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President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has drawn attention to the road that is said to be under construction in the vicinity of the Sinharaja forest.
Co-Cabinet Spokesman Minister Ramesh Pathirana addressing a media briefing in Colombo today stated that the President intends to visit the area and observe the situation.
The Minister of Agriculture Mahindananda Aluthgamage held a special discussion with the Government Medical Officers’ Association at the Govijana Mandiraya today (27) regarding the issue of giving a glass of traditional rice porridge instead of a glass of milk to school children.
This program was presented by the Government Medical Officers’ Association as a solution to the inadequate milk production in the country and the malnutrition of school children.
There is malnutrition as well as excessive weight gain among school children today and the prevalence of non-communicable diseases such as high blood pressure and diabetes is on the rise among school children.
The Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) has pointed out that it is more important to provide a glass of porridge made from non-toxic traditional local rice as a solution to these problems.
The Ministry of Agriculture agreed to the proposal and appointed a committee to conduct a feasibility study of the program.<
Retired Major General Sumedha Perera, Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture and officials from the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Agrarian Development were also present on the occasion.
The Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission and its controversial head needs to be reviewed to determine if during the period of good governance rule, their actions have been prejudicial to the interests of Sri Lanka by carrying out an agenda inimical to the national interests of the country. The Commission head was seen on many occasions not standing up for the country or armed forces during international forums and this has given rise to many questionable opinions of the Commission & its head by citizens of Sri Lanka. The people must have faith in the entities set up & bound by the constitution to protect the sovereignty & territorial integrity of Sri Lanka while upholding the rights of all its citizens not only some.
To allay these allegations and doubts, the Government must appoint a committee to review
Whether the SLHR head had links to LTTE diaspora
Travel itinerary and officials & non-officials met
Funding sources
Links to separatist ideology / organizations and individuals
And a content analysis of the statements made throughout this period
How many cases handled and resolved and type of cases taken up
No public official should be allowed to denigrate the nation in particular its armed forces in international forums abusing their position.
Many of todays cardboard heroes did pittance during decades of terror and it took the blood sacrifices of the Armed Forces to bring an end to terror and serial murders.
This sacrifice cannot be demeaned and ridiculed or downplayed.
Western countries whose armies were sent on illegal interventions are yet protected by their governments, Sri Lanka’s armed forces were only defending the nation & its citizens from terror. The role they played during the conflict & thereafter can never be belittled by anyone, especially a public official.
A black economy could be described as economic activities in a country that the revenue flow from economic activities doesn’t officially add to the gross domestic product. The revenue generates from the black economy may connect with the official economy indirect way in some areas, for example, suppose a person buys a motor vehicle earned money from the narcotic business, and the transactions related to the motor vehicle are related to the official economy and they cannot easily separate the part that is related to the official economy. The traditional economy was considered static (the economy was equal to consumption plus little bit savings) that did not involve in the black economy which comprised of a massive volume of illegal activities generating revenue to the economy. Two reasons to consider the static status, one there was no official calculation of the value of the domestic products and services in the economy to add the total volume of the economy, and the second was no official tax base that was effective in the country, neither citizens nor non-citizens paid taxes using valid money to the government.
It seemed that the economy was independent of government intervention. The history of Sri Lanka gives evidence that people paid taxes to the government by providing services and materials that they produced and it was government intervention to a certain extent. The size of the traditional economy had not been officially accounted for, or calculated to express the value of the economy, and the results of the performance were not published to know people in the country or overseas. There was clear evidence that economic rules on account of activities did not effective such as registration of businesses and paying tax for business operations and many others.
After the economy becoming a dynamic, which means the government activities, savings, and investments, imports, and exports (C+S(I)+G+ Ex-Im=Y) added the official calculation of the gross national product commenced, and the monetary value of the economic activities doesn’t add to the gross national products, are brooded as the black economy. To accurately calculate the value of the economy the equation should be changed as Y= C+S(I)+G+ Ex-Im+BE(black economy). In any country, there is a black economy in the modern era despite many regulations exist, however the official value of the black economy is less than 2% of the GDP. It is believed that if a Robinson Cruso economy does exist in a country in the modern world the black economy might not exist as there are no indirect economic activities, and Cruso may use a fishing rod to catch fish and consume.
When critically evaluates Sri Lanka’s economy since the 1930s there had been evidence for a circumspect black economy and after the independence in 1948, the black economy operations have been contemplated a large volume and after 1970 the value of the black economy could have risen to estimated millions and now it has a value of rupees billions or more than a trillion. Not an economist estimated the volume to quote in this article.
What are the activities and services included in the black economy in Sri Lanka? Since 1970 the black economy has been commenced dramatically expanding and the market economy began in 1978 supported the black economy from the deregulation process, the deregulation process implemented without disciplines, and the following activities could be treated as visible contributors to the major roles of the black economy.
The size of the black economy is massive and if it assumes that Sri Lanka has no black economy and adds the outcomes of all economic activities to the official statistics and the population is about 12.0 million Sri Lanka is economically better than Singapore. However, the above-mentioned economic activities could not convert to officially authorized economic functions because many of them are internationally illegal economic activities and people who engage in such economic activities are punishable offenders in any country. Although a monumental volume of money generates from the black economic activities the impact of such activities is considered harmful and highly strung on people are poor and disadvantaged communities in Sri Lanka.
What is the economic and social impact of the black economy? The main economic sock is the increasing inflation which cannot be controlled by the monetary policy of the central bank. The government policy-makers in a wrong estimation that the effects of inflation are equally distributed among all communities in the country. It is a wrong assumption and the worse affected people are disadvantaged communities. The price of bread, rice, and consumer items has sky risen and poor people cannot afford the prices. The black economic activities add more monies or supply more money to the economy increasing the demand (demand-pull theory and cost-push). As these activities are working as a result of the black economy policy-makers are innocent to implement an inflation tax as stated by Professor Milton Freidman. In this situation, the best policy action is crackdown the black economy. The entire macroeconomy has been impacted by the black economy.
The other negative impact is declining in the domestic and foreign value of Sri Lanka rupee and if the black economy effectively crackdowns the exchange value of Sri Lanka rupee could be improved to a US $ to Rupees 100. When it critically evaluates foreign transactions have been increased after 1978, many people used money earned from black economic activities to demand foreign exchange while there was slower growth in foreign exchange supply in the country. The demand for foreign exchange was for legally valid reasons in terms of exchange control regulation of the central bank such as education, business investment, imports, and many others. The demand for foreign exchange was for services that supply in the country and to purchase goods that could have been produced in the country. A considerable volume of foreign exchange earning used for black economic activities such as purchasing houses overseas and other transactions. Trading banks and finance companies in Sri Lanka provided credit facilities against expected foreign exchange flows that could have assumed to generate from illegal economic activities.
The black economy has created intractable trade issues in the trade balance, balance of payment adjustment, terms of trade, and many problems. The impact of these factors should be analyzed by a multi-regression analysis and determine the pace of impact. The task many not easier and economists in the central bank should do such research and analysis.
The truth is, Sri Lanka has a massive black economy, which has been gradually expanded since 1978 as there were not effective disciplines in the implementing process of the market economic system. Now there is a challenge Mr.Gotabaya Rajapaksa to crackdown the black economy. It is not easy work because the black economy has been involved with international black economic activities and the underworld. Many developed countries could not crackdown the black economy, however, the pace of black economic activities in developed countries is less than two percent of the official economy, in Sri Lanka’s situation is different because the black economy might equal to the official economy. Many governments new about the black economy but, but they were silent when the country’s moral values have been degrading because the black economy helped politicians to the front of voters say that the country is developing under their administration.
In February 2015, I wrote a series of short essays titled, Taming Vigneswaran.” These essays, printed by the Lankaweb, and especially part V, is directly relevant today, because Vigneswaran has now moved his Eelam battle to the 2020 parliament.
Separatist Tamil political paper tiger establishment is now grasping for its last breath, and Vigneswaran must be planning an international oxygen-seeking campaign inside the parliament, with western embassy agents sitting at the visitors’ lobby.
Just like the Great Panadura Debate was a suicidal game invited by a few Christian pastors from the Buddhist monks at that time, Vigneswaran is out there now inviting an ideological assault, that he was able to escape as the Chief Minister of NPC.
It is said that the Hansard is not a legally binding document, and any member has a right to express his/her opinion without any hindrance. The duty of the Speaker is to protect this right. Apparently, that was how Ranjan Ramanayaka and Hirunika Premachandra divulged their private filth.
The Tamil separatist movement, started first in 1923/24, was defeated by war in May 2019. But the ideological war was allowed to survive, because the Sinhala politicians did not know or did not want to kill it. This is why, Vigneswaran with two Sinhala daughters-in-law at home talk of genocide by the Sinhala government today, which even Prabakaran or Balasingham did not try to use as an argument for argument’s sake.
Vigneswaran is now giving an opportunity, just like the Christian pastors during 1840s-1870s provoked Buddhist monks, to defeat his myths inside the Parliament. One cannot cure a cancer by feeding it; to eradicate mosquitos one has to empty the dirty pond. New MPs in the 2020 parliament should not let Vigneswaran or Gajendra Ponnambalam escape uttering falsehood under the cover of MP privileges. They and the embassy crowd watching them with cameras must be confronted, with facts, scientific and Buddhist, that 13-A is bad law and does not help the suffering masses in Jaffna or Hambantota.
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Posted by admin On February 21, 2015 0 Comment
Next Parliamentary election: Are you for or against 13-A?
In this final segment of the Wigneswaran (Angulimala) Damanaya, a five-part series, we discuss how he could be tamed with the help of the Karuna paradigm. The responsibility in this regard lies with the Sinhala Buddhist leaders of Sri Lanka, those who consider 13-A as a death trap to the continuity of the island as one country. Thus, W Damanaya is actually a Damanaya of the Sinhala Buddhist politicians!
At the next parliamentary election, they will have to tame not only W and his TNA, but also the federal couple of Ranil and CBK as well as MahindaR, if he plans to become the next PM, because he had failed to implement the April 2007, SLFP policy of abolishing 13-A, not once, but twice. If the rally held at Nugegoda on the 18th is an indication, MR’s message, read by the father of 13-A plus, Dayan Jayatilleke, the so-called smart Sinhala patriot, was silent on the 13-A debacle.
Wimal Weerawansa, Dinesh Gunawardena, Udaya Gammanpila and Vasudeva, the four behind the Mahinda come back campaign must disclose if they are for or against 13-A, along with Nimal Siripala, Susil Premjayanth, and Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhita. JHU and JVP must also disclose their stand, anew, at the new election. Sinhala Buddhists in both UNP and SLFP need to be well informed about the 13-A death trap, because the danger of possible a break-up of SLFP is possible after the 18th meeting.
At the last presidential election, 13-A was a prohibited word. By working on 13-A as a priority after he formed the cabinet, Ranil with Mangala became dishonest Lichchavis. They had no mandate to think of implementing their old federal plans which people rejected at election after election. The common presidential candidate Maithripala S did not say anything about 13-A. The TNA and other Muslim parties came under his tent voluntarily with no secret or open offers from MS. Their votes for him has no connection with 13-A. Because, if Tamils thought about 13-A, positively, they would have voted for MahindaR who was for 13-A since May 22, 2009. Tamil people are not worried about 13-A, it is the TNA and the Ranil-CBK-Managala trio who want do divide the country.
New task before BBS
With Dayan Jayatilleke, the new smart Sinhala patriot attacking BBS and JHU, and CBK assuring Muslims at Thiriyayi that she will put the Bodu BALU Sena in dog cages, it is time for BBS to inform the public about the danger of UNP, SLFP, JHU, JVP, Nalin Silva, Gunadasa Amarasekera trying to bypass the 13-A issue for personal political gain. Only BBS can expose these political rascals and force them to act in the interest of the country. Thus, the Damanaya is actually, a Damanaya of practically all shades of Sinhala Buddhist political leaders! The Karuna paradigm and the Jana Sabha concept are in agreement with the Buddhist concept of the Middle Path (reasonableness).
Karuna paradigm
Karuna, the former terrorist, later an SLFP Vice President, understood the Tamil problem when he said in 2006, Give us what Colombo gets.” Was this not what JVP said in 1971– Milk to Colombo, fodder to villages?” G. L. Peiris quoted this in his Youth Commission Report prepared for R Premadasa in March 1990. Actually, Karuna and Arun Thambimuttu are different and more enlightened than Jeyaraj Fernandopullai or Lakshman Kadiragamar, (Tamil Obamas?) who were given Buddhist funeral rites! They were both Christians by birth. Karuna does not want 13-A, Karuna learns Sinhala, and Karuna does not believe in Tamil homelands. So is Arun. There was no Sinhala or Sinhala Buddhist politician in the parliament, but Karuna, to answer the massacre” talk of Sampanthan. This was after the defeat of MR.
Did they become Sinhalayas or accepted reality and decided to live as proud Tamils? Was Karuna a Tamil traitor as marked by Mano Ganeshan living in Colombo? Karuna and Arun went beyond the advice given by a former C.J., M.C. Sansoni —if the Tamils’ cry for separatism is given up, the two communities could solve their problems and continue to live in amity and dignity (Sessional Paper No. 7 of 1980). It was in this kind of spirit that the JHU offered a parliamentary seat to Anandasanagaree in 2004, with no strings attached.
This was why Anandasangaree said, that JHU was not a racist party despite Dayan Jayatilleke, the new smart Sinhala patriot’s opinion, to the contrary. Anandasangaree is a poor Christian and Dayan is a black-white, establishment, a Christian-born, Marxist. Samantha Powerss and the Pilipino-American, Michele Sisson, do not like to hear Karuna-Arun kind of stories. After all, the R2P in the case of Sri Lanka is the world genocide game in another name to camouflage the American interests in the Indian Ocean. Two countries in Sri Lanka mean two American embassies, one near Trincomalee.
The solution
The solution is not just the removal of 13-A, lock stock and barrel. 13-A has created a 5,000 strong political gold diggers’ crowd who will fight tooth and nail to retain the PC system which helped nobody, but the corrupt political kith and kin. Actually, the power behind keeping 13-A is not a Tamil or Muslim power, but the nobodies to somebodies’ power of Sinhala second class new-rich politicians, based on the local caste system. National leaders tried to use these local somebodies to tighten their hold from Colombo.
The solution, therefore, is to replace 13-A with the Jana Sabha concept. This was proposed by the Tissa Vitharana’s APRC committee as well as by the LLRC. Basil Rajapaksa had a post of Director General of Jana Sabha created to implement it, but then suddenly stopped it and went to a mega Divi Naguma Program which was the anti-thesis of people-based, non-partisan Jana Sabha approach.
I think we can understand this solution by examining the essay below which I wrote sometime back as a reply to DBS Jeyaraj, a journalist living in Canada, which is self-explanatory. Only item one can newly add to it is the idea of moving the capital of Sri Lanka to Raja Rata, as a 20-year development plan, to be implemented incrementally. A location inside the triangle, Anuradhapura-Pollonnaruwa-Trincomalee, would be ideal.
C. Wijeyawickrema
(A respected journalist, DBS Jeyaraj, operating from Canada, makes suggestions from time to time on how to solve the ‘Tamil issue’ in Sri Lanka. Jeyaraj presents himself as a Tamil Moderate. If you just take R Premadasa’s (and now Ranil W’s) servant cum master Paskaralingam as a test case, no sane person could believe that there are Tamil moderate souls in Sri Lanka, meaning Tamils who will refuse a Tamil state with a UNO flag, if it is possible within their life time. Jeyaraj revolves around the ‘F’ solution, just like Anandasangaree’s ‘Indian F” solution in the past. But is he willing to come out of the Tamil homeland in east myth of SJV Chevanayagam? During Mrs. Chandrika’s package deal days, Neelan Thiruchelvam, a symbol of Tamil Moderatism, did not want to accept the Pondicheri model (other ethnic enclaves within) as a compromise to mono-ethnic Tamil N-E region. He did not want a moth-eaten like Tamil homeland.
Jeyarj’s latest proposal (February 25, 2019, Daily Mirror), this time promoting a Supreme Court three-judge decision dated August 4, 2017, on a thesis that federalism is not separatism,” needs a critical analysis, because the judges’ illogical thesis was based on their lack of knowledge in history and geography of the island and their poor understanding of local and world politics and geopolitics.
Before that, readers need to be aware of a previous attempt made by Jeyaraj and a reply sent to him requesting him (dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com) to print it on his website so that his readers get an opportunity to see the other side of the story. If Jeyaraj is sincere in his quest for a peaceful Sri Lanka unbroken, I cannot understand why he is afraid of a dialogue. Fortunately, that reply was printed on Lankaweb on February 13, 2014).
I hope DBSJ print this essay on his website.
DBS Jeyaraj’s third idea – a reply
Last year, Mr. DBS Jeyaraj, printed an essay on his own website under the title, Sixty-six Years of Independent Sri Lanka and the Tamil State of Mind,” (6 February 2014), which he said was, an updated version of the DBS Jeyaraj Column article that appeared in the Daily Mirror of February 2nd 2013. In it he appeals moderate Sinhala and Tamil people to find a third way to live amicably in the island of Sri Lanka.
DBSJ says there are three schools of thought clashing- hegemonism, secessionism and pluralism… the Sinhala hardliners want Sinhala-Buddhist domination. They see this country as theirs alone. Others are excluded or reduced to subservient status in this ‘Chinthana.’….
…the Tamil hardliners want a separate state for the north-east known as Tamil Eelam. Just as Sinhala hawks say Sri Lanka is for the Sinhalese, these Tamil hawks say Tamil Eelam is for the Tamils…”
…..A state for the dominant ethnicity within, excludes by definition, other ethnicities living within these real or imaginary borders. Both these ideas have brought about disunity, violence and destruction. The nation bled profusely, and the country diminished drastically.
The third idea is that of establishing an egalitarian and plural society where all children of this country can live together in amity and fraternity. It incorporates a vision where no one will claim superior rights on the basis of belonging to the majority race/religion or claim exclusive rights to their historic habitat…..Power will not be confined to Colombo but shared with the periphery. All people regardless of race, religion, caste or creed will have their say and a role to play…”
Tamil Obama
Lakshman Kadiragamar’s and Jeyaraj Fernando Pullai’s funerals showed that a Tamil Obama in Sri Lanka is not an impossible idea. Both of them were given Buddhist funeral rites by monks came from all over the island despite the fact both were Christians by birth. Take Arun Tambimuttu’s case. What Sinhala Buddhist voter will not vote for him as he is not telling anything different from what the Bodu Bala Sena has been telling for the past two years?
Except for a few adjustments needed, DBSJ is advocating a position that I have been writing for the past 15 years or so. Sri Lanka has a third way, if it can get rid of the two political establishments known as SLFP and UNP. These two parties destroyed Sri Lanka, so said the monks Ven. Walpola Rahula and Ven. Balangoda Anandamaitreeya. The third way is based on reasonableness which is also the Buddhist way. This must be the way that two Indian ex-presidents meant when they said that solutions to world’s problems could be found from Buddhism.”
The Tamil state of mind that DBSJ presented was based on facts he considered true and relevant. There are other facts that one can list which would modify what DBSJ used to interpret his side of the story of Sinhala-Tamil drama. Suffice it to say that the black-white ruling class in Sri Lanka converted a Buddhist-Christian clash into a Sinhala-Tamil clash so that the black-whites could thrive while the country goes down.
Local black-whites are supported by global whites who use R2P, HR, pluralism and Interfaith as tools of exploitation. Living in peace with minority communities should not make a majority a minority, and if pluralism means that, then pluralism will not work. As the army commander Sarath Fonseka once clarified, Sri Lanka is the country of the Sinhala Buddhists. Minorities could live with equal rights and equal opportunities, but they cannot make unreasonable demands.” This is a good Buddhist approach.
For example, a pluralism pioneer France is however, not ready to deny that France is the country of the French, just like Norway is not ready to deny that Norway is the homeland of the Norwegians. Pluralism should mean a majority allowing a minority to live with equal rights and equal opportunities like the majority, and no discrimination based on religion or language. But this ought to be governed by the doctrine of reasonableness.
A Muslim woman should not expect a right to cover her face with only two hole and walk in public street in a crime-filled, bomb-carrying country, because that is not reasonable. Same way a national anthem or a national flag is a symbol that cannot be dismembered with translations. The Indian national anthem cannot be sung in Tamil or Telegu. Then it is not a national anthem. The Indian national flag has a Buddhist symbol and not a cross or a crescent moon. Hindus, Muslims and Christians cannot modify it.
Sri Lanka’s two problems
Sri Lanka has two problems created by the black-white politicians of green, red and blue colors. One is mismanagement of economy, or their inability to change the colonial economic system. In 1948 there was a majority and a minority. That was Sinhala and Tamil-speaking majority and an English-speaking minority. Then there was a rich Colombo crowd and the poor villagers. 1962 coup represented the minority. 1971 JVP insurrection represented the majority.
Rather than learning lessons from these the politicians who came to power, and tried to stay in power by dismembering constitutions at first, and then changing constitutions, changing parliamentary to executive presidency, thinking that they outsmarted the opponents. Today the country is in a big mess, because these changes gave rise to an evil triangle, the politician, officer and the NGO.
The other is the ethnic problem. There are two aspects to this. First is the fear of Sinhala people that Tamil Nad will grab Sri Lanka. Statement by SJV Chelvanayagam, GG Ponnambalam created this fear which during Dudley Senanayaka’s time came as the DMK threat of illegal immigration of Indians into Tamil areas in upcountry (Kallathoni). 1976 Vaddukoddai resolution and the behavior of the leader of the opposition Amirthalingam added more fear and then came Prabhakaran. Today the fear is even worse with western white countries trying to break the country into two.
Next, we have the second aspect, Tamil political leaders looking for recognition for them, and in that process creating a thing called- Tamils have aspirations. Tamil politicians living in Colombo talk about it. Whatever its origin, one has to accept that they need a reasonable geographical area for them to promote these aspirations. When Ven. Maduluwave Sobhitha asked Kumar Ponnambalam to name any item that the Sinhalese have but Tamils do not, he paused for a while and said, Tamils have aspirations.” Tamils have a source region just 22 miles of shallow sea away. The only real estate for the 16 million Sinhala people in a 6 billion world is this tiny island.
The reasonable solution to this ethnic problem is to remove Sinhala fears and to give fairly reasonable geographical areas for the Tamils to engage in their aspirations. One immediate requirement is that Sinhala and Tamil should be taught to school children from grade three. If a solution to these two needs could also handle the first problem of mismanagement so much the better. If the solution also takes care of the ecological problems and global warming related environmental threats, then it will be perfect. If it could be in agreement with Buddhist and Hindu principles people will be happy.
I presented such a solution for consideration by LLRC and when I read between the lines of LLRC report I see it written there. The problem was that Lalith Weeratunga who was asked to examine it did not see it in the LLRC report or in the documents forwarded to him by me directly and indirectly. Instead a Divi Neguma thing came, and Geneva March 2014 is a direct result of this unwise behavior of the top government officer. If Sri Lanka is to remain as one country, if Sri Lanka wants to come out of mismanagement and does not want to get labeled as a corrupt, crime-ridden land, I think it has to follow a solution like what I have suggested.
Here is the solution in brief:
Seven River Basins
| Yalpanam Raja Rata Dambadeni Mahaveli Deegavaapi Kelani Ruhunu (Compare this map with the nine-province map which cuts all major rivers into artificial pieces). |
Cwije77@outlook.com
Mr. C V Vigneshwaran, the MP for Jaffna and the former Chief Minister for the Northern Province, deserve Kudos from the Government for his statement at the opening day of the Parliament where he made totally unwarranted claims about his race and its ancestry in this country. This is because he made those flagrant statements in the context where the new Government, having withdrawn from resolution 30 A at the UNHCR, will now have to convince the international community that the problem in Sri Lanka is not the violation of HR by the county’s forces but the racialist claims and the misplaced nationalism of the leaders of its principal minority, the Tamils. Mr Vigneshwaran has now provided material to help the government substantiate its case citing his statement as evidence that the Tamil leaders are bent in creating racial tension by making outlandish and unfounded claims at important and sensitive national events to provoke the people and create trouble in the country, as they have been doing all this while.
Mr. Vigneshwaran was given time at the inaugural ceremony of the new Parliament to address the new parliamentarians as a new Member of Parliament for Jaffna but he abused that gesture of goodwill and bonhomie to unload his divisive thinking and racial prejudices signifying that all what the Tamil leaders wish is the assertion of their race’s superiority and its fabricated ‘grandiloquent’ history. The irony however is that this uncalled pomposity appears to be an attempt to prevent the Sri Lanka nation from treating that intransigent and destructive past period of the nation as a part of its history.
As an avowed supporter of that fascist LTTE leader, Piriphakaran, Mr Vigneshwaran is also following the advocacy of that fascist propagandist, Joseph Goebbels, who declared that ‘ you could make a lie appear as true by repeating and asserting it over a period of time’. Joseph Goebbels also maintained that ‘every German Soldier should carry the glorified German history in his backpack to motivate him in his quest.’ Accordingly, Mr. Vigneshwaran is propagating lies at crucial national events with the hope that those will earn a semblance of veracity someday while at the same time glorifying those falsehoods to propel innocent young men to combat, just as Appapillai Amirthalingam did with his Vadukkodai resolution back in 1976. However, it is doubtful whether the present generation of young men could be as foolish as those in the 1970’s as they have been witnesses to how the egoism of Amirthalingam destroyed him and pushed their community back by a few decades, in the end.
Recent Sri Lankan history will prove that ‘provocating the majority’ is the popular tactic the leaders of the country’s Tamil minority resorted to in order to manufacture and propagate their ‘causes’ to earn the sympathy and support of the ’international community’. Chelvanayagam tarred the vehicle registration numbers and Sinhala street names in 1958, Amirthalingam called the Tamil youth to arms in 1976 and both those instances were followed by communal riots in the country. Now Vigneshwaran, after all that, is blithely staking fabricated claims to the country’s anthropology inventing a new brand of Sri Lankan history! The Sri Lankan nation has to be on the lookout, for there seemed to be an inexhaustible supply of ‘cast conscious’ and ‘egoist’ Tamil leaders on the country’s highways inebriated with Tamil racialism and nationalism.
However, the previous instances of communal riots in the country have not been without their dividends to the Tamil leaders. Thanks to the 1958 riots Chelvanayaganm was able to establish the Tamil Diaspora in the west in 1960 and thanks to Piribhakaran and Amirhalingam ,the riots of July 83 strengthened the Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora to well above 800,000 in numbers. Accordingly, the big question now is, is Mr Vigneshwaran trying to rejuvenate the migratory opportunities of Tamils by prompting another riot, since there is some paucity in those opportunities since 2009? After all, it is the Diaspora income that financed the war for 35 years.
In making these quant historical claims, what these claimants ( Tamil leaders such as Vigee. ) do not realize is, that a particular community or civilization could only have only one native land and therefore it is anthropologically and practically, on all counts, impossible to have two native set- ups for a single civilization. Narayan Swami is an Indian author who authored 4 books on the LTTE and on Piribhakaran, having researched a whole lot of information about the movement from the 1970’s. He had, parenthetically, mentioned in his books that he never felt that he was living out of India when he stayed in North of Sri Lanka because, the way of living, food, customs and everything else remains as they were in Tamil Nadu. Therefore in a situation where even a civilization with limited numbers like the Sinhalese have evolved slight differences in their language, customs and dance forms, depending on their distances and habitations, it would be preposterous for the Tamils to claim that their civilization evolved identically from two different origins. This is as unthinkable as a single child being born to two mothers!
Therefore, just as India and Tamil Nadu provide strength for Ceylon Tamils when it comes to waging war and bargaining internationally, the same India is proving to be their weakness when they try to make ‘historical claims’ in other countries. On the other hand, Sinhalese are a unique civilization of which no traces are found anywhere in the world. Although there are historical stories of an advent of an Indian Prince in to Sri Lanka, the island was inhabited long before that and it is only that the island’s history was only recorded after this event.
Listening to Mr. V’s speech, I often wondered whether he spoke something different to what he meant to say, because it is always possible that he meant to say ‘the earliest invaders of the island’ when he said ‘the earliest settlers of the island’. If that is what he meant, then no history scholar would have qualms about his assertion because Kalinga Magga, the first invaders of ‘Sinhaley’, as the island was known then, were said to be Andra- Tamils.
There is yet another inherently foreboding aspect of this ‘historical claim of ownership’ made by these intransigent Tamil leaders that the other inhabitants of the country should wisely take note of; Sinhala and the Muslim communities. This is particularly relevant to the devolution of power that the Tamil leaders have been clamoring for and these claims of anthropological ownership signifies that the intention of these leaders is not of just obtaining a legal framework for the exercise of power for the country’s good and co-existence, but of consolidating their ownership claims for an eventual separate state. This undeclared intention will eventually lead to a demographic and geographical disaster for all the people inhibiting the Island and may, in all probability, end up with a protracted sectarian/ big power war in the island
Further it may not sound fair to conclude this write up without taking up the queer interpretation Mr. V has adduced to the word ‘nation’ in his speech. He maintains that Tamils in Sri Lanka is a nation and not a community. Well, we have the United Nations that comprises 196 Nations of the world and if we are to bestow nationhood to every community in every country the UN may well end up having about three or four thousand nations. In that context, India alone may have a ‘United Nations’ of its own because they alone have about 200 different communities with a myriad of languages. The meaning of a word should be taken in the context of its popular use and just because Mr V. desires to be the Head of a nation state he cannot make the SL Tamil community in to a nation, in the acceptable context.
Every word Mr. V spews out in his speech denotes his separatist virus and it is for this reason that they demand separatism of powers in the guise of devolution. What the Sri Lankan rulers should realize is that all the countries in this world with devolved power structures (Federal), have been populations that have been brought together, in their own interest. Their unitary character is a strength and a welcome feature and is also a necessity for all of them. Often it is because they desire nationhood in a country as they had not been a recognized as a country before. On the other hand the Tamil leaders in Sri Lanka are demanding a Federal structure because their desire is to be separated and not united. In other words they are not ‘staying together inclined’ but separatist inclined. Also this would be the first time in the world governance that a country that has been single from the time immemorial is being separated in to federal states. Federalism therefore could be in danger with Tamil nationalist and racialist such as Mr V. Thus, Mr V., by standing as a Tamil Parliamentarian in the inaugural parliament and expressing his, divisive, nation within a nation concept, and fallacious ownership claims, has depicted to the world that the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka is not just about violation of human rights but a case of the country’s inability to grant ‘extraordinary ownership rights’ to the Tamils.
If Mr. Shri Ponnambalan Ramanadan were here today, he would kill this liar Vigneswaran and other traitors of Sri Lanka. That much love he and other honorable Tamils cared and had for the country.
So called Vigneswaran is a disgrace for his schools, higher education institutes and institutions he worked and affiliated with.
Simply narrating wrongful and most dangerous speech in an opening session of a parliament, he tries to include it into the hazard. Subsequently he wants to kill more innocent Tamils in Sri Lanka.
Vigneswaran is a threat to the whole world
In my opinion, Ven. Athuraliye Ratana and Ven. Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara were following two different lines of activism in the arena of inclusive nationalism until their recent joint pratfall in the mire of dirty politics. The first appears to be a shrewd politician who is trying to get involved in issues that should not be politicized; the second is a sincere idealist passionately committed to a worthy cause, but constantly defeated by his own uncontrolled temper and unguarded tongue.
Though both are university products, their areas of study were not the same. The first studied philosophy at Peradeniya, while the second focused on Buddhist studies at the Kelaniya and Sri Jayawardanepura universities. Ven. Ratana was among the founder members of the Jathika Hela Urumaya party formed in 2004. The formation of the party was broadly a response to Buddhist-targeted unethical conversions and Christian fundamentalist activities issues. He was one of the nine members of the party returned to parliament under the UPFA at the parliamentary election held that year. Ven. Gnanasara founded the Bodu Bala Sena in 2012 mainly to counter the steady growth of multifarious Islamic extremist groups that eclipsed the still active Christian fundamentalist activities in the public consciousness.
Defensive reaction by the victimised majority to the tyranny of racist minority politics of Tamil separatists has long been misinterpreted in the biased global media and in the international (Western) diplomatic space relating to Sri Lanka as unwarranted Sinhalese discrimination against Tamils in general. In the same prejudiced way, they have successfully demonized Buddhist monk activists who are actively opposing both covert and open religious fundamentalist aggression and this has affected the honest but naive Gnanasara Thera more than it has the worldly-wise Ratana Thera. It looks as if the former is now caught in the vice-grip of a stratagem set up by the latter.
Ven. Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara Thera’s Bodu Bala Sena organization was formed in 2012 for the purpose of exposing the subversive activities of Christian and Islamic fundamentalist sects and alerting the authorities and the Ven. Mahanayakes to the danger posed by them to the whole nation. He endeavoured to do this in the calm and composed way characteristic of a Buddhist monk, without expecting any reward in return (= ‘nissaranadyashayen’ as he used to put it). He has had no political or other materialistic ambitions. For many years he tried to explain his case to politicians in power and those in the opposition to address the problem without politicizing it. In a few instances, peaceful marches organized by the BBS led to clashes between Buddhists and Muslims for which only the former were blamed. In the biased media, Muslims were portrayed as the victims and the Buddhists as the aggressors. The true situation was otherwise. Buddhists never initiated any violent incidents. Some unruly elements from the Muslim side started the trouble. For example, in 2014, some young Muslim men threw stones from the roof of a mosque at a peaceful Buddhist procession at Aluthgama and this led to violence, which quickly spread to a number of other towns (including Panadura, Beruwala, Welipenna, etc) in south-western Sri Lanka. There were social media videos showing this provocative act – stone throwing by some young Muslims – at the time. On that occasion, thousands of innocent Muslims and and similarly innocent Buddhists were affected and their shops, houses, and places of worship were attacked. Though the then Mahinda Rajapaksa-led government did its best to stop the violence and restore normalcy, the incidents were not adequately investigated, and not enough was done to clear the name of the BBS which was solely blamed for all that happened. The involvement, on that occasion, of a crafty politician in the garb of a patriotic ally of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, but with a personal agenda of his own that was inimical to the latter’s policies, added a political tone to the naive monks’ (Ven. Gnanasara’s) peaceful protests, and biased reportage turned him into a bogeyman.
The leaders of successive governments didn’t take Ven. Gnanasara seriously enough because they thought that if they took any decisive action, on his word, against the handful of powerful communalists among minority politicians who, intentionally or unintentionally, either facilitated, or provided a cover for, questionable acts such as anti-Buddhist subversion, illegal felling of trees in the state forest reserve in Wilpattuwa, alleged settling of illicit Muslim immigrants from certain Islamic countries in the same reserve, encroachment and even vandalizing of historic Buddhist places of worship in the North and East, and so on, they would lose the support of the mainstream Christian and Muslim communities, which being minorities, naturally tend to form themselves into ‘block vote’ bases at the instance of opportunistic politicians. The majority of ordinary Muslims do not want to support communalist politicians, but they are often in the thrall of those politicians, because of the latter’s ability to ‘deliver’, whichever major party or alliance happens to be in power.
The polity consisting of the majority community (Sinhalese) cannot behave like this. In any country, it is normal for the majority community to be unconsciously undermined by a false sense of security vis-a-vis the minorities, whereas the latter feel a bit paranoid with or without justification. The Sinhalese voting public are always divided into rival parties, and at parliamentary elections, under the existing electoral system, it is extremely rare that a major party is able to form a viable government without the assistance of one or more minority parties, a situation where the latter become kingmakers despite the insignificance of their numerical strength. The slightest movement towards redressing the balance in favour of the disadvantaged majority Sinhalese in any anomalous situation would invariably earn the individual Sinhalese activist or the group behind that initiative the label of racist or extremist or chauvinist. So, the Sinhalese (Buddhists, particularly) get criticised and condemned as racists, tribalists, etc. while in reality being victims of the racism, fanaticism, and extremism of groups within the minorities. This applies to Ven. Gnanasara as well who is engaged in the performance of the duty that has historically devolved on him as a Buddhist monk, a duty that is above politics, pragmatic or otherwise.
Ven. Gnanasara Thera approached the Most Ven. Mahanayakes in Kandy and pleaded with them beseechingly, not once, but several times, and explained to them this problem with video evidence of outrageous Buddhism-bashing speeches of Wahabist zealots, to no avail. Once, a few years ago, the monk led a large procession of well disciplined young activists (more than 2000) from Getambe to the Sri Dalada Maligawa (a distance of about four kilometers), and then they proceeded to the Malwatu Vihara, the monastery of the Ven. Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter. The Mahanayake Thera, at first, very unfairly, refused him an audience. Later, having found that they were not ready to leave without seeing him, he allowed Ven. Gnanasara and a few of his companions to come before him. Nothing resulted from that meeting.
The BBS leader wanted the Maha Sangha to play their historic role as Buddhist monks without stooping to politics, and was determined to resolve the Islamic extremist problem through rational dialogue with the participation of the clergy of other religious groups (which is what he has always wanted to do because even groups of traditional Muslims, he claims with evidence, approached him and pleaded with him to rescue them from Wahabist and Salabist extremists). Unlike him Ven. Athuraliye Ratana Thera seemed to be adopting a political approach in his one man political crusade against Islamist extremists. Just before the recent 2020 general election Ven. Gnanasara gave up his non-political stance, probably under someone’s persuasion.
The April 21, 2019 Easter Sunday terrorist bombings led to a heightening of public awareness about the Islamist problem that had been brought to light by monk activists years before; the issue began to receive attention from the clergy of other religions , as well. The then UNP national list MP Ven. Ratana took the opportunity to visit the construction site of an alleged Sharia university in Baticaloa in the east being built without proper authorization from the Sri Lankan government and financed by suspicious foreign sources; he succeeded in forcing the Yahapalana government of which he was a prominent member at the time to suspend the construction work for the time being. Under the same pretext, he staged a ‘fast unto death’ in the vicinity of the Dalada Maligawa, in Kandy. It was tantamount to claiming exclusive credit for creating a groundswell of popular opposition against Islamist extremism. I, as a journalist, wrote at the time that his maverick intervention in the latter instance (the uncalled for gatecrashing of the protest movement with a fast) was bound to undermine the emerging unity among the Maha Sangha in the face of adventitious ISIS terror.
I expressed the opinion that the activism of Buddhist organizations including Ven. Gnanasara Thera’s BBS facilitated this awakening among the Buddhist clergy and that it could help form a united Sanga community that spoke with one voice on matters that came within their purview. But it appeared that Hon MP Ven. Ratana, most probably, wanted to edge out the leaders of that movement and assume control of it, with a view to playing a powerful dual role in the corresponding political power structure that would evolve: the traditional role of a representative of the Maha Sangha as the guardian of the Buddhist moral-cultural establishment, the nation (the people), and the country (territory) of unitary Sri Lanka on the one hand and the acquired role of party politician on the other.
Thus, Ven. Ratana seemed to be trying to play a two-in-one function combining both those roles. However, the role traditionally assigned to the Maha Sangha has been above that of the king or, in modern times, the government. The ruler assigned a higher seat to the monk and paid him obeisance. The monks didn’t dabble in policy making or in governing, but advised the ruler on how to rule in the righteous way according to the Dasa Raja Dharma or the Ten Duties of the King. The question of a problematic religion state relationship did not arise. Buddhism is not a political religion. The only politics it advocates is democracy. The Maha Sangha is a perfectly democratic social entity. In the modern world it is considered essential to keep religion and the state separate from each other in order to ensure democratic governance of the Western type (This is more relevant to societies dominated by political religions.) So every secular democracy can be regarded as broadly consistent with Buddhist principles and vice versa.
Ven. Ratana cannot provide the political leadership that the country needs, nor can he provide any spiritual leadership either, because of his attempted dabbling in statecraft and priestcraft simultaneously. A Buddhist monk is not likely to make a good president or prime minister. The impression among political analysts is that Ven. Ratana is a typical politician and a pragmatic political strategist (Pragmatism is amoral, or rather not moral, but it is part and parcel of realpolitik that a politician can rarely avoid). That he is clever at dissembling was evident to the less gullible onlookers during his ‘fast unto death’ before the Sri Dalada Maligawa (He took care not to die, by drinking water, as the Catholic priest who joined him on the fast revealed, probably inadvertently). It was obvious that he was not alone in staging the show. The Ven. Mahanayake Theras severely criticised him after the event. He had approached them beforehand and told them about his intention of staging a fast, but cunningly he did not reveal the venue to them. Had they been told that he was going to have his fast in the hallowed precincts of the Maligawa, they would not have permitted him to do so; that would have been a serious setback for him.
Because of Ven. Gnanasara’s exertions, unprecedented prospects of different religious communities standing up to the common enemy of murderous religious extremism were brightening. We were witnessing the first stirrings of a spring in the Sangha Sasana, that is potentially freed from abominable Nikaya divisions, which are based on caste in stark contradiction of the compassionate Buddha’s teaching. Ven. Gnanasara made arguably the largest contribution to this most positive development. However, his entanglement with Ratana Thera has cost him his reputation.
The monks do not relish the idea of establishing a Buddhist theocracy, which is, in any case, inconceivable, considering the spirit of absolute democracy that characterizes the Maha Sangha. Buddha praised the system of government followed by the Licchavis of Vesali of his time, who were his relations of his own warrior caste (not that the Buddha was a casteist; he was a perfect renunciant). It was a form of a republican system of government by common consent, an ancient version of what we call democracy today. However, the monks’ staying above mundane politics doesn’t mean that they don’t have anything to do with secular politics (or how the country is run). Buddhist monks in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka have been the custodians of the country’s Buddhist cultural heritage for over two thousand two hundred and fifty years according to written records. By the way, which other country in the world can boast of such a long unbroken singular spiritual cultural tradition? Shouldn’t the United Nations Organization make special recognition of this fact in the name of human civilization, which is currently being threatened with annihilation by murderous religious extremism?
By the influence of its humane spiritual values, Buddhism ensures, not only the peaceful coexistence of the various communities who live in the country, but also the unhindered enjoyment and protection of their freedom of belief and worship. However, Buddhists will not accept the alleged divine right of adherents of any particular religion to kill or persecute those who don’t share their beliefs and practices or to discriminate against them. What Ven. Gnansara proposed to the Maha Sangha is that they unite and provide the necessary moral guidance for the rulers to rule the country righteously, whatever political ideologies they subscribe to. This does not involve any violation of secular democracy in governance. He says that the Sri Lankan society today is sick in every way. To heal the society, the Maha Sangha must unite and provide guidance to the rulers. He quotes the Buddha’s teaching: ‘sukho sanghassa samaggi’ ‘Happy is harmony among the Sangha’.
Ven. Gnanasara Thera predicts that when the Maha Sangha are united, the politicians and the people will fall in line, and a suitable lay political leadership will emerge. Ven. Ratana’s intervention in his capacity as an MP monk probably produced some limited positive results in the immediate context, but in the long run, it will be counterproductive. He is only doing more of what he did in the past. And we all know what he did has led to. His involvement will be an obstacle to the functioning of the lay political leaders that the whole country approves of as being capable of fixing not only the problem of Wahabist incursion, but also the infinitely greater issue of external interference in the country’s domestic affairs that, in the first place, as the media reveal, inflicted it (jihadist terrorism) on our nation under the Yahapalanaya. It is not that he (Ven. Ratana) is not aware of what he is doing; he is not such a dumb character. We may be sure that, sooner or later, he will make amends in some way.
( May 24, 2013, Toronto, Sri Lanka Guardian) A propos the discussion between Mr. Dayan Jayatilleke, G. H. Peiris and others in the public media, allow me to add a few words – the words of a humble Tamil who comes from a social stratum lacking a voice in Tamil affairs. The dominant Thamillian-voice is that of the upper classes (‘castes’) led by the Karuvakaddu (Ciannamon gardens) lawyers, anglicized and christianized in attitude except when dealing with those in lower stations of life.
Mr. Jayatilleke is part of the environment of our Periah-Dorai class of Thimpu Tamils stuck in the 1980s, in spite of the changed politics of today.
Mr. Jayatilleke claims (234d May, Island) that “Tamils of that province have evolved and crystallised a collective identity …”. Mr. J should know that this “identity” is based on landownership by a small elite who is even today trying to “re-settle the IDPs in the old villages”, reviving the caste-delineated social structures that existed in the the North. He knows how the North remained mired in poverty, with the Karuvakaddu lawyers treating the North as their private estate, run by their agents who were the Northern equivalents of the Mervyn Silva’s (`palavanthans’) of the south.
The rise of Prabhakaran in such a society long dominated by strong men is no accident. Prabhakaran was a “palavanthan” who grew from among the ‘boys’ nurtured by the Karuvakaddu lawyers. He went beyond the usual Vanniayar palavanthans by successfully assassinating enough of them to subjugate the Thimpu class. The Northern Provincial council, if established will become an arena for new palavanthans and muttukans who will play each Tamil-Nadu leader against another, and each Diaspora leader against another, while the Karuvakadduns and their NGO friends will fish freely in such troubled waters.
The Northern provincial council, if constituted, will plunge the North back into dark ages. Angered politicians of the south will cut the flow of capital for building the modern infrastructure that the North never had, or was dismantled by the Tigers. The way forward for the Tamils of the North is not that charted by DJ or the Thimpu. The Northern Tamils must emulate the Colombo Tamils, and develop their commerce and industry, hand in hand with the Sinhalese and Muslims, to create a vibrant tapestry of cultures rather than the narrow mono-culture proposed by Jayatilleke.
In my view, Mr. Jayatillke does not understand Sinhalese or Tamil society at their grass roots, and comprehends no Tamil? Political apologists like him are useful to the Thimpu and their international friends with their threats and treats. However, unlike during J. R. Jayawardena’s time, Sri Lanka has nothing to fear even in a military confrontation with India which remains a disfunctional land of beggars and billionaires that cannot even defend its own borders, inter-state or international.
It is time to bury this amendment with this proverbially unlucky number.
තායි සංචාරක නියෝජිතයන්ගේ සංගමයේ නව සභාපති සුතිපොන්ග් පෙයුන්පිපොප් මහතා සහ අලුතින් තේරීපත්වූ කමිටු සාමාජිකයින් සමඟ TTAA මූලස්ථානයේදී පැවති හමුවේදී තායිලන්තයේ ශ්රී ලංකා තානාපතිනී සමන්තා කේ. ජයසුරිය මහත්මිය අලුතින් පත්වූ නිලධාරීන් වෙත සුබපැතුම් එක් කරමින්, ශ්රී ලංකාව සහ තායි සංචාරක නියෝජිතයන්ගේ සංගමය අතර සහයෝගීත්වය පුළුල් කිරීම සඳහා පුළුල් පරාසයක ක්ෂේත්යන් පිළිබඳ අදහස් හුවමාරු කරගත්තාය.
තායිලන්තයෙන් ශ්රී ලංකාව වෙත සංචාරකයින් රැගෙන යාම සම්බන්ධව කටයුතු කරන TTAA කමිටු සාමාජිකයින් කිහිප දෙනෙකුද හමුවී සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට මෙහිදී අවස්ථාව උදාවිය. 2021 වර්ෂයේදී පැවැත්වෙන තායිලන්ත ජාත්යන්තර සංචාරක ප්රදර්ශනය (TITF 2021) සඳහාද සහභාගීවීමට TTAA සභාපතිවරයා ශ්රී ලංකාවට ආරාධනා කළේය.
තායිලන්ත ශ්රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ අනිල් සිරිමාන්න වාණිජ කවුන්ස්ලර්වරයාද මේ අවස්ථාවට සහභාගී විය.
During a meeting with the newly elected President of TTAA, Mr. Suthiphong Pheunphiphop and the Committee Members, held at the TTAA Headquarters, H.E. Mrs. Samantha K. Jayasuriya, Ambassador of Sri Lanka to Bangkok, while extending felicitation on the election of the new committee, exchanged views on a broad range of areas, to further enhance collaboration with the TTAA.
The meeting also provided an opportunity to meet and discuss with several Committee members of the TTAA who have expertise on outbound tourism to Sri Lanka from Thailand. Sri Lanka was also invited by the TTAA President to join the 2021 TITF Fair.
The Mr. Anil Sirimanna, Counsellor (Commercial) of the Embassy was associated with the Ambassador at the meeting.
The Palestinian Ambassador to Sri Lanka Dr. Zuhair M.H. Dar Zaid paid a courtesy call on Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa this morning at Temple Trees.
Speaking about the recently-concluded General Election, Ambassador Zaid said, All Palestinians are very happy about the peaceful, democratic process that happened in Sri Lanka.”
The Ambassador also conveyed congratulatory wishes from Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and thanked Prime Minister Rajapaksa for this continued support to Palestine.
We will never forget your strong support to Palestine,” Ambassador Zaid said recalling then President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s visit to Palestine in 2014. During that visit, the Government of Palestine conferred then President Rajapaksa with the Star of Palestine” – the highest award of the State of Palestine – for continued support and commitment to the Palestinian cause.
Prime Minister Rajapaksa is a long-time supporter of the Palestinian cause and is the Founder President of the Sri Lanka Committee for Solidarity with Palestine. Also in 2014, under President Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan Government made a US$1 million donation to Palestine.
Speaking about the COVID-19 pandemic Ambassador Zaid said, We feel safe here in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is doing very well. Congratulations on your success [in handling the pandemic].”
The delegations also spoke about possible areas on which Sri Lanka and Palestine could enhance collaboration, including trade and bringing in investments.
Better connectivity that results in better trade relations could mutually benefit Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. This was the main focus of the discussion when Ambassador of Afghanistan to Sri Lanka Ashraf Haidari called on Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa this morning at Temple Trees.
The two governments are currently working on the possibility of establishing a direct air link between Sri Lanka and Afghanistan, which will enable the two countries to explore trade and cooperation in a number of areas.
Ambassador Haidari also congratulated Prime Minister Rajapaksa on a very successful election and a notable, historic victory.” Calling it a big win for democracy,” Ambassador Haidari further said, We are inspired by the success of democracy in Sri Lanka. We continue to look forward to your strong support for the democratic process in Afghanistan.”
He also conveyed best wishes from President Ashraf Ghani and former President Hamid Karzai.
Other sectors targeted for further cooperation include working together to combat regional drug trafficking, and exploring opportunities in the gem industry, education sector and medical tourism. Noting that Afghans are heavy drinkers of tea, most of which is currently supplied by Vietnam, Ambassador Haidari said there is also vast potential for Sri Lankan tea producers to tap into the Afghan market.
වැඩබලන බ්රිතාන්ය මහ කොමසාරිස් ලීසා වැන්ස්ටෝල් මහත්මිය අද පෙරවරුවේ අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ දී අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා හමු වී ශ්රී ලංකාව සහ එක්සත් රාජධානිය අතර සහයෝගීතාවයෙන් කටයුතු කළ හැකි ක්ෂේත්ර ගණනාවක් පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා කළාය.
පසුගිය මැතිවරණ විජයග්රහණය පිළිබඳව එක්සත් රාජධානියේ සුබ පැතුම් එක් කළ වැඩබලන මහ කොමසාරිස් ලීසා වැන්ස්ටෝල් මහත්මිය, ශ්රී ලංකා පොදු ජන පෙරමුණට ඉතා ශක්තිමත් ජනවරමක් තිබේ” යැයි පවසා නව රජයේ ප්රමුඛතා පිළිබඳ විමසා සිටියාය.
පශ්චාත් COVID-19 සමයට ලෝකය සූදානම් වන බැවින් ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනයට වර්තමානයේ රටේ ප්රධාන අවධානය යොමු වී ඇති බව අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා පැවසීය.
විශේෂයෙන් කුඩා හා මධ්ය පරිමාණ ව්යාපාර අංශයේ වෙළඳ සබඳතා වැඩි දියුණු කිරීම, ආයෝජන ප්රවර්ධනය කිරීම, කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය සහ දරිද්රතාවය තුරන් කිරීමට එහිදී ප්රමුඛතාව හිමි වන බව අග්රාමාත්යතුමා සඳහන් කළේය.
ඉදිරි වසර 5ක කාලය තුළදී සෑම ශ්රී ලාංකිකයෙකුටම ආරක්ෂිත පානීය ජලය ලබා ගැනීම සහතික කිරීම සඳහා ලබා දිය හැකි සහයෝගීතාවය සලකා බලන ලෙස අග්රාමාත්යවරයා මහ බ්රිතාන්ය මහ කොමසාරිස් කාර්යාලයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.
COVID-19 තත්ත්වය පාලනය වූ වහාම ශ්රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සමඟ කටයුතු කිරීමට කැමැත්තෙන් පසු වන බව සඳහන් කළ එක්සත් රාජධානි දූත පිරිස නවක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන් සඳහා දෙරට අතර අධ්යයන හුවමාරු වැඩසටහන් පවත්වාගෙන යාමට හැකි බව සඳහන් කළහ.
වැඩබලන මහ කොමසාරිස් වැන්ස්ටෝල් පැවසුවේ එක්සත් ජනපදයේ ජාත්යන්තර වෙළඳ අමාත්ය රනිල් ජයවර්ධන මහතා ද ශ්රී ලංකාය හා එක්සත් රාජධානිය අතර වෙළඳාම තවදුරටත් වර්ධනය කිරීමට උනන්දුවක් දක්වන බවත්, අන්යෝන්ය ප්රතිලාභ ලැබෙන ව්යාපාර ආරම්භ කිරීමට කැමති බවත්ය.
වරාය නගරයේ ප්රගතිය පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා කළ දෙරටේ නියෝජිතයෝ ශ්රී ලංකාවට ආයෝජන ආකර්ෂණය කර ගැනීම සඳහා වරාය නගරය උපාය මාර්ගික මර්මස්ථානයක් ලෙස භාවිතා කළ හැකි බව සඳහන් කළහ. හරිත මූල්ය, ජෛව විවිධත්වය, ග්රාමීය ආර්ථිකය සහ තිරසාර කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය යන ක්ෂේත්ර පිළිබඳව ද මෙහිදී සාකච්ඡා කරන ලදී
Colombo, August 26: Newly appointed Foreign Secretary Admiral Prof.Jayanath Colombage spells out the foreign policy of the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL). He spells out how the Government will reconcile competing interests of China and India, and how Sri Lanka can have healthy ties with other countries including Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Excerpts:
Q We came across media reports quoting you that the foreign policy of the new Government would be Asia-centric. What do you mean?
A: We have experienced a very difficult period in our country. That is COVID-19. It was unprecedented. We were not ready for it. We felt that the international system was not there for us whenever there was a situation like a pandemic. Instead, it’s our neighbours who are coming to us first. That is our immediate neighbourhood or even beyond. We are in the 21st century. We see a clear shift in the world economic order from the west to the east or Asia for that matter. Therefore, our main focus should also be on neighbourhood- South Asia, Africa, the Middle-East, ASEAN and Far East. We were a British colony for a long time. We have maintained a non-aligned policy since independence. We also see that we have been having somewhat of a Western-oriented diplomacy. We venerate the West virtually. Even in the Foreign Ministry, there are special grade appointments. Most of these appointments are in Western capitals. It isn’t a sacrosanct one. There is a perception that these postings to western capitals are superior. It is a kind of a norm. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa thinks otherwise. He says the best and the most dynamic ones in the Foreign Service should be here in our neighborhood, in the Middle-East, Bangladesh, Africa and ASEAN. This is the policy shift that we advocate. This is on par with the President’s thinking and the changing global dynamics. It is in economic sense. This is based on what is best for Sri Lanka. Our foreign policy should not be tailored to what is best for another country. It should be tailored for what is best for Sri Lankans and Sri Lanka. COVID-19 has served us with a wake-up call to revisit our past on foreign policy.
Q When you mention Asia, we know China and India have competing interests in the region. How do you reconcile relations with them?
A: It is right. Both these countries are in Asia. China is the second largest economy in the world and India is considered the sixth largest. In 2018, India was the world’s fastest growing economy. That means we are between two economic giants. How we benefit from both is diplomacy or the art. That is why the President mentioned that as far as strategic security is concerned, Sri Lanka will always have an India-first approach. That means Sri Lanka will not do anything harmful to India’s strategic security interests. As far as economic development is concerned, we cannot depend on one country. We are open to anyone. We know China is one country willing to invest and develop. They have the capacity to do it. We have to benefit from it. We have to balance.
The President has outlined a few specific things. Sri Lanka should be a neutral country. Sri Lanka does not want to be caught up in the power game. Sri Lanka wants to develop friendly international ties with everybody. Sri Lanka should have Sri Lanka-first policy. These are the five areas we have to navigate. If we can do it successfully, we can balance anyone.
This is on par with the President’s thinking and the changing global dynamics. It is in economic sense. This is based on what is best for Sri Lanka. Our foreign policy should not be tailored to what is best for another country. It should be tailored for what is best for Sri Lankans and Sri Lanka. COVID-19 has served us with a wake-up call to revisit our past on foreign policy”
Q: Certain sections of the Indian society, particularly the Indian media, view economic investment projects by China as a security threat. They see the Hambantota Port and the Colombo Port City projects as threats to their security. How do you allay such fears?
A: You mentioned two projects. These are major investments for the country. The Hambantota Port is located at the most strategic point in the Indian Ocean. That is the centre of the ocean. It is exactly in the centre between Singapore and Dubai, and Shanghai and Rotterdam as far as the distances are concerned. The busiest shipping lane in the world is just 12 nautical miles south off Hambantota. That is the shipping lane conveying 50 percent of world containers, 35 percent of bulk cargos and 72 percent of energy- gas and oil. We need a port there. Everyone knows, we initially offered it to India. India did not undertake it for whatever the reason. May be it was because of lack of capacity. Or, they could not take that decision at that moment. Then, it went to a Chinese company.
Now, we have given 85 percent stake of that port to China Merchant Port Holding Company. That should be limited to commercial activities only. It is zero for military purposes. Sri Lanka cannot afford, should not afford and will not afford any particular country to use Sri Lanka as a staging area to do anything against another country- especially so India.
Q: At a critical security situation can we do it?
A: Of course, we can. We are an independent, sovereign nation. If any warship arrives in Sri Lanka, there is a procedure. They have to write to the Foreign Ministry first. Then, the Foreign Ministry writes to the Defence Ministry. The Defence Ministry approves and informs the Navy. Then, the Navy ensures security. Any warship arrives in Sri Lanka only with our authority. If somebody comes by force, that is war. We have to separate commercial activities from strategic and security activities.
Q: As the Foreign Secretary and formerly as the Additional Secretary to the President, you would have engaged with China many times. Does China understand Sri Lanka’s position?
A: China really understands it. I have not seen China pushing for strategic things. But, China is pushing for commercial things. We need Foreign Direct Investment, joint ventures, Built, Operate Transfer (BOT) projects, technology transfers etc. China understands the strategic situation here. China also understands it isn’t ethical to push Sri Lanka beyond a certain point that is worrisome to India. China understands that stable Indo-Lanka relations are good for China. The relationship we have with China, Japan, the United States and European Union or any other country are purely on commercial, interests.
” We are in the 21st century. We see a clear shift in the world economic order from the west to the east or Asia for that matter. Therefore, our main focus should also be on neighbourhood- South Asia, Africa, the Middle-East, ASEAN and Far East. We were a British colony for a long time. We have maintained a non-aligned policy since independence. We also see that we have been having somewhat of a Western-oriented diplomacy”
Q: Do you see a clear policy change from the Indian side as far as the Sri Lankan situation is concerned?
A: In 2015, India feared that we had moved towards China too much. Probably, India wanted that regime to be changed. India was happy that the regime was changed. What happened afterwards made India happy. We had given the Hambantota Port on a 99-year-lease to China Merchants Port Holding Company, which India, Japan and America considered as wrong. We actually made India jittery during the period between 2015 and 2019. But India is comfortable with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
Q: India asked for a stake in the Easter Container Terminal (ETC).What is your view?
A: India didn’t ask it from this Government. There is a MoU signed in 2017 between India, Sri Lanka and Japan. The present President is committed to honour it because it is an arrangement between the two countries. The only thing is that there is opposition to it from port workers. The president, the chairman of Sri Lanka Ports Authority and other stakeholders are studying it thoroughly. They will find a solution. India has a solid argument on this. Actually, 38-40 percent of transshipment containers we handle arrive from India. About 70 percent of businesses we handle are from India. Colombo port is the second biggest port for Indian containers after Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust in Mumbai. They argue that they should have a stake in this issue as a result. Yet, they don’t have the capacity to build and operate the terminal. Therefore, they have linked with Japan to do it. The President has said that he is ready to honour that agreement. As per the new guidance of the President, no national asset is given with total control to any country. It means at least 51 percent of stake will always remain with the GoSL, and the balance can be divided.
Q: In your Asia-centric foreign policy, there is another tricky area- that is to manage relations with India and Pakistan. Both the countries are trying to reach out to Sri Lanka. How do you manage relations with them without compromising the interests of one against the other?
A: In South Asia India and Pakistan are encountering problems. Both have been our friends. Both have helped us during very difficult times. During the war time, we almost lost the north to the operation launched by the LTTE. It was Pakistan which sent us MBRL (Multi-barrel rocket launchers). Pakistan was using them in their operational areas. The Pakistani authorities removed them and airlifted them to Sri Lanka. That only prevented Jaffna from being overrun by the LTTE. That is something great! We should stay away from this issue. We should not allow Sri Lanka to be used by one party against the other. Both the countries are important to us. India is our neighbour.
How we benefit from both is diplomacy or the art. That is why the President mentioned that as far as strategic security is concerned, Sri Lanka will always have an India-first approach. That means Sri Lanka will not do anything harmful to India’s strategic security interests. As far as economic development is concerned, we cannot depend on one country. We are open to anyone”
Q: How do you view relations with Bangladesh?
A: Bangladesh is the sleeping tiger in South Asia. It is the fastest growing country in terms of the GDP. We have the unique advantage. We are in the SAARC region. We are in the BIMSTEC. Bangladesh has huge potential. That is why the President has very clearly stated that we should pursue relations with Bangladesh. The best and most effective Foreign Service person should be posted to Bangladesh.
Q: What is going to be the future of Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) agreement?
A: I’m not in a position to give a full commentary on it. We all know that there was a committee appointed by the President to study the MCC. The committee has forwarded its submissions. That committee has raised many issues regarding national interests. We need to find answers to these queries. I think the report will be submitted to the new Cabinet. The new Cabinet will be expected to make observations for each ministry. Once that is done it will be referred to Parliament and probably debated on for a compromise. I don’t know which compromise that would be.
Q: You talk about an Asia centric policy. The West is where Sri Lanka’s export destinations are located. Also, we find certain groups operating in the West lobbying against Sri Lanka on human rights issues. How do you respond?
A: The relationship with the whole world is important. The U. S. and European Union are our leading export markets. Yet, Asia has the potential to be the next developing world. In South Asia, we have a large population. If you take the Indian Ocean, one-third of the world population lives here. Populations mean markets. Our economic model needs to be changed. We have an import–dependent economy. We should become an export–led economy. This transition does not take place targeting the West only. It can be the Middle-East, South-East Asia etc.
Bangladesh has huge potential. That is why the President has very clearly stated that we should pursue relations with Bangladesh. The best and most effective Foreign Service person should be posted to Bangladesh”
Q: But, you have to face human rights allegations in the West.
A: These allegations are totally unjustifiable. We also believe in the fact that these accusations do not help reconciliation. Rather, it tries to divide us. We don’t want anyone to hold a sword against us. We believe in the fact that reconciliation cannot be achieved by force. It has to evolve from society. Defending ourselves against these allegations is not our target.
Q: What is your target?
A:It is economic development.
Colombo, August 26: The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has threatened to go to court if the Presidential Task Force on Archaeology in the Eastern Province acts contrary to the provisions of the Antiquities Act and usurps the powers of the Director General of Archaeology (DGA).
The Tamils have been dismayed by the fact that the Presidential Task Force has no Tamil or Muslim members, though the Tamils and Muslims together outnumber the Sinhalese Buddhists in the Eastern Province. However, TNA spokesman, M. A. Sumanthiran MP, said a legal issue would occur only when the Antiquities Act is violated or if the Task Force usurps the powers of the Director General of Archaeology as defined in the Antiquities Act.
Therefore, we will have to wait and see how the Task Force functions,” he said.
As per the Antiquities Ordinance 1940, no excavation can be undertaken except with a licence from the Director-General of Archaeology (DGA). No person shall excavate for the purpose of discovering antiquities, whether on land belonging to him or otherwise, except under the authority of a licence issued by the DGA.
The DGA, may, in his discretion, grant or refuse any application for a licence to excavate. The owner of the land where the proposed excavation is to be made has to consent to the excavation. The proposed excavation will not cause any damage or inconvenience to persons residing in the vicinity of such land, or to any place used for religious purposes, or to any cemetery, school, water source, irrigation work or public road, or that if any such damage is likely to be caused adequate provision has been made by the applicant for the payment of compensation thereof. The applicant should furnish security for the due observance by him of the provisions of this Ordinance or any regulation.
Legal aspect aside, there is also a politico-historical dimension to the issue which could gain public attention and trigger communalism.
The Tamils are deeply concerned about the absence of Tamil and Muslim archaeologists in the Task Force while there is a surfeit of Buddhist monks. . The leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) R. Sampanthan has written to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to correct the anomaly in ethnic representation in the Task Force.
Archaeologists themselves are grossly under-represented in the Task Force. Only two archaeologists, the Director-General of Archaeology, Dr. Senarath Bandara Dissanayake,and Dr. Raj Somadeva of Kelaniya University are members.
The Tamils fear the Task Force being heavily loaded in favour of the Sinhala-Buddha Sasana, and headed by Defence Secretary Maj. Gen. (Rtd) Kamal Gunaratne, would ignore archaeological sites of interest to the Tamils or forcibly prevent research on Tamil history to prove that the Eastern Province is the historical ‘Sinhala-Buddhist” Homeland and not part of a historic ‘Tamil’ Homeland in Sri Lanka.
Prof. S. Pathmanathan, formerly of the History Department of Peradeniya University, has said that funds for research in Tamil history and archaeology are hard to get. In Digamadulla, in the Ampara district, Buddhists and Muslims have clashed over archaeological sites.
Local media on Wednesday (26) reported that the president had, in an extraordinary gazette notification, added four senior members of the Buddhist clergy to the existing Presidential Task Force constituted in June, increasing its size to 15.
The new appointees are: the Asgiriya Chapter Abhidhana Anunayaka, Ven Vendaruwe Dharmakeerthi Sri Rathanapala Upali Thera; Malwathu Chapter General Secretary, Ven. Dr. Pahamune Sumangala NayakaThera; Asgiriya Chapter General Secretary, Dr. Ven. Medagama Dhammananda NayakaThera; and Karaka Sangha Sabha member of the Malwathu Chapter, Ven. Ambanwalle Sri Sumangala Thera.
Explaining the move, the government said Since many of the archaeological heritages in the Eastern Province are based on the Buddhist religious background and associated with those places of worship, it has been recognized that the guidance and patronage of the Venerable Maha Sangha is still needed in the identification and management of those heritages.”
When it was set up in June, the Task Force had Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thera and the Chief Prelate for the Northern and Eastern Provinces Ven. Panamure Thilakawansha Thera.
The other members of the expanded Task Force are: Archaeology Director-General, Dr. Senarath Bandara Dissanayake; Land Commissioner General, Chandra Herath; Surveyor General, A.L.S.C. Perera; University of Kelaniya, Senior Lecturer, Prof. Raj Kumar Somadeva; University of Peradeniya, Medical Faculty Lecturer, Prof. Kapila Gunawardena, Western Province Senior DIG, Deshabandu Tennakoon; Eastern Province Provincial Land Commissioner, H.E.M.W.G. Dissanayake and Derana Media Network Chairman, Dilith Jayaweera. Senior Assistant Secretary to the President Jeevanthie Senanayake was named Secretary of the Task Force.
The members of the Task Force have been tasked with identifying sites of archaeological importance in the Eastern Province and implementing an appropriate program for the management of archaeological heritage by conserving and restoring such identified sites and antiquities.
It has also been tasked with identifying the extent of land that should be allocated for such archaeological sites; taking necessary measures to allocate them properly and legally; preserving the cultural value of sites of archaeological importance; promoting the uniqueness of Sri Lanka, both locally and internationally; and making recommendations for the promotion of such heritages.
The president has issued directives to the Department of Archaeology to respond to requests made by the Maha Sangha to preserve antiquities and historical sites. The possibility of obtaining the services of the Civil Defence Force in the implementation of the program of conserving archaeological sites and antiquities had also been discussed at the session.
President Gotabaya is set to amend the Antiquities Ordinance in order to strengthen the preservation of antiquities and historical national heritage. The Task Force will be expected to suggest amendments. Meanwhile, the President’s Media Unit said measures will be taken to increase the annual fund allocated to the Department of Archaeology and to address the shortage of employees.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has made it clear that Sri Lanka’s strategic security policy will have an India first” approach though Colombo remains open to dealing with other key players for economic development, the country’s new foreign secretary Jayanath Colombage has said.
Colombage, a retired admiral who commanded Sri Lanka’s navy during 2012-14 and is perceived as close to Rajapaksa, made the remarks in two interviews to the media. He also said Rajapaksa’s administration has adopted a posture of neutrality in its dealings with key powers at the regional and global level as Sri Lanka cannot become a staging area” for any country to do anything against another country – especially…India”.
Very categorically, the president has stated that we have a strategic security-wise ‘India first’ policy because we cannot be, we should not be, we can’t afford to be a strategic security threat for India, period,” Colombage said in an interview to Derana 24 news channel that aired on August 20.
We can’t be and we don’t have to be [a security threat to India]. They are a very big power, [the] fastest developing major economy in 2018, 1.34 billion people, a 7,500-km coastline, it’s a huge country. We need to benefit from India,” he added.
Colombage made similar remarks in an interview with the Daily Mirror newspaper, pointing out Sri Lanka is between two economic giants”. He added: That is why the president mentioned that as far as strategic security is concerned, Sri Lanka will always have an India-first approach. That means Sri Lanka will not do anything harmful to India’s strategic security interests.”
However, he said Rajapaksa had made it clear to India’s leadership that Sri Lanka cannot depend on any one country for economic development. We are open to anyone. We know China is one country willing to invest and develop. They have the capacity to do it. We have to benefit from it. We have to balance,” he told the Daily Mirror.
Colombage also told the news channel: Even to India…very firmly, the president has said, you are my first priority in so far as security is concerned but I have to deal with other players for my economic prosperity.”
Colombage, who was appointed foreign secretary on August 14 and previously served as additional secretary to the president for foreign relations, also said the Sri Lankan government will not hand over total control of strategic national assets to a foreign power following the experience with Hambantota port, which was given to China Merchant Port Holding for 99 years.
Now in that deal, roughly…about 85% of that project’s stakes are for China Merchant Port Holding and only 15% for Sri Lanka. We will do everything so that no one can use our country against another country but then giving total control for a long period, of majority 85% is a very high stake,” he told the news channel.
In future ventures, Sri Lanka will retain a 51% stake in any project with foreign investment, he said.
Colombage told the Daily Mirror that China understands Sri Lanka’s position and is pushing for commercial things”. He added, China also understands it isn’t ethical to push Sri Lanka beyond a certain point that is worrisome to India.”
He also told the daily that in 2015, India feared we had moved towards China too much”, and that India, Japan and the US considered it was wrong for Sri Lanka to give Hambantota port on lease to a Chinese firm. We actually made India jittery during the period between 2015 and 2019. But India is comfortable with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa,” he added.
The Modi government has focussed on improving ties with Rajapaksa’s administration. Modi was the first world leader to congratulate Rajapaksa even before the final results of Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections were declared earlier this month, after his Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) party took an unassailable lead.
Last month, India announced a $400-million currency swap facility for Sri Lanka under the Saarc framework, and officials said Colombo’s request for a bilateral swap facility for $1.1 billion was also being considered.
When Rajapaksa visited India last November, just 10 days after becoming president, New Delhi announced a $400-million line of credit to boost infrastructure and development, and offered another $50 million to fight terrorism and enhance intelligence gathering.
Sri Lanka is seeking joint venture opportunities and investments from Qatar, especially for its Port City Colombo’s infrastructure, as part of strategies to strengthen the bilateral trade between the two countries.
In a webinar hosted by Doha Bank on Wednesday, Sanjaya Mohottala, director general, Board of Investments of Sri Lanka, outlined the project progress of Port City Colombo, where 68 hectares is ready for construction.
“Bridges, roadways and boulevard for Phase I (are) to be completed by 2021,” he said, adding $500mn has been invested to date and further $500mn would be invested.
The country has floated request for proposals for 13 plots in the marina precinct (20 hectares), he said, adding a draft special economic zone law (for the port city) is under review and soon expected to be tabled for cabinet and parliamentary approval.
Port City is a new development, built as an extension of the central business district of Sri Lanka’s commercial capital, Colombo. When completed, it will have over 5.6mn sqm of built space, offering facilities and spaces in healthcare, education, entertainment, hotels and restaurants, retail and office with an integrated resort and a marina.
He highlighted the levers to create a compelling investment climate in Sri Lanka, which provides connectivity to South Asia, Africa and East Asia.
Highlighting the country’s five-year National Exports Strategy (NES), which will run until 2022; Chitranjali Dissanayake, director general, Sri Lanka Export Development Board, said it outlines opportunities in sectors like IT-business process management, wellness tourism, boat building, processed food and beverages, electrical and electronics, and spices and concentrates.
“The Middle East is one of the key regions and Qatar can play a vital role in Sri Lanka’s strategic expansion,” she said, adding Colombo will work closely with Doha Bank in actively promoting bilateral trade relationship between the two countries. Sri Lanka targets $50mn exports to Qatar by 2025 from the present $27mn.
Qatar is now Sri Lanka’s eighth export destination in the Middle East and 49th in the world and seventh import source Colombo in the Arab region.
Its main exports to Qatar are bananas, lentils, tea packets, fruits, coconut milk powder, processed food, vegetables, sugar confectionary, pneumatic and retreated rubber and other products.
Qatar’s imports to Sri Lanka include plastics products, petroleum oils and gases, standard wire of aluminium, paper and paper products, footwear, inorganic chemicals and products of base metals.
Dr Chandranath Amarasekhara, director, Economic Research Department, Central Bank of Sri Lanka; gave an overview of the island country’s macroeconomic targets for 2020-25.
“We are confident that Sri Lanka would be able to take the next leap forward in becoming the model economy in Asia,” he said, adding the macroeconomic target is to achieve a minimum average economic growth of 6.5%, budget deficit at less than 4% of gross domestic product, annual inflation of less than 5% and a “stable” level of exchange rate of its currency.
By fourth quarter of 2020, economy activity is expected to accelerate and by next year, normalcy would return, he said, adding the remittances, which are usually $7bn annually and mainly from the Middle East, may be 15% lower for this entire fiscal.
Doha Bank chief executive Dr R Seetharaman said Sri Lankan economy is slated to contract by 0.5% this year but highlighted that the country’s Vision 2025 has given thrust on foreign direct investment and exports and to improve per-capita income.
An accomplice of underworld figure ‘Angoda Lokka’ had been arrested with 42 kgs of heroin, three T-56 weapons, 170 rounds of ammunition and a 9mm pistol at Ambatale.
Police said the Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) arrested the suspect during the interrogation of two accomplices of the Angoda Lokka who were arrested earlier.
The heroin haul, firearms and live ammunition were found hidden in a house.(DSB)
Matale District SLPP MP Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon today handed over the first private member Bill in 9th Parliament to Parliament Secretary General Dhammika Dassanayake to set the minimum age of marriage of Sri Lankan Children at 18.
In the Bill titled ‘Minimum Age of Marriage’, MP Tennakoon said the Bill’s intention is to ensure that the State fulfils its national and international obligations to protect the rights of every child in the country.
Children must be treated as children and this Bill’s intention is not to marginalise anyone,” he said.
He further said Sri Lanka is a party to the Convention for Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) under which Sri Lanka has the obligation to introduce a standard minimum age of 18 without exception for all children regardless of religion and personal statute laws.
“A standard age will guarantee and protect the rights of all Sri Lankan children,” he said and gave special acknowledgement to former MP Dr. Thusitha Wijemanna who took steps to formulate policies in this regard in the 8th parliament.
According to the proposed Minimum Age of Marriage Bill, No marriage contracted after coming into force of the Act shall be valid unless both parties to the marriage have reached 18 years of age.”
Every child marriage, whether solemnised before or after the commencement of this Act, shall be voidable at the option of the contracting party who was a child at the time of the marriage. Once an application to annul a child marriage is filed, and if the Court is satisfied with the application, the court shall grant a decree of nullity of such marriage,” the Bill says.
Defence Secretary Maj. Gen. (Rtd) Kamal Gunaratne said today that they were successful in eradicating organized crimes, narcotic waves, extortion and underworld activities in the country.
Assuming duties as the Secretary to the Internal Security, Home Affairs and Disaster Management State Ministry during a ceremony held at the Ministry in Narahenpita, he said that they were also able to curb corruption within the prisons.
“We were able to curb the wide-spreading waves of organized crime as well as drugs, extortion and the activities of the underworld in the country which were largely going in the wrong direction. Today we have been able to steer the society in the right direction and that we have reaped great success so far. ” he said.
The secretary said he would look forward to continuing to achieve such success and to create an environment where the people and the future generation could live in peace, secure and dignity.
In the case of any disaster, steps will be taken to manage and control such disasters by deploying appropriate personnel to appropriate positions and at the appropriate time,” Gunaratne said.
Minister Chamal Rajapaksa, Army Commander Shavendra Silva and heads of the Institutions and Departments, Divisional Secretaries and Police officers were also present at the ceremony.
The government made the advance payment for the commencement of construction of the Meerigama-Kadawatha stretch of the central expressway, a statement said today.
Highways Minister Johnston Fernando instructed Ministry Secretary R.W.R. Premasiri to work in this regard.
The government is required to pay 15% of the project cost to the contractor. Accordingly Rs.16.67 billion was paid to the construction company on August 25. The distance of the stretch is 36.54 km and the width 24.4 m. It is a four-lane expressway. The total estimated cost is Rs.158 billion.
According to the Ministry Secretary, Rs.25 billion extra cost will have to be borne this time because the previous Yahapalana government delayed the project for five years.
The failure of the Nuwara Eliya Police to find anything suspicious from a search operation carried out on May 8, 2018 at a lodge where National Thawheed Jama’at (NTJ) Leader Zahran Hashim was operating a training camp, enabled Zahran and the NTJ associates to escape from the Police, it was informed yesterday at the PCoI probing Easter Sunday attacks.
Testifying before the Commission, officer attached to PCoI police unit, SI Sanjeewa Sampath of CID said that a resident who lives in close proximity to the lodge had alerted former IGP Pujith Jayasundara about a suspicious group that was occupying the lodge.
“Thilakaratne Illesinghe, a resident who lives close to Thakhila Holiday Inn, where Zahran had been operating his training camp, tried to contact Nuwara Eliya Police station. As his attempt proved futile, he called former IGP Jayasundara,” officer said.
The representative from the Attorney General’s (AG) Department then questioned the witness from where he had found IGP’s contact number and the witness said that he had noted it down from a TV programme telecast earlier.
In his statement, the witness quoted Illesinghe as saying that the group that occupied the lodge did not frequent outside like other guests who visit Nuwara Eliya and also said that these people were discussing about some weapons and money that were to be taken to Kattankudy. Though Mr. Illesinghe had alerted the Police about NTJ group’s clandestine activities in the morning, three police officers came around 4.00 pm to search the lodge, but they could not find anything suspicious from within,” officer told the Commission.
During the inquiry, the investigations officer also said that the police officers of the PCoI were aware that Zharan was preaching Islamic extremism and his associates had been conducting training programmes on how to handle weapons and assembling bombs.
The cause of the sudden breakdown in the national power grid was the fault of an electricity superintendent, as per the report of the committee appointed to look into the recent island-wide power failure.
On August 17, the whole country experienced an interruption of the power supply for over 8 hours owing to a transmission failure at the Kerawalapitiya Grid Substation.
Subsequently, Minister of Power Dullas Alahapperuma appointed a committee to probe the incident and its preliminary report was handed over to the Minister on August 24.
The relevant report was submitted to the Cabinet of Ministers today (August 26).
According to Minister Gamini Lokuge, who spoke to media following the meeting, the reason for the power failure had been an unavoidable mistake.
Also speaking to media, Minister S. M. Chandrasena said, the mistake had been committed by an officer when the responsible officer had been absent.
Chandrasena said that Minister Alahapperuma had pointed out at the Cabinet meeting the need to build more power plants such as the Norochcholai power plant.
Meanwhile, Minister Alahapperuma had previously stated that he will resign from his post as the minister if the report finds the Ministry to be at fault for the power failure.
When inquired on the matter, Minister Lokuge responded to journalists saying that there seems to be no need for this [resignation].
Former Director of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena accused officials throughout the country’s national security hierarchy of ignoring their responsibilities and their attempts to pin the sole blame on him for the security establishment’s failure to prevent the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks as he testified for the 18th day before the Presidential Commission probing the attacks.
Senior DIG Jayawardena added that it was possible that he would have ended up in arrest and in jail if didn’t posses records of his communications with higher-ups during that period who he accused of ignoring the seriousness of the warnings and in some instances closed up shop for the new year and left the country during that period.
Senior DIG was cross examined by the legal counsel for the former National Intelligence Service Chief Sisira Mendis, President’s Counsel Shanaka Ranasinghe.
The first question posed to the witness by the President’s Counsel was as to why was the foreign intelligence warning received on April 04 not taken up for discussion at the National Intelligence Review meeting held on April 09.
In response the witness stated that since he had already briefed the superior officials, namely National Intelligence Chief Sisira Mendis, of the warning, he did not attempt to bring it up for discussion during his allocated time to speak.
The witness was then asked whether he could accept or confirm that Sisira Mendis had asked him at the end of the meeting Nilantha why did you not present that document?”. The witness denied that Sisira Mendis made such statement at that time, however, he recalled that he had asked the National Intelligence Chief (NIC), Sir, the document is still in your hand. Why did you not submit it?”
Continuing his questioning the President Counsel then asked the witness that if accepted that he spoke to Sisira Mendis on April 20 and told him Sir, this is a big problem. I have informed the IGP”
In response Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena replied, If the call lasted only five seconds as reported, then I would have time to say only those words. But I remember speaking much more than that, telling him that they would attack 08 targets, including a church and a hotel.”
He added that at the time of the call Sisira Mendis was preparing to attend the Easter mass and he was not sure whether or not he did proceed to attend after the call.
The President’s Counsel then asked the witness why, when in possession of intelligence information warning of an imminent attack on either April 20 or 12, did he not call the President’s Secretary and requested for a State of Emergency to be declared and for the military to be deployed to track down and neutralize the attackers.
In response the witness who appeared visibly incensed by the question replied, I was first asked whether I informed the President, then the Defense Secretary, the IGP, and the NIC. Do I have to inform all of them? Maybe next time you will ask me ‘Nilantha ,why did you not inform the entire nation of this?’”
Continuing his response, he added, As the SIS Director, must Nilantha collect the information, pass on messages, and draft letters as well? Then why must we pay salaries to others?”
He went on,” There is a hierarchical system in this country. Each position within this hierarchy has its own duties and responsibilities. The system doesn’t need officials who will simply say yes to everything.
If I’m expected to do the job of the President, the Defence Secretary, and the IGP, then why do we need them? You may as well make me the President.”
Further, the witness stated, I am utterly disappointed of having had to work with such a team of officials. Their real characters were exposed after April 21. Because if I did not have screenshots of all my phone calls, the SIS would have been accused of doing nothing. I would have ended up in jail if I didn’t have records of my WhatsApp messages.”
He continued, Not a single higher official requested for further reports on any intelligence reports sent to them since 2015. Only the IGP did so on one or two occasions. No one did, even after I sent them information on the attack warnings. If anyone can prove that they did even for a single document sent to them, then I am prepared to resign immediately from the service.”
Explaining further, he added, Some of those officials closed their offices for the New Year holiday after I sent them the warning. They only reopened after the attacks. Certain officials left the country after I informed them. Some people stayed home and slept through it. Some stayed away from churches after hearing of the warning. Ultimately, I am being asked why I didn’t inform anyone.”
He then added, I did what I had to do. I told the Defense Secretary, I told the NIC, I told the IGP, and after this I tried to tell the President. It cannot be my fault that he did not respond.”
In conclusion, the witness stated, I did everything I could. Even today I sleep well at night.”
Two arrivals from Maldives have tested positive for COVID- 19, increasing total infected in Sri Lanka to 2984.
With the reporting of 11 more coronavirus infected persons in the afternoon, the number of coronavirus infections reported in the country has increased to 2982.
The Government Information Department stated that 10 of the infected persons reported today are inmates of the Kandakadu Rehabilitation Center.
The other infected person reported today is a returnee from Kenya and is being quarantined.
Intelligence Officer Colonel Shammi Kumararatne revealed today that Mangala Samaraweera, as the Minister of Foerign Affairs, had pressured him in 2015 to remove the names of two persons who had been documented as supporters of the LTTE organization.
This was while Giving evidence before the Presidential Commission appointed to Investigate Political Victimisation.
Giving evidence, Colonel Shammi Kumararatne stated that it was the responsibility of the Chief of National Intelligence to compile the list of persons affiliated to terrorist organizations and their accomplices to the UN Security Council Charter 13/73, which was approved by the United Nations Security Council as a counter-terrorism strategy.
Accordingly, the relevant document which is updated every year for the year 2015 and it mostly included people who supported the LTTE.
He said that the document prepared by the Office of the Chief of National Intelligence would be submitted to the Secretary of Defense and then to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for approval on his recommendation.
Accordingly, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has held a discussion where Mangala Samaraweera and the then Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ajith P. Perera have participated.
Mr. Shammi Kumararatne said that Mr. Mangala Samaraweera had told him that Father Emmanuel and Suren Surendra who were listed and had been identified the persons who had supported the organization, were his friends and that he had been in close contact with them while he was in England.
Mangala Samaraweera said, They may have been supporting the LTTE at that time, but not anymore and accused him of making the list stating the names given by Gotabhaya over the telephone.
Colonel Shammi Kumararatne also testified that during his discussion with Mangala Samaraweera, Ajith P. Mr. Perera gestured to him to remain silent and then Mr. Mangala Samaraweera said, Don’t send it to me, I will catch you” before leaving the venue.
Meanwhile, MP Ranjan Ramanayake and former Director of the CID Shani Abeysekera today appeared before the Presidential Commission in connection with a complaint made by former Navy spokesman Rear Admiral D K P. Dasanayake
Mr. C.V.Wigneswaran
Leader, TAMIL MAKKAL THERSIYA KUTTANI
Sri Lanka Parliament
Kotte
Sri Lanka.
Re: Observations on your address to Parliament
Dear Mr. Wigneswaran:
It was with great interest that I read your inaugural speech to Parliament, wanting to know what the new Tamil Political-Man on the Block had to say.
Right off the bat one comment jarred my understanding of the Ceylon/Sri Lanka History which was mischievously interpreted differently from what I was taught at school.
Oops! Where is this Tamil Man coming from, who once upon a time, not too long ago was the Chief Minister of the mainly ethnically cleansed Tamil Northern Province having kicked out the Sinhalese and Muslims who had lived there for generations.
Your comment that I start my felicitations honourable Speaker, hailing you in my mother tongue, the oldest living language in the world, and the language OF THE FIRST INDIGENOUS INHABITANTS OF THIS COUNTRY and proceed in the link language.”
Well, what crap was that Wiggy? It is not worth a barrel of stinking Jardi sitting on your dining table for your dinner after a swig from a coconut shell cup of Jaffna’s best toddy. That comment prompted a comment about you under my breath, This guy seems to be a bloody fool picking a fight with the legitimate indigenous peoples of Sri Lanka – the Veddhas. These Tamils seem to be good at thinking that they are the blue-blooded tribe in Sri Lanka. Shish! Wiggy…come down your high horse before you have a Humpty-Dumpty Fall soon.
So I checked on your background of your schooling where you may have been taught this separatist” lie. Was it at Valvettithurai Smugglers Vidyalayam, or was it at theVaddukoddai Maha Vidyalayam, or was it at Katheeja Vidyalayam, all in the Northern Province.
Well, Wiggy, you surprised me to know that you were a product of Kurunegala’s, Christ Church College; Anuradhapura’s Holy Family Convent and ended up at Colombo’s Royal College. I am sure that none of these prestigious Colleges would have drummed into your skull that your tribe, the Tamils, were the first indigenous peoples of Sri Lanka. And you tell me that once upon a time in your life you were a Justice in the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. Smart, bright with a clinical legal mind. I am stymied to my wits by you Wiggy.
Tell me, Wiggy, what the heck did you have in your sambar with your thosai that morning for breakfast, before you went to parliament to deliver your historical speech for your new Tamil political party. Not good…Not kosher…not cricket…bloody awful Wiggy!
Didn’t anyone tell you during your schooling days that the Tamils were invaders once upon a time… long…long…long time ago, but were kicked arse and chased them back to where they came from, running for their lives with their vetti pulled tight between their buttock cheeks so that they could run faster.
O! sure…sure, Wiggy, the South Indian military expeditions were constantly crossing over to Sri Lanka and wresting power in certain areas in the North of Sri Lanka for short periods. This frequent warfare would have strained the socio-cultural connections between the Sinhalese and the Dravidians. Indian settlements in Lanka during this period were probably few, for they did not exercise any political power. Like in the first century B.C., a Tamil usurper, Elara, seized the Sri Lankan throne. The Tamil King Elara’s ultimate defeat, at the hands of the Sinhalese prince Duttugemunu, woo…woo..” is regarded as an epic event in SriLanka’s history, when these Elara- Tamils from over 18 mile-Strait of salt water ran after having got their butts kicked, and the salt-water soaked and dripping from their gold and silver threaded Vetties. And that is a realty check for you. And who for Pete’s sake told you, and gave you the dead rope to hang yourself saying that you are a member of the Tamil-tribe, of the First Indigenous peoples of Sri Lanka. Haro…hara..what Tamil Blarney!”
Well it did happen, Wiggy, and the Indigenous Coast-Veddas, Anuradhapura-Veddas, and Bintenne-Veddas continued to live happily ever after as Hunter-gatherers. That is a reality check for you Wiggy. Got it?
Wiggi, you were 10 years old at Royal and I was 13 years old at Nalanda getting excited about the famous, BIG Gal Oya project, the innovation of the first Prime Minister of Ceylon, Rt. Hon. D.S. Senanayake, after Independence in 1948.
It was a project based on the 62 mile long Gal Oya river rising from the Badulla range in the Central Province and dammed in 1949 for the welfare and prosperity of all Sri Lankans.
The repository of water after the damming now forms the lifeblood of the peasant farmers of the historic region of Digamadulla. Remember!
And here is the problem that I see in your speech. Prior to this Gal Oya project on either side of the Gal Oya river grew a relentless jungle. And the actual denizens were not your Tamils, but were a few Veddhas and wild animals. It was largely unoccupied land and the homeland of the elephant, the bear, the leopard, the monkey, the deer, the snakes, and the jackal. So where the hell were your first indigenous Tamils to call it your ‘homeland’. If they were there, where the hell were they hiding Wiggy. And all that is proof positive that you are a Humbug claiming that your Tamil people were the first Indigenous people of the North and Eastern Provinces. So let’s cut out that rubbish Wiggy. Stop trying to pull wool over my eyes. Sure you Tamils enjoyed 131 years being the privileged minority’ during colonial rule, and we Sinhalese happened to be the wronged majority”. That does not give you the right to claim that privilege of being the first indigenous people in the North-East of Sri Lanka. That is a load of bull…and a drumlin of pads of dried cow dung. So let’s cut out that crap. I hope you got it.
And if you indeed will be conferring with the Vedda Chief in Dambana, to claim your thesis of being the First Indigenous people in Sri Lanka, and that you want to usurp that privilege for the historic records, I suggest that you wash out that red target between your eyebrows, as it is a tempting spot to get at you if angered, with a stone from their stone-bow-catapult. They are brilliant stone-bow-catapult shooters. The reason why I am warning you is Wiggy, I was in Dambana in January 2003 and met with Kenda, Veddha Chief Tissaharmy’s third grandson, an Olympic-brilliant stone-bow-catapult shooter.
He pointed to a leaf in a tall tree, and told me that he was going to bring it down with one stone. Alright, let’s see”, I said. One pull of the bow he let loose the stone, and down came the leaf. I clapped.” Have it, a gift from me” he said and handed the catapult. It is hanging on the wall in my den with a label which says – Stone-bow- catapult used by Veddhas, (Indigenous people of Sri Lanka. A gift from Kenda, 3rd Grandson of Veddha Chief Tissahamy. Veddha Village, Dambana, Sri Lanka. January 2003.
No more pretentious rubbish from you Wiggy, as it just doesn’t cut mustard with me.
Good Luck.
Shanthi…shanthi…shanthi.
Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr.)
දේශපාලන පක්ෂ භේදයකින් තොරව ජනතාව අපේක්ෂා කරන දැවැන්ත ව්යවස්ථා වෙනස වෙනුවෙන් පෞද්ගලික න්යාය පත්ර පසෙකළා එක්වන්නැයි ගරු අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අද 2020.08.25 දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සියලු නවක මන්ත්රීවරුන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.
9 වන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට අභිනවයෙන් තේරී පත් වූ නවක මන්ත්රීවරුන් වෙනුවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පැවැති සම්මන්ත්රණයේ ප්රධාන දේශනය පවත්වමින් ගරු අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා මේ බව අවාධාරණය කළේය.
පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මඟින් ප්රකාශයට පත් කළ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සාර සංහිතා” ග්රන්ථය ගරු අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට පිළිගැන්වීම ද පාර්ලිමේන්තු මහ ලේකම් ධම්මික දසනායක මහතා විසින් මෙම අවස්ථාවේදී සිදු කරන ලදී.
ජනතාව හිතන්නේ ඇමතිවරයෙක් හදා ගන්න නෙමෙයි. තමන්ව නියෝජනය කරන මන්ත්රීවරයෙක් හදන්න. මොන බල සම්පන්න ඇමතිකම තිබුණත්, තමන්ගේ මන්ත්රීකම හරියට නොකළොත් ජනතාව එයාව ගෙදර යවනවා. ඒ නිසා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හොඳ මන්ත්රීවරයෙක්, මහජන නියෝජිතයෙක් වෙන එක තමයි රටට මේ මොහෙතේ වැදගත්” යැයි අග්රාමාත්ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා මෙහිදී නවක මන්ත්රීවරුන්ට උපදේශයක් ලබා දුන්නේය.
ගරු අග්රාමාත්යතුමා සිදු කළ සම්පූර්ණ කතාව මෙසේය,
මට මතක් වෙනවා අවුරුදු 50කට උඩදි මමත් ඔය වගේ වාඩි වෙලා හිටියා. අපි තරුණ මන්ත්රීවරුන් විදිහට වාඩි වෙලා ඉන්න කොට මේ වගේ දේශන අපිට වදයක් උනා. ඔබටත් හිතෙනවා ඇති මේ මොන ලෙඩක්ද කියලා. මේ අපි දන්න දේවල්නේ කියලා හිතෙනවා ඇති. නමුත් පුරුද්දක් විදිහය නවක මන්ත්රීවරුන් දැනුම්වත් කිරීම හැම කාලෙම සිදු කරනවා. මට මතකයි මගේ පියා කියනවා එතුමා ප්රථමවරට පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආපු වෙලාවේ, ඒ කාලේ තිබ්බේ රාජ්ය මන්ත්රණ සභාව. බණ්ඩාරනායක මහත්තයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වටේ හැමෝම එක්කන් ගිහින් පෙන්නලා ඒ පිළිබඳව දැනුවත් කරපු විදිහ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අත්දැකීම් ඔබට ගන්න පුළුවන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළදී. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කටයුතු කරද්දී ඔබට ඒ අත්දැකීම ලැබෙනවා.
මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අලුත් මුහුණු 82ක් තියෙනවා. 2010, 2015 දී වගේම 2020 දීත් අලුත් මුහුණු විශාල වශයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඇතුළුවෙලා තියෙනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට විතරක් නෙමෙයි ප්රාදේශීය සභාව දක්වාම අපි එහෙම අලුත් මුහුණු ගේන්න කටයුතු කරලා තියෙනවා. විවිධ ජාතීන්වල, විවිධ ආගම්වල, විවිධ පන්තිවල, විවිධ තරාතිරම්වල අය දේශපාලන ලෝකෙට ඇවිත් අපි මේ දේශපාලනය වර්ණවත් කරලා තියෙනවා. මේ රටේ දේශපාලනයේ මම දකින වාසනාවන්තම දේ මේ අලුත් මුහුණු පැමිණීම බව මම කියන්න ඕනෑ.
පහුගිය ඡන්දය මේ රටේ දේශපාලන ඉතිහාසයේ අමතක කරන්න බැරි මහ ඡන්දයක් බව අපි කවුරුත් දන්නවා. ඒ සමානුපාතික මැතිවරණ ක්රමය යටතේ 2/3 ක බහුතරයක් ගත්ත නිසා පමණක් නෙමෙයි. 1946 ආරම්භ වූ පැරණිම දේශපාලන පක්ෂය වූ යූඇන්පීයට පසුගිය මැතිවරණයෙන් ආසනයක්වත් ගන්න නොලැබුණ එකත් පුදුම සහගත දෙයක්. ඒවා ඉතිහාසයට එකතුවෙන්න ඕනෑ කරුණු පමණයි. නමුත් අනාගතයට හොඳ පණිවිඩයක් මේ ඡන්දයෙන් ජනතාව අපිට දීලා තියෙනවා.
මේ ඡන්දෙදි කිසිම දේශපාලන පක්ෂයකට සල්ලි බලෙන් ලොකු ප්රචාරක වැඩ කරන්න ලැබුණේ නෑ. පෝස්ටර් නෑ. කටවුට් නෑ. සංදර්ශන නෑ. පෙළපාලි නෑ. බස් දාලා සෙනග ගෙන ඒම් නෑ. හැම තැනකම සෞඛ්ය නීති රීති අනුව තමයි වැඩ කළේ. නමුත් ජනතාව 71% ඡන්ද පොළට ඇවිත් තමන්ගේ ඡන්දය දුන්නා. ඒක අනාගතයට දුන්න ලොකු පණිවිඩයක් කියලා මම කියන්න ඕනේ. මේකෙන් පේන්නේ ජනතාව රටට තියෙන ආදරේ වගේම නිවැරදි වැඩපිළිවෙළකට, ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදයට තියෙන ගෞරවයයි.
අපි බලන්න ඕනේ මේ වතාවෙ ජනතාව ඡන්දය දුන්නේ කාටද කියලා. මේ වතාවේ අගමැති වුණත් පක්ෂ නායකයා වුණත් රටට වැඩක් කරන්නෙ නැත්නම් එයාව ගෙදර යැව්වා. මහා දේශපාලන පරපුරකින් පැවත ආවත් වැඩක් නැත්නම්, වැඩ බැරි නම් ගෙදර යැව්වා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි උගත්කමට විතරක් මේ රටේ ජනතාව ඡන්දය දුන්න කියල හිතන්නත් එපා. උගත්කම වගේම රටට ආදරේ නම්, වැඩ කරන්න පුළුවන් නම් පමණයි මේ රටේ ජනතාව දැන් ඡන්දය දෙන්නේ. ඉදිරියටත් ජනතාව කටයුතු කරන්නේ එහෙමයි කියලා අපි තේරුම් ගන්න ඕනේ. ඒ නිසා මං මේ තරුණ මන්ත්රීවරුන්ට කියන්න ඕනේ තරුණ වුණාට, තනතුරක් තිබුණට, පරපුරක් තිබුණට, උගත් වුණාට වැඩක් නෑ. ජනතාව පවරපු රාජකාරිය හරියට කරන්නෙ නැත්නම් ලොකු ද පොඩි ද කියලා බලන්නේ නැතිව, වරාය ද ගුවන් සේවා ද මැටි ද සියඹලා ද කියලා හොයන්නෙ නැතිව හැමදේම එක හා සමානව සලකලා, ඒවා රටේ වැඩ හැටියට සලකලා වැඩ කරන්න වෙයි. වැදගත්කම තියෙනවද කියන එක ජනතාවට වැඩක් නෑ. ජනතාවට ඕන වැඩ. ඒ වගේම මේ රටේ ජනතාව දැන් මන්ත්රී වුණා කියලා සලකන්නෙ නෑ. තමන්ගෙ වෘත්තීයභාවය දියුණු කරගන්න ඕනෑ බවයි මේ මැතිවරණයෙන් කියවෙන්නෙ.
වෘත්තීයභාවය දියුණු කරගන්න මන්ත්රීකම, වයස බාධාවක් කර ගන්න එපා. මම 1970 පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තේරිලා පත්වෙලා ආවට පස්සෙ තමයි නීති විද්යාලයට ඇතුළත් වුණේ. මං පාර්ලිමේන්තු යන ගමන් නීති විද්යාලයට ගිහින් ඉගෙන ගත්තා. අද වගේ ඉන්ර්ටනෙට්, ඔන්ලයින් පහසුකම් තිබුණේ නෑ. අද මෙහේ ඉඳන් විදේශීය විශ්වවිද්යාලයක ලියාපදිංචි වෙලා ඉගෙන ගන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ කිසි දෙයක් නැති කාලයකත් මං මන්ත්රීකම බාධාවක් කර ගන්නැතිව නීති විභාගය කළා. 1977 පරාද වුණාට පස්සේ මට ඉතිරි වුණේ නීතිඥ කම විතරයි.
තරුණ මන්ත්රීවරුන් දැන් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආපු ගමන් ඇමැතිකමක් කරන්න. සමහර මන්ත්රීවරු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී මාව හම්බෙලා කියනවා අපිට රටට වැඩ කරන්න ඇමතිකමක් දෙන්න කියලා. මතක තියාගන්න ජනතාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තෝරලා එවන්නේ ඇමැති කෙනෙක්ව නෙමෙයි, මන්ත්රී කෙනෙක්ව. තමන්ගෙ නියෝජිතයෙක්ව. ජනතාව හිතන්නේ ඇමතිවරයෙක් හදාගන්න නෙමෙයි. තමන්ව නියෝජනය කරන මන්ත්රී කෙනෙක් හදන්න. මොන බලසම්පන්න ඇමතිකම තිබුණත් තමන්ගේ මන්ත්රීකම හරියට නොකළොත් ජනතාව එයාව ගෙදර යවනවා. ඒ නිසා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හොඳ මන්ත්රීවරයෙක්, මහජන නියෝජිතයෙක් වෙන එක තමයි රටට මේ මොහොතේ වැදගත්. ඒ වගේම මතක තියාගන්න ඇමැතිකමක් නැතිව ආණ්ඩුවේ ඉන්න බැරි මිනිහට කවදාවත් විපක්ෂයේ දේශපාලනය කරන්නත් බෑ. ඇමැතිකමටම දේශපාලනය කළ මිනිහට මන්ත්රීකමේ වගකීම් ඉටු කරන්න බෑ. එහෙම ඇමැතිකම මතම ඉන්න අය තමයි විපක්ෂයට ගිය ගමන් පක්ෂ මාරු කරන්නේ. එහෙම අයට දේශපාලනයේ හොඳ අනාගතයක් නැති බවත් අපි තේරුම් ගන්න ඕනේ.
මම ආණ්ඩුවල හිටපු කාලය වගේම කාලයක් විපක්ෂයේ ඉඳලා තියෙනවා. අද වගේ නෙමෙයි අපි විපක්ෂයේ හිටියේ තමන්ගේ අදහස් ප්රකාශ කළොත් මහපාරේ බල්ලෙක් වගේ මරලා දාපු කාලේ. විරුද්ධවාදීන්ගේ ප්රජා අයිතිය අහෝසි කරලා හිරේ විලංගුවේ දාපු කාලේ. ඒ වගේ විපක්ෂවල දීර්ඝ කාලයක් මන්ත්රීවරයෙක් විදියට වැඩ කරලා මට නම් හොඳ පුරුද්දක් තිබුණා. ඒ නිසා තමයි 2015 ඡන්ද ප්රතිඵල නිකුත් වෙන්නත් කලින් මම ගෙදර ගියේ. උතුරු නැගෙනහිර මට වැටිලා තියෙන ප්රතිශතය 89% කියලා දැන ගත්තාම මම කිව්වා එහෙනම් මම පරාදයි කියලා. උදේ පාන්දර 6 ට මම මැදමුලන බලා යන්න පිටත් වුණා. ඒ අපිටතියෙන දේශපාලන පුරුද්ද. ඒ වගේම වසර 04කදි ආපහු ආණ්ඩුවක් පෙරලලා බලයට ආවේ, මේ ජයග්රහණය ලබා ගත්තේ විපක්ෂයේ ඉඳලා අපට තිබුණ පුරුද්ද නිසා.
මගේ ජීවිත කාලේ ඉතිහාසයේ ලොකුම වගකීම් පැවරුණ මැතිවරණ දෙකක් තිබුණා. එකක් 2005 ජනාධිපතිවරණය. එදා පැවරුව වගකීම තමයි දෙකඩ වෙලා තිබුණ රට එක්සේසත් කිරීමේ දැවැන්ත වගකීම. ඒ රාජකාරිය අපි හරියට ඉටු කළා. ඒ සඳහා නවක මන්ත්රීවරුන් අපිට ශක්තියක් උනා. සහයෝගය දුන්නා. ඊළඟට දැවැන්තම වගකීමක් පවරලා තියෙන්නේ මේ මැතිවරණයෙන්. සමානුපාතික මැතිවරණ ක්රමයකින් ලැබුණ 2/3ක දැවැන්ත ජනවරම අප වෙත ජනතාව පැවරූ වගකීමක් ලෙස අපි භාරගන්න ඕනේ. දැන් අපිට දේශපාලන මධුසමය ගතකරන්න වෙලාවක් නෑ. වෛර පිරිමහන්න, මට සළකුවේ නෑ, මාව කොන් කළා කියමින් කන්කෙඳිරි ගාන්න වෙලාවක් නෑ.
දැවැන්ත ව්යවස්ථා වෙනසක් ජනතාව අපේක්ෂා කරනවා. අලුත් ව්යවස්ථාවෙන් ඉතිහාසයේ වෙච්ච වැරදි නිවැරදි කරගනීවි කියලත් ජනතාව බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. අපි සියලු පෞද්ගලික න්යායපත්ර පැත්තකට දාලා ජනතාවගේ බලාපොරොත්තුව ඉස්සෙල්ලාම ඉටු කරන්න ඕනේ.
1977 ඉඳන් මේ දක්වා අඩසියවසකට ආසන්න කාලයක් රට පාලනය කරපු ව්යවස්ථාවක් තියෙන්නේ. මේක කාලීනව සංශෝධනය විය යුතුයි.
ව්යවස්ථාව කියන්නේ එක පාර්ශ්වයක උරුමයක් නෙමෙයි. ඒක අපි කාටත් බලපාන මූලික නීතිය. ඒකේ තියෙන හැම කොමාවක්ම, නැවතීමේ ලකුණක්ම අපේ ජීවිතයට බලපානවා. ඒ නිසා ජනතාව ඉල්ලා සිටින ව්යවස්ථාව හදන ක්රියාවලියේ දී දේශපාලන පක්ෂ බේදයක් තියාගන්න එපා. මේක අපේ වගකීමක්.මෙතෙක් තිබුණ ව්යවස්ථාවේ සාධනීය සියලු දේ අපි උරාගන්න ඕනේ. ඒවාට සත්භාවයෙන් තමන්ගේ අදහස් පළකරන්න ඕනේ.
පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරයෙක් ලෙස පුස්තකාලය භාවිතා කරන්න. තමන්ගේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු කතාවට එය මනා පිටිවහලක් වෙනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තු දිනයට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවය පැමිණෙන්න. ඇතැම් මන්ත්රීවරු පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඇවිත් නිදා ගන්නවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තු එනවා කියලා ගෙදරින එනවා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්නෙ කියලත් ගෙදරට කියනවා. බලන කොට වෙන වෙන ගෙවල්වල එයාලා ඉන්නෙ. එහෙම අවස්ථා තියෙනවා. ඒවට පුරුදු වෙන්න එපා. පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු දාට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කටයුතු සිදු කරන්න. අවසන් වශයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරයෙක් ලෙස ආරම්භ වූ ඔබේ දේශපාලන ගමනට සුබපතන්නත් මා මෙය අවස්ථාවක් කරගන්නවා.
මේ අවස්ථාව සඳහා කතානායක මහින්ද යාපා අබේවර්ධන මහතා, නියෝජ්ය කතානායක රංජිත් සියඹලාපිටිය මහතා, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මහ ලේකම් ධම්මික දසනායක මහතා, නියෝජ්ය මහ ලේකම් නීල් ඉද්දවෙල, නියෝජ්ය කාරක සභා සභාපති අංගජන් රාමනාදන්, සභා නායක අමාත්ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා, ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ ප්රධාන සංවිධායක අමාත්ය ජොන්ස්ටන් ප්රනාන්දු මහතා, විපක්ෂයේ ප්රධාන සංවිධායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රී ලක්ෂ්මන් කිරිඇල්ල මහතා, නවක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරුන් ඇතුළු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරී මහත්ම මහත්මීහු සහභාගි වී සිටියහ.
රොහාන් වැලිවිට,
අග්රාමාත්ය මාධ්ය ලේකම්.
19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් 2ක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් වූ බවත්, ඉන් එකක් 2002 දී සහ අනෙක 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් වූ බව සමහරක් නොදන්නවා වුණාට බොහෝ දෙනා දනිති.
19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත මුල් වරට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද්දේ, චන්ද්රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරතුංග ජනාධිපතිවරියව සිටියදී 2002 දී ය.
2002 සැප්තැම්බර් මස 19 වන දින ව්යාපාර සංවර්ධන, කර්මාන්ත ප්රතිපත්ති හා ආයෝජන ප්රවර්ධන සහ ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා කටයුතු අමාත්යවරයා විසින් එකී 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ අතර 2002 සැප්තැම්බර් මස 11 වන දින ගැසට් පත්රයේ පළ කර ඇත.
2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19ය මගින් ඉතා වැදගත් ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් යෝජනා කර තිබූ අතර, ඒ ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වසරකට පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවාහැරීමට තිබු බලය / අයිතිය අහිමි කිරීමයි.
එම 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවට පටහැනිය යන පදනමින් ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අභියෝගයට ලක්කරන ලද අතර සරත් නන්ද සිල්වා (අ.වි), වඩුගොඩුපිටිය (වි), බණ්ඩාරනායක (වි) ඉස්මයිල් (වි) එදිරිසූරිය (වි) සහ යාපා (වි) ද සිල්වා (වි) විසින් 2002 ඔක්තෝබර් 1 සහ 3 යන දිනවල ඒ සම්බන්ධව ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විභාගයට ගන්නා ලදී.
එකී විභාගය අවසානයේ ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විනිසුරුවරු 7දෙනා ඒකමතිකව තීරණය කර තිබුණේ ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වසරකට පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීම සීමාකිරීම ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 3වන ව්යවස්ථාවට සම්බන්ධ හෙයින් එකී 19 නීතියක් වීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නොපැමිණි මන්ත්රීවරුන්ද ඇතුලුව 2/3 ඡන්දයෙන් සහ ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාව විසින්ද අනුමැතිය ලබා දිය යුතු බවයි.
කිසිවෙකුට හෝ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් යම් සැකයක් ඇත්නම් 2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19යට ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් තීරණය කියවීමෙන් එකී සැකය නිරාකරණය කරගත හැකිය.
2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය එකී ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයේ තිබූ ජනමතවිචාරණයක අවශ්යතාවය හේතුවෙන් එතනින්ම අවසන් විය.
ඉන් පසු නැවත වර්ෂ 2015 දී ද නැවත 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් මෛත්රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිව සිටියදී, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට කටයුතු කර තිබුණ අතර, අග්රාමාත්ය සහ ප්රතිපත්ති සම්පාදන, ආර්ථික කටයුතු, ළමා, තරුණ හා සංස්කෘතික කටයුතු අමාත්යතුමාගේ නියමය පරිදි 2015 මාර්තු මස 13 වන දින ගැසට් පත්රයේ 11 වන කොටස අතිරේකය (2015.03.16 දින නිකුත් කරන ලද) 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත එයයි.
2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත මගින්, ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වසරකට පසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීම සීමා කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීම, ස්වාධීන කොමිෂන් සභා පිහිටුවීම, ද්විත්ව පුරවැසියන්ට, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රීවරයෙකු වීම වැළක්වීම, ජනාධිපති ධූර කාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කාල සීමාව අඩු කිරීම, ජනතාවගේ ජනමතවිචාරණ ඡන්ද බලය අහිමි කිරීම (85.2 ව්යවස්ථාව ඉවත් කිරීම) ඇතුලු විධිවිධාන 17ක කාරණා නීතියක් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කර තිබුණි.
දෙවන වරටත් 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විනිසුරුවරු තිදෙනෙකු විසින් ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථානුකූලත්වය පරීක්ෂා කළ අතර 2002 දී ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීරණය කළ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීමට අදාළ වූ ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70.1 ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමට අදාල විධිවිධානය හැර අනෙක් විධිවිධාන 16 සම්බන්ධව තීරණය එම විනිසුරුවරු තිදෙනා විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට දන්වා යවා ඇත.
2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුයට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 70 ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනයට අදාළ ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය කෙරෙහි
අවධානය යොමු නොකර 2015 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විවාදයට ගත් අතර දෙවන වර සහ තුන්වන වර කියවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මුළු මන්ත්රීවරයන් සංඛ්යාවෙන් තුනෙන් දෙකක සංඛ්යාවකට නොඅඩු සංඛ්යාවකගේ සම්මතය ඇතිව යෝජනා සම්මතයක් මගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අනුමැතිය පමණක් ලබා ගෙන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 80.1 ව්යවස්ථාව යටතේ සිය සහතිකය යෙදීමට එවකට සිටි කථානායකවරයා පියවර ගෙන ඇත.
මෙය 2002 දී 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත සම්බන්ධයෙන් 70 ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනයට උත්සාහ කළ අවස්ථවේ ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් විනිසුරු 7දෙනාගේ ඒකමතික තීරණය උල්ලංඝනය කිරීමක් වන අතර එකී ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය අනුව 79 ව්යවස්ථාවේ අවසන් විධානය, සහ 85.1 ව්යවස්ථාව සහ 80.2 ව්යවස්ථාව අනුගමනය කිරීමෙන් බැහැර වීමට සහ ජනමතවිචාරණයක් නොපවත්වා 70 ව්යවස්ථාව වැරදි ලෙස සංශෝධනය කිරීමට 2015 පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ක්රියා කිරීම බලවත් දෝෂයක් වන අතර එය 2002 දී ලබාදුන් ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයට අපහාසයක් කිරීමක්ද වන බව මෙම ලියුම්කරු සහ තවත් අය ජනාධිපතිවරයාටත්, නීතිපතිවරයාටත්, අධිකරණ ඇමතිවරයාටත් පෙන්වා දී ඇත.
කෙසේ වෙතත් ඇතැම් නීති විශාරදයන් කියා සිටින්නේ මේ වනවිට 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට කථානායකවරයා සහතිකය යොදා ඇති හෙයින් එය නීතියක් වී තිබෙන බවත්, ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් අවස්ථා කිහිපයකදීම 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය අදාල කර ගනිමින් නඩු තීන්දු (Judgement) ලබා දී ඇති බවයි.
ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් තමන් ඉදිරියට එන ඉල්ලීම්වල විවිධත්වය අනුව විනිශ්චයන් 4ක් ලබා දේ. වරෙක නඩු තීන්දු (Judgement) ලබා දේ, වරෙක තීරණ (Determination) ලබා දේ, වරෙක මතය ( Openion) ලබා දේ, වරෙක රීති (Rule) නිකුත් කරයි.
[මෙහිදී සළකා බැලිය යුත්තේ නඩු තීන්දු (Judgement) සහ තීරණ (Determination) වේ.]
මෙම ලියුම්කරු 19ය නීතියක් වී නැති බවට වන ස්ථාවරයේ සිටින අතර 19ය නීතියක් ලෙස සිතන අයට මෙම ලිපිය මගින් මතුකරන ප්රශ්නය යොමු කරමි.
එනම්, 19ය නීතියක් නම් 19 ය ඉවත් කිරීමට හෝ සංශෝධනය කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්විය යුතුද?
2002 දී පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19යේ දී ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70 ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පැවැත්වීම අනිවාර්යයෙන් කළ යුතු බව ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරුවරු 7 දෙනා ඒකමතිකව තීරණය කර තිබියදී, එකී ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයට අනුව 2015 දී 19වන ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය මගින් 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර තිබිය යුතු බව 19ය නීතියක් ලෙස සළකන අයටද පිළිගැනීමට සිදුවේ. මන්ද 2015 දී ඉදිරිපත් කළ 19 මගින් 70 ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර ඇති අතර එසේ කළ යුත්තේ 2002 දී ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් විනිසුරුවරු 7දෙනාගේ තීරණයට අනුවය. ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණ උල්ලංඝනය කරමින් 19 නීතියක් කරගෙන ඇත්නම් එයට සම්බන්ධව අයගේ ප්රජා අයිතිය අහෝසි කළ යුතුය.
ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තිරණ අනුව ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවේ 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කළ යුත්තේ ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා ජනතාව අනුමැතිය දීමෙන් පමණි.
ජනමතවිචාරණයක් නොපවත්වා 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කර තිබුණද, මේ වනවිට එය නීතියක් නම් එය ඉවත් කිරීමේදීද ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ කියූ ජනමතවිචාරණයක අවශ්යතාවය පැන නගී.
(නීති පැනවීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් අවශ්ය බව කියා නීතිය වැරදි මාර්ගයෙන් පනවාගෙන ඇතිවිට එය ඉවත් කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් අවශ්ය නොවන බව කිව හැකිද?)
70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් අවශ්ය බව ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ කියා ඇති විට වැරදි මාර්ගයෙන් එකී සංශෝධනය කරගෙන ඇතිවිට සහ එකී සංශෝධනය නීතියක් ලෙස සළකා ප්රතිබන්ධනය වී ඇති විට, නැවත 70වන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීමට ජනනතවිචාරණයක් අවශ්ය නැති බව කිව හැකිද?
මේ වනවිට 19වන ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට සම්බන්ධව කුමන්ත්රණකරුවන් සියලු දෙනා සමාජයේ නිරාවරණ වීම ආරම්භ වී ඇත.
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