National Development Bank PLC hosted its Analyst Earnings Call recently to discuss the Bank’s financial results for the six months ended 30 June 2025. This was subsequent to the release of the Bank’s financial results to the Colombo Stock Exchange on the 14th of August 2025, where the Bank recorded an institutional all-time high PAT exceeding LKR 4.2 billion.
The Earnings Call was hosted from the Bank’s Head Office in Colombo 02 via a virtual mode with the participation of the Director/Chief Executive Officer, Mr. Kelum Edirisinghe, together with members of the senior management team. The CEO presented a detailed account of salient aspects such as the key macroeconomic trends and the Bank’s performance across income, profitability, balance sheet growth, solvency and investor returns.
Discussions further focused on core themes such as asset growth, CASA mobilisation, cost optimisation, and strengthening of portfolio quality. The CEO also elaborated on NDB’s continued investments in digital transformation, SME empowerment, sustainable banking practices, and support for key national priorities, including export sector growth.
The presentation was followed by a Q&A session where analysts were able to direct their questions to the CEO or any of the panellists present. The Q&A session provided participants with valuable insights among other things, on the Bank’s growth trajectory, interest rate environment, and sectoral lending strategies.
The event was well attended by representatives of local and foreign investment firms, research analysts, stockbrokers, and fund managers. It was organised by NDB’s Investor Relations Unit, reflecting the Bank’s commitment to maintaining strong engagement with the investment community. NDB has consistently conducted quarterly and annual investor calls since 2014, demonstrating its focus on transparency and accountability.
Despite challenges in the external environment, NDB continues to demonstrate resilience and agility, delivering sustainable value to all stakeholders.
Sri Lankan anthropologist Professor Gananath Obeyesekere’s book The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinha delves into the life of Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, the last king of Sri Lanka, and critically analyzes his legacy.
The historical portrayal of Sri Vikrama Rajasinha often paints him as a tyrant, a perception that has lingered in the minds of many people. Feelings of anger and aversion towards Sri Vikrama Rajasinha continue to exist, and they are deeply rooted in the shared historical experiences in the collective unconscious of many Sri Lankans.
However, Professor Gananath seeks to challenge these long-held beliefs. While the narrative has often characterized him as a cruel dictator responsible for numerous atrocities, including acts of violence against innocents, these accounts may not tell the full story. According to Professor Gananath, the image we have of him is a distorted one, shaped by the psychological operations and propaganda that were used by the British invaders. By examining a variety of historical evidence, Gananath aims to uncover the real Sri Vikrama Rajasinha and shed light on his true character.
Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, also known as Prince Kannasamy, was born in 1780. There are intriguing tales surrounding his origins, suggesting that he was the son of a widowed Nayakkar Rajamaheshika’s sister and Pilimatalavuva, a chieftain from the Kandyan kingdom.
Pilimatalavuva Maha Adikaram wielded a significant influence and played a crucial role in securing and bringing Prince Kannasamy to the throne. By 1798, at just sixteen years of age, he found himself ruling over the Kandyan kingdom, with Pilimatalavuva by his side, guiding his decisions. However, Pilimatalavuva had ulterior motives. Pilimatalavuva aimed to first place Kannasamy in power, only to later oust him, ultimately paving the way for the establishment of a Sinhala royal dynasty.
Sri Vikrama Rajasinha’s reign lasted only 17 years. When the British captured him, he was a striking young man of 35, standing approximately six feet tall. Descriptions from English physician Henry Marshall highlight his large, dark eyes, an inviting countenance, and a well-groomed beard that lent him a commanding presence. His robust build added to his notable appearance.
Professor Gananath indicates several of his significant accomplishments. King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha is credited with the creation of the artificial Kandy Lake, alongside the renowned Cloud Wall (Walakulu Bamma). He also made significant modifications to the Royal Palace complex, which stands at the center of the city. His remarkable impact on the development and architectural allure of Kandy has largely been overlooked by history. At the heart of this vibrant “cosmic city,” he ingeniously designed the temple complex and lake, forming a captivating centerpiece.
British captain Robert Percival reflects on King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha as a lover of music, endowed with gentle qualities. To understand him better, we should consider the reigns of the kings before him.
King Seethawaka Rajasinghe (1532 – 1593) was a fierce warrior who brought fear into the hearts of Portuguese invaders. However, in the latter stages, he showed signs of psychological distress, possibly stemming from combat fatigue (PTSD?). His paranoia led him to execute many of his generals and nobles out of sheer suspicion.
Then there was King Rajasinghe II (1608 – 1687). English prisoner Robert Knox offers a glimpse into the king’s unpredictable and harsh laws. A notable incident recounts how, while swimming in a river, the king feigned drowning to test the loyalty of two young men. When they courageously swam to his rescue, their reward was a tragic fate—execution for having touched the royal body. This serves as a stark reminder of the unpredictable cruelty that defined his reign. There is no historical documentation to indicate that King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha acted in such a thoughtless manner.
Professor Gananath indicates the misconceptions surrounding the last king, Sri Vikrama Rajasinha. Some British diplomats unfairly characterized him as lacking intelligence and bravery, with reports suggesting he struggled with alcoholism. However, the reality was quite different. Those British envoys who interacted with him later came to recognize that Sri Vikrama Rajasinha was not only intelligent and spiritual but also a man of substance. He was well-educated and often engaged in meditation to find peace and clarity.
Pilimatalavuva Maha Adikaram’s Role
There’s not a great deal of detail in our history books regarding Pilimatalavuva Adhikaram. It appears that he was quite the strategist, adept at navigating the political landscape. He played a significant role in elevating Sri Vikrama Rajasinha to the throne, though it seems he had his own motives at heart, potentially aiming to usurp the throne for himself at some point.
Pilimatalavuva Maha Adikaram was the third son in a lineage of Kandyan chieftains, tracing its roots back to a distinguished family that served the Sinhalese kings since ancient times. This lineage was further enriched through the integration with South Indian nobility who came to the Kandyan Kingdom during the rule of Sri Vira Parkrama Narendrasinha of Kundasale.
His full name was Pilimatalavuva Vijesundera Rajakaruna Senaviratne Abhayakoon Panditha Mudiyanse, also known as Urulevatta Agra Senadhipathi and Arave Pallegampaha Maha Adikaram III. Both his father and older brother held the title of Maha Adikaram before him.
His dealings with the British were particularly intriguing; he didn’t just collaborate with them but also orchestrated their movements, inviting British forces into the central region, possibly to exploit their weaknesses. Throughout this, he maintained a delicate balance with Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, who relied on him emotionally.
Pilimatalavuva Adhikaram masterfully portrayed himself as an ally to the British, showcasing a level of prudence that outshone Keppetipola Disawe, who relied more on bravery than strategy. In a time marked by internal strife and external threats, Pilimatalavuva Adhikaram navigated his situation with great care over an extended period. He planned to bring the English army into the heart of the country and then annihilate the troops. However, Frederick North, the Governor of British Ceylon, found Pilimatalavuva’s maneuvers questionable and responded with caution. A single miscalculation ultimately led to his undoing, sealing his tragic fate. It’s fascinating to consider him as the ancient Sri Lankan equivalent of Robert McNamara.
1803; The First Kandyan War
The British invasion of Ceylon in 1803, referred to as the First Kandyan War, marked an unsuccessful effort by Governor Frederick North to subjugate the independent Kingdom of Kandy. Colonel James Stuart commanded around 2,700 troops, which included British regiments (71st, 72nd, and 73rd), Madras Native Infantry, and artillery, alongside auxiliary forces. This contingent was part of a larger British military presence on the island, totaling between 4,000 and 5,000 personnel, including local Malay and Sepoy infantry.
The campaign resulted in a staggering loss of life, with 1,091 British soldiers perishing from January to June, leading some accounts to characterize the conflict as a massacre inflicted by the Kandyan forces. The British army, consisting of 3,387 soldiers from seven regiments, faced severe casualties due to both disease and combat, culminating in a significant defeat in the island’s interior. Their underestimation of Kandyan resistance, combined with unfamiliarity with the terrain and the challenges posed by guerrilla warfare, contributed to this disastrous outcome.
Frederick North’s Clandestine Services to the Islanders
Frederick North, 5th Earl of Guilford, was the Governor of British Ceylon from 1798 to 1805. Surprisingly, the important role he played during his tenure isn’t mentioned in our history lessons. North was the pioneer of the civil service in Ceylon and dedicated much of his efforts to improving education. He also initiated the vaccination campaign against smallpox, a disease that claimed the lives of tens of thousands of Sri Lankans each year. (As someone who served as an MOH, I wasn’t even aware of his contributions to public health in Sri Lanka.) In addition to these reforms, he established both domestic and foreign postal services and worked to abolish the “Rajakai system,” which had allowed officials to exploit ordinary villagers without consequence. Thanks to North’s educational reforms, in 1811, Mudali Abraham de Seram’s two sons became the first Sri Lankans to study abroad, attending Trinity Hall in England. Mudali Abraham de Seram is noteworthy himself; he famously read the Kandyan Agreement in Sinhala at Magul Maduwa in 1815, indicating his role as a language translator.
However, towards the end of his term, North faced significant work-related stress, which may have led to adjustment disorder, prompting his return to England. Following his departure, Thomas Maitland took over from 1805 until March 19, 1811.
The Murder of Lewke Disawa
The Lewke family held a prominent position in society during the Kandyan period, forging strong ties with the ruling dynasties of the time. Legend has it that this family traced its origins back to Brahmins who arrived on the island during the reign of King Vijayabahu I in the 11th century.
Among them, Lewke Disawa stood out not only for his impressive physique but also as a formidable wrestler and a respected military commander under King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha. The circumstances surrounding Lewke Disawa’s death remain somewhat murky.
In September 1803, as the Sinhalese army prepared to assault the English fort at Hanwella, he expressed confidence to King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, suggesting that taking the fort would be straightforward. However, during the course of the battle, a rumor reached the king that Lewke was idling in a paddy field instead of participating in the decisive battle. Fueled by distrust, exacerbated by the schemes of those around the court, the king perceived Lewke’s actions as a lack of commitment. In a moment of misjudgment, he ordered Lewke’s execution.
Notably, Gananatha hints at a deeper narrative behind this tragic event, suggesting possible secret dealings between Lewke and the British, indicating that his actions may have been more than simple insubordination. Rather, it seems there might have been layers of intrigue and betrayal at play in the unfolding of these events. Although the historical record does not show that Lewke Dissawa had secret dealings with the British. But he was suspected of attempting to assassinate the king. It can be assumed that the king ordered his execution for these reasons.
The Brutal Murder of the Entire Ehelepola Family
The Ehelepola family met a tragic fate in 1814, as they were executed on the orders of Sri Vikrama Rajasinha, following the betrayal of his chief, Ehelepola Adikaram. The king ordered the drowning of his wife, daughters, and sister-in-law in Kandy Lake, while his infant son was killed in a rice pounder. King Sri Wickrema Rajasinghe ordered Ehelepola Kumarihamy to kill her infant by pounding its head with a pestle.This atrocity sparked widespread outrage among the populace and significantly contributed to the king’s eventual downfall.
Ganatha argues that the killings of the Ehelepola family were not as savage as historical accounts suggest, claiming that these events have been exaggerated as part of a British psychological warfare against the doomed king. He posits that John Doyley played a crucial role as a spy, spreading rumors and effectively securing the support of the local populace for the British invasion of Kandy. Furthermore, reports from Gregory Powell’s book, The Kandyan Wars: The British Army in Ceylon, 1803–1818, indicate that the practice of infanticide, killing an infant by pounding its head with a pestle, was not initiated by Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe. According to him, the Dutch had adopted this inhumane method way before Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe. During a Dutch assault on a Portuguese fort, a Portuguese woman was compelled to kill her baby, pounding the infant with a pestle before being sent back to the fort. Professor Ganatha speculates that Portuguese General Acevedo also adopted these inhumane methods.
The question arises whether the king derived a sadistic pleasure from the brutality inflicted upon the Ehelepola family, including small children. Professor Ganatha argues against the notion that Ehelepola’s family endured inhumane torture. He clarifies that while Ehelepola’s wife and children were executed in accordance with existing royal law, the process was not carried out cruelly or theatrically, as history shows. It was Jan Egberts Thoen, a Dutch soldier, who concocted this alarming tale, which John D’Oyly subsequently reported to his superiors.
The Plight of Ehelepola Nilame
Ehelepola Nilame emerged as a contentious figure during the final years of the Kandy Kingdom, with some historians accusing him of betraying Sri Lanka to the British. Born in Ehelepola village in the Matale district in 1773, he was the son of Padikara Nilame and Kossinne Kumarihamy. Ehelepola married Monarawila Kumarihamy, the sister of Keppetipola’s Disawa, who later led the Uva Rebellion in 1818.
Appointed by King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha to govern the Sabaragamuwa region, Ehelepola’s transfer was shrouded in speculation, with a popular but unfounded legend suggesting it was due to the king’s infatuation with Ehelepola’s wife. (This may not be true, and this rumor was fabricated to tarnish the king’s image.)
During his tenure, Ehelepola engaged in negotiations with the British to protect the Kanda Udarata kingdom from the Nayakkar clan, forming a friendship with John D’Oyly’s informant, Wattala Appu, in 1811. However, tensions escalated as Molligoda Nilame fed the king with information that sowed discord between Ehelepola and Sri Vikrama Rajasinha. Ultimately, Ehelepola harbored ambitions of usurping the throne with British military support, prompting General Sir Robert Brownrigg to monitor him closely.
In 1814, Ehelepola initiated a rebellion against the king, expecting British assistance that never materialized, leading to the uprising’s brutal suppression and his subsequent flight to British-controlled territory, where he sought protection.
General Robert Brownrigg relied on Ehelepola to help him subdue the Kandyan kingdom, yet Ehelepola’s aspirations of kingship ultimately ended in disappointment. Over time, he became a liability for the British authorities, facing ongoing distrust. Following the uprising of 1818, Ehelepola was exiled to Mauritius, where he passed away in 1829 while still in exile.
John D’Oyly—the British Spy
Professor Gananath Obeyesekere highlights the significant role of John D’Oyly, a skilled spy and master manipulator who adeptly learned the Sinhala language and immersed himself in the local culture. This strategic masquerade allowed him to win the trust of the native population. D’Oyly established a network of informants, including merchants and Buddhist monks, who provided crucial intelligence about the Kandyan kingdom. For instance, the Buddhist monks such as Rev. Ahugoda, Rev. Godamunna, Rev. Hurukgamuwa, and Rev. Koskandawala were John D’Oyly’s informants.
Recognized as an exceptionally talented British spy, he understood the immense value of information and employed psychological tactics to sway public opinion against the king. His efforts were instrumental in laying the groundwork for the British invasion of Kandyan territory, especially after the disastrous defeat of British forces in 1803 during the First Kandyan Expedition.
This campaign, which initially saw the capture of Kandy, ultimately resulted in a retreat marked by guerrilla warfare that decimated British troops. D’Oyly believed that the conquest of the Kandyan kingdom could be achieved through intellect rather than brute force, a strategy that ultimately succeeded where the Portuguese and Dutch had failed. Following the British victory, D’Oyly was appointed as the Resident and First Commissioner of Government in the Kandyan Provinces. While Gregory Powell’s book, “The Kandyan Wars: The British Army in Ceylon, 1803–1818,” suggests that D’Oyly’s death was a suicide, many historians contest this claim, asserting that he succumbed to a remittent fever during an official tour in the Seven Korles in May 1824.
Molligoda Disawa ; the shrewd Operator
Molligoda Disawa entered the court of King Sri Vikrama Rajasinha in 1803, quickly establishing himself as a cunning strategist who gained the king’s confidence. He played a pivotal role in sowing discord between Sri Vikrama Rajasinha and Ehelepola Nilame. Often described as vindictive and conniving, Molligoda was seen by Professor Gananath as a clever figure who navigated treacherous waters with skill. In a fateful turn, he aligned himself with the British forces, choosing to forsake his king. Prior to this bold decision, he ensured the safety of his wife and children by sending them to the British side, aided by Major Hook of the British Army. Ehelepola Nilame put his wife and children’s lives at risk by aligning himself with the British. In contrast, the clever Molligoda took decisive action to protect his family from danger. Molligoda remained loyal to the British, even supporting them during the uprising of 1818. However, as time passed, he grew increasingly isolated and fell into alcoholism. Molligoda Disawa passed away in 1823.
Rev Wariyapola Sri Sumangala’s Heroic Act
The popular narrative in Sri Lankan history portrays Wariyapola Sri Sumangala as a heroic Buddhist monk who boldly removed the Union Jack and raised the Sinhalese lion flag prior to the 1815 Kandyan Convention. However, Ganatha challenges this account, suggesting that it was a fabrication. This revelation might provoke disillusionment and anger among nationalists. It is crucial to prioritize historical accuracy over the perpetuation of myths, as this incident appears to be an exaggeration that never actually took place. The convention was heavily secured, preventing any unauthorized access, and official reports do not document any such disturbances. In his book, The Kandyan Wars: The British Army in Ceylon, 1803-1818, Gregory Powell provides a detailed account of the Kandyan Convention without mentioning this event, further supporting the notion that the story is a fictional tale that has spread through oral tradition.
1818 Uva–Wellassa Rebellion
The Uva-Wellassa Rebellion of 1818 was sparked by the British violation of the Kandyan Convention, a disregard that ignored the region’s traditions, disrespected the rights of Kandyan chiefs, and imposed harsh rule on the Kandyan people. Growing frustration with British governance led to a significant uprising, led by notable figures such as Monarawila Keppetipola Nilame, Madugalle Basnayake Nilame, and Ellepolla Nilame, all of whom were eager to reclaim the Kandyan Kingdom.
Despite the rebels’ determination, the uprising was ultimately crushed by the British, who possessed far greater military strength. A lack of cohesive leadership among the insurgents further weakened their resistance. The British employed severe tactics, including a scorched-earth policy that devastated resources and created an atmosphere of terror among the local populace.
Major MacDonald of the British Army engaged in retaliatory actions by setting fire to homes, destroying crops, and slaughtering livestock. Collaborators faced execution, while others were forced into exile. Even family members were not spared, being taken as prisoners. (Decades later, in 1864-1865, US Army General William T. Sherman adopted a scorched-earth strategy during his March to the Sea, aiming to dismantle the Confederacy’s will and resources for continuing the war).
Some Kandyan chieftains, like Molligoda Maha Adikaram and Ratwatte Adikaram, sided with the British, while loyalty from other chiefs in areas like Tun Korele and Hathara Korele helped the colonial powers suppress further rebellions. Historical accounts indicate that the British resorted to brutal measures to extinguish the revolt, implementing collective punishments, destroying property, and executing key rebel leaders. Ultimately, the rebellion failed due to internal discord and inadequate planning within the ranks of the insurgents.
The Doomed King
Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe, the final monarch of the Kandy Nayak Dynasty of Telugu descent, reigned from 1739 until 1815. During his rule, some contemporary writers labeled him a Tamil king, a politically motivated tactic aimed at undermining his popularity among the populace. Despite these challenges, he was known for his contributions to architecture and his support of Buddhism, notably completing the Dalada Maligawa complex with the addition of the Pattirippuva. Following the British conquest, he was exiled to Vellore Fort in India, where he remained until his death in 1832.
There is a plausible theory suggesting that the British covertly administered small doses of arsenic to Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe to expedite his demise. This practice was not isolated, as reports indicate that Sinhala rebels in exile also received arsenic, leading to symptoms such as stomach issues, including nausea, vomiting, and diarrhea with dyspnea and swollen feet before their deaths. Notably, Sri Wickrama Rajasinghe experienced similar symptoms in his final days. This method of poisoning was also employed against Napoleon, who succumbed to comparable health problems, with arsenic later detected in his hair. During his exile, the king fathered a son, Rajadhi Rajasinha, who died of unknown causes in exile in Vellore Fort, India, in 1843. The death of Rajadhi Rajasinha has intensified suspicions regarding the circumstances surrounding these events.
The ministry of external affairs recently dismissed the allegation of the Bangladesh government, where Dhaka alleged that New Delhi was inherently supporting the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s political party. Terming it misplaced, the ministry clarified that India does not allow political activities against other countries from its soil. However, the central government admitted that New Delhi was not aware of any anti-Bangladesh activities by purported members of the Awami League inside India. A ministry-spokesperson also added that New Delhi expected a free, fair and inclusive elections in Bangladesh as early as possible to ascertain the will and mandate of the citizens.
One can remember that a year’s back, when a mass uprising in Bangladesh ousted the sitting premier Hasina, she came to India for asylum with a short notice. Then nobody thought that the Bangabandhu’s daughter had to stay in the neighbouring country for all these months. The centre has not yet announced that Hasina is given official shelter, but her passport was already suspended by the interim government of Bangladesh. The Muhammad Yunus-led caretaker government also continues pursuing Hasina’s deportation to face trials in her home country following hundreds of police complaints against her.
The recent initiative by Dhaka also shocked the people of India, where the Yunus-led regime alleged that many Hasina supporters were also taking shelter in India and even running offices here. A statement issued by the Bangladesh ministry of foreign affairs on 20 August stated that their attention was drawn to media reports of ‘offices of the banned political party titled Bangladesh Awami League were established’ in Delhi and Kolkata. This development occurs against the backdrop of growing anti-Bangladesh activities by Awami League leaders from the Indian territory, added the statement. It also asserted that any form of political activity and campaigning against the interest of Bangladesh by its nationals, staying on Indian soil, including the establishment of offices, constitutes an unambiguous affront to the people and State of Bangladesh.
Moreover, Dhaka warned that these developments threaten the mutual trust and respect underpinning good neighbourly relations between the two countries and called on New Delhi to take immediate action to halt any anti-Bangladesh activities and close Awami League offices (functioning legally or illegally inside India). Lately, the caretaker government has also warned the media outlets of Bangladesh to avoid airing or broadcasting any message from Hasina. Accusing the dethroned premier of making false and inflammatory claims on many occasions, Dhaka asked all satellite news channels and digital platforms in the country to ignore those inputs, otherwise it would invite legal actions. Earlier, the International Crimes Tribunal also prevented Hasina from making hate speeches.
The news relating to the temporary offices of Awami League in Kolkata and Delhi were spread by a number of Bangladeshi media outlets which quoted a recent BBC Bangla report. Those outlets claimed that over 2000 Awami League ministers and leaders along with retired bureaucrats, army & police officers, law practitioners and others are taking shelter in India with extended medical and tourist visas. They have rented common accommodations to assemble regularly and discuss political issues where many personally attend and some connect digitally from various parts of the globe. On one occasion, Hasina had reportedly addressed the gathering, which was eventually made public by selected media outlets.
However, the practice of supporting anti-India elements from its territory used to be a familiar approach for Bangladesh as it supported a number of armed militant outfits from northeast India for decades. Several separatist outfits from Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, etc ran training camps inside Bangladesh before their surrender. As a return gesture, the said militant outfits did not raise voices against the Bangladeshi Muslims taking shelter illegally in India, even though public resentments against those migrants continued. The issue of infiltration gained momentum as Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed his concerns for infiltration and demographic changes in the bordering localities due to a growing Muslim population. Addressing the nation on 15 August, Modi also announced that a high-powered mission will be established to address these issues, amid estimates that no less than 20 million undocumented Bangladeshis are living in India.
The LTTE recruited 5,000+ children as fighters. No one knows the exact number. This was genocide of children – a genocide UNHRC writes reports on but did nothing to stop.
LTTE stole childhoods, turned innocence into weapons. LTTE supporters overseas did not mind Tamil children being kidnapped. LTTE supporters overseas sent their children to schools & universities but poor & low caste Tamil children were kidnapped & trained in camps. The children who tried to flee & return home were shot or cruelly tortured.
The Sri Lanka Army rescued them — disarmed, rehabilitated, returned to families.
Would Geneva have saved them? Or abandoned them?
Who should Sri Lankans trust — our Army, or outsiders?
WE TRUST OUR ARMED FORCES … their bravery and acts of kindness have never got the appreciation they deserve
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was arrested and remanded on Friday (22), has been granted bail, Ada Derana reporter said.
The order was issued by Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura.
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was ordered released on three surety bails of Rs. 5 million each.
The hearing of the case filed against former President Ranil Wickremesinghe commenced at the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court, at around 1:40 p.m. on Tuesday.
The former President, who is at the Intensive Care Unit of the Colombo National Hospital at present, joined the court hearing virtually via Zoom.
During the hearing, a detailed medical report of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s medical was presented to the court by his attorneys.
According to the submissions made by President’s Counsel Anuja Premaratna, three of the four coronary arteries of the former President have been blocked.
He also submitted that the former President is suffering from multiple health complications and therefore requested the Magistrate to consider it as a special case and released former President Wickremesinghe on bail.
Earlier today, Prisons Media Spokesperson Jagath Weerasinghe said the former President is unlikely to be produced before court today, due to medical recommendations stating that he must continue to remain under observation in the ICU.
He further stated that if the Magistrate issues an order for Wickremesinghe to be presented via Zoom for legal proceedings, necessary arrangements can be made accordingly.
Accordingly, the case against the former President was taken up without his presence at the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court.
Following his arrest on Friday (22), court ordered that former President Wickremesinghe be remanded until today. However, considering his health condition, he was first admitted to the Prison Hospital, and later transferred to the Intensive Care Unit of the Colombo National Hospital based on medical advice.
Former President Wickremesinghe, who was arrested by the Criminal Investigations Department at around 1:10 p.m. on Friday for allegedly misusing state funds, was produced before Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura at around 3:00 p.m. the same day.
The case, filed under the under provisions of the Penal Code and the Public Property Act, was adjourned after initial submissions, and subsequently the commencement of court proceedings delayed due to a blackout at the Fort Magistrate Court premises.
After the resumption, considering the submissions made by the Attorney General’s Department and the defence attorneys, Colombo Fort Magistrate Nilupuli Lankapura ordered that the former President be remanded until August 26, a first in the history of Sri Lanka.
Wickremesinghe was taken into custody for allegedly misusing government funds” after being questioned about a September 2023 visit to London to attend a ceremony for his wife at a British university while he was head of state.
Ranil Wickremesinghe had stopped in London in 2023 on his way back from Havana, where he attended a G77 summit.
He and his wife, Maithree, attended a University of Wolverhampton ceremony.
Wickremesinghe had maintained that his wife met her own travel expenses and that no state funds were used.
However, the Criminal Investigation Department of the police alleged that Wickremesinghe used government money for his travel on a private visit and that the state also paid his bodyguards.
Wickremesinghe became president in July 2022 for the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term, after the latter stepped down following months of protests over alleged corruption and mismanagement. He lost his re-election bid in September 2024.
This was the first time a former president had been arrested in Sri Lanka’s history.
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s legal counsels say that the National Audit Office has conducted an audit on the President’s expenditure head and there’s no mention of a misuse of state funds, adding that there’s no case, and the accusation against him is false.
A request by the Bribery Commission to seize the property of former Minister Rajitha Senaratne, who has an outstanding warrant for his arrest, was rejected by the Colombo Chief Magistrate.
The warrant was issued for Senaratne in a case where he is accused of causing a loss of over Rs. 20 million to the government.
The alleged offence is linked to a sand mining project at the Kirinda Fisheries Harbour, which was awarded to a Korean company.
The Bribery Commission had sought an order to seize a property in Colombo, registered under Senaratne’s name and valued at over Rs. 30 million.
The Chief Magistrate advised the Commission to make the request on the next hearing date, which is the 29th, should the suspect fail to appear in court.
The arrest of Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe which was carried out yesterday by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) after arriving to record a statement over allegations of misusing state funds despite being unprecedented in the history of Sri Lanka seems to have many circumspect areas which appear not only to be questionable but appears also to points towards an act of revenge and unethical on the part of the NPP Government where many grey areas appear to have surfaced towards its legitimacy albeit its sudden enactment and a degree of ruthlessness on the part of those who initiated the arrest namely the present Administration especially considering the prima facie evidence presented towards its justification where a far deeper and in depth investigation would have been more appropriate given his status as a former Head of State.
This has been attested to by many who have opposed the arrest including international sources and those within the country who have voiced their vehement opposition where perhaps more consideration should have been given as the fallout from such an action could easiily compromise as well as jeopardize the future of the presidency as we know it and does not favour the well being of the country towards future stability as many intellectual minds have observed and perhaps even a slur on a Nation which has struggled through many crises where Mr Wickremasinghe has stood firm towards their resolution in patriotic dedication as some have put it and hardly fair by him that such a sudden enactment of stringent authority has been imposed towards his incarceration when greater consideration should have been given to the role he paid in restoring Sri Lanka to a degree of normalcy where the conclusion that he misappropriated State Funds seems more speculatively erroneous as one delves into their realities relative to those who handled his official expenses.
The arguments towards its validity appear to have not been proven beyond reasonable doubt and a benefit of the doubt perhaps something the former President was entitled to given his denial and the facts presented by his legal representation which probably deserved greater attention and scrutiny rather than being shrugged off ignominiously as the case appears to have been.
The probe concerns his September 2023 visit to London to attend a University of Wolverhampton graduation ceremony for his wife, Professor Maithree Wickremesinghe, during which investigators claim government money was used for travel and security expenses.
Former President Wickremesinghe has denied the charges, insisting that his wife bore her own costs and no public funds were misused.
There is evidence also that the University conferring the honor on Mrs Wickremasinghe had officially invited them and the expenses which Mr Wickremasinghe is said to have misappropriated could well have been attributable to part of an official visit outside the country in his capacity as President. The CID had earlier presented evidence to the Fort Magistrate’s Court and recorded statements from his former private secretary Sandra Perera and former presidential secretary Saman Ekanayake.
He was taken into custody last morning after stating his case in defence attested to by his legal representation and is expected to be produced before the Fort Magistrate’s Court later on.Subsequently he has been remanded without bail until the 23rd of August it has ben learned.
Wickremesinghe, who assumed the presidency in July 2022 after Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation and lost re-election in September 2024, is now the first former President in Sri Lanka’s history to be arrested.
There are shades of anti Wickremasinghe sentiment and pursuit by his political opponents relative to the infamous Batalanda massacres
which took place during his tenure where despite an in depth investigation he was found to have no liabilities regardless of his political status and no charges were proven against him.
All things considerd including his present weakened health and the response of the majority of those loyal to him who have expressed their justifiable concerns in the matter of his arrest perhaps a reversal of the conditions he is being subjected to from a government perspective which appears unfair and unjustified may be in order provided a through investigation towards his accusations is re-initiated towards the maintenance of Democracy within the Nation.
It also seems unfair that he has been denied bail which further attests to the determination of the Government to incarcerate him unconditionally and needs consideration which now seems to be on compassionate grounds for a former Head of State whose health conditions could easily deteriorate and worsen.
The LTTE banned Sinhalese & Muslims from Jaffna in 1990.
Entire families left with only the clothes on their back.
What happened to their land What happened to their homes What happened to their belongings & possessions? What did LTTE do with these? Similarly, the LTTE took lands & homes of Tamils too — these Tamils are begging the Armed Forces not to leave North These Tamils trust Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces more than LTTE – only those living in North know this truth. You wont hear it from those living in Oslo, Toronto, London, Paris or Colombo
If Geneva dictates our Army to leave North, who will shield us, Tamils who know the truth are asking?
Senior journalist Dharman Wickramaratne’s latest book Premakeerthi Ghathanaye Sulamula”, written about the JVP’s second insurrection, will be launched on Wednesday, 27th August at 3 p.m. at the National Library and Documentation Services Board Auditorium, Colombo 7.
This book is based on the assassination of veteran radio broadcaster Premakeerthi de Alwis on 31st July, 1989, 36 years ago, and the series of true events connected to it, compiled through in-depth research. This 256-page book contains 168 photographs.
During this said period, around 60,000 people were killed, including 17 artists with Premakeerthi amongst them. This latest release is the fourth book of Dharman Wickramaratne’s series on the JVP’s second insurrection, and it is also his 55th publication.
The book launch ceremony will be chaired by Attorney-at-Law Jaliya Samarasinghe, while key-note speakers will be veteran poet and lyricist Buddhadasa Galappatty, veteran music critic Dhammika Bandara, and Prof. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa. The launch is open to the public, and further details can be obtained by calling 071-2733986.
Colombo, August 25 (Daily Mirror) – Police protection provided to social activist and YouTuber Sudatta Thilakasiri has reportedly been withdrawn.
Thilakasiri was previously granted protection after filing a complaint with the police, claiming threats to his life.
However, the protection was withdrawn following intelligence reports which concluded that there is no credible threat to his safety. (Gayan Sooriyaarachchi)
Colombo, August 25 (Daily Mirror) – A government cannot claim the law is equal to all” when it chases the opposition with urgency, yet moves like a tortoise when its own ministers face serious corruption allegations, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Politburo member Geethanath Cassilingham said.
“Where is the inquiry into former Speaker Ranwala’s fake educational credentials? What happened to the investigation into the release of the 323 containers? What about the growing list of corruption cases involving those in power- including Cabinet Minister Kumara Jayakody? The Hon. courts have even reprimanded the police for delaying the case against Minister Samarasinghe. Where is equality before the law for him?” Cassilingam asked in a post on X.
“Selective justice is not justice, it is a political weapon,” he added.
A number of opposition political parties and civil society organisations are planning to hold a protest in Colombo tomorrow. The demonstration is timed to coincide with a court hearing for former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is facing charges related to the alleged misuse of state funds.
Organisations including the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Youth Front, Ceylon Workers Congress, and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) are involved. They plan to gather near the Colombo Magistrate’s Court.
According to Charith Abeysinghe, an organiser for the SJB, the protest is about more than just one person. He stated: “This is not just about one individual. It’s about standing up against political suppression.”
Hemantha Srilal, from the SLPP Youth Front, expressed similar views, arguing that the rally is to protect democratic principles. He warned that the legal action against Mr Wickremesinghe could be part of a wider trend. He said: “Ranil has been arrested today, and other former Presidents could be next. We cannot allow a former leader—who led the country through a civil war—to be politically harassed. If this continues, even President Anura Dissanayake could be restricted from accessing his party headquarters in Pelawatte.”
Dr Don Wanigasuriya, a representative of Sarwajana Balaya, emphasised the importance of unity in the face of what he described as political suppression. He added: “We are standing in unity to protect democratic freedoms.”
