed Jaya Mangala Gatha from an important public event
They failed to appoint a Sinhalese as the Governor of the Northern Province
They are planning to hand the newly built Presidential Palace in Jaffna (KKS – 27 rooms, 200 acres) for some other purpose. Where would a future President reside safely when in Jaffna?
The NPP hierarchy shows an extraordinary keenness to establish close links with the Tamil Diaspora. We all know most of them have not given up on the idea of Tamil Eelam.
The government plans to give precious Northern land to Tamil Diaspora. Again, most of them believe in the Elam.
No roadmap has been created for all people to live in all parts of the country. In this regard, the Sinhalese who desire to live in most parts of the North and the East are receiving stepmotherly treatment from government bureaucrats.
Through education reforms, the NPP seems to have a plan to curtail the teaching of history in schools.
With the government’s decision to shut down schools that have less than 50 students, does this mean the recently established Sinhala schools (thanks to Ranil’s government) in Mannar and Vavuniya are destined to be shut down?
People who fake the proud Sinhala Buddhist history have been given prominence and undue recognition.
The NPP government’s Civil Aviation Department has been entrusted to locate Ravana’s alleged ‘aircraft’ (planes) at extraordinary cost. It is believed that carbon dating costs for this project alone would be in millions of US dollars. A notorious archelogy professor that is famous for producing fake history is alleged to have been involved in this project.
The NPP government seems continuing with Ranil’s policy of arming farmers to kill wild animals that cause crop damage. If this is true, this cruel policy must be stopped. It is these guns that are used to kill wild elephants.
No action has been taken to correct the fake history that is produced in our current school history books and other forums, especially in the internet. Eg – Nil or very limited attention given to:
Vijaya’s arrival from North India more than 2500 years ago. Instead an African Homo Sapiens is being promoted.
Ven Mahinda’s arrival made the entire country Buddhist (except for few Veddhas).
the Great Sinhala Buddhist civilization that commenced during King Devanam Piyathissa’s time. Instead a fake civilization that did not exist about 7,000 – 40,000 years ago is being promoted. This is done to dilute the Greatness of the Sinhala Buddhist civilization.
the Great Kings – Dutu Gamunu, Dhathusena, Vijaya Bahu etc (nothing is mentioned about their Greatness in the current books/history talks)
the Great Kings Pandukabhaya, Devanam Piyatissa (a suspicion has been created that they may be Tamil; also that Kuveni may be Tamil)
the Great King Parakrama Bahu who even exported rice to other countries
Sigiriya that was King Kashyapa’s creation
the original inhabitants of this land are Hela people not Tamil. The books discreetly state that they are Tamil. Hela people (eg. Balangoda Manawakaya) mixed with Vijaya’s Sinha clan (700) and formed the Sinhala race.
Furthermore;
Lies have been propagated that rice and iron were first discovered in Sri Lanka (no, in China).
Lies have been propagated that Barley and Oates were discovered in Sri Lanka (no, in Israel and the Middle East).
Lies have been propagated that Lions had roamed in Sri Lanka (this lie is to counter the Great Sinhabahu legend).
Lies have been propagated that the mythology King Ravana was a Tamil (if he existed, he was a Hela).
Tamil Kings in Jaffna are being promoted; did they really exist? Owing to some prominent historians/scholars No. Sankili, if existed, seems to have been a sub King of the King of Kotte.
As outlined before, historically, the JVP has shown no empathy for Sinhala and/or Buddhism. Let us hope that the NPP will be different.
The NPP is better bear in mind that Sri Lanka is a conservative society that places a high onus on tradition, values, discipline, custom, religion, culture and history. They ought not try to meddle with them.
Leaving aside the treatment of Sinhalese and Buddhism reasonably, let us hope that the NPP will at least not indulge in any discriminatory acts towards the Sinhalese and Buddhism.
Conclusion – the NPP may develop Sri Lanka’s economy. They are likely to do it (SJB too will do it). Given the IMF assistance, it is not much of a difficult task. Our location is crucial – Sri Lanka is sandwiched between the two fastest growing economies of the world – China and India. Also, tourism is booming. Trump, Xi, Modi, EU, Japan – all are supporting Sri Lanka fully. And, NPP must be praised for not indulging in bribery and corruption. This is a great thing that has happened to the country in 76 years. But, this is what is most important for the citizen – ‘Mental freedom, freedom of expression, and freedom to live without fear from anyone including the state. They are more important than economic freedom.’
Dr. Umaharan Thamotharampillai and Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge
The long-term accumulation of stressors in post-conflict regions is under-discussed. Experts believe that there is a close connection between war trauma and addiction disorders. People living in post-conflict settings are at high risk of developing addictions. The trauma of war can significantly increase the risk of developing alcohol and substance use disorders. Alcohol and substance use addiction has been identified as a war-related social problem.
Complex interaction between biological predispositions and psychological and social factors upsurges substance abuse (Coleman, 1993). There is a comorbidity between problematic alcohol and substance use and war trauma exposure. Victims of war trauma are deeply affected—emotionally, physically, politically, and spiritually. These individuals can be considered a vulnerable population. These individuals with trauma-related distress often use alcohol and drugs as a negative stress coping mechanism and in a problematic manner.
The 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka had a negative impact on the health and well-being of people. The aftermath of the Eelam War has triggered mental health problems, including addiction issues. War trauma has been identified as a key risk factor for the emergence of alcohol and substance use disorders. These addictions cause negative health and social outcomes, affecting individuals, families, and communities.
Substance use disorders are cumulative in conflict-affected areas in Sri Lanka. The prevalence of depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, adjustment disorders, and other mental health issues has contributed to a rise in addiction-related behaviors. Moreover, weakened infrastructure, under-functioning healthcare systems, mass unemployment, poverty, and lack of social opportunities have created a breeding ground for addiction issues. Alcohol and substance abuse contribute significantly to the morbidity and mortality in war-affected areas.
There is a strong, bidirectional link between substance abuse and traumatic experiences (Simmons & Suárez, 2016). McFall and colleagues (1992) were of the view that PTSD arousal symptoms are strongly related to the substance.
Mostly the people use drugs/alcohol to escape from their emotional and physical pain. Drug addiction may be regarded as a disease of the brain reward system (Vetulani, 2001). According to Baker and team (1986), drug cravings are organized within a memory network. Addictive substances enhance the functioning of the reward circuitry of the brain, producing the ‘high’ that the drug user seeks (Gardner, 2011). It causes hedonic dysregulation within brain circuits, and it leads to addiction.
People who persistently abuse substances often experience an array of social, financial, and mental/physical health problems. As described by Liang et al. (2011), there is a strong relationship among alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drug usage and mental disorders. These addictions negatively affect their quality of life. There is a high morbidity and mortality related to alcohol and substance abuse. Data indicate that conflict-affected populations are at risk, and effective psychosocial measures are needed to address these issues. The identification and management of alcohol and substance use disorders are essential in the war-affected areas. A multidisciplinary approach is needed to provide psychosocial support for the conflict-affected population. The affected individuals require intense monitoring and supportive therapy. The mental health authorities should implement programs on drug prevention and rehabilitation in affected areas.
Dr. Umaharan Thamotharampillai, MBBS MD, is a Consultant Psychiatrist at Jaffna Teaching Hospital
Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D., PhD, is a medical doctor and a clinical psychologist, and also a member of the American Psychological Association (APA). He is a guest lecturer at Sri Lankan and North American universities.
References
Baker TB, Morse E, Sherman JE. The motivation to use drugs: a psychobiological analysis of urges. Nebr Symp Motiv. 1986;34:257-323. PMID: 3627296.
Coleman P. Overview of substance abuse. Prim Care. 1993 Mar;20(1):1-18. PMID: 8464932.
Gardner EL. Addiction and brain reward and antireward pathways. Adv Psychosom Med. 2011;30:22-60. doi: 10.1159/000324065. Epub 2011 Apr 19. PMID: 21508625; PMCID: PMC4549070.
McFall, M. E., Mackay, P. W., & Donovan, D. M. (1992). Combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder and severity of substance abuse in Vietnam veterans. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 53(4), 357–363.
Simmons S, Suárez L. Substance Abuse and Trauma. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am. 2016 Oct;25(4):723-34. doi: 10.1016/j.chc.2016.05.006. Epub 2016 Aug 2. PMID: 27613348.
Vetulani J. Drug addiction. Part II. Neurobiology of addiction. Pol J Pharmacol. 2001 Jul-Aug;53(4):303-17. PMID: 11990077.
Liang W, Lenton S, Allsop S, Chikritzhs T. Does availability of illicit drugs mediate the association between mental illness and substance use? Subst Use Misuse. 2011;46(10):1304-8. doi: 10.3109/10826084.2011.574769. Epub 2011 May 25. PMID: 21612339.
(Are there Lessons to be learned in Sri Lanka when remembering the Express Pearl and MV Diamond maritime disasters off the West and East coasts, also given interest in Submarine Date Cables and the Cloud Under the Sea?” that is vital to keep the Global Internet running?)
The UK’s secret services are planning to enlist NATO allies in a large-scale operation targeting the shadow fleet,” which could lead to an environmental disaster in international waters, the press bureau of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) said in a statement obtained by TASS.
British secret services are planning ecological disaster in international waters. The press bureau of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation informs that, according to the information coming to the SVR, the British secret services are planning to involve NATO allies in a massive roundup for the ‘shadow fleet’,” the statement said.
According to London’s plan, the impetus for such a campaign should be provided by a resonant incident involving one or more tankers.”
The plan involves organizing a major act of sabotage the losses of which would allow the transportation of Russian oil to be declared a threat to all international shipping. This would untie Western countries’ hands in choosing methods of counteraction,” the document said.
The sensational denunciation after the Arrest of British MI 6 Officers in Ukraine
The sensational denunciation by Russian counterintelligence comes just 48 hours after the arrest of three senior British Secret Intelligence Service officers in Ukraine during the SKAT-12 raid conducted by Spetsnaz special forces and the FSB (Federal Service for Internal Security of the Russian Federation).
It is not possible to know whether evidence of the sabotage plot was discovered at the very moment the British spies were captured, who were operating for military purposes on foreign soil in violation of international law, as Moscow has not yet officially confirmed the raid.
But suspicions that today’s formal complaint and the capture of colonels from the British military counterespionage unit MI6 are related are very high at this point.
We also recall that the United Kingdom is also suspected of having played a significant role in planning the disastrous COVID pandemic caused by the laboratory-generated SARS-CoV-2 virus.
In fact, some British research centers collaborated with the Pentagon’s military agency, DARPA, which is the main suspect in manipulating the SARS virus together with the European Union, exploiting the collaboration on biological weapons with China, and then leaving the Wuhan Institute of Virology with the smoking gun” for the virus’s escape from the laboratory.
Two scenarios and actors
According to the SVR, the British are working on two potential casus belli.”
The first scenario implicates setting up an ‘unwanted’ tanker accident in one of bottlenecks of sea communications (for example, in straits). As it is believed in London, oil spills and fairway blocking would provide NATO countries with ‘sufficient’ grounds for establishing a precedent of ‘extraordinary’ vessel inspection under the guise of maritime safety and environmental regulations compliance,”
the statement noted.
The second one involves setting fire to a tanker at loading in a port of a state friendly to Russia. It is expected that the fire would cause significant damage to the port infrastructure and spread to other vessels, which would require an international investigation,” the SVR emphasized.
London is going to entrust Ukrainian security forces with the implementation of both terrorist attacks. Their expectedly dirty work and inability to ‘cover up’ their tracks are considered by the British as a guarantee of impunity for themselves. The international investigation would hold either Russia or at worst Ukraine responsible for the accident, similar to the situation with the Nord Stream gas pipeline explosion,” the press bureau stressed.
Already at the beginning of this year, in January, there were three disturbing explosions on as many oil tankers circulating in the Mediterranean Sea and already then Gospa News indicated the terrorist lead of the pro-Nazi regime in Kiev as also accredited by various international media.
The aim is to force Washington, in defiance of its national interests, to impose the most severe secondary sanctions against Russian energy resources buyers, making them seen as ‘indirect culprits of the tragedy’,”the statement said.
It seems like nostalgia for the lost dominance at sea and for authorized by the Crown pirate lawlessness have completely deprived the British Intelligence of the remnants of common sense. It’s high time for our British colleagues to understand that their increasingly bold attempts not only ‘to get back at’ their rivals, but also to cause damage to the global energy security and ecology are capable to make even their most loyal allies run out of patience,” the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service concluded.
Are there Lessons to be learned in remembering the Express Pearl and MV Diamond maritime disasters off the West and East coasts of Sri Lanka also given interest in Submarine Date Cables and the Cloud Under the Sea?” that is vital to keep the Global Internet running.
Sri Lanka’s position should stand firm: The 2025 UNHRC report systematically alleges state misconduct while bypassing its original mandate, due process, impartiality, and sovereignty. Despite pages and pages of reports or statements, condemnations or allegations, that the UNHRC churns annually, it is dangerously diverting from its original mandate given in Resolution 60/251. The UNHRC/OHCHR must be continuously challenged for this overreach. The 2025 UNHRC Report on Sri Lanka (A/HRC/60/21.2025) once again demonstrates how successive High Commissioners have stretched, distorted, and exceeded their mandates under GA Resolution 60/251. UNHRC was created as a subsidiary body to promote cooperation, impartiality & universality of human rights – not to be weaponized into a political tool. Anyone reading the current report on Sri Lanka will understand this overreach. UN internal oversight mechanisms must awaken to stop subsidiary bodies below UNGA/UNSC, acting through a handful of Member States to assume quasi- judicial powers and forming kangaroo courts that threaten all Member Nations. No Member State has faced this level of harassment by UNHRC & its High Commissioners since 2009.
The following highlights key areas of overreach and selective targeting against Sri Lanka in UNHRC’s 2025 report to showcase the bias & overreach.
1. Due Process & Presumption of Innocence
· UNHRC demand: Calls for removal of alleged perpetrators from office (Para. 63(d)) prior to charge or conviction.
· Legal Principle:Ei incumbit probatio qui dicit, non qui negat — the burden of proof lies on the accuser.
· UNHRC Overreach: UNHRC is treating allegations as proof, ignoring UDHR Art. 11(1) and ICCPR Art. 14(2) which guarantee presumption of innocence and trial by a competent court.
· Sri Lanka Asks: On what legal basis can punitive measures be imposed solely on unproven allegations?
UNHRC Scattergun Targeting
Resolutions on Sri Lanka began about the last phase of the civil conflict in 2009, however over the years UNHRC Resolutions & its 2025 report spans on a plethora of topics, nit picking incidents unrelated to the conflict.
HR violations can easily be taken up at UPR sessions
· Emblematic cases: Thajudeen (2012), Lasantha Wickramatunga (2009), Prageeth Eknaligoda (2010), Trincomalee 11, Weliweriya (2013) — criticized as stalled or reversed under public pressure (Paras 40–41).
· Conflict-related sexual violence: Only one conviction (Krishanthi Kumaraswamy, 1996); OHCHR blames administrative and linguistic obstacles (Paras 42–43).
Implication: UNHRC cherry-picks incidents across years, creating selective, overreaching accountability, undermining proportionality and due process and it is clear these incidents are being used to justify its kangaroo court design.
2. Ultra Vires Actions of UNHRC
· UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 62–64 urge international accountability,” cooperation for foreign prosecutions, and targeted sanctions.
· Legal Principle:Delegata potestas non potest delegari — delegated powers cannot be further delegated.
· UNHRC Overreach: UNHRC has no mandate to act as a quasi-judicial authority or surrogate ICC/UNSC.
· Sri Lanka Asks:
By what authority does the HRC promote quasi-prosecutorial pathways and sanctions?
Why is the UN internal oversight silent?
Can UN subsidiary bodies function as they wish?
UNHRC Demands:
· Paras 44, 63(h–i): Reform AG Department, create independent Public Prosecutor, special counsel for war crimes.
· Paras 63(f, j): Amend Online Safety Act, Amend ICCPR Act, Amend NGO Registration Act, Amend PDPA (Personal Data Protection Act), and Muslim Marriage & Divorce Act.
· Paras 64(b–d): Member States urged to prosecute Sri Lankans abroad, use international legal options, impose asset freezes and travel bans – this is a serious overreach by UNHRC & High Commissioner and must be stopped.
UNHRC Overreach:
· Interfering in Sri Lanka’s internal jurisdiction,
· attempting to dictate domestic legal reforms
· press for extraterritorial prosecutions. Under the UN Charter (Art. 2(7)), the UN has no authority to intervene in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction” of a member state.
This represents a serious encroachment on sovereignty and a politicization of human rights, effectively turning a subsidiary body into a quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial entity.
3. Equality Before the Law & Selectivity
· UNHRC Allegation: Bias & hypocrisy seen in its continuous scrutiny of Sri Lanka even 16 years after the conflict has ended; while other conflicts with graver harms are ignored.
· Legal Principle:Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet — what affects all must be approved by all.
· UNHRC Overreach: By dictating constitutional reforms, military vetting, prosecutions, devolution, and even economic policies, the UNHRC far exceeds its human rights mandate.
GA Res. 60/251 forbids such selective targeting, yet Sri Lanka is made a test case.”
· Sri Lanka Asks: Is Sri Lanka a laboratory case” for intervention?
Why are ongoing conflicts being ignored and not shown the same scrutiny levelled against Sri Lanka?
Relevant Allegations:
· Paras 57–62: Calls for transformative reforms (truth-telling, reparations, military vetting, independent prosecution, devolution, security reforms, austerity impacts).
· Paras 48–55: OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project” preserves evidence and assists foreign prosecutions; victim consultations framed as survivors abandoned.” – an unlawful parallel justice mechanism that prejudges Sri Lanka’s legal system and undermines its judiciary.
4. Victors’ Justice vs. Terror Accountability
· UNHRC Allegation: Emphasis on state culpability; LTTE crimes, accomplices (local & international) and international networks ignored.
· Legal Principle:Ex turpi causa non oritur actio — no action arises from a dishonorable cause.
· UNHRC Overreach: Downplaying terrorist crimes while elevating unproven state allegations, UNHRC is committing a double standard.
UNHRC is seeking retributive justice for Sri Lanka’s National Army & restorative justice for terrorists being mooted.
The UNHRC’s hypocrisy is further shown in the omission of the Armed Forces Commander but including a list of select ground commanders only.
· Sri Lanka Asks: Why is UNHRC not investigating or prosecuting or even bothered to collect evidence against LTTE financiers, arms suppliers, human traffickers, child soldier recruiters, and overseas propaganda hubs that still continue goal of separatism?
5. Sovereignty & Non-Intervention
· UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 63(k–m) of the OHCHR/UNHRC reports go far beyond human rights review and intrude directly into Sri Lanka’s sovereign governance — demanding constitutional devolution, land allocation to civilians, release of detainees held under anti-terror law, and restructuring of the security sector.
· UNHRC Overreach: These prescriptions are political, not legal. They violate UN Charter Article 2(7), which prohibits the UN from intervening in matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.”
For example, whether to accede to the Rome Statute, how to design devolution arrangements, or how to regulate land ownership are sovereign decisions — not matters for international imposition.
· Sri Lanka Asks: Why is Sri Lanka’s internal governance being subjected to external diktat, while powerful states invoke sovereignty to shield themselves from similar interventions?
Relevant Demands Highlighting Overreach:
Paras 63(a, m):
· Accede to the Rome Statute (Sri Lanka has consistently and lawfully chosen not to).
· Reform the Office on Missing Persons under international oversight (imposing external control on domestic institutions).
· Implement provincial devolution (a political choice, not a human rights violation).
Paras 63(b, c):
· Publish all commission reports (ignores confidentiality and national security concerns).
· Recognize the Committee on Enforced Disappearances jurisdiction (requires voluntary state consent).
Explanation: These demands illustrate that the UNHRC is no longer limiting itself to monitoring human rights but is dictating constitutional, judicial, and security policy — functions belonging solely to the sovereign state.
If accepted, it sets a dangerous precedent where a handful of states in the Council can rewrite another nation’s constitution, security structure, and laws under the guise of accountability.”
6. Lack of Legal Standing & Evidence Integrity
· UNHRC Allegation: Para. 62 relies extensively on NGO reports (often funded by individuals & entities with duplicitous goals), advocacy submissions, and unverifiable secondary sources.
· Legal Principle:Nemo judex in causa sua — no one should be judge in their own cause; audi alteram partem — the other side must be heard.
· UNHRC Overreach: The HRC admits material that would not meet even the minimum evidentiary threshold in a court of law. Testimonies are anonymous, hearsay is admitted, and NGOs with declared political agendas act as both complainants and evidence-suppliers. This bypasses adversarial testing, cross-examination, and disclosure of sources, violating principles of natural justice.
· Sri Lanka Asks: Can the HRC justify treating NGO submissions as probative” without applying the judicial safeguards of authenticity, reliability, and impartiality? Will it disclose methodology, allow independent verification, and admit counter-evidence — or continue to weaponize untested advocacy claims as binding truth?
7. Weaponization of Human Rights
· UNHRC Allegation: Paras. 64(b–d) propose sanctions, asset freezes, travel bans, and universal jurisdiction prosecutions against Sri Lankan officials.
· Legal Principle:Fiat justitia ruat caelum — justice must be done, but punishment must follow verifiedwrongdoing, not unproven allegations. International law recognizes due process, proportionality, and the presumption of innocence.
· UNHRC Overreach: The HRC seeks to transform human-rights protection into an enforcement arm for political punishment. Coercive measures — imposed absent judicial determinations — punish not only targeted officials but also the Sri Lankan population through economic, diplomatic, and reputational harm. This creates a chilling effect on State cooperation with the UN system, undermines reconciliation, and effectively weaponizes human rights as a geopolitical tool.
· Sri Lanka Asks: How can sanctions, asset seizures, and external prosecutions be squared with the principles of fairness, sovereignty, and non-discrimination when no court of law has adjudicated guilt? Will the HRC admit that bypassing judicial processes to impose penalties politicizes its mandate and violates the very human-rights framework it claims to uphold?
Sri Lanka’s response defends not only national interests but the integrity of the UN Charter system. If a non-judicial council can prescribe punitive templates, constitutional outcomes, and quasi-prosecutorial measures, no small state is safe tomorrow. The report demonstrates selective targeting, evidentiary weakness, and overreach that threatens sovereignty, due process, and the universality of human rights.
BANGKOK – Thailand’s Cabinet has approved the hiring of 10,000 Sri Lankan workers as it tries to address a labour shortage caused by Cambodian workers returning home in the wake of a deadly border conflict between the two countries, a Thai senior official said on Aug 19.
Thailand’s ageing population and shrinking workforce has forced it to rely on at least three million registered foreign labourers across the agriculture, construction, and manufacturing sectors, data from the International Labour Organisation showed.
More than 30,000 workers from Sri Lanka have already registered and 10,000 will be sent to Thailand in the first stage, Thai Labour Minister Pongkawin Jungrungruangkit told reporters, adding that it would also allow workers from Nepal, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and the Philippines to apply.
A long border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia in July
boiled over into the worst fighting in decades, with at least 43 people killed and over 300,000 displaced on both sides of the border. The two South-east Asian nations now have a fragile ceasefire agreement.
Before the conflict began, more than 520,000 Cambodians worked in Thailand, accounting for 12 per cent of the country’s foreign workforce, according to official data.
About 400,000 Cambodians working in Thailand have left the country during the fighting, according to the Cambodian government.
Two more petitions have been filed before the Supreme Court challenging the bill presented in Parliament by the government to revoke the privileges of former Presidents, according to Ada Derana reporter.
The petitions were filed by two individuals from Veyangoda and Pannipitiya. The Attorney General has been named as the respondent in both cases.
The petitioners argue that Clauses 1 to 4 of the proposed bill violate the doctrine of separation of powers, which is guaranteed by the Constitution of Sri Lanka. They also claim that several provisions of the bill undermine the sovereignty of the people and the independence guaranteed under the Constitution.
They further state that, taken as a whole, the bill infringes upon fundamental constitutional principles, and violates Articles 1, 3, 4, and 12(1) of the Constitution, including the fundamental rights of individuals.
Accordingly, the petitioners request that the Supreme Court issue an order stating that the relevant clauses of the bill cannot be passed in Parliament unless it is approved by a two-thirds majority in Parliament and subsequently endorsed by the people through a referendum.
Earlier, Renuka Perera, the Administrative Secretary of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), also filed a petition challenging the same bill.
The Presidents’ Entitlements (Repeal) Bill, which seeks to repeal the Presidents’ Entitlements Act, was presented to Parliament by the Minister of Justice Harshana Nanayakkara on August 7.
On July 31, the Presidents’ Entitlements (Repeal) Bill was gazetted. The bill was drafted to revoke special privileges extended to former Presidents and their widows.
Earlier in July, the Cabinet of Minister also granted approval to the proposal to gazette and present in Parliament the draft bill formulated to amend the Presidents Entitlements Act (No. 4 of 1986).
The Illegal Assets Investigation Unit has summoned former Ministers Manusha Nanayakkara, Vadivel Suresh and Sagala Ratnayaka for questioning over allegations of amassing wealth through unlawful means.
Officials said the trio would appear before the unit in the coming days as part of a sweeping probe into 26 politicians, including a former top defence official, accused of enriching themselves during past administrations.
The unit has been conducting inquiries for nearly a month and has already recorded statements from several ex-Ministers. Assets for which no legitimate source of income can be proven will be vested in the State and legal action filed against their owners, investigators said.
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’
e-Con e-News 10-16 August 2025
*
‘In virtually every colonial territory
a certain number had to be killed
before the survivors would accept
the new prospects. This might even
be said to introduce a new concept
into the study of political economy
– the indispensable minimum of murder.’
– SBD de Silva, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment
*
‘The White House letter to Colombo ended
with the clear threat that future tariff levels
would be decided by the general US-SL
bilateral relations. With no reference to
trade or economic factors, Washington is
indicating expectation of a much wider
geopolitical conformity by Colombo.
– Lakshman Gunasekera (see ee Quotes)
*
I remember the World Bank representative saying to me:
‘That’s the norm, that’s how it’s done everywhere.
We write programs for countries.’ I replied,
‘I’m capable of writing my country’s program…’
Multinationals are involved in all development programs.
– Eritrea President Isaias Afwerki (see ee Quotes)
*
‘The Moving Finger writes;
&, having writ, Moves on…’
– The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam
*
How the US embassy in Colombo bribes the media (to move the fingers that write) in Sri Lanka has been a subject of speculation for decades. How Wall Street & the US Treasury run Sri Lanka’s economy (through their World Bank & IMF) is now no secret, though the merchant media here keep trying hard to deflect blame for our woes onto China (see ee Random Notes, Waduge, who names names).
It is also no secret, what kind of ‘geopolitical conformity’ the USA’s latest ‘bilateral relations’ seek to impose. What is the latest ‘indispensable minimum of murder’ – the brilliant 4 words by SBD summing up his painstaking vast classic on our world’s political economy – that the USA is demanding Sri Lankans must endure, before we accept these ‘new prospects’? What are the ‘new prospects?’ They are yet to be fully divulged. Indeed, there has been no media inquiry into the role the current US Envoy has played in the overthrow of other nations’ leaders before she arrived here to thus also accomplish. Ju Chung however is a mere US State Department coolie, obeying the dicat of her white bosses.
This week saw the always-leaving-yet-never-departing US envoy’eur Ju Chung have her tired photo taken with: the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Chairman (& Keells’ casino king) Krishan Balendra, Vice Chairman (& England’s local Standard Chartered Bank CEO) Bingumal Thewarathanthri, Deputy Vice Chair (& Hirdaramani Group Chair) Vinod Hirdaramani, Secretary General & CEO (& on boards of Sierra, Cargills, etc) Buwanekabahu Perera, and others. These ‘executives’ are all beneficiaries of the US’ supposed largesse (60% of the swindle called the ‘garment industry’, ‘which does not make a pin’, destined for the US market). As one reader suggests (see ee Comments), information about the imported tools & machinery & other industrial inputs involved in this ‘garment trade’ is not easily accessible at all (Transparency International, where are you hiding?), and clearly not part of the calculations. Then again, these ‘tariffs’ are not about making trade equitable, but a prelude to another world war, led by the US & their EU satraps, to target China, to preserve white dominance over the world.
The stashing by these ‘executives’ of their ‘apparel’ revenues in foreign tax hideouts is also well known to the USA. The same goes for the tea business (see below). Our Bribery Commissions are somehow prevented from hauling up these CEOs, let alone interrogating the multinationals they actually represent. Nor will they haul Chung in for questioning, perhaps due to diplomatic protocols, even as the US envoy has clearly overstepped her diplomatic boundaries, confident the US has the dirt on anyone who dares do so. Add this, then, to the 1,000s of photo-ops that have spread her jaded visage throughout the media. Yet with all this radiance, no media has ever dared ask her about her nefarious involvements in the overthrow (& murder, in at least one case) of several American leaders – in Bolivia, Peru, Haiti, etc – before she was installed as US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, on 2022 February 25, just in time to lubricate the aragalaya & almost-murder of a popularly elected President (see ee Random Notes, also see ee Quotes on Nigeria and the US role in promoting the terroristic Boko Haram).
*
‘A Financial Times front-page headline, ‘Bombshell on BOI investors’, titles a seemingly hurried news item, blaming government officials who listen to trade unions. The unsigned article claims to represent ‘the investor community’ (see ee Economists). Who exactly is this ‘community’? There was a much-promoted ‘Investors’ Forum’ this week in Singapore, in that refuge of Convicted Central Banker Arjuna Mahendran, organized by the Securities Exchange Commission & Colombo Stock Exchange. The forum included Asia Frontier CapitalFund, Lynear Wealth Management, Bloomberg TV and Farringdon Asset Management. The question as usual is ’investment for what and in what and for whom’? Investment in modern production, or importing cars, etc.?
*
Wages for estate workers are low. This is an industry.
We saw in the recent past that taxed businesses had obtained profits.”
– Bimal Rathnayake, Minister of Transport
(see ee Workers, Increasing plantation workers’ wages a challenge)
*
• This somewhat cryptic news item appears to be missing some detail. The Minister, who’s not the Minister of Plantations, also reports the government is working ‘to resolve estate workers’ wage issue within the next few months’. First, he should be aware that the tea fraud is no ‘industry’ at all. It was rumoured that the JVP once planned to uproot the tea bushes and throw them into the sea. But we are sure they have no such imminent plans. This ee Focus concludes Dhanusha Pathirana’s incisive examination, using SBD de Silva’s analyses, of the fraud by the ‘licensed export firms’ that prevents reinvestment of abundant plantation sector surpluses in technological advance. He also notes how fancy accounting practices are employed to suppress and deny the workers’ demand to raise the daily wage up to Rs 1,000 (no, that’s not a typo…). Pathirana also suggests certain steps that need to be taken: eg, on estate superintendents’ control of their National Identity Card applications; also ‘the main political demand of the workers therefore should be to revoke the ‘exclusive’ legal rights of the licensed export firms to purchase from tea auctions’:
‘70% of the profits of the sector are appropriated
by licensed export firms. Both licensed export firms
& RPCs are mainly owned by large conglomerates,
including Aitken Spence PLC, MJF Holdings, Vallibel
Plantation Management, Richard Pieris & Co, James
Finlay Plantation Holdings, Hayleys PLC, among others.’
(see ee Focus)
*
We do find it curious, however, that Pathirana has left out the overweening control by Unilever in the tea business, worldwide, let alone omitted the reparations required for those Sinhala people evicted from the highlands. Pathirana notes that this ‘branding’ of ‘Ceylon Tea’, has enabled Lankan tea’s special ‘monopolistic’ niche in the markets, which has no interest in changing a backward colonial status quo of plucking tea by hand on stolen lands. Unilever is now threatening to undermine the ‘Ceylon Tea’ brand by ‘blending’ it with other substances, but not to modernize the sector.
In 2024, the then-Ministry of Agriculture & Plantation Industries signed an MoU with Unilever to ‘develop the country’s first national and globally accepted standard for sustainable tea production,’ and a more ‘ethical future’ along with the Sri Lanka Tea Board (SLTB), ‘and other tea industry dignitaries’. Unilever Sri Lanka’s ‘Ceytea’ factory in Agarapathana is the largest supplier of black tea extract to the Global Pepsi-Lipton JV, and its Iced Tea brands ‘Lipton’ and ‘Brisk’. This MoU claimed it would ‘drive sustainable sourcing of agricultural raw materials under the Unilever Climate Action Transition Plan’ (see ee Agriculture, Unilever…). What is the link between these ‘export firms’ and Unilever? The role played by multinationals such as Unilever – an offshoot of the 19th century privatization of England’s East India Company, and the subsequent private English opium trade from India to China – in undermining the state and the economy, is a tale yet to be fully told.
*
‘The underdeveloped countries before coming into contact
with Western society were not technologically static…
In the manufacture of consumer articles, especially cotton
& silk textiles, some of the non-European countries
until comparatively recently held a technological lead.’
(SBD de Silva, ee Focus)
*
Indeed, for a deeper understanding of how the colonial import-export plantation system has monopolized Sri Lanka’s resources of land & labor, we need to refer to SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. This ee Focus begins reproducing his first chapter, after last week concluding his ‘Introduction’, which called for navigating back and forth between our history and the world, to seek clues. Those interested in the state of the economies of Sri Lanka along with the rest of Asia & Africa prior to colonialism – as well as the ‘great divergence’ between Europe, its settler colonies and the rest of the world – will find this Chapter 1 of SBD’s book, most magnetic, with each sentence a product of hours of contemplation. De Silva summarizes whole swathes of history to show how modern imperialism acquired an ‘automaticity’ through political changes favourable to capital accumulation & investment in modern technology. Despite their daily propaganda against state intervention, and the incessant promotion of ‘free trade’, their practices in Sri Lanka have been the exact opposite – just ask British American Tobacco (BAT)’s Ceylon Tobacco Co (CTC) about their monopoly, and the politicians and thinktanks they run. Indeed, the US government’s latest moves very much recall the English system of ‘imperial preference’…
*
• With all this current media chatter about the ascension of a ‘reform’ candidate in New York City, ee Focus also continues Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall. Myers tracked the emergence of several oppositions to the ‘Big Bosses’ of the status quo, ‘Young Democracy’ etc, that ‘furnish the appearance of a contest’, fronts for the oligarchy that has run the USA’s main metropolis, where gangs control the political process of representation & elections, alternating between thuggery & charity… Particularly interesting is how the corporations place politicians and civic officials, judges and police, on their payroll… We are to be held captive between a rock & a hard place, between the world’s self-proclaimed ‘oldest democracy’ (USA? Really?) & the world’s ‘largest democracy’(India?)… So, we keep being told (but… see ee Quotes, Sunday Times‘ Red Eyebrows).
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka
Money printing, declining foreign reserves, and rising domestic debt could pose a significant challenge to achieving the year’s economic development targets, the Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka said in a statement.
From October 2024 to June 2025, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka printed Rs. 1,225.9 billion (or Rs. 1.2 trillion). The printing of money in violation of agreements with the International Monetary Fund could be the beginning of the country heading towards an economic crisis once again, according to the statement issued by the Executive Director of the Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) Sri Lanka, Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon.
The amount of money printed as Broad money (M2b) each month since the current government came to power is shown below.
Rs. Billion
2024 October
58.70
November
78.30
December
234.80
2025 January
117.40
February
104.70
March
233.90
April
154.20
May
33.60
June
210.30
Printed Money (M2b)
1,225.9
Contrary to the guidelines of the International Monetary Fund, the Central Bank printed Rs. 210.3 billion (10.4% expansion) in June 2025 alone. Rs. 233.90 billion was printed in March 2025, the highest amount printed in the first six months. During the Gotabaya regime, the economy was devastated by excessive money printing (e.g., the April-May 2022 expansion of 17 -20%). It is the joint responsibility of Parliament and the Central Bank to take appropriate steps to prevent the country from experiencing another financial crisis.
Increasing debt burden
The country’s debt has been increasing rapidly since the Presidential Election last September. Following the formation of the new government, Sri Lanka’s domestic debt, which stood at Rs. 17,595.05 billion as of April 2025, has increased to Rs. 18,629.86 billion, representing an additional Rs. 1,034.81 billion.
Under the new government, the country’s total domestic and foreign debt has increased from Rs. 28,574.65 billion to Rs. 29,480.39 billion, representing an increase of Rs. 905.74 billion. Although the amount of foreign debt has declined, this is mainly due to continued domestic borrowing through the issuance of treasury bonds and bills.
The Rs. 65 billion bond issue presented by the Central Bank on August 12 was not entirely sold. There was not a single bid for the 2032 bond (8% interest). This is a clear red light for the domestic borrowing policy.
Foreign reserves decline
The foreign reserves, which were $6.531 billion in June, fell to $6,080 million by the end of June. The foreign reserves in July were $ 6.114 billion. The ‘reserves’ are also announced, including derivative contracts through swaps.
However, when the swap exchange value is removed, the country’s net reserves, which were $2,799 million in March, have decreased to $2,210 million as of June, as follows.
Of the total reserves in December 2024, $6,122 million, Swap was $3,548 million, and net reserves were $2,574 million.
As of June 2025, the total reserves stood at $6,080 million, comprising $3,870 million in Chinese and other swaps and $ 2,210 million in net reserves. Accordingly, the decrease in net foreign reserves from December 2024 to June 2025 is $ 364M.
When the early signs of the economic collapse of 2021 – 2022 emerged, people with quantitative knowledge warned about money printing, unlimited borrowing, and a decline in foreign reserves. Despite those warnings, hiding facts and criticizing critics, the 2022 ‘financial collapse’ developed into a massive economic crisis. It is the responsibility of the Central Bank, the Treasury, the Ministry of Finance, and the Parliament to identify the leading signs of a similar financial collapse sooner and take measures.
The printing of money by Rs. 1,225.9 billion, a decline in net foreign reserves, and an increase in the country’s debt by Rs. 905.74 billion will inevitably lead to a decrease in the country’s economic growth rate. It is a situation that will have long-term adverse effects.
[The End]
Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka
We are concerned about the consistent manner that successive UN High Commissioners for Human Rights have been involved or caved into pressure by a handful of bloc nations using the UNHRC to exert political pressure over nations. Not only have resolutions been intrusive, and beyond the Human Rights Councils advisory mandate as per UNGA Resolution 60/251 (2006) the Council is now venturing into acting as quasi-prosecutors, prejudging Sri Lanka’s armed forces as war criminals based on well-funded smear campaigns. The latest and last attempt is a creation of an external judicial mechanism bypassing the authority of the UN General Assembly & even UN Security Council while entirely violating the UN Charter. Is the UNSC & UNGA asleep & watching this over reach take place. As public officials, the citizens of the world have every right to scrutinize the high commissioners working for the UN. We now look at the pattern of mandate overreach, institutional bias against Sri Lanka & leave the judgement to the readers. This analysis also highlights explicit actions where High Commissioners named Sri Lankan armed forces and senior officials, called for sanctions and travel bans, and ignored due process — reinforcing the pattern of systemic political bias.
The most alarming trend is the consistent interference in Sri Lanka’s domestic affairs — ranging from pressuring constitutional reforms, repeal of national security laws (PTA), imposing the 13th Amendment, and even demanding recognition of same-sex marriage — all of which have no place in the UNHRC’s mandate.
This exposes not only systematic bias but also the abuse of UN mechanisms by a handful of bloc nations and politically motivated lobby groups.
Below we examine, Commissioner by Commissioner, how this bias has been institutionalized.
Navi Pillay (2008–2014)
Actions Beyond Mandate:
· As a Tamil ethnic herself, conflict of interest required her recusal in judging Sri Lanka’s conflict which was not done.
· Consistently referred to Sri Lanka’s armed forces as perpetrators of war crimes despite no international tribunal verdict or UN Security Council referral.
· Called for independent international investigations into Sri Lanka, which the UNHRC is not empowered to initiate.
· Publicly demanded Sri Lanka to implement the 13th Amendment to devolve political power — a domestic constitutional matter outside OHCHR’s remit.
· Pressured for the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) without acknowledging Sri Lanka’s ongoing security concerns.
· Repeatedly used emotive, accusatory language against Sri Lanka, ignoring LTTE terrorism.
· Upon leaving her role as High Commissioner, she was also seen expressing condolence messages for the Mullaivaikkal commemorations – an event annually held to commemorate LTTE dead.
Procedural Overreach:
· Functioned in a quasi-judicial role, making determinations of guilt and recommending punitive measures, which exceeds advisory functions.
· Ignored due process by accepting unverified testimonies from LTTE-linked diaspora groups while dismissing official government submissions.
Pillay repeatedly accused Sri Lanka’s armed forces of ‘credible war crimes,’ pressed for international investigations targeting senior political and military leaders.
Prince Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein (2014–2018)
Actions Beyond Mandate:
· Pressed for the establishment of a hybrid court with foreign judges to try Sri Lanka’s armed forces — bypassing the UNGA & UNSC authority.
· Recommended Sri Lanka amend its Constitution to entrench devolution and remove presidential powers — a clear breach of sovereignty.
· Repeated calls for the repeal of the PTA, disregarding Sri Lanka’s sovereign right to maintain national security laws.
· Openly endorsed UNHRC Resolutions demanding structural changes to Sri Lanka’s judiciary and security sector, far outside the OHCHR’s mandate.
Procedural Overreach:
· Acted as a prosecutor rather than neutral advisor, producing country reports that accused Sri Lanka of systemic crimes without judicial validation.
· Failed to recognize Sri Lanka’s domestic mechanisms (Paranagama Commission), dismissing them as inadequate without substantive review.
Zeid directly referred to the Sri Lankan military as systematically responsible for violations and pushed for a hybrid court with jurisdiction over senior commanders and officers
Michelle Bachelet (2018–2022)
Actions Beyond Mandate:
· Called for the creation of an international evidence-gathering mechanism” (the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project”), acting as if OHCHR is a tribunal.
· Recommended that Sri Lanka repeal the PTA and draft a new constitution reflecting external models — exceeding advisory limits.
· Persistently demanded full implementation of the 13th Amendment, effectively endorsing federalization of Sri Lanka.
· Issued statements on Sri Lanka’s judiciary, police, and governance reforms — intruding into internal governance.
Procedural Overreach:
· Operated as aparallel judicial authority, collecting and preserving” evidence to be used in hypothetical future prosecutions.
· Madeone-sided assessmentsthat consistently downplayed LTTE atrocities while amplifying unverified claims against the state.
· EncouragedUN member states to use universal jurisdictionagainst Sri Lankan officials — again, outside UNHRC’s authority.
Notable Interference & sanctions call
· Sanctions & Travel Bans Advocacy (2021): Bachelet called on Member States to consider targeted sanctions such as asset freezes and travel bans against those “credibly alleged perpetrators” of grave rights violations — a punitive step outside the OHCHR’s advisory role
Bachelet explicitly named General Shavendra Silva, endorsed U.S. sanctions against him, and called upon UN member states to impose targeted sanctions and travel bans on Sri Lankan military officials.
Volker Türk (2022–Present)
Actions Beyond Mandate:
· Continued pressure for the repeal of the PTA and replacement with new security laws, disregarding Sri Lanka’s legislative independence.
· Demanded comprehensive constitutional reforms, including greater devolution of power — interfering directly in domestic affairs.
· Remarkably, went beyond human rights to advocate for the legalization of same-sex marriage in Sri Lanka, a matter wholly unrelated to UNHRC’s mandate and contrary to Sri Lanka’s constitutional, cultural, and religious context during the recent visit to Sri Lanka.
· Endorsed the ongoing external evidence mechanism created under Bachelet, which violates the principle that only the UNSC/UNGA can create tribunals.
· Also during the recent visit to Sri Lanka, made a flying visit to a 1990 grave site & an emotive speech falsely giving impression to the ignorant international community that this was a grave site of killings by Sri Lanka Armed Forces while not including a visit to a grave site & torture chamber run by LTTE that had killed over 3000 Tamils which families claim documentation of proof was available.
Procedural Overreach:
· Encouraged member states to impose sanctions on Sri Lankan officials — a function reserved for the Security Council, not OHCHR.
· Continued the practice of naming and shaming, treating OHCHR reports as verdicts rather than advisory observations.
While more indirect, Türk has continued the trend by framing Sri Lanka’s military presence in the North and East as an obstacle to reconciliation, urging structural reforms that weaken the armed forces’ domestic role
Examples of Systematic Interference in Domestic Affairs of Sri Lanka
All Commissioners, followed a common pattern:
1. Constitutional Interference – Repeated calls to implement the 13th Amendment and change Sri Lanka’s Constitution.
2. National Security Undermined – Demands to repeal the PTA without offering alternatives to tackle terrorism.
3. Judicial Substitution – Attempts to set up foreign or hybrid courts to bypass Sri Lanka’s judiciary.
4. Cultural & Religious Insensitivity – Volker Türk’s call to legalize same-sex marriage ignores Sri Lanka’s religious and cultural framework.
5. Selective Accountability – Silence on LTTE atrocities and external complicity, while prejudging the Sri Lankan armed forces as guilty. Explicit naming of armed forces and senior commanders for alleged violations and advocacy for sanctions or travel bans without judicial process.
6. Institutional Bias – Reliance on funded NGO and diaspora allegations, while dismissing local commissions and state-provided data
UN High Commissioners — notably Navi Pillay, Zeid Al-Hussein, Michelle Bachelet and Volker Turk — have all functioned beyond their mandates by explicitly naming Sri Lanka’s armed forces and, in some instances, individual commanders and even calling for sanctions & travel bans as well as asset freezes.
They have turned UNHRC into a parallel political tribunal against Sri Lanka on behalf of a handful of nations now manipulating the UNHRC for their political goals and behind are pro-LTTE funding groups. The same could happen to other nations if UNHRC overreach is not stopped.
Their actions amount to prejudgment, violate the presumption of innocence, and exceed the advisory role of the OHCHR under the UN Charter.
This breach of due process seriously undermines the credibility of the UNHRC. It also exposes the UNGA and UNSC’s inaction, allowing a handful of nations to manipulate the Council and attempt to grant it extra-judicial powers reserved for the General Assembly and Security Council.
Our question is – what is the UNSG, the UNGA (President & Members) as well as UNSC going to do about what is unfolding?
Over 15 years (2010–2025), the OHCHR and UNHRC dedicated disproportionate attention and resources to Sri Lanka, relying heavily on funded diaspora groups and NGO reports while dismissing domestic inquiries and ignoring LTTE atrocities. This demonstrates selective accountability, institutional bias, and misuse of UN funds.
Financial Cost of Bias
Over the past 15 years (2010–2025), the UNHRC and OHCHR have devoted an estimated $45–50million of UN funds to monitoring Sri Lanka—relying heavily on diaspora-funded NGOs and ignoring domestic investigations—while the country has been at peace since 2009. These resources could have been used for more constructive global human rights initiatives, but instead, they funded a politically motivated, selective witch-hunt against a sovereign state.
Hidden Funding and Influence
While the UNHRC and OHCHR spent an estimated $45–50 million from UN funds targeting Sri Lanka over 15 years (2010–2025), the campaigns against the country were heavily amplified and funded by the LTTE diaspora and international NGOs with destabilizing agendas. Preliminary assessments suggest these external contributions may equal or even double the UN expenditure, creating a massive, politically motivated machinery against a nation that has been at peace since 2009.
The victimization of some of the members of the defence intelligence officers and senior members of the Army, the Navy and the Airforce is a bootless errand headed by the CID and other law enforcement agencies of the government. It is obvious that the scheme is pre-planned by some foreign governments who are pushed by the vote-bases of expatriate Tamil groups living in these countries, and the LTTE supporters in Sri Lanka. The annual UNHCR sessions and the ritual of insistence of pay back from Sri Lanka for defeating the LTTE and its murderous leadership almost compel the government in power to be bamboozled with most palpable fabrications.
Additionally, there are rumours that the government has a soft corner for the expatriate Tamil groups who are politically motivated to weaken Sri Lankan state by marginalising the defence establishment Further, it said that some of the members who are elected representatives of the present government continue to be sympathetic to the terrorist group. the LTTE.
The Government which owes it allegiance to present Unitary Sri Lakan constitution should consider or reassess their focus or declare openly their choice in the handling of these sensitive issues as the country had to pay a big price in defeating the terrorist-separatist war which went on from 1987
In the case filed against Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne it was based on the B report filed by the CID without him being examined under the Navy Act, The CID classified the alleged offence as a personal matter! Add insult to injury it is said that the Admiral was due to be identified by an ex LTTE cadre.as per the courts procedure.How can it be faiR? Luckily, the judge dismissed the identity parade as he found the LTTE cadre had signed a document in Sinhala whereas he was not conversant in Sinhala.
Similarly, a few senior Naval officers are targeted naturally by the ex LTTE cadres and supporters, and the Government’s legal arm should exercise more care in preparation of the legal actions, if any and consider appropriate procedural approach by following the systems under respective defence forces first without treating them as common criminals
It is our firm belief that the Government will hold good,
Beena Sarwar’s international documentary film ‘Democracy in Debt: Sri Lanka – Beyond the Headlines’ (26 minutes), adapted to Sinhala by Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe, will be screened at the Thilak Wijesekera Library Building, Katapothuwila Viharaya, Pahala Athuraliya, Matara, on Tuesday, 19 August 2025 at 10.00 a.m.
A discussion will also be held with Beena Sarwar and Priyantha Pradeep Ranasinghe.
This is being organized by the Athuraliya Media Literacy Society, affiliated to the Matara Pratibha Media Network.
The Sri Lanka Army commemorated the 33rd death anniversary of Major General Vijaya Wimalaratne with a wreath-laying ceremony at his statue in Kiribathgoda on August 8, 2025. The event was led by the Commander, Security Forces Headquarters (West) and Colonel of the Gajaba Regiment, Major General U. K. D. D. P. Udugama, and was attended by family members, senior officers, and troops of the Gajaba Regiment. Major General Wimalaratne was the Commander of the Jaffna Security Forces when he was killed in a landmine explosion on 08-Aug-1992 at Point Araly, Kayts Island.
IMAGES: Preparations are underway for the commencement of the Kandy Night Bazaar. With approval from the Kandy Municipal Council, vehicle movement along Dalada Veediya and Kotugodalla Veediya will be restricted from 6:00 p.m. to midnight to facilitate the event. The bazaar will include night-time trade activities and entertainment, aiming to provide the Kandy community with an organized evening shopping experience and support for local vendors.
To: To the attention of His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka; The Honourable Prime Minister; The Honourable Mayor of the Kandy Municipal Council; the Municipal Commissioner of Kandy; the Chairman of the Urban Development Authority (UDA); the Director General of the Central Cultural Fund; the Secretary of the Ministry of Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs; representatives of the UNESCO Sri Lanka Liaison Office; members of the Kandy Heritage Planning Committee; civic and environmental advisory boards; local residents, cultural custodians, and community leaders; and editors and journalists of national and regional media.
Kandy Is Not a Nightlife City—It Is a Legacy That Must Be Protected
Subject: Formal Objection to Proposed 24-Hour Nightlife Expansion in Mahnauwara –(Kandy ) “Kandy Night Bazaar in the Heritage Zones Date: August 16, 2025
Synopsis:
This is a formal civic objection to the proposed 24-hour nightlife expansion in Kandy’s heritage zones. It argues that such development threatens the city’s ceremonial integrity, environmental stability, and constitutional duty to protect the Buddha Sasana. The term Bazaar” is critiqued for its cultural misalignment, and the document calls for heritage-sensitive planning that respects Kandy’s identity as a spiritual and ceremonial city.
‘’Kandy is the capital of the Central Province and is the second-largest city in Sri Lanka. The city was also the last capital of the ancient kings’ era of Sri Lanka and recognized as a sacred place of worship in the Buddhist world because of The Temple of Tooth Relic. However, recent not-well-planned development caused overcrowded conditions in the historical heritage area, such as heavy traffic congestion, and urbanization encroaching into land-disaster vulnerable areas. In addition, the townscape of the historical heritage area was not conserved or restored in a proper manner, and this deteriorated its value and attractiveness, which prevented the area from realizing its full economic potential. There existed several development plans for the Greater Kandy area, including the Greater Kandy Master Plan formulated by the Urban Development Authority (UDA) in 2015, but they were not sufficient to address the above issues. A review of the urban development vision of the existing plans was needed to control development in the central part of Kandy and guide development’’.
I write to you as a native in the Mahanuwara and lifelong resident of the Kandyan region, deeply concerned about the 24-hour nightlife and commercial activity within the sacred and residential zones of Kandy. This letter serves as a formal objection to any initiative that seeks to transform Kandy into a continuous entertainment and business hub, particularly in areas adjacent to the Dalada Maligawa, cultural corridors, and long-standing residential precincts.
Kandy—Mahanuwara—is not merely a city. It is the spiritual heart of Sri Lanka, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and a living symbol of Sinhala-Buddhist civilization. From the time of our kings, Kandy was governed with restraint, wisdom, and reverence. Its urban rhythm was designed to uphold peace, dignity, and ceremonial continuity—not to chase economic gain or nightlife trends. The Sinhala-Buddhist leadership, both ancient and modern, has consistently resisted over-commercialization of sacred zones. They understood that the soul of a city is not measured by its profit margins, but by its harmony, cleanliness, and cultural integrity. That wisdom must guide us today.
The expansion of 24-hour nightlife in Kandy poses serious risks to public security, environmental stability, and civic harmony. The Dalada Maligawa precinct, a sacred and high-security zone, is particularly vulnerable. Introducing continuous commercial activity into this area—especially unregulated bazaars operating through the night—would compromise surveillance, crowd control, and ceremonial sanctity. Kandy’s law enforcement and temple security protocols are not designed to manage late-night commercial exposure, especially during hours when criminal activity tends to rise. According to national emergency data, Sri Lanka’s 118 system has recorded a growing number of night-time complaints, including theft, vandalism, and underworld disturbances. Expanding nightlife in Kandy would stretch local police resources and expose sacred zones to unnecessary risk.
Environmental concerns are equally pressing. Kandy’s municipal waste systems are already under strain, particularly during religious festivals when garbage volumes surge tenfold. The introduction of 24-hour commerce would exacerbate this crisis, especially in heritage zones where sanitation must remain pristine. Recent reports from April 2025 indicate that garbage contamination—including human waste—has rendered segregation impossible in several areas. The Gohagoda disposal site is nearing capacity, and night-time activity would introduce uncontrolled waste into sensitive urban corridors. This threatens to turn Kandy’s spiritual heart into a public health hazard, undermining both civic dignity and environmental responsibility.
The proposed expansion also violates the protective intent of the UNESCO-designated buffer zone surrounding the Sacred City of Kandy. This buffer zone was established to safeguard the city’s Outstanding Universal Value (OUV), including its cultural authenticity, ceremonial integrity, and spiritual landscape. UNESCO’s Periodic Reporting Cycle 3 (2023) has already identified weaknesses in the legal framework governing this buffer zone, warning that development pressures—especially commercial intrusion—pose a serious threat to Kandy’s World Heritage status. Introducing continuous nightlife activity into this sensitive area risks not only cultural degradation but also international delisting and reputational damage. It is imperative that municipal and national authorities uphold their commitment to heritage protection and refrain from approving any initiative that undermines the sanctity and global standing of Mahanuwara.
Furthermore, the push for a 24-hour city model is not aligned with the cultural rhythm or civic priorities of Kandyan residents. It is driven by external commercial interests—often expatriate or non-local—seeking profit from tourism and entertainment. Local peasants and native communities have not requested such a transformation, nor do they benefit from it. The proposal reflects a commercial agenda, not a community need. Maintaining a 24-hour city requires massive investment in lighting, sanitation, security, and traffic control. These costs would fall on the Kandy Municipal Council and local taxpayers, without delivering meaningful benefits to native residents. It is an economic burden disguised as development, and it risks alienating the very communities who have preserved Kandy’s peace and heritage for generations.
Kandy’s urban character was never built on commercial ambition—it was shaped by cultural wisdom, spiritual restraint, and civic foresight. From the time of our kings, Mahanuwara was governed with a deep understanding of balance: between ceremony and daily life, between sacred duty and civic order. The city’s layout, its rhythms, and its governance were all designed to preserve peace, not to chase profit. Night-time commerce, entertainment districts, and 24-hour business models were never part of this vision. Instead, Kandy was protected as a spiritual capital, where the Dalada Maligawa stood not just as a temple, but as a symbol of national unity and moral discipline.
The Sinhala-Buddhist leadership—both royal and republican—understood that over-commercialization erodes cultural dignity. They resisted turning Kandy into a marketplace for every passing trend or external demand. Their approach was not anti-development; it was development with purpose. They prioritized harmony over hustle, and heritage over haste. That legacy must not be abandoned in the name of modernity. To reshape Kandy into a nightlife city is to betray the very philosophy that has sustained it for centuries.
Kandy is not Colombo, nor should it be. It is not a port city, nor a commercial capital. It is a heritage city, a ceremonial city, and a guardian of national memory. Any attempt to impose a 24-hour urban model on Kandy ignores its historical identity and undermines the wisdom of its founders. The city’s peace has been maintained for generations—not through economic expansion, but through cultural stewardship. That stewardship must continue.
In light of the concerns outlined above—ranging from public security and environmental strain to cultural misalignment and historical wisdom—I respectfully urge the Kandy Municipal Council, Urban Development Authority, and all relevant civic bodies to reject any proposal that seeks to introduce 24-hour nightlife or commercial expansion within Kandy’s heritage zones. Before concluding, I must draw your attention to the constitutional and civic violations embedded in this proposal. Article 9 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka mandates the State to foster and protect the Buddha Sasana. Any initiative that threatens the sanctity of the Dalada Maligawa precinct or disrupts the ceremonial rhythm of Mahanuwara directly contradicts this constitutional duty. Furthermore, the Kandy Municipal Council’s own urban vision emphasizes heritage preservation, sustainable development, and community-centered planning. The 24-hour nightlife expansion disregards these principles, favoring external commercial interests over native civic needs. It also conflicts with existing zoning laws, sacred area protections, and the spirit of Sri Lanka’s national urban development mission. This letter, therefore, is not merely a personal objection—it is a constitutional reminder, a civic warning, and a cultural defense.
Such a transformation would not only violate the city’s spiritual and civic character, but also impose unnecessary burdens on its residents, infrastructure, and identity.
In a city shaped by Sinhalese Buddhist heritage and ceremonial urban rhythm, the term ‘Bazaar’ lacks cultural specificity and civic relevance.”
I further recommend that any future urban development plans be subject to transparent public consultation, with special attention given to the voices of native Kandyan communities, heritage custodians, and civic advocates. Development must be inclusive, culturally sensitive, and aligned with the long-term preservation of Kandy’s unique role in Sri Lanka’s national consciousness.
Let us not allow short-term commercial interests to override centuries of cultural stewardship. Let us honor the wisdom of our kings, the sacrifices of our ancestors, and the dignity of our sacred spaces. Kandy is not just a city—it is a legacy. It must be protected, not repurposed.
I remain available for further dialogue, civic consultation, or contribution to any heritage-sensitive planning process. Thank you for your attention to this urgent and deeply rooted concern.
Summary of Legal, Civic, and Heritage Violations:
Article 9 of the Constitution mandates protection of the Buddha Sasana.
Disruption to the Dalada Maligawa precinct violates constitutional duty.
Kandy’s urban plan prioritizes heritage, sustainability, and community.
Proposed nightlife expansion disregards municipal planning principles.
Violates zoning laws, sacred area protections, and national urban policy.
Favors external commercial interests over native civic needs.
Undermines Kandy’s role as a ceremonial and guardian city.
Contradicts UNESCO World Heritage guidelines for cultural site management.
Threatens the integrity of Kandy’s UNESCO-designated buffer zone.
Disregards the lived rhythms, safety, and cultural continuity of the Kandyan peasantry.
This objection is a constitutional reminder, civic warning, and cultural defense.
This statement is submitted in defense of Mahanuwara’s ceremonial integrity, constitutional duty, and heritage stewardship—addressed to all civic, municipal, and national authorities entrusted with the future of Kandy.
By Palitha Ariyarathna
JICA Commercial Group Community Group Secretary, Writer, Journalist, and Author, Former Beach Filed Officer and Life Safety Officer.
The Sri Lankan supreme court ordered the owners of X-Press Pearl to pay a fine of $1bn after the containership was lost in 2021 and polluted water off the island nation
X-Press Feeders has accused the court of convicting the vessel’s master and its agents before their trials have concluded, while the London Club called the judgment a ‘deeply troubling turn of events’
Source: Indian NavyX-Press Pearl sank on June 2, 2021, between 70bn-75bn plastic nurdles were spilled in Sri Lanka’s western coastal belt as a result.
CONTAINERSHIP owner X-Press Feeders said it is deeply concerned” with a judgment from the Sri Lankan supreme court, which has ordered the owners and charters of lost boxship X-Press Pearl (IMO: 9875343) pay a fine of $1bn.
The 2021-built, Singapore-flagged, 2,700 teu X-Press Pearlcaught fire on May 20, 2021, was abandoned on May 25 of that year and finally sank on June 2, 2021.
Between 70bn-75bn plastic nurdles were spilled in Sri Lanka’s western coastal belt as a result of the casualty. The marine pollution resulted in the deaths of 417 turtles, 48 dolphins and eight whales.
A fishing ban was imposed for more than a year, which the ruling said, deprived the fisherfolk of their income, livelihood and their right to engage in lawful employment”.
But X-Press Feeders said the court has effectively pronounced the vessel’s master and agents guilty before their trials have concluded.
The master has already languished in Sri Lanka for four and a half years due to a court-ordered travel ban,” the company said in a statement seen by Lloyd’s List.
Despite offers to deposit the maximum fine possible for the charges he faces, he remains in limbo, separated from his family and unable to resume his life or career.”
X-Press Feeders said the master was neither present nor represented legally when his actions were addressed in court.
The judgment effectively holds him and the agents as human collateral to ensure the compliance of the owners and operators.”
The London P&I Club said the court had extended its reach far beyond its original scope”. The case, it said, was originally grounded in a fundamental rights claim — where concerned citizens of Sri Lanka sought judicial intervention against their government’s handling of an environmental incident”.
Chief executive James Bean said the ruling was an extraordinary and deeply troubling turn of events, not only for our valued member, X-Press Feeders, but for global shipping”.
The court has taken what began as a rights-based claim against the Sri Lankan government and used it as a basis to unilaterally impose liability on our member and their agents seemingly without due process — with the agents, worryingly being used alongside the master, as human collateral for their claim.”
The interim figure of $1bn was based on a report the Sri Lankan government itself had publicly disavowed itself as the basis for any claim” and had attracted global criticism for a lack of scientific rigour, the P&I club said.
Bean called the figure arbitrary and unsupported”.
X-Press Feeders also criticised the lack of scrutiny of the response of Sri Lanka’s own authorities to the incident in 2021.
The ruling exonerates the actions of the harbour master and director general of merchant shipping, despite their own experts boarding and inspecting the vessel and raising no alarm or immediate reason for concern, more than a week before X-Press Pearl sank”, the company said.
It also ignores the vessel’s pleas for help and the refusal by three ports (in Qatar, India and Sri Lanka) to offload the containers before the fire started.”
From the very start, X-Press Feeders has expressed deep regret to the people of Sri Lanka for the impact of X-Press Pearl’s sinking and remained committed to fully assist the government of Sri Lanka in all clean-up operations,” the Singapore-headquartered company said.
It acknowledged the need for some compensation but said this should be done in an equitable and fair manner that identifies the failings in the response and clean-up operations of the Sri Lankan government and is based on expert, scientifically based assessment of damages”.
The judgment, which it claims ignores maritime law, establishes an unprecedented level of risk that we, along with most shipping companies, will struggle to meet”.
We fear the inevitable rise in import-export costs and the broader impact on the people of Sri Lanka.”
The London Club said the ruling contradicts the polluter pays” principle, which is balanced by limitation of liabilities.
To throw out these principles is to reject the very legal architecture that keeps international shipping — and by extension global trade and commerce — functioning,” Bean said.
The London P&I Club is unwavering in its commitment to its members, and we will continue to stand firmly by and support X-Press Feeders.”
The Singapore-registered container ship MV X-Press Pearl partially sinks after burning for almost two weeks, just outside Colombo’s harbour on Jun 4, 2021. (Photo: AFP/LAKRUWAN WANNIARACHCHI)
COLOMBO: Owners of a Singapore-registered vessel urged Colombo on Friday (Aug 15) to consider more “rational” compensation after they were ordered to pay US$1 billion in damages for causing Sri Lanka’s worst case of environmental pollution.
Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court ordered X-Press Feeders in July to pay the damages within a year for causing marine pollution when its vessel caught fire in 2021.
The Supreme Court also ordered criminal charges against the skipper and local agents of the MV X-Press Pearl, which sank off Colombo Port after the fire.
“From the very start, X-Press Feeders has expressed deep regret to the people of Sri Lanka for the impact … and remained committed to fully assist … in all clean-up operations,” the owners said in a statement.
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They recognised the need for compensation but said “it must be done in an equitable and fair manner that identifies the failings in the response and clean-up operations of the Sri Lankan government”.
The vessel was carrying 81 containers of “dangerous cargo” that included acids, lead ingots and plastic raw materials.
Tons of microplastic granules from the ship inundated an 80km stretch of beach along Sri Lanka’s western coast. Fishing was prohibited for months.
X-Press Feeders said it had already spent US$150 million to remove the wreck, clean the beaches, and compensate affected fishermen.
It said the damages awarded established an “unprecedented level of risk” that it and other shipping companies would struggle to meet, and called for more “rational decision-making”.
Sri Lankan authorities believe the fire was caused by a nitric acid leak.
Ports in Qatar and India had refused to offload the leaking nitric acid before the vessel arrived in Sri Lankan waters.
Environmentalists who filed the case alleged that both the government and the vessel’s owners had failed to prevent the fire from becoming an unprecedented ecological disaster.
The Sri Lankan government has also filed a lawsuit against the ship’s owners in the Singapore International Commercial Court, claiming unspecified damages.
