Although UNHRC resolutions are non-binding, since 2009 the Council has effectively acted as a mouthpiece formalizing overseas LTTE lobbyist demands into intrusive resolutions. A Council that failed to act against LTTE over 30 years of terror has, since 2009, issued 11 resolutions against Sri Lanka—outside its original mandate and without UNGA or UNSC authorization—unfairly targeting the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. Procedural and funding irregularities, combined with political pressure, allowed these non-binding resolutions to be implemented as national law, creating a dangerous global precedent that should concern all UN Member States.
Non-Binding Resolutions Pressured into National Law
UNHRC resolutions lack binding authority under international law.
In 2015, the Sri Lankan government co-sponsored Resolution 30/1 and implemented 7 of its 9 intrusive demands domestically, including the Office on Missing Persons (OMP)and Reparations mechanism, which even benefited individuals claiming LTTE affiliation.
Both OMP and the Reparations mechanism have failed to substantiate the claims on which they were established.
The remaining 2 demands—a hybrid court with foreign judgesand a truth commission—are now being pressed on the current government via the latest UNHRC resolution.
Foundation on Procedural Illegality
These resolutions relied on the Darusman Report (2011) and Petrie Report (2012), commissioned outside UNGA and UNSC authority and lacking legal standing. They paved way for an investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) which too was beyond UNHRC’s mandate.
These reports were publicly leaked and formed the basis for 11 UNHRC resolutions, exceeding the Council’s mandate and echoing LTTE separatist demands which have been ignored or not caught by UN’s own internal oversight mechanisms which questioning the 5th Committees funding approvals.
Legalization via Domestic Implementation
The 2015 government converted non-binding international resolutions into enforceable national law, contradicting Sri Lanka’s Constitution and weakening Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.
Sri Lanka’s experience illustrates how external pressure can transform recommendations” into binding legal obligations, undermining state autonomy and the will of the People which is the basis of Sri Lanka’s Constitution.
Consequences and Global Implications
Sovereignty Erosion:Domestic enforcement of non-binding resolutions weakens national autonomy and denies People’s autonomy.
Weaponization of Human Rights:UNHRC mechanisms, intended for accountability, are used as geopolitical tools; terrorist crimes are ignored while national forces are targeted.
Precedent for Other States:If normalized, any sovereign nation could face similar external pressures.
Sri Lanka demonstrates how UNHRC illegalities—non-binding resolutions issued outside legal mandate—can be converted into enforceable law under domestic pressure. Other nations must recognize this precedent to safeguard sovereignty and prevent human rights mechanisms from being weaponized.
The 2015 Yahapalana Government and all coalition politicians involved must be held accountable for enabling foreign intrusion into Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and targeting the valiant forces that ended 30 years of terrorism. Efforts to close army camps, reduce armed forces, limit training, and strip privileges not only demoralize the military but weaken a critical pillar protecting Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. Politicians must foresee the repercussions of weakening the State—will they leave it vulnerable to LTTE or similar threats in the future?
The Yahapalana Government co-sponsored 30/1 UNHRC Resolution, the present Government which was a key ally in that Government should not commit the same mistake with 60/21 UNHRC Resolution agreeing to the final 2 demands to legalize illegal resolutions into domestic law (Truth Commission & Tribunal against our War Heroes)
That distressful video of 24 year old Israeli hostage Evyatar David, made to dig his own grave in a Gazan tunnel reminded me of the harrowing accounts of the worst anti-Semetic violence perpetrated on Jews in the last century under Germany’s NAZI leader Adolf Hitler during World War II (1939-45). From the creation of Israel in 1948, they became persistent pursuers of their sadistic NAZI tormentors of the Holocaust. In our adolescent years in the ‘60s, we read exciting press narratives (in Sinhala newspapers and magazine periodicals) about shrewd Israeli agents hunting down Nazi persecutors of European Jews. The stories of their successful missions warmed our proud patriotic hearts, as did the accounts of the boxing ring victories since 1960 of the Black American Cassius Clay (who in 1964 became a Muslim convert as Muhammad Ali in protest against the racial prejudice that he experienced in his native America); the amazing power of his punches in the ring (punch force) was once a topic of excited discussion among us then. No doubt, we were more thrilled than our parents by such displays of brave defiance and independent self assertion against white supremacists by descendants of their former victims, though we would have been unable to describe such feelings of strong empathy with Nazi pursuing Israeli Jews and Black American boxing champion Mohamed Ali as due to our own instinctive defiance of White imperial dominance, which really was the case.
It was the early phase of the Cold War (global geopolitical rivalry) period between the USA and the USSR and their respective allies (1947-1991). What was known as the Space Race (competition between America and Russia to achieve superior spaceflight capability) was one striking ‘theatre’ of the Cold War. Russia beat America in this in 1961 when twenty-seven year old Russian pilot and cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin successfully completed one orbit round the Earth for the first time in human history in the spacecraft named ‘Vostok I’. The round the earth flight took only an astonishing 108 minutes (1 hr 48 mins). We in the GCE-prep talked excitedly about Gagarin’s heroism and the power of Soviet science, which, as it was described in Sinhala language periodicals that we read in our school Reading Room adjoining its modest library, was thanks to the Jewish scientists that the Russians took with them to Russia to work for them at the end of World War II (just as Americans took some of them to America for the same purpose.) We found this latter detail a little funny, but it added to our admiration of the Jews. The news of Russia’s space victory over America thrilled us. Our euphoria increased with Yuri Gagarin’s visit to Sri Lanka (then known abroad as Ceylon) on December 7, 1961, only about eight months after his historic achievement, on the invitation of the world’s first female Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. (Incidentally, Golda Meir, a Jewish migrant from Ukraine, became the prime minister of Israel in 1969 and served in that post till 1974; she was the first ever female prime minister and head of state of Israel until then. A second Israeli woman to occupy the hot seat has not appeared yet.)
A war was happening on the opposite side of the world involving the East Asian country of Vietnam divided into two rival halves known as North Vietnam and South Vietnam. The first was backed by the Communist countries of Russia and China and their allies, and the second by the United States of America and its allies. The Vietnam war, which raged for two decades from 1955 to 1975, touched us even more deeply because the victims of aggression there were largely our co-religionist Buddhists. Witnessing the conclusion of that war with the ignominious defeat of Americans at the hands of Viet Cong forces in 1975 was for us a heartwarming experience of a maturer kind.
But let me resume the topic. One riveting story we read as teenagers at that time was about the detection and capture of a disguised Holocaust commander by the name of Adolf Eichmann in a certain location in Buenos Aires in Argentina in 1960 by Shin Bet and Mossad detectives. They had no photo of Eichmann to confirm his identity. So they compared the shape of his ears to that found in his SS file photos that the Israeli agents had acquired. This was one cute bit of information among many in that story, that I still remember. Eichmann was brought to Tel Aviv in Israel and tried before its supreme court and sentenced to death by hanging. His execution took place in 1962.
Unlike today, we were able to look upon events and persons in the Middle East (actually, West Asia for us Sri Lankans) in my youth, with a sense of unconcerned detachment that allowed us to make lighthearted references to the collective defeat of the Arab states inflicted on them by the Israelis (resulting in the occupation of some 7000 sq km of Arab territory including the Gaza Strip by the latter) in what became historicised as the Six-Day War in June 1967 and make good humoured fun of our Muslim friends. The celebrated Israeli general Moshe Dayan, with his iconic eyepatch, who commanded his victorious forces in this war, remained a hero in our youthful memory for many years. We were even more impressed by the exploits of the young female Palestinian militant, the glamorous Leila Khaled, who, in 1969, became the first woman to hijack a plane.
The hijacking of the Belgian National Airlines Sabena Flight 571 from Vienna in Austria to Tel Aviv in Israel with 90 passengers and 7 crew members by four armed Palestinians (two men and two women pretending to be couples) from the Palestinian terror group Black September on May 8, 1972, failed to win their demand through terror for the release of 315 convicted Palestinian terrorists imprisoned in Israel. A team of 16 well trained and thoroughly rehearsed Sayeret Matkal commandos including the current Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu then aged 22 carried out a military raid codenamed Operation Isotope disguised as technicians in white overalls. They rescued all the 90 hostages unhurt, except one who later died. Ehud Barak who led the operation and Benjamin Netanyahu, the only commando who was hurt, both later were to serve as Prime Minister of Israel.
In the infamous Munich massacre perpetrated by the same Palestinian terror group Black September on September 5-6, 1972, all 11 Israeli hostages (5 athletes and 6 coaches) got killed during an abortive rescue operation undertaken by the German Police. We got an eyewitness account of the tragic situation there from the new principal of the school in central Sri Lanka where I ended my short career of six years as a government school teacher. He had been into sports in his youth and got a chance to attend the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich. I can’t remember the details now. Being of a comparable age to the Israeli athletes who were killed in that attack, I kept thinking about their gruesome death for many days. In the following years, the Mossad carried out successful secret operations, killing the Palestinian terrorists responsible for the carnage.
Arabs’ attempted retaliation to the Six Day War came in the form of a surprise attack launched on Israel by an alliance of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria on Yom Kippur, the Jewish holy day of atonement, on October 6, 1973. The conflict lasted for nearly three weeks doing little to change the outcome of the Six Day War.
Then came the hijacking of a civilian Air France (Airbus A300) flight operating between Tel Aviv and Paris with 248 passengers (106 Israelis out of them taken hostage by 7 terrorists {5 Palestinians + 2 Germans}) on July 3-4, 1976. The plane was finally made to land in the Entebbe International Airport in flamboyant dictator Idi Amin’s Uganda, whose involvement injected an element of comedy to the later media narratives of the event. The spectacular codenamed ‘Operation Thunderbolt’ launched by the Israeli commandos rescued 102 of the 106 hostages. The only Israeli commando fatality was Yonatan Netanyahu (older brother of today’s PM Benjamin Netanyahu) who commanded that Sayeret Matkal operation at Entebbe.
However, our initial adolescent admiration for such daredevilry on the part of the activists of the Palestinian resistance movement turned sour, when their only strategy against alleged Israeli aggression became mindless terrorism, news reports about which filled the pages of Newsweek International magazine and other print media, and formed the material of news bulletins broadcast over the BBC World Service radio, that we used to follow from Sri Lanka at that time of our youth. This was three years before the introduction of television to Sri Lanka.
Prime minister Netanyahu said in a recent post :
Today the Dictator of Iran Ayatollah Khamenei posted this (showing a placard, presumably containing a statement by the Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei). The title is ‘Why must the Zionist regime, that’s Israel, be eliminated from the region. So, here, you have the ruler of Iran openly declaring again that his goal is to destroy the State of Israel, and the most brazen thing about this is that the issue he is negotiating, supposedly negotiating, is peace with the United States.
Well, Israel will not be eliminated!
What must be eliminated is Iran’s axis of terror, and its nuclear programme. Not only for the sake of Israel, but (for) the sake of our entire region, and for the sake of peace in our world.”
In a latest statement that he made (August 25, 2025), Netanyahu expressed his resolve to finish off Hamas:
Given Hamas’s refusal to lay down its arms, Israel has no choice but to finish the job and complete the defeat of Hamas.
Israel’s security cabinet instructed the IDF to dismantle the two remaining Hamas strongholds in Gaza City.
Contrary to false claims, this is the best way to end the war and the best way to end it speedily.”
We can’t do anything but keep our fingers crossed in this tragic situation, caught up as we ourselves are in an existential crisis without any friends to help us, unlike in the case of the Israelis and the Palestinians.
NDB Bank recently concluded the much-anticipated 2025 edition of its signature quiz competition, Battle of the Brains”, an exciting initiative designed to foster camaraderie, collaboration, and continuous learning among its employees.
This year’s competition saw an overwhelming response, with 69 teams registering from across the Bank. Of these, 66 teams competed in the preliminary round, showcasing their knowledge and quick thinking in a diverse range of topics including general knowledge, current affairs, business, science and technology, history, arts, sports, and entertainment. Following an intense first round, the top 20 teams advanced to the grand finale, which was held in a vibrant and competitive atmosphere.
After a thrilling battle of intellect and strategy, the Customer Acquisition Unit (CAU) emerged as the overall champion of the 2025 contest. The Risk Department secured second place, while the Cards Department claimed third. Close contenders included the Strategy & Business Intelligence team in fourth place and the Regional Office Southern team in fifth place, making the finale one of the most engaging yet.
NDB’s Battle of the Brains is more than just a knowledge competition, it is a testament to the Bank’s commitment to creating a culture of learning, teamwork, and employee engagement. The event not only celebrated the intellectual diversity within NDB but also reinforced the importance of collaboration and adaptability in today’s dynamic environment.
Building on its continued success, Battle of the Brains has now become a much-loved tradition at NDB, uniting employees across departments and regions in the spirit of friendly competition and shared achievement.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
Author and attorneyJennifer Harbury describes the Silent Holocaust” in Guatemala and its links to the genocide in Gaza, using any methods of barbarity necessary.”
Known as the Silent Holocaust,” the genocide in Guatemala is seldom mentioned in modern history.
The United States, with support from Israel, backed yet another violent crusade against an indigenous population as well as against communism.
The Guatemalan genocide — preceded by a C.I.A.-instigated coup d’état of the Guatemalan government in 1954 and the ensuing civil war — saw hundreds of thousands of the Mayan Indigenous peoples and alleged communists massacred or disappeared.
Jennifer Harbury, an attorney, author and human rights activist, witnessed the horrors of the genocidal campaign waged by the U.S.-backed Guatemalan military. Included in these horrors was the torture and disappearance of her husband, Mayan rebel leader Efraín Bámaca Velásquez (known as Everardo) by C.I.A.-backed Guatemalan military officials.
Harbury joins host Chris Hedges on this episode of The Chris Hedges Report to dissect the brutal history of the genocide as well as recount her own experiences, including several hunger strikes in Guatemala and Washington, D.C., that ultimately led to the exposure of the C.I.A.’s complicity in the atrocities.
Please see this link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-PEg0ai_lAk
Host: Chris Hedges
Producer: Max Jones
Intro: Diego Ramos
Crew: Diego Ramos, Sofia Menemenlis and Thomas Hedges
NDB Bank’s SME Re-Energizer Loan is designed to fuel the growth ambitions of Sri Lanka’s Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) and start-ups. Launched in collaboration with the Sri Lankan Government, this timely initiative underscores NDB’s role as a steadfast partner in enabling entrepreneurship and empowering businesses that form the backbone of the national economy.
The SME Re-Energizer Loan provides eligible businesses with access to investment funding of up to LKR 25 million at a highly competitive interest rate of just 7% per annum. With flexible repayment terms, the facility is structured to ease the financial burden of expansion and innovation, allowing businesses to focus on scaling their operations sustainably.
Targeting priority sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, exports, apparel, construction, and agro-based industries, the scheme supports a wide range of business needs. These include investments in machinery, equipment, solar installations, and productivity enhancements, vehicles for the tourism sector, factory expansions, and technology upgrades.
Commenting on the launch, Indika Ranaweera, Head of NDB Business Banking reaffirmed his commitment to SMEs, stating: SMEs are at the heart of Sri Lanka’s economic progress. The SME Re-Energizer Loan has been designed to provide affordable and practical financing to help them overcome challenges, invest in their growth, and achieve long-term resilience. NDB remains dedicated to creating impactful financial solutions that go beyond transactions to deliver sustainable value.”
With SMEs contributing significantly to employment generation, innovation, and export potential, NDB’s SME Re-Energizer Loan represents more than a financial facility, it is a strategic enabler of national development and private sector competitiveness.
For further information on the SME Re-Energizer Loan, interested parties can visit the nearest NDB branch or call 011 744 8888.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
Colombo, Sept. 2 (Daily Mirror) – The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has written to the Mahanayake Theras of the Asgiriya and Malwathu Chapters, expressing concern over what it alleges are government attempts to oppress war heroes.”
In letters, SLPP General Secretary, Attorney-at-Law Sagara Kariyawasam, the party accused the government of pursuing actions that undermine military personnel who fought to end terrorism in the country.
While noting that terrorism ended 16 years ago, the SLPP claimed the ideology” behind it still exists. It further alleged that the government is acting in line with groups hostile to war heroes, under the influence of external forces that backed its rise to power.
The party also criticized the administration for failing to give due recognition to annual commemorations for fallen soldiers, while allegedly allowing events that glorify terrorism to take place both in Sri Lanka and overseas.
Colombo, Sept. 2 (Daily Mirror) – Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) MP Namal Rajapaksa has accused the National People’s Power (NPP) of resorting to violence and intimidation against other political parties.
In a post on X, Rajapaksa claimed that members of the Frontline Socialist Party (FLSP), who were formerly associated with the JVP, had faced harassment at the hands of NPP supporters.
He alleged that a large group of NPP members had barged into the FLSP office this morning (02) and forcefully taken it over.
Rajapaksa warned that such actions threaten the country’s democratic framework. If this is the new system change that the NPP pledged, then Sri Lanka’s democracy is truly at risk and the law and order in shambles where the olden JVP fear will be created once again,” he stated.
The Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappearances has issued a letter to the UNHRC Head on 30 August 2025 appealing to the international community”. Claims of enforced disappearances” in Sri Lanka are being weaponised to construct a one-sided narrative that erases LTTE atrocities and unfairly blames the State. Any serious investigation must distinguish between combat deaths, LTTE abductions, forced recruitment, and genuine disappearances — without this identification, broad accusations of a state policy of disappearances are misleading, politically motivated, and devoid of credibility tarnishing the image of the State & its Armed Forces/Police.
General Claims of Enforced Disappearances”
If enforced disappearances” were a systematic state policy, why do Sri Lanka’s official inquiries (e.g., LLRC, Paranagama) and missing-persons records show a large number of complaints lodged after 2009, many by families of LTTE cadres who went missing during combat?
Please provide the data and methodology you used to exclude combat deaths from your totals.
Your statement, groups all missing persons together without clarification.
Can you please specify how each case has been classified?
How many are confirmed LTTE combatant deaths during hostilities?
How many are civilians abducted, forcibly recruited, or detained by the LTTE?
How many are alleged state-perpetrated enforced disappearances (excluding voluntary or forced LTTE conscription), and what documentary evidence substantiates this claim — such as arrest records, official detention logs, CCTV footage, sworn witness statements, forensic DNA identification, or a verifiable chain-of-custody for human remains?
Without such disaggregation, the claim of systematic state ‘enforced disappearances’ lacks any credibility.
In short, ARED must clarify:
No of LTTE combat deaths
No of abductions/forced recruits (by LTTE)
No of Tamils killed by LTTE since 1970s (those from other militant groups, unarmed civilians)
No of alleged state-linked disappearances & proof (arrest/detention records, CCTV, DNA, chain-of-custody, verified witnesses)
UNICEF (claimed LTTE had abducted over 5000 children) and other credible sources documented extensive LTTE child abduction and recruitment. Are these children not also categorized as disappeared”.
If ARED’s objective is accountability for vanished children, why is there no equal emphasis on the thousands of children abducted and militarised by the LTTE? How many of your listed cases are proven to be LTTE abductions, training deaths, combat deaths, or executions by LTTE internal discipline?
Further, ARED overlooks that the LTTE deliberately blurred the line between combatant and civilian by creating a trained and armed civilian force. When such units were engaged in hostilities, casualties cannot truthfully be classified as civilian dead” or missing.”
None of these (deaths of missing) can be attributed to state-perpetrated disappearances.
Furthermore, Sri Lanka’s population statistics do not reflect any form of genocide. Tamil population growth before, during, and after the conflict clearly disproves allegations of mass extermination intentional or otherwise.
Tamil Genocide” Narrative
Why does ARED frame disappearances as part of Tamil genocide” when Sinhalese and Muslimswere also victims of enforced disappearances and LTTE killings (e.g., Muslim villagers massacred in Eravur, Sinhala villagers in Kebithigollewa – number of villages LTTE attacked are too many to name)?
Why are the disappearances of over 600 policemen executed by the LTTE in 1990not part of this genocide” narrative?
If disappearances = genocide, how do they explain the fact that more Tamils live freely in Colombo and other government-controlled areas than in the LTTE’s former areas during the war?
Why would Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces save close to 300,000 Tamils but kill unverified 40,000 whose names have still not been given even after 16 years.
Chemmani Mass Grave Claim (2025 Excavations)
If Chemmani is presented as new evidence,” why have earlier excavations since the 1990s not proven a systematic pattern of state-led killings?
How do we verify that the skeletonsallegedly found are victims of enforced disappearances” and not:
LTTE battlefield deaths,
Civilian war casualties buried in haste,
Or even LTTE’s own executions of dissidents?
Why are forensic reports or DNA results not shared transparently with both local and international observers?
No Confidence in OMP / Domestic Mechanisms
If the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) is politicized, why did international actors (including UN) previously endorse its establishment or rather demand it?
Why does ARED call every domestic mechanism dead” unless it gives the verdict they demand? Does justice mean only outcomes favorable to their narrative?
If Sri Lanka’s judiciary is incapable, why do these groups continue to file petitions and cases in Sri Lankan courts?
Genocide of the Tamils – Renewed Fears
Did the 12,000 LTTE who surrendered not do so in civilian clothing?
If surrendering LTTE cadres were disappeared,” why do thousands of surrendered cadres still live openly in the North and East, rehabilitated by the government?
Why do ARED documents omit the fact that LTTE leadership itself killed surrendering cadres and dissenters (e.g., Mahattaya, dissenting cadres in 1994–95 as well as the injured LTTE during the last phase who were put into buses & set on fire)?
Can ARED provide verifiable lists (with names, dates, and evidence) of those who allegedly surrendered and disappeared,” or are they relying on hearsay?
Role of International Community / Call for ICC Referral
Why should Sri Lanka be singled out for ICC referral when far larger civilian casualties occurred in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen, and Gaza — with no ICC referrals?
If universal jurisdiction is the principle, why are Western leaders (Bush, Blair, Obama, Sarkozy) not equally pursued for war crimes?
Why does ARED call only for a country-specific rapporteur” for Sri Lanka but remain silent on enforced disappearances in India (Kashmir), Pakistan (Balochistan), or Latin America?
Evidence & documentary requests to attach or demand
ARED must publish acase-by-case spreadsheet (name, date, last-seen location, alleged perpetrator, evidence type, status of investigation). Insist on non-redacted identification where safety allows.
ARED must provideforensic/DNA reports, chain-of-custody logs, and independent excavation reports for sites they cite (e.g., Chemmani).
ARED must provide clarity on methodology: how were combatant vs civilian deaths distinguished? who conducted that classification & source documents?
ARED must provide copies of letters, petitions and replies between ARED and Sri Lankan state agencies (OMP, courts), including response times and outcomes.
While we recognise and do not dismiss the grief of families who cannot locate loved ones, assertions that Sri Lanka conducted a state policy of widespread ‘enforced disappearances’ are unproven without transparent case-level evidence.
Many missing-person reports post-date 2009 and involve LTTE cadres lost in combat or children abducted and militarised by the LTTE.
We call on ARED and UN bodies to publish detailed case data and forensic findings so that legitimate claims can be distinguished from combat losses or LTTE crimes —so true justice for all victims may be pursued.
The Double Standards Question
Is this campaign about justice for allvictims of disappearances in Sri Lanka — Sinhala, Muslim, and Tamil — or only about building a separatist case for international intervention in favor of one community and done timed for Geneva sessions?
If justice is truly the aim, why not demand accountability for both LTTE and state actors, instead of erasing LTTE’s atrocities from the record?
Why do these organizations repeatedly release statements timed with UNHRC sessions, but rarely engage in reconciliation or truth-sharing with other communities within Sri Lanka?
Justice cannot be selective.
To ignore LTTE abductions, child soldier recruitment, the deliberate militarisation of civilians, and LTTE’s killings of its own cadres & Tamil people while exaggerating unverified disappearance” claims is to distort history and deny victims on all sides. Unless ARED and its partners produce transparent, case-by-case evidence separating combatants, LTTE crimes, and genuine civilian disappearances, their allegations remain propaganda — not justice.
All Parents & Religious Heads must rise to prevent inclusion of LGBTQIA curriculum & condoms in schools – Let children be children … dont turn them into sex objects
In July 2025, the influential global travel website Big 7 named Sri Lanka the most beautiful island in the world,” stating that the teardrop-shaped island off the southern coast of India has it all—golden beaches, terraced tea plantations, timeworn temples, colonial towns, misty mountains, and wildlife safaris … elephants and leopards.”[i]
The beauty of the island is not limited to its physical environment, unique Buddhist culture, and the diversity of its population; it is the simplicity, warmth, and generosity of ordinary people that make the island beautiful.
The popular perception is that international accolades boost tourism, bringing much-needed foreign exchange to the debt-trapped island and prosperity to its long-suffering people. The Sri Lankan government has set an ambitious target of attracting three million tourists and $5 billion in tourism revenue for 2025.[ii]
Tourism, however, is fickle and highly susceptible to environmental and political-economic downturns. Following the 2019 Easter bomb attacks in Sri Lanka, and during the COVID years and the 2022 economic crisis, tourist arrivals dropped sharply, bringing the entire sector to a standstill. Instead, it was the remittances from Sri Lankans working abroad that maintained external sector resilience during those crises. Even now, from January to July 2025, worker remittances have exceeded $4.4 billion,[iii] while tourism revenue reached only about $2 billion.[iv]I
If managed properly, the tourism sector could play a major role in the country’s recovery. Unfortunately, this does not seem to be the case. Although tourism is asserted to be the primary foreign-exchange earner, much of the money generated by foreign-owned tourist businesses is likely repatriated abroad. Sri Lanka permits full repatriation of earnings, fees, and capital from foreign exchange transactions, though the extent of this wealth transfer remains opaque.
In Sri Lanka, as in many other tourist destinations in the Global South, tourism exacerbates global inequality and rarely helps improve local poverty. While tourist hotels overflow with all kinds of local and foreign food, drink, and luxuries, average Sri Lankans struggle to secure essential food items such as rice, dhal, coconut, and even salt. According to World Bank figures, a quarter of the island’s population is living below the poverty line,[v] and according to the World Food Program, roughly one-third of children under the age of five are malnourished.[vi]
Lacking viable means of survival, doctors, engineers, teachers, IT professionals, and others are leaving Sri Lanka in large numbers to seek economic opportunities in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Israel, South Korea, Japan, Italy, and elsewhere. Out of Sri Lanka’s population of 22 million, about three million are working abroad. Government policy encourages migration for employment and worker remittances but this brain drain” poses a serious challenge to the island’s economic recovery and future survival.
Ironically, as record numbers of Sri Lankans are leaving, record numbers of tourists are arriving. Over 2.05 million tourists arrived in 2024, representing a significant 38 percent year-on-year growth, with most visitors coming from India and Russia. The focus on quantity over quality has led to overtourism, with overwhelming numbers of visitors in popular tourist destinations such as the iconic Sigiriya Rock Fortress, Yala National Park, and the Pinnawala Elephant Orphanage. Exceeding carrying capacity has significant negative impacts on the environment, local quality of life, and the visitor experience.
This raises urgent questions: Are the short-term benefits of mass tourism worth the long-term costs? And is Sri Lanka now facing a new, more troubling phenomenon of neo-colonial globalization—settler tourism?
The Rise of Settler Tourism
Lax visa and tourist regulations have allowed hundreds of mostly young white tourists from Europe and North America to settle in exclusive communities along Sri Lanka’s southern and eastern coasts. These enclaves—promoting perpetual paradise, surfing, yoga, and meditation—are often run entirely by foreigners living on the island for extended periods. Contrary to visa restrictions, some tourists engage in enterprises such as driving three-wheeler taxis and guiding tours, taking income opportunities from local people.
While digital nomads work remotely, others have opened hotels, restaurants, and spas, often bypassing taxes and money transfer regulations. Foreigners cannot directly buy freehold land in Sri Lanka but may acquire property through Sri Lankan companies with local majority ownership, which is often facilitated by local middlemen.
As of February 2024, more than 288,000 Russians and nearly 20,000 Ukrainians had traveled to Sri Lanka since the start of the war in Ukraine, seeking peace and quiet. In the Unawatuna beach area—nicknamed Little Moscow”—many businesses are now owned by Russians. The stresses of war, carried by some tourists, have been expressed locally in food fights among Ukrainians in luxury hotels and aggressive exchanges between Ukrainians and Russians on Sri Lankan beaches.
Even more disconcerting is the re-emergence of white supremacy in a land that endured nearly five hundred years of European colonialism under the Portuguese, Dutch, and British (1505–1948). Many locals perceive the arrogance and aggression of some white tourists as fostering racial segregation and hierarchy, making brown-skinned people second-class citizens in their own land. A notable example is the Russian-organized white party” in Unawatuna in February 2024, advertised as Face control: White,” and canceled only after sparking backlash online.
Russians are not the only settler tourists accused of being disrespectful and arrogant. Critics point out that some Israeli tourists are known for breaking the surfing code of conduct and failing to share waves with others. A post on Instagram by Australian tourist Tom Monagle, dated July 31, 2025:[vii]
Israelis are coming to Sri Lanka, and they’ve done what they do best — taking over the place. They’ve occupied it and made it feel like Tel Aviv. They host parties advertised as ‘no locals allowed.’ The Israelis have come to Arugam Bay, throwing raves and refusing to let Sri Lankan people attend.”
Just as the war in Ukraine brought an influx of Russian and Ukrainian visitors, the war in Gaza has led to a rapid influx of Israeli tourists. According to Al Jazeera, as Israel’s military campaign intensified, the number of Israeli visitors to Sri Lanka doubled, with an estimated twenty thousand arriving in early 2024.[viii]
Israelis have acquired extensive beachfront property, especially in Ahangama. Their development of trendy, expensive restaurants has transformed local economies and cultures—benefiting only a handful of local people. Al Jazeera reports that Israeli nationals have also been involved in acts of physical violence in the south against Sri Lankans known to be vocally pro-Palestinian.[ix]
The Israeli presence in Arugam Bay, a resort on the eastern coast, has invoked even greater alarm than their expansion in the south. Many young Israeli tourists—reservists in compulsory military service—stay for extended periods, bringing with them the dynamics of Israeli state militarism.
IDF (Israel Defense Forces) tourists and others have created a Jewish enclave in the predominantly Muslim surfing town of Arugam Bay, with Jewish restaurants, Hebrew posters, and Israeli flags. An unauthorized Chabad House—part of the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic Movement, which is committed to the creation of Greater Israel—also exists there (others are found in Colombo, Ella, and Weligama).
In October 2024, after a U.S. Embassy travel advisory regarding threats to tourists in Arugam Bay, the town emptied out but soon returned to normal.” As a 2025 advertisement puts it, The sun is shining, the waves are rolling, and the good vibes are flowing—Arugam Bay is OPEN and ready for a brand new season!”
Nevertheless, local fears of future Jewish-Muslim clashes and the emergence of Arugam Bay as a military hub for United States Indo-Pacific Command (USINDOPACOM) persist.[x]. The Sri Lankan government has not cracked down on Israeli violations, allegedly due to fears of retaliation from Western countries.
A Besieged Island
Settler tourism is only one aspect of Sri Lanka’s multifaceted besiegement. Strategically located in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka is caught in the geopolitical rivalry and proxy war between China and the Quad Alliance (United States, India, Australia, Japan). The country has signed the ACSA (Acquisition and Cross-Services Agreement) and SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement) defense pacts with the United States, and is increasingly drawn into USINDOPACOM efforts.
Meanwhile, Sri Lanka is also a part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. The southern port of Hambantota is under Chinese control for 99 years, as is the new Port City in Colombo. The natural harbor of Trincomalee, north of Arugam Bay, is now under Indian control and may become an energy and military hub. India recently signed seven memoranda of understanding, still concealed from the public and media, allowing Indian control over defense, energy, electricity, health, pharmaceuticals, and digital ID. Several terminals of the busy port of Colombo on the west coast are controlled by India, Japan, and China.
Sri Lanka is sovereign” and independent” only in name. Besieged by external powers, the island may well become a future site of geopolitical conflict. As elsewhere, Sri Lanka’s vast resources—land, water, and people—are increasingly controlled by external forces working in complex ways with local collaborators.
Environmental collapse is another form of besiegement. Sri Lanka, dubbed the most beautiful island,” is also one of the countries most threatened by climate change. Sea level rise is eroding 55 percent of the shoreline, at a staggering coastal erosion rate of 0.30–0.35 meter a year.”[xi] Deforestation and biodiversity loss continue, turning both the Sri Lankan elephant and leopard into threatened species.
Whether Sri Lanka remains a paradise or becomes permanently besieged—by neo-colonialism, geopolitical rivalry, and climate disruption—depends on deeper awareness and the choices made by its leaders and people. International friends, including those who have visited the island, can also help by advocating for transparency, regulation, and local empowerment.
[ii] Staff Writer, Sri Lanka to introduce visa fee waiver for 40 nations in major tourism push,” Economy Global, July 29, 2025, https://economyglobal.com/news/sri-lanka-visa-fee-waiver-40-nations-major-tourism-push/.
[iii] Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka’s remittance inflow exceeds US$ 4 billion in 2025,” Ada Derana, August 12, 2025, http://www.adaderana.lk/news/111426/sri-lankas-remittance-inflow-exceeds-us-4-billion-in-2025.
[iv] Staff Writer, Sri Lanka Tourism Tops $2B; Migrant Remittances Boost Economy,” Lanka News Web, August 12, 2025, https://lankanewsweb.net/archives/108056/sri-lanka-tourism-tops-2b-migrant-remittances-boost-economy/.
[v] World Bank, “Sri Lanka’s Economy Outpaces Growth Projections, More Efforts Needed to Reduce Poverty, Boost Medium-Term Growth,” press release, April 23, 2025, https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2025/04/23/sri-lanka-s-economy-outpaces-growth-projections-more-efforts-needed-to-reduce-poverty-boost-medium-term-growth.
[vii] Tom Monagle, Tom Monagle on Instagram: ‘#srilanka #arugambay #palestine,’” Instagram, July 31, 2025, https://www.instagram.com/tommonagle/reel/DMwTqNGym6A/.
[viii] Al Jazeera, ‘No more silence’: Israelis face Gaza war backlash on Sri Lanka’s beaches,” February 17, 2025, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/2/17/no-more-silence-israelis-face-gaza-war-backlash-on-sri-lankas-beaches.
[xi] Baba, Nazran. Sinking the Pearl of the Indian Ocean: Climate Change in Sri Lanka.” Global Majority E-Journal 1, no. 1 (June 2010): 4–16. https://www.american.edu/cas/economics/ejournal/upload/baba_accessible.pdf.
Mahanuwara, known globally as Kandy, is not merely a geographic location—it is a breath of history, a rhythm of reverence, and a sanctuary of Sri Lanka’s spiritual heritage. Its ceremonial silence, especially in the evenings, is not a sign of stagnation but a reflection of centuries of Buddhist discipline. Yet today, this legacy faces a challenge disguised as progress: the push to expand nightlife.
In recent months, a familiar set of six talking points has surfaced repeatedly in discussions surrounding nightlife expansion in Mahanuwara–Kandy. These claims are not limited to public press releases—they have been voiced inside government offices, circulated through planning discussion, and echoed across social media platforms that promote urban entertainment culture. Several community leaders, including heritage advocates and civic stewards, have reported hearing these same justifications when they visited municipal offices to raise concerns and request that the nightlife proposal be halted. Instead of receiving answers rooted in cultural stewardship or legal clarity, they were met with rehearsed responses that framed nightlife as progress, tourism appeal, and youth relief. This repetition suggests not a public dialogue—but a pre-scripted narrative.
Native voices—those who live the rhythm of Mahanuwara, not just observe it—respond with clarity and conscience. These are not casual objections. They are cultural rebuttals rooted in lived experience, ceremonial stewardship, and the Buddhist civic ethic that has protected this city for centuries.
Kandy is dormant in the evenings and must be activated.” Mahanuwara’s quiet is not a failure—it is a civic achievement. The silence around the Dalada Maligawa is intentional, sacred, and protected. To activate the city through nightlife is to disrupt its rhythm, not revive it. A city that breathes in reverence should not be forced to shout in commerce.
Nightlife will uplift merchant economic conditions.” True revival lies in crafts, cultural tourism, and ethical trade—not in alcohol sales and late-night entertainment. Nightlife benefits a narrow sector while burdening the broader community with noise, waste, and insecurity. Merchants deserve support, but not at the cost of cultural erosion.
Social transformation is needed to align with global trends.” Transformation must be rooted in context. Mahanuwara’s strength lies in its ceremonial identity—not in its conformity to global nightlife models. To reshape this sacred city into a festival town is to abandon its uniqueness and risk delisting from UNESCO’s heritage protections. Civic transformation should elevate tradition, not erase it.
Young people need nightlife to relieve stress and enjoy themselves.” Youth deserve safe, inclusive, and meaningful spaces—not exposure to alcohol, harassment, and commercial exploitation. Cultural centers, music forums, and heritage walks offer recreation without risk. To commercialize youth stress for profit is not empowerment—it is abandonment. Mahanuwara must offer dignity—not indulgence—to its future generations.
Hotels already host nightlife—so expansion is justified.” Isolated violations do not justify policy. If nightlife in hotels violates zoning or disrupts sacred areas, it must be regulated—not normalized. Expanding nightlife across Mahanuwara is not a solution—it is a surrender. It undermines zoning laws, Buddhist traditions, and public trust.
Nightlife is a tourist attraction.” Tourists do not come to Mahanuwara for neon lights—they come for the Temple of the Tooth Relic, the Esala Perahera, and the quiet dignity of the lakeside. Heritage tourism fosters deeper engagement, longer stays, and greater civic appreciation. Nightlife tourism is fleeting, transactional, and often disruptive. Mahanuwara’s true draw is its ceremonial rhythm—not its commercial noise.
Nightlife Activity vs. Crime Rates in Selected Countries
Country
City/Region
Nightlife Intensity
Crime Index (2025)
Common Issues
South Africa
Cape Town, Johannesburg
Very High
75.4
Violent crime, gang activity
Brazil
Rio de Janeiro
High
65.6
Theft, drug-related crime
United States
New York, Miami
High
49.3
Assault, alcohol-related incidents
United Kingdom
London, Manchester
High
47.4
Harassment, vandalism
France
Paris
High
55.3
Pickpocketing, nightlife-related theft
Thailand
Bangkok, Pattaya
High
37.9
Tourist scams, drug arrests
Sri Lanka
Colombo, Negombo
Moderate
42.1
Localized nightlife, rising petty crime
Japan
Tokyo, Osaka
Regulated
22.7
Low crime due to strict civic discipline
This global snapshot reveals a clear pattern: nightlife intensity often correlates with higher crime rates. Mahanuwara’s ceremonial restraint contributes to its civic stability. To abandon that restraint is to invite the very disorder we have long avoided.
Back office Claim vs. Native Civic Responses to Nightlife Expansion in Mahanuwara–Kandy
Back office Claim
Native Civic Response
Kandy is dormant in the evenings and must be activated.
Mahanuwara is ceremonially quiet by design—its silence reflects spiritual dignity.
Nightlife will uplift merchant economic conditions.
True revival lies in heritage-aligned trade, not nightlife that burdens residents.
Social transformation is needed to align with global trends.
Transformation must honor Mahanuwara’s uniqueness—not mimic global entertainment models.
Youth need nightlife to relieve stress and enjoy themselves.
Youth deserve safe, meaningful spaces—not exposure to alcohol and unsafe environments.
Hotels already host nightlife—so expansion is justified.
Violations must be regulated—not normalized. Expansion threatens zoning and public trust.
Nightlife is a tourist attraction.
Tourists come for heritage, not nightlife. Mahanuwara’s ceremonial identity is its true draw.
Mahanuwara’s low crime rate, ceremonial rhythm, and civic harmony are not accidents—they are achievements of Buddhist culture. The city’s stability is rooted in silence, discipline, and intergenerational respect. Nightlife expansion threatens this balance. It invites noise, indulgence, and fragmentation. It replaces ritual time with recreational time, and collective well-being with individual escape.
This is not a rejection of development—it is a defense of dignity. Not a refusal of youth engagement—but a refusal of unsafe commercialization. Not a fear of transformation—but a fear of erasure.
Let Mahanuwara remain what it was always meant to be: a city of light, not of nightlife. A city of rhythm, not of rupture. A city whose silence speaks louder than any sound system ever could.
Any nightlife activity is not a solution to your problem—it complicates your problem and creates new ones. What’s presented as relief often becomes erosion.”
All Six talking points hilting by back office are conflict with the values upheld by Buddhist Sāsana law and ceremonial civic tradition in Mahanuwara–Kandy.
The 41st War Heroes Commemoration Ceremony of the Police Special Task Force (STF) was held today (1) at the STF Training Camp in Katukurunda, Kalutara.
The event was presided over by the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs, retired Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Ravi Seneviratne.
The annual ceremony honours the 464 STF personnel and 6 civil workers who sacrificed their lives for the country’s sovereignty, as well as the 774 injured personnel.
In his address, the Ministry Secretary stated that the nation is safe today because of these courageous war heroes, who prioritised the country over personal glory.
He added that the nation is in a debt that can never be repaid and that the pain endured by their parents, wives, children, and relatives reminds us of the true value of peace.
During the ceremony, distinguished guests and the relatives of the fallen heroes laid floral tributes at the War Heroes’ Monument at the STF training camp.
The chief guest also laid a wreath at the statue of former Director Upali Sahabandu.
Among the other dignitaries who attended the event were the Inspector General of Police, Attorney-at-Law Priyantha Weerasooriya; Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police for the Western Province, Sanjeewa Dharmaratne; STF Commandant, Deputy Inspector General of Police Samantha de Silva; and the Director of Training at the Katukurunda STF Training Camp, Nisheed Fernando.
‘Deegawapiya’ graced by the Lord Buddha is renowned as one of the sacred ancient religious sites among the sixteen places of worship of the Buddhist devotees, located in the Ampara District of the Eastern Province.
This Stupa, believed to have been constructed around the 3rd century CE, is recorded in historical sources as having been built during the reign of ‘King Saddhatissa’ and as containing the relics of Lord Buddha. The Stupa was destroyed during various hostile attacks and was first restored in later times during the Kandy kingdom by King ‘Keerti Sri Rajasingha’. After further episodes of destruction, fragments of the Stupa were rediscovered in 1916 by the Venerable Kohukumbure Sri Revatha Thero.
Because of more than three decades of armed conflict, the Deegawapiya Stupa received no attention for many years. Restoration work began on 11 November 2020 under the full supervision of the Ministry of Defence and according to instructions from the Department of Archaeology, and construction has since been carried out with labour contributions from members of the Sri Lanka Army and Civil Security Forces.
From that time construction of the Stupa proceeded continuously. By the end of 2022 the relic chamber had reached a height of about 60 feet, and by the end of 2024 it reached about 70 feet. According to a recent survey carried out up to 25 August 2025, the relic chamber’s height has now been completed to approximately 72 feet 4 inches. Once fully restored, the Deegawapiya Stupa regarded as the largest Stupa in the Eastern Province, will have a total height of 268 feet 6 inches.
Members of the Sri Lanka Army and Civil Security Forces produce the bricks required for the Stupa restoration, manufacturing roughly 6,000 bricks per day. More than 700 members of the Army and Civil Security Forces are providing full labour support for the restoration works, while financial advances for the sputa’s restoration and conservation are being provided through donations from local and foreign Buddhist devotees.
Deputy Minister of Defence Major General Aruna Jayasekara (Retd) paid a visit to Abhimansala-3 in Pangolla, Kurunegala, and Abhimansala-1 in Anuradhapura on 29th and 30th of August. These visits reflected not only the Defence Ministry’s broader welfare vision but also its enduring commitment to the wellbeing of differently-abled war heroes.
The Abhimansala facilities, established by the Sri Lanka Army, stand as sanctuaries of healing and rehabilitation for soldiers who sustained injuries in service to the nation. Offering lifelong care, the centres provide a comprehensive range of services including medical consultations, prosthetic and orthotic support, physiotherapy and mental health counseling, ensuring that every war hero receives the attention, dignity and respect they deserve.
During his visit, the Deputy Minister personally engaged with the residents of both rehabilitation centres, listening to their experiences and assuring them of the Ministry’s unwavering commitment to their welfare. His compassionate approach underscored the government’s recognition of the immense sacrifices made by these heroes in safeguarding national peace and security.
In addition, Major General Jayasekara (Retd) held discussions with the officials overseeing the rehabilitation process, reviewing operations and emphasizing the importance of continuous improvements in services. His observations highlighted the Ministry’s determination to not only maintain but also elevate the standard of care offered at these facilities.
The visits to Abhimansala centres serve as a reminder that the nation’s duty to its defenders extends beyond the battlefield. Through sustained care and holistic rehabilitation, the Ministry of Defence ensures that the bravery and sacrifice of differently-abled war heroes are honoured with dignity, compassion and unwavering support.
Deputy Minister of Women and Child Affairs, Hon. (Dr.) Namal Sudarshana, Members of Parliament Hon. (Prof.) Sena Nanayakkara, and Hon. Nimal Palihena, were also associated with these visits.
The opposition has reportedly appointed a team of representatives to inform and file complaints with the relevant institutions regarding corruption allegations against the current government.
According to former Member of Parliament Tissa Attanayake, the team includes Nalin Bandara, Kabir Hashim, and Dayasiri Jayasekara from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB).
Other opposition parties have also appointed representatives to the team.
The formation of the team is said to be the result of recent joint discussions held among the opposition political parties.
The country could become bankrupt again in 2028, just as it did in 2022, if it continues on its current path, warns Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.
He made the remarks yesterday (31) while addressing the Ampara District Samagi Jana Balawegaya Local Government Councillors’ Forum.
Premadasa stated that the country is currently in a “tragic and regrettable situation.”
He accused the government of misleading the public with false hope and promises, leaving 22 million people stranded.
He highlighted the lack of solutions for the medicine and facility shortages at the Cancer Hospital, the unresolved issue of the brain drain of thousands of doctors, and the government’s failure to accelerate the country’s development.
He described the current administration as an “incompetent and incapable government” that lacks the understanding to implement a vision for the country.
The Opposition Leader also spoke about the country’s economic and agricultural crises.
He claimed that the government is using the ‘parate’ law to auction the properties of Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), which provide livelihoods for around 4 million people and contribute 50% to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
He also pointed out that Sri Lanka, once self-sufficient in rice, is now forced to import it, with farmers not even receiving a fair price for their paddy due to “rackets” operating under the guise of protecting consumers.
Premadasa warned that to pay the annual foreign debt of $5.5 billion from 2028, the country needs to maintain a 5% economic growth rate from 2025.
He added that current statistics show this target is unattainable.
He reiterated that his party is not willing to use people’s suffering and frustration for political gain.
He also revealed that although his party requested the government to discuss and amend the IMF agreement, the government did not do so, and the public has a right to know about these issues.
For Sri Lanka to overcome its current economic difficulties and bring about prosperity to its citizens, maintaining the trajectory established during Wickremesinghe’s leadership remains crucial. (FILE PHOTO)
With Sri Lanka’s economy collapsing under Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022, the country faced unprecedented hardship, threatening society
The Former President, Ranil Wickremesinghe, utilised the experience that he had assimilated throughout his extensive political career, with invaluable insights into crisis management and debt restructuring
Leaders from opposition political camps recognise why Ranil’s policies are important and do not try to stray away from them, which, if done, can lead to dangerous consequences
In the annals of Sri Lankan political history, few leaders have faced the daunting challenge of navigating a nation through complete economic collapse. Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe stands as a unique figure who has twice assumed the monumental responsibility of rescuing Sri Lanka from its worst economic crises—first in 2001 when the economy dropped below zero under CBK, and again in 2022 under Gotabaya. Despite holding just one parliamentary seat during the latter crisis, Wickremesinghe demonstrated the rare combination of expertise and courage required to pull a nation back from the brink of economic catastrophe.
Ranil’s early experience provided him with invaluable insights into crisis management and debt restructuring. The lessons learned during the 2021 period would prove instrumental two decades later when Sri Lanka faced an even more severe economic meltdown.
When Sri Lanka’s economy imploded under the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration in 2022, the country was plunged into unprecedented hardship that threatened the very fabric of society. Citizens endured hours-long queues for fuel and cooking gas, transforming daily life into a constant struggle for basic necessities. Entire neighbourhoods remained without electricity for up to eleven hours daily, crippling businesses and disrupting education. Ships laden with essential goods sat idle at Colombo harbour, unable to unload their cargo due to an acute shortage of foreign currency that had brought international trade to a virtual standstill.
The crisis had reached such severity that many political leaders hesitated to take responsibility, recognising the enormous challenges that lay ahead. It was during this zenith of economic collapse that Wickremesinghe stepped forward to shoulder the burden of national recovery for the second time in his career, demonstrating the kind of political courage that separates true statesmanship from ordinary politics.
According to former Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana, who worked closely with Wickremesinghe during this tumultuous period, the former president demonstrated exceptional leadership during the most challenging economic circumstances in the country’s history. I learned a lot from Ranil,” Siriwardana stated, emphasising the valuable knowledge he gained under Wickremesinghe’s guidance. I worked the longest with Ranil Wickremesinghe. He managed the economy during its most difficult period,” Siriwardana noted in a recent televised interview.
Siriwardana’s testimony provides valuable insight into Wickremesinghe’s sophisticated approach to crisis management, refined through his experiences in both 2001 and 2022. Under his leadership, the former Treasury Secretary learned how to make decisions during crises and how to see through their implementation”. This hands-on mentorship proved crucial during complex international transactions and debt restructuring negotiations, where Wickremesinghe provided what Siriwardana described as exceptional leadership”.
Wickremesinghe’s economic management strategy, deep understanding of international financial markets, honed over decades, allowed him to navigate sovereign debt restructuring with unprecedented skill. The former president’s ability to guide negotiations with other nations became particularly evident during Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring process, where his diplomatic finesse and technical expertise proved invaluable. What sets Wickremesinghe apart is his unique ability to learn from each crisis and apply those lessons to subsequent challenges. The methodologies he developed in 2001 were refined when applied to the more severe 2022 crisis, demonstrating his capacity for adaptive leadership in economic management.
Perhaps most remarkably, Wickremesinghe’s economic stewardship has earned praise from across the political spectrum. Minister of Agriculture K.D. Lal Kantha, one of the most senior members of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the current cabinet, offered a candid assessment of Wickremesinghe’s unique capabilities.
When the economy had collapsed, Ranil Wickremesinghe came in and managed things within this system. That’s a fact. At that moment, there was no one else in Sri Lanka who could have done it,” Lal Kantha stated during a YouTube programme. This admission is particularly significant, coming from a member of a party that has historically opposed Wickremesinghe’s economic philosophy.
Lal Kantha drew comparisons with other former presidents, noting that while leaders like Mahinda Rajapaksa possessed skills in managing society and political situations, they lacked the specific expertise required to handle such severe economic crises. He characterised Wickremesinghe as someone deeply connected to the current economic system,” describing him as its clear leader”.
The fact that leaders from opposing political camps recognise the necessity of maintaining these policies speaks volumes about their effectiveness and the dangerous consequences that could arise from abandoning them. The stabilisation framework established by Wickremesinghe includes crucial elements such as fiscal discipline, monetary policy reforms, and structural adjustments that have gradually restored confidence in Sri Lanka’s economy. These policies, though sometimes politically unpopular in the short term, have proven essential for long-term economic stability. The current administration’s commitment to continuing these measures demonstrates a mature understanding that economic recovery requires sustained policy implementation rather than populist reversals.
For Sri Lanka to fully emerge from its economic difficulties and build sustainable prosperity, maintaining the trajectory established during Wickremesinghe’s leadership remains crucial. The policies that brought the country back from the brink of economic collapse must be preserved and refined, not abandoned for short-term political gain.
Lal Kantha’s assessment places Wickremesinghe in a historical context, suggesting that after President J.R. Jayewardene, he represents the most significant figure produced by this system.” This evaluation transcends party politics, acknowledging Wickremesinghe’s unique position in Sri Lanka’s economic landscape.
Today, as Sri Lanka continues its path toward economic recovery, maintaining Wickremesinghe’s policy framework remains crucial. His legacy as the leader who twice prevented deeper economic catastrophe serves as both a historical record and a practical guide for future economic management. The country’s continued adherence to the principles he established will determine whether Sri Lanka achieves lasting stability or risks sliding back into the chaos from which he rescued it—twice!
(The writer can be reached at kksperera1@gmail.com)
Says they are lessons that may offer valuable guidance for Sri Lanka as it navigates its economic development journey
Solidarity, mutual learning, and joint advocacy are central to addressing global economic challenges and advancing inclusive development.
While both countries are recognized exporters of apparel products… we believe that complementarities outweigh competition.
Viet Nam’s experience demonstrates the importance of consistent policies, investment in human resources, and global integration, lessons that may offer valuable guidance for Sri Lanka as it navigates its economic development journey.
Success depends on synergy: the State provides transparent regulations, infrastructure, and enabling policies, while private enterprises contribute efficiency, creativity, and market responsiveness.
Viet Nam has always remembered Sri Lanka’s support during difficult periods, particularly in the struggle for national independence and reunification.
These intensive measures ensure that the high-level commitments and agreements… are translated into actionable, mutually beneficial cooperation.
Vietnamese Ambassador Trinh Thi Tam, in an interview with Daily Mirror, speaks about the way forward for enhancement of bilateral ties. She shares her views in this regard on the occasion of the 80th Anniversary of Viet Nam’s Independence Day (1945-2025) and the 55th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Viet Nam and Sri Lanka (1970–2025).
QDuring the State visit to Viet Nam by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, there were commitments and agreements to enhance cooperation in various areas. What tangible action has been taken since then to advance ties?
The state visit of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Viet Nam in May 2025 was a landmark event, marking the first state visit to Viet Nam by a Sri Lankan President since 2009.
It coincided with the 55th anniversary of Viet Nam-Sri Lanka diplomatic relations, opening a new chapter for partnership and cooperation across multiple sectors.
During the visit, a Joint Statement was released, highlighting key commitments to uplift bilateral relations to the next level. Moreover, five key agreements were signed in trade, agriculture, education, machinery, and customs.
Since then, Ministries and agencies of the two countries have been in active performance to translate these commitments and agreements into concrete outcomes. The Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation and the Joint Sub-Committee on Trade have been reactivated to review pending issues, particularly in trade, aiming to facilitate smoother bilateral trade. Most recently, ROX Group from Viet Nam made a study visit in Sri Lanka for possible solar energy investment, and was received by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
Business delegations are preparing reciprocal visits this year, focusing on textiles, garments, tea trade, and processed food products, enabling direct partnerships between enterprises.
In agriculture, Viet Nam has shared technical know-how in rice cultivation, aquaculture, and coffee processing, while Sri Lanka expressed strong interest in Viet Nam’s experience with vocational training and agricultural modernization. Intensive discussion has also been ongoing for early direct flights between the two countries. In addition, cultural and people-to-people exchanges have been promoted through commemorative activities.
These intensive measures ensure that the high-level commitments and agreements made during the State visit by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake are translated into actionable, mutually beneficial cooperation.
QHow can Viet Nam and Sri Lanka collaborate to overcome challenges posed to our economies?
Both Viet Nam and Sri Lanka face significant economic challenges, including macroeconomic volatility, supply chain disruptions, fluctuating commodity prices, and climate-related risks.
Collaboration is therefore vital to ensure stability, resilience, and sustainable growth.
There are three main avenues for cooperation. First, policy sharing. Viet Nam’s experience in controlling inflation, diversifying exports, managing fiscal discipline, and promoting structural reforms can provide insights for Sri Lanka as it implements its economic recovery measures.
Second, South–South cooperation in renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and digital transformation presents opportunities for joint growth.
Viet Nam has developed expertise in solar and wind power, as well as the application of digital technologies in public services, manufacturing, and trade facilitation.
Sharing knowledge and best practices can help both nations strengthen green and resilient economies.
Third, multilateral engagement is essential. Viet Nam and Sri Lanka continue to support each other in international forums to promote fair trading rules and amplify the voice of developing countries. Solidarity, mutual learning, and joint advocacy are central to addressing global economic challenges and advancing inclusive development.
Q Sri Lanka and Viet Nam are competitive economies as apparel product exporters and investment destinations. What are the plans to make our economies complementary?
While both countries are recognized exporters of apparel products and attractive investment destinations, we believe that complementarities outweigh competition. Sri Lanka is known for high-quality, ethically produced garments with sustainable manufacturing practices, whereas Viet Nam benefits from large-scale production, integrated supply chains, and diversified trade agreements, allowing it to compete effectively in global markets.
The strategy is to harness the strengths of both countries to create mutually beneficial partnerships.
For example, Viet Nam and Sri Lanka could co-develop apparel brands that combine Sri Lanka’s premium quality with Viet Nam’s competitive production scale. Supporting sectors such as textiles, accessories, logistics, and e-commerce could be jointly developed to integrate supply chains and expand market reach.
Additionally, the two countries can jointly target new export markets in Africa and the Middle East, broadening their customer base without undermining each other. This shift from zero-sum competition to a win–win framework leverages complementarities, strengthens resilience against global market fluctuations, and encourages innovation and collaboration in both manufacturing and trade.
QViet Nam underwent economic hardships in the 1980s. Today, yours is a major economy. What kind of reforms did you implement? Does it serve as a reference for Sri Lanka?
Viet Nam’s transformative experience began with the Đoi Moi economic reforms in 1986, when the country faced hyperinflation, food shortages, and stagnating growth. The reforms focused on four key pillars: (i) Transitioning from a centrally-planned economy to a socialist-oriented market economy, allowing market forces to drive growth while the state ensured social equity and strategic planning; (ii) Trade liberalization, opening up the economy to global markets and promoting export-led growth; (iii) Encouraging private enterprise alongside the State sector, fostering entrepreneurship, innovation, and competition; and (iv) Actively attracting foreign direct investment through legal reforms, infrastructure development, and stable policies.
The results have been transformative. Viet Nam achieved rapid, sustained economic growth for over three decades, with GDP growth averaging around 6–7% annually, lifted tens of millions out of poverty, and became one of Asia’s most dynamic economies and an important player in global supply chains, especially in manufacturing and agriculture.
Doi Moi also emphasized education, infrastructure, and human capital development, which remain central to sustaining growth.
While no reform model can be directly transplanted, Viet Nam’s experience demonstrates the importance of consistent policies, investment in human resources, and global integration, lessons that may offer valuable guidance for Sri Lanka as it navigates its economic development journey.
QHow do you define the role of the State sector and the private sector in running the economy in both Viet Nam and Sri Lanka?
In Viet Nam, the State sector plays a strategic role in industries critical for national development and security, such as infrastructure, energy, and defense, providing long-term planning and regulatory oversight. The private sector, meanwhile, has become the engine of growth, driving innovation, creating jobs, and expanding competitiveness both domestically and internationally.
Sri Lanka exhibits a similar dynamic. While the State sector retains a central role in certain areas, private enterprises are dynamic in apparel, tourism, and services. Success depends on synergy: the State provides transparent regulations, infrastructure, and enabling policies, while private enterprises contribute efficiency, creativity, and market responsiveness.
A complementary relationship between the two sectors strengthens economic performance, ensures social inclusion, and builds resilience in the face of global challenges.
QHow do you see the evolution of the partnership between Viet Nam and Sri Lanka after 55 years of diplomatic relations (1970–2025)?
The 55-year journey of Viet Nam–Sri Lanka relations has been remarkable. In 1970, Sri Lanka was among the first South Asian nations to establish diplomatic ties with Viet Nam, demonstrating solidarity during a challenging period. Viet Nam has always remembered Sri Lanka’s support during difficult periods, particularly in the struggle for national independence and reunification. This foundation has evolved into a multifaceted partnership, encompassing political cooperation, trade, investment, education, defense, agriculture, and maritime collaboration.
Over the past 55 years, high-level contacts and visits, including those by Presidents, Prime Ministers, Speakers and Foreign Ministers, frequent operation of bilateral mechanisms, as well as the signing of various cooperation agreements have reinforced mutual trust and facilitated strategic planning for bilateral cooperation. Economic ties have gradually strengthened, with bilateral trade expanding nearly tenfold from US $ 30 million in 2000 to about US $ 300 million in recent years.
Sri Lanka has 30 investment projects in Viet Nam with total registerd capital of over US $ 43 million. At the same time, cultural and educational exchanges, Buddhist connections, and people-to-people links have helped to nurture mutual understanding and goodwill at the grassroots level.
In addition, the two countries have consistently supported each other at multi lateral fora, especially the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement, as well as in issues of mutual concern such as climate change, energy transition, disaster relief…, for peace, stability, and development in the region and beyond.
Looking back, we can be proud of the achievements gained. Looking forward, the partnership aims to enhance economic linkages, expand maritime cooperation and foster collaboration in technology, renewable energy, aviation, logistics.
This multi-dimensional approach ensures that Viet Nam–Sri Lanka relations will continue to grow, bringing prosperity, stability, and mutual benefits to both peoples.
QWhat are the plans for the development of cultural, religious ties, and people-to-people links?
Cultural and Buddhist connections are central to our bilateral relationship. Buddhism, in particular, forms a strong bond, with Viet Nam hosting Sri Lankan monks, scholars, and students, while Vietnamese pilgrims visit Sri Lanka’s sacred sites, including Anuradhapura and Kandy.
Beyond religion, initiatives are underway to strengthen cultural exchange through festivals, film screenings, art exhibitions, and academic collaborations. Scholarships and training programs for Sri Lankan students in Viet Nam enhance educational links and mutual understanding.
Tourism remains a key pillar of people-to-people relations, not only contributing to economic growth but also playing a vital role in strengthening cultural exchange and people-to-people links.
In 2024, Viet Nam welcomed 14.000 arrivals from Sri Lanka; almost the same number of Vietnamese tourists and pilgrims visited Sri Lanka.
To attract more visitors, both countries should intensify promotional campaigns, develop tailored packages and soon realize direct air links, among others.
NDTV World – Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday travelled in the same car to the destination of their bilateral meeting after the proceedings at the SCO Summit venue in Tianjin, China– a visual statement amid US President Donald Trump’s tariff onslaught against New Delhi’s oil trade with Moscow.
“After the proceedings at the SCO Summit venue, President Putin and I travelled together to the venue of our bilateral meeting. Conversations with him are always insightful,” PM Modi said in a post on X, sharing his picture with the Russian leader.
The timing of the meeting between Prime Minister Modi and President Putin holds significance as it comes amid the United States’ public condemnation of India’s oil trade with Russia, with President Donald Trump accusing New Delhi of funding Putin’s war in Ukraine.
Last month, he imposed 50 per cent tariffs on Indian goods bound for the US, the highest in Asia, to penalise it for those energy purchases.
Despite US pressure, India has not stopped its oil trade with Moscow and said its national interests will guide its energy import policies. New Delhi also labelled US levies as “unfair, unjustified and unreasonable”.
India and Russia have been among the steadiest of the major relationships in the world after the Second World War. New Delhi became one of the biggest Russian oil buyers since the Ukraine war broke out in 2022, and Western nations shunned energy imports from Moscow and imposed price caps on Russian crude trade. However, there is no blanket prohibition on the purchase of Russian oil if the deals meet the parameters of the Western sanctions.
The two nations are also making efforts to simplify the rupee-ruble trade mechanism, aiming to reduce reliance on the US dollar amid growing global financial complexities.
Earlier, PM Modi met President Putin at the Tianjin summit, where the Russian leader addressed India’s role in Ukraine peace efforts. Putin said he “appreciates China and India’s efforts to resolve the crisis in Ukraine,” highlighting the growing role of Asian powers in conflict resolution, traditionally dominated by Western nations.
This is PM Modi and President Putin’s first in-person meeting since October 2024, when they met on the margins of the BRICS summit in Kazan. PM Modi last spoke on a call with Putin after the Russian leader’s summit with Trump in Alaska to seek a peace deal.
Earlier in the day, striking photos of PM Modi’s informal interaction with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Putin surfaced, capturing a light moment shared between the three leaders on the sidelines of the SCO Summit.
The images showed all three leaders smiling and conversing, reminiscent of a similar photo taken during the BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia.
In the latest photo, Putin is seen on the left, Prime Minister Modi at the centre, and Xi Jinping on the right, walking together in a relaxed manner to pose for a SCO family photo.
Sharing the picture on X, PM Modi wrote, “Interactions in Tianjin continue! Exchanging perspectives with President Putin and President Xi during the SCO Summit.”
The Prime Minister also posted another image with Russian President Putin, where the two leaders were seen shaking hands and hugging.
PM Modi shared the photo on social media and captioned it, “Always a delight to meet President Putin!”
Additionally, the Prime Minister and Russian President were seen walking past Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Monday, who appeared isolated, as both leaders engaged in an informal conversation.
As the two leaders engaged in an animated discussion, Sharif stood alone with a grim expression while watching them pass by. The moment occurred as leaders of SCO member states gathered for a family photo in Tianjin.
Colombo, September 1 (Daily Mirror) – The Supreme Court today granted leave to proceed with a Fundamental Rights petition filed by the Centre for Environmental Justice against former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and several others.
The petition challenges the sale of Eppawala phosphate by Lanka Phosphate Limited to three companies at prices allegedly far below the world market rate, which is said to have caused losses to the government.
The petitioners state that on the 6th of July 2023, Lanka Phosphate Limited communicated via letter addressed to the Additional Secretary (Primary Industries), Ministry of Industries, their decision to sell 10,000 metric tons of ERP (Eppawala Rock Phosphate) to specific companies, as requested by those companies. Lanka Phosphate Limited further recommended the issuance of export licenses for the same quantity, without any legal authority to do so.
Additionally, the letter requested coordination with the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau (GSMB) to issue the necessary permits. The companies for which this arrangement was proposed are: D.M Traders, Disaru International Engineering Company and Ichiban (Pvt) Limited.
The petitioners have cited the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Cabinet Ministers of former government and several others as respondents.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has laid the foundation stone for the construction of the proposed new international cricket stadium in Jaffna.
Following this, the President is also expected to participate in a public gathering scheduled to be held at the same location, according to a statement issued by the Presidential Media Division.
President Dissanayake participated in several events today (01) in Jaffna, including the inauguration and opening of multiple new development projects in the region.
· Unlike 9/11, a single incident resulting in immediate bombing & occupation of several nations, Sri Lanka’s decision to military deal with LTTE was taken after failure of internationally promoted peace talks, cease fires, negotiations & when LTTE denied water to 40,000 farmers in the Eastern Province.
· UNHRC Action: Special Session resolution (May 2009) welcomes Sri Lanka’s victory and rehabilitation efforts but the Western bloc frustrated by outcome brings another Resolution condemning Sri Lanka.
· High Commissioner –Pillay (2008–2014): Even as war ended, Pillay questioned civilian casualty figures, framed the end as a humanitarian crisis,” and echoed LTTE diaspora narratives — ignoring the fact that Sri Lanka’s National Army rescued nearly 300,000 civilians while engaged in hostilities with the LTTE, the largest humanitarian rescue operation in modern history.
2010–2011 – UNSG’s unprecedented moves
UNHRC/UN Action:
· Despite Sri Lanka appointing the Lessons Learned & Reconciliation Commission (LLRC)in May 2010, without waiting for Sri Lanka to present its report, Ban Ki-moon in June 2010 unilaterally appoints the Panel of Experts (PoE) and later commissions the Petrie Report (2011) — both without UNGA or UNSC mandate.
These reports, leaked to the public, become political tools against Sri Lanka and form the foundation for successive UNHRC resolutions and OHCHR reports.
· First time in the history of the UN, a UN Secretary General had appointed a personal panel report on a conflict that concluded & questions whether 5thCommittee funding was approved.
· High Commissioner –Pillay:
Strongly endorses the PoE; treats its unverified, confidential allegations as fact while ignoring Sri Lanka’s reconciliation programs and the core principle that Sri Lanka was fully within its sovereign right to end terrorism and protect its citizens and territory.
2012– Turning Point
1. LLRC Report released in December 2011 sidelined:
2.Diplomatic manipulation in UNHRC:
· Resolution was aggressively pushed by the US and Core Group, despite opposition from majority Global South members.
· Vote outcome: 24 in favour, 15 against, 8 abstentions — showing clear division and lack of consensus.
3. Bias in framing:
· Resolution called on Sri Lanka to implement the PoE recommendations — even though the PoE had no legal standing and was a leaked report
· It marked the first time a state was targeted with a resolution based on a non-UN mandated report & a conflict that had concluded.
4. High Commissioner’s role (Pillay):
· Used her office to lobby behind the scenes for the resolution.
· Ignored Sri Lanka’s resettlement of 296,000 IDPs, rehabilitation of ex-cadres, demining efforts, and restoration of democratic processes in the North as well as the massive development initiatives taken in some areas where LTTE controlled people lived without electricity.
· Framed the issue as accountability deficit” while sidelining LTTE’s systematic use of civilians as human shields and child soldiers including killing fleeing civilians.
5. Precedent set for future bias:
· 2012 Resolution became the template for subsequent resolutions (2013, 2014), each escalating demands and venturing into non-conflict related, UNHRC non-mandated purely domestic areas.
· Crucially, the UNHRC had no mandate to venture into intrusive investigative or quasi-judicial processes. By doing so, it set a dangerous precedent of mandate overreach.
· It showed how the Council could be used as a political weapon by powerful blocs rather than a neutral body.
2013–2014 – Escalation
UNHRC Actions:
· 2013: Resolution repeats demand for independent investigations.” (a clear example of venturing beyond GA 60/251 mandate when establishing UNHRC
· 2014: Resolution authorizes OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL) — an intrusive probe without Sri Lanka’s consent.
· Pillay: Visits Sri Lanka (2013), issues hostile statements, meets pro-Tamil lobby groups but neglects LTTE victims. Pushes OISL in 2014 as her final act before leaving office.
2014–2018 – Entrenchment of Bias
High Commissioner (Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, 2014–2018):
· Continued openly hostile stance against Sri Lanka, ignoring progress on reconciliation and development.
· 2015: OISL Report released, heavily citing LTTE-linked NGOs and unverified testimonies — ignoring standards of evidence.
· Aggressively promotedResolution 30/1 hybrid courtwith foreign judges/ prosecutors — a blatant violation of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, Constitution, and GA 60/251 which gave UNHRC no mandate to impose judicial mechanisms.
· Dismissed Sri Lanka’s domestic accountability efforts (LLRC, Paranagama Commission) without consideration, and questioned the competence of Sri Lanka’s judiciary and legal system.
UNHRC Actions:
· 2015 (Sept): Resolution 30/1 adopted, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka’s regime-changed government, marking the first time a sovereign state endorsed a resolution against itself.
· 2017 & 2019: Roll-over resolutions (34/1, 40/1) extended intrusive external monitoring, keeping Sri Lanka trapped under UNHRC scrutiny despite the end of conflict.
Impact:
· Entrenched a precedent where UNHRC became apolitical instrument for regime change, external intervention, and erosion of sovereignty, rather than a forum for impartial human rights protection.
2018–2022 – Permanent Case File
High Commissioner – Michelle Bachelet (2018–2022):
· Consistently portrayed Sri Lanka as a permanent case”, signaling an institutionalized, never-ending scrutiny.
· Framed Sri Lanka’s 2020 withdrawal from Resolution 30/1—originally intended for a hybrid court—as a “betrayal of victims”, thereby delegitimizing Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and public mandate to defy foreign-imposed mechanisms.
· Advocated for strengthening international measures and mechanisms against Sri Lanka, positioning accountability as an external demand rather than a domestic possibility.
· 2021 (March): Championed UNHRC Resolution 46/1, granting the OHCHR a prosecutorial, evidence-gathering mandate—a significant overreach, since Sri Lanka is not an ICC member.
The resolution passed with 22 votes in favor, 11 against, and 14 abstentions in the 47-member Council.
Countries voting in favor included Argentina, Austria, Brazil, France, Germany, the UK, and others.
· Countries voting against included Bangladesh, China, Cuba, Pakistan, Russia, the Philippines, Somalia, and others.
UNHRC Actions:
· 2020 (February): Sri Lanka formally withdraws from Resolution 30/1, citing sovereignty violations and constitutional conflicts. The UNHRC and Core Group rejected this as a legitimate exercise of national authority.
· 2021 (March): Resolution 46/1 is adopted, institutionalizing the Sri Lanka accountability project”through OHCHR—effectively granting a permanent external accountability mechanism.
Key Takeaways
· Mandate Overreach:
Resolution 46/1 represents a dramatic extension of OHCHR authority—permitting quasi-prosecutorial functions without national or Security Council mandate.
· Selective Application:
This intrusive mandate was invoked for Sri Lanka despite it not being a party to the ICC—highlighting selective enforcement.
· Entrenched Oversight:
Under Bachelet, Sri Lanka remained entrenched in external oversight even after its withdrawal from earlier mechanisms.
· Deepening Divisions:
The Council remained evenly split on Sri Lanka—reflecting geopolitical cleavages about sovereignty versus international accountability.
2022–Present – Institutionalizing Bias
High Commissioner: Volker Türk (2022–present): Inherits and strengthens OHCHR’s Sri Lanka unit.
· Expands funding/staff for Sri Lanka accountability project,” effectively creating a permanent prosecution mechanism within OHCHR.
· Issues one-sided reports focusing only on alleged state crimes, avoiding LTTE atrocities, post-2009 rehabilitation efforts, or Western double standards in Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and Gaza.
· September 2025 visit: 2025 visit: Visits one grave site during 1990 promoted by LTTE narratives, ignores Thunukkai torture chamber graves of 3,000 Tamils documented by families. This selective memorialization reveals bias.
· Interferes in domestic cultural/legal matters: Calls for legalization of same-sex marriage during official meetings — far outside OHCHR’s mandate, disregarding Sri Lanka’s Constitution, sovereignty, and cultural values.
· Fails to acknowledge Sri Lanka’s de-radicalization programs, rehabilitation of 12,000 LTTE cadres, and resettlement of 300,000 displaced civilians as post-war achievements.
· Continues pattern of pressuring Sri Lanka to adopt externally driven constitutional reforms and undermining Article 9 (special place for Buddhism).
UNHRC Actions:
· 2022 (Res. 51/1) & 2023 (Res. 53/1):
Extend 46/1’s evidence-gathering mandate, locking Sri Lanka into permanent Chapter VI surveillance — without UNSC or UNGA approval.
· Funding for OHCHR Sri Lanka unit continues through voluntary contributions” from Core Group states (US, UK, Canada, Germany, EU) — raising questions of conflict of interest and political selectivity.
· 2024–2025:
Core Group insists Sri Lanka remains on the UNHRC agenda, despite global humanitarian crises (Afghanistan, Gaza, Yemen, Ukraine, Sudan) being far more severe but sidelined.
· Demonstrates double standards:
UNHRC refuses to apply 46/1-style evidence units” to US/UK-led wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, or Israel’s war on Gaza.
Pattern of Bias (2009–2025)
1. Unprecedented Actions:
UNSG-created PoE & Petrie Reports without mandate, later weaponized by UNHRC.
2. High Commissioner Bias:
Successive Commissioners — Pillay, Zeid, Bachelet, Türk — all maintained one-sided narratives, legitimizing LTTE propaganda while sidelining Sri Lanka’s achievements.
No accountability for LTTE terrorism, nor for Western/NATO atrocities in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya.
5. Precedent Setting:
Sri Lanka used as a test case to override sovereignty of Global South nations.
We ask all UN Member States: Is Sri Lanka’s real ‘crime’ that it defeated terrorism? Are we being punished for safeguarding our sovereignty and ending 30 years of LTTE bloodshed? If so, does this not set a dangerous precedent — that any Global South nation which defeats terrorism will be punished with regime-change attempts and external intervention? Why is the UNHRC allowed to be weaponized in this way, drafting resolutions through 4–5 nations and passing them without universal mandate?
Why are the UNGA and UNSC watching silently as their powers are being usurped by UNHRC?
No, no one else plays, it is a game purely forone.
Once a chess piece is moved; ‘we’ (USA)
simply turn the board the other way around
– & move the other side’s chess pieces (for ‘them’).
There is ‘no other’ in this game.
– Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard,
US Primacy & Its Geostrategic Imperatives (1997)
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A naked woman is waving her hands and jumping up & down in the middle of Thunmulla roundabout at 8am on a sunny day, shouting: ‘You can’t see me… I can say what I want’, etc. It appears this nakedness is what all talk of ‘free speech’, ‘privacy’, etc., amounts to on the US-policed internet, in countries such as Sri Lanka. The internet, as it presently operates, was initiated by the US military (e.g., DARPA; tho early prototypes were mooted by the socialist USSR, Chile, etc). The US internet maybe like the paved Kolomba-Nuvara A1 Road, albeit built by unfree Sinhala labor, to connect port & plantation via the Fort – a creation of an invading English army.
Critics respond that the right to free speech does not guarantee the ‘the right to be amplified’. US tech giants profit from amplifying online harms, spreading false & distorted information, hurting the mental & physical health of children & adults. They also erode any economic basis for a professional & national news media, while toxifying anincreasingly digital public sphere upon which any democracy depends.
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Meta Digital Government Day in Sri Lanka! – Yes, that’s what it was called – as US Meta (which owns Facebook & WhatsApp) this week trained Sri Lanka’s media secretaries & state media representatives on ‘enhancing’ their use of US social media apps. Meanwhile, the Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) embroiled in its own ‘corruption’ scandals was announcing that its ‘state-of-the-art trade surveillance system’ is from Wall Street, New York-based NASDAQ (National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotations). The earlier SEC system was from the London Stock Exchange! The Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE) claims their system is now ‘homegrown’, though before that, it was from the National Stock Exchange of India. (see ee Finance)
Recall the now infamous 2015 Central Bank bond-scam involving the then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran (a refugee in rule-of-law Singapore, where Sri Lanka recently held an investors’ conference!) & his son-in-law whose company secured most of the bonds issued at that time, acting on confidential information he had access to. In May 2024, then-President Ranil Wickremesinghe, claimed the stock market was being manipulated by ‘some individuals’ spreading contradictory information on economic downturns. And now we get NASDAQ! Meanwhile, the recent postal strike here with the related issues distorted by a capitalist media – that is their job! – may be a harbinger for US ‘logistics’ corporations like Amazon fully privatizing such services.
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• This week’s local media has been busy faking a feeding frenzy about the arrest, remand, hospitalization & bail of a member of the seemingly-still-ruling dynasty. This media, largely owned by his relatives (family of Ranil Wickremasinghe’s nephew Ruwan Wijewardena, who’s UNP deputy leader), is turning RW into a hero, hoping he’ll be a rallying pivot for the capitalist cause. Meanwhile, US warships enter & leave Colombo, with Maharajah media (News1st) reporting a US embassy press release as their own ‘news’ (see ee Sovereignty, Fast, Armed & Friendly – USS Tulsa Visits Colombo Port!), just as the USAID-funded National Peace Council wants the Sri Lankan Government to share its ‘Plan for National Reconciliation’ with the people; then there’s the Ceylon National Chamber of Industries (another US front), claiming to avoid ‘lobbying for narrow interests’, lamenting that they too are ‘in the dark about what is being negotiated & what the Government plans to offer the US’ with regard to easing tariffs.
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• In early 2023, the Government of Sri Lanka sought to increase revenues through a Digital Service Tax, to tax the huge digital multinational corporations (MNCs) reaping profits through sales to customers in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka could generate $104.5million from a 4% digital service tax, as opposed to the ~$29.5mn from the Inclusive Framework on Base Erosion & Profit Shifting (BEPS) pushed by the Paris-based Organization for Economic Co-operation & Development (OECD). According to internationally renowned economists, including Jayati Ghosh, Joseph Stiglitz, et al, the Sri Lankan Ministry of Finance then came under ‘severe pressure’ from the IMF to drop their plans for a digital service tax and to use the OECD solution, as a condition for receiving additional lending from the IMF. The IMF however denied it had any such discussions with the government (see ee Economists).
There are increasing indications that the Sri Lankan government will also ‘cave’ in to the US demands on a digital tax as part of the tariff threats. Our current President AKD recently noted that Sri Lanka may have political sovereignty, but no economic sovereignty. The failure to control these US corporations spreading misinformation, especially without promoting local alternatives, indicates that we lack both political & economic sovereignty.
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• The USA (& their regional poodles) are escalating war on Iran & Yemen, which threatens to send fuel prices booming, undermining all economic forecasts & IMF prescriptions. This week, saw SL’s Ministry of Defence, as well as the Communist Party of SL celebrating the 80th anniversary of winning the World Anti-Fascist War & the Chinese People’s War against Japanese Aggression, which falls on 03 September (see ee Sovereignty). Meanwhile, the US & its colony Japan stand accused of threatening countries not to attend the grand commemoration in China, with US leaders claiming it is they who have won all the world wars! Well… They certainly are thrilled to begin them. Many of the wars led by the USA now are world wars in the making – if not yet, in the doing. From East & West Africa, East & West Asia, to Eastern Europe (with an increasingly Nazified Ukraine – the 17thC German settlers in the western part now being opposed to the more ancient Russian speakers in the eastern. It would be naive not to understand these wars are largely the doing of the old colonial powers working overtime under the leadership of the US to maintain, if not extend, their old domains.
The US nuked Japan, not to force their surrender as always claimed – when Japan had already begged the Tokyo USSR envoy for surrender terms – but as a warning to their then-allied Red Armies, Soviet & Chinese. The US media now spreads disinformation about the still-free Korea (DPRK) participating on the Russian side in the NATO war on Ukraine. The DPRK has an old relationship with China & the USSR & Russia and have every right to support their trusted & true allies, let alone acquire versatility in the latest materiel. South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, etc, have to pay for 100,000 US troops on their soil, and like most NATO countries are all but US colonies, and have all participated in US wars on China, Korea, Vietnam, West Asia, etc.
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• In Sri Lanka, a US front group called the Asia Internet Coalition (AIC, note: it’s not called Indo-Pacific Internet Coalition, though representing the same imperialist US designs) has demanded the withdrawal of the SL government’s ‘draconian’ Online Safety Bill. The usual NGO-dollared suspects (CPA, NMSJ, etc.) have also criticized the Bill, claiming it undermines privacy & free speech. None of them mention any need for a mass media truly independent from such imperialist monopolies & agencies from AP to BBC to CNN to Reuters, etc. They have also criticized the Inland Revenue Department (IRD)’s April VAT amendment on foreign digital services, which is set to begin on October 1, after a 6-month delay was ordered, following a Supreme Court challenge by the USA’s Uber. They have also opposed proposals to tax huge e-commerce websites like booking.com, mooted in 2 recent budgets but not implemented. The decision, debated in Parliament, aims to level the playing field between local & foreign service providers. Local hotels have complained that, while they have to pay the high local taxes on hotel bookings, including through these travel platforms, the higher-profiting international websites don’t pay any taxes to the local exchequer. The so-called Sri Lankan online ride-hailing Pickme, whose CEO recently exposed these ‘global’ digital companies for legally stealing billions without paying local taxes, has also joined in the anti-VAT whine; though Pickme has supported Uber being also taxed like them (do note: the US World Bank’s International Finance Corporation made a $2.5million venture capital investment in PickMe in 2018).
The US has been able to force countries (India, Canada, New Zealand etc) to withdraw Digital Services Taxes, claiming they discriminate against the US companies that dominate the internet and supposedly enable ‘free speech’. The Canadian tax was expected to generate $7billion in revenue over the next 5 years. The US government proudly announced that they had forced the Canadian government to ‘cave in’. The US had threatened to ‘terminate all discussions on trade’ with Canada, calling the digital services tax ‘a direct & blatant attack on our country’. (see ee Sovereignty, ee Media) Note: The US has declared a national emergency on trade, because a trade imbalance is harmful to US national security. But what of the rest of the world including Sri Lanka’s colonially wrought ‘imbalances’ & ‘emergencies’?
How much of Sri Lanka’s advertising rupee is paid to foreign companies? The PR business in Sri Lanka has been dominated by English multinationals like Unilever, Ceylon Tobacco etc. In Canada, 70% of advertising expenditures (comprising $13.5bn) was paid to foreign-owned digital media in 2022. In 2023 alone, US tech giants made $20.7billion in Canada from distributing online content. The withdrawal of digital taxes has been demanded by the US Computer & Communication Industry Association (CCIA), which represents: Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, Bookings.com, BT Group, Cloudflare, Deliveroo, Dish Network, eBay, Facebook, Google, Intel, Instagram, Intuit, Meta, Mozilla, Nord Security, NordVPN, Pinterest, Rakuten, Red Hat, Samsung, Shopify, Texas.net, Twitter, Uber, Viagogo, Waymo, What’s App, Yahoo, Zebra, etc.
A Digital Services Tax can ensure foreign tech giants are fairly taxed & held accountable for their enormous power over our societies & economies. The alignment of CEOs of Alphabet, Meta, Apple, Amazon & X Corp with the current US administration’s agenda, threatens all our political & economic independence. Foreign tech giants make massive unfair profits in Sri Lanka and should be taxed to invest in our digital sovereignty, building homegrown alternatives to US monopolies. Sri Lanka must invest in building our own communications infrastructure in the national interest. National companies can help build platforms, networks and tools that advance the country’s values, strengthening cultural and information ecosystems, enabling communities across the country to better serve our own needs to communicate & connect. Even England has not made concessions to its digital services tax to get a trade deal with the US. Sri Lanka should also not make concessions without any gains.
Edward Snowden in 2013 revealed that the rising digital economy also posed serious security dangers. Digital activity concentrated in a handful of US companies effectively grants the US the power to spy on the world. China actively promotes greater digital sovereignty, restricting US monopoly digital services. But a powerful lobby in Sri Lanka and India is instead pushing for greater integration with the US. They claim the economic benefits of using US digital services outweighs the risks of coercion, and can benefit from the global reach of US power by collaborating with US surveillance. Yet, any US administration can at any time threaten to cut off Sri Lanka from intelligence sharing.
Critics of such collaboration with the USA say that US monopolies’ online platforms challenge personal data protection and cultural sovereignty, and are the greatest national security threat. Dependence on US digital infrastructure places sovereignty at risk. Digital sovereignty is associated with safeguarding the autonomy and security of a country’s digital infrastructure. Next to protecting critical physical infrastructure and computer networks, it must guarantee the ‘country’s access to data collected on its territory’. Law-enforcement authorities still ‘struggle to access data held by companies located in other countries’. Digital sovereignty must also ‘maintain a country’s economic autonomy’. Most countries rely on a few large US tech companies for their digital services. The absence of national providers can pose a threat to their economic development in case of any external disruption and leave them at risk of unfair practices, including higher prices.
Dependence on SpaceX’s Starlink services for internet connectivity (as in Ukraine) weakens a country’s negotiations with the US. Digital sovereignty also includes a country’s ability to promote and enforce its digital regulatory preferences. Digital technologies connect economic actors across national borders, and risk ‘regulatory arbitrage’ where companies selectively choose which regulations they want to apply. Over the last 30 years the EU & US have clashed ‘over the protection of privacy rights as the EU attempts to ensure its regulations are respected regardless of where their citizens’ data are processed… As with the recent contract handed over to India to develop Sri Lanka’s digital ID cards, data-localization policies can also compel companies to store data collected in Sri Lanka on our soil, thereby limiting its regulatory autonomy.
US companies provide the majority of cloud services: 60% of Canada’s cloud market is owned by 5 US companies; 2 US companies – Microsoft (65%) & Google (28%) own 93% of their office software market. Other than TikTok, Meta & Google dominate the social media landscape and digital advertising, and can at any time cut the country off from such critical services, as Meta did in response to Canada’s Online News Act, which established a revenue-sharing obligation with Canadian media for Meta and other US companies. Microsoft banned the use of specific digital services in Canada after EU sanctions against Russia. Yes, promoting greater sovereignty would not be without costs. Countries rely chiefly on US companies for digital services because they offer significant economic benefits. Governments & businesses, for example, rely on Microsoft Office, which has inserted ‘backdoors’ in the software, to gather intelligence (see ee Industry)
Sri Lanka can defend its sovereignty by reducing the risks associated with its dependence on the US by focusing on developing ‘cloud-agnostic services’. Building such digital services, public and private organizations can ensure that if there is any disruption in US cloud services, they can easily move their activities to local or other clouds. Developing a domestic digital industry is part of a vast national investment strategy.
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• ee continues looking at US-occupied Korea’s form of industrialization, enabled under what the authors claim to have been: ‘an especially powerful, transnationally active post-WWII Pacific capitalist class’. Their example is Samsung, founded by a Korean industrialist who collaborated with Japanese colonialism, and was then given access to the US military industrial market. Just like the Japanese capitalists & army who joined in the war on Korea (1950-3), South Korean capitalists were recruited to aid the war on Vietnam, to join US forces as the US shifted toward Southeast Asia and needing more international support for the US-backed puppet regime in Saigon. US-occupied Korea went further than other Asian countries and offered to send troops (along with Thailand, Australia, New Zealand) after the USA in 1965 committed US ground troops. Soldiers were promised 22 times regular Korean military pay and allowed to send US$s home, while Korean capitalists sold cement and other supplies & services to the US war on Vietnam: all packaged under ‘responsibilities to the Free World’.
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• SBD de Silva analyses were more nuanced & dialectical than ee may make them out to be. He felt such ‘geopolitical’ explanations for US-occupied Korea’s industrialization were not sufficient. ee Focus therefore continues reproducing Chapter 1 from his classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (PEU). Here he carefully takes apart all the usual explanations for Sri Lanka’s economy being underdeveloped. Read any news about Sri Lanka’s economy and we are told we lack foreign investments, need to export more, and also diversify. Yet, the types of production that foreigner capitalists have invested in, have never made a positive contribution to the advance of underdeveloped economies. SBD catalogued the destructive effects of plantations and mines, giving examples from Malaysia and Nigeria. Contrary to the nonsense about free trade, he showed how the colonial state power allocated the best land to whites, and crippled local enterprise. The ‘basic nature of the plantation system’ is neither modern nor capitalist, with no spread effects or positive impulses to share with the so-called backward peasant economy. He listed the oversimplifications of economists, who only speak of levels of development, ‘ignoring the fact that some nations not only lack development but are locked into a stagnant state where development is impossible’. He meanwhile also contrasted the state role in the white settler colonies, where it was an ‘engine of growth’. He examined the levels of technology, and the conditions of production, and downplayed the conditions of exchange.
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Upon being taken to Blackwell’s Island, the Warden
of the Penitentiary asked him the usual questions:
‘What occupation?’ ‘Statesman!’ he replied.
‘What religion?’ ‘None.’
• This ee Focus also continues looking at New York’s political machinery, through Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall, that famous New York ‘charity’. It proceeds like a teledrama, with ‘stupendous thefts, forgery, bribing & election frauds, weapons of bribery and intimidation, if not violence’, examining the growth of yet another ‘reform movement’ to overthrow the ruling politicians. In the last ee we watched as New York’s city politicians bought off journalists & editors & media owners, and rose to great power. However, in this ee see how in fact these politicians are but creatures of an even higher power, the monopoly capitalists. When Big Boss Tweed decides to divert municipal advertising budgets into his own media outlet the Transcript’ and a printing house he steps on the toes of the mighty New York Times. The NYT rides in like the US cavalry, to provide ‘the proper machinery’ for the exposure of the ‘villains’ and awakens ‘the dormant public conscience’. We get front row seats into the rise & fall of one set of petty oligarchs: ‘The newspapers which had profited most by his thefts grew rabid in denouncing him and his followers, and urged the fullest punishment for them… If Tweed had died in 1870… Broadway would have been festooned with black, and every military and civic organization in the city would have followed him to Greenwood.’
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• Those controversial red-flagged 323 containers released uninspected by SL Customs earlier this year – were some of them from that ill-fated ship heading to Sri Lanka that crashed a Baltimore bridge in 2024? Meanwhile, there is still no mention about the Sri Lankan seafarer, still kept under house arrest in Baltimore, USA, over a year and 4 months after the ship Dali crashed into and destroyed the bridge? Grace Ocean Private & Synergy Marine, the owners of the Dali,filed a lawsuit last week against Hyundai Heavy Industries in US District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
Baltimore’sFrancis Scott Key Bridge is named after a US slave owner & US national-anthem composer. Oh say, can you see: The Dali ship was made in US-occupied Korea’s Hyundai shipyard, chartered by US-military-linked Danish shipper Maersk. True ownership is kept highly opaque. The ship is supposedly owned by British Virgin Islands-based Grace Ocean Investment, with Singapore-based Synergy Marine ‘overseeing safety’ and managing the crew of 21 mostly Indian nationals. Synergy’s parent, investment holding company, Unity Group Holdings International is based in Hong Kong. It then turns out that the main carriers that also had containers on the Dali are: HongKong’s Gold Star Line, AP Moeller-Maersk, Italy’s MSC, and Israel’s ZIM Integrated Shipping Services. Israel’s Zim’s containers were hidden beneath the other containers to avoid detection. Some speculate those containers contained weapons for Israelis on our East Coast, and a Jihadi-Zionist binary is being promoted, to further weaken the Sri Lankan state…
In the annals of Sri Lankan political history, few leaders have faced the daunting challenge of navigating a nation through complete economic collapse. Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe stands as a unique figure who has twice assumed the monumental responsibility of rescuing Sri Lanka from its worst economic crises—first in 2001 when the economy dropped below zero under CBK, and again in 2022 under Gotabaya. Despite holding just one parliamentary seat during the latter crisis, Wickremesinghe demonstrated the rare combination of expertise and courage required to pull a nation back from the brink of economic catastrophe.
Vietnamese Ambassador Trinh Thi Tam, in an interview with Daily Mirror, speaks about the way forward for enhancement of bilateral ties. She shares her views in this regard on the occasion of the 80th Anniversary of Viet Nam’s Independence Day (1945-2025) and the 55th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Viet Nam and Sri Lanka (1970–2025).
The state visit of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Viet Nam in May 2025 was a landmark event, marking the first state visit to Viet Nam by a Sri Lankan President since 2009. 
