Govt mulls limiting repatriation of Sri Lankans stranded abroad

May 25th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

The government is currently looking into limiting the repatriation of Sri Lankans who are stuck overseas due to the COVID-19 pandemic, stated Director-General of Health Services Dr. Anil Jasinghe.

He points out that the arrival of a large number of people from foreign countries could be problematic in a context where the issue of Sri Lanka Navy infections has not been resolved as of yet.

Therefore, the government may take a decision to restrict the repatriation of Sri Lankans abroad, Jasinghe said.

Meanwhile, nearly 50 guidelines for carrying out various social activities are set to be released within the upcoming 2 days, the Director-General of Health Services said.

The relevant guideline will inform the general public on action to be followed once the curfew is lifted, he added.

Those who fail to maintain social distance will be arrested – Ajith Rohana

May 25th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Individuals who do not maintain social distance once the curfew is lifted will be arrested from tomorrow (May 26) onwards, stated DIG Ajith Rohana.

He mentioned this speaking to the Ada Derana’Big Focus’ program today (25).

Accordingly, any person who does not maintain the prescribed social distance, whether at queues or in buses, they will be arrested and prosecuted under Section 264 of the Penal Code of Sri Lanka, he said.

The DIG further said if convicted of such an offense, one could face up to six months in prison.

Joining the program, Minister Mahinda Amaraweera said that buses can transport passengers only up to the number of seats available.

The National Transport Commission has been instructed to take necessary legal action if a bus is found transporting passengers exceeding the number of seats available on the bus, the Minister said.

With the ease of curfew regulations tomorrow, traveling between districts except in the two districts of Colombo and Gampaha will be permitted.

Inter-provincial bus services will also recommence operations from tomorrow.

Meanwhile, the Railways Department will be deploying 29 trains for the general public to reach Colombo.

However, those who wish to take the train may enter the train station only if they hold the token provided by the Railways Department once the passenger is registered at the Department through their employee ID, said Deputy General Manager of Railways A. D. G. Seneviratne.

Guidelines issued by the health authorities, including disinfection, wearing face masks, washing hands from time to time, and maintaining social distance should strictly be followed during the use of public transportation, stated President’s Media Division.

Colombo and Gampaha will reopen after 66 days – Curfew lifted at 5.00am

May 25th, 2020

Courtesy Hiru News

Curfew lifted at 5.00am tomorrow Tuesday 26 May 

The curfew imposed in Colombo and Gampaha districts for more than two months will be temporarily relaxed tomorrow.

This is with the two day all Island curfew that will be lifted tomorrow (Tuesday, 26 May) at 5.00 am. Curfew will be effective only between 10.00 pm to 4.00 am daily in all the districts in the island from tomorrow, May 26th onwards until further notice.

Following the detection of the first Sri Lankan coronavirus patient in Sri Lanka on March 11, police curfew was imposed on March 20 in order to curb the spread of the virus.

However, after 52 days, curfew that was imposed in all districts of the island except for Colombo and Gampaha was relaxed under the program to restore the normalcy of civilian life.

Curfew lifted guidelines have to be followed

The police stated that although the curfew has been relaxed from tomorrow, guidelines prescribed by the health authorities to prevent the spread of the Coronavirus should strictly be followed during the operations of factories, institutes, offices and shops as well as public transportation.

Speaking at a press conference held at the Police Headquarters today, DIG Ajith Rohana stated that action will be taken tomorrow to arrest persons who do not maintain social distancing.

Hotels, restaurants and cafes in Colombo, approved by the Tourist Board permitted to open

Colombo Municipal council states that the Tourist Board approved hotels and restaurants within its limits could be opened for business effective tomorrow.  

Chief Medical Officer of the Council, Ruwan Wijemuni said such business entities should follow strict health guidelines while in operation.

Gyms, pavement hawkers, weekly fairs not permitted to operate still

Meanwhile, food outlets, gyms/bodybuilding centers, weekly fairs and pavement traders throughout the country are not permitted to operate at this time.

Railways – can get in with work ID

Meanwhile, the General Manager of Railways Dilantha Fernando stated that due to the addition of extra compartments for the trains, people who have not registered with the Department of Railways will be able to travel after producing their office Identity cards.

He further stated that the general public can use the trains in all districts excluding Colombo and Gampaha districts.

However, the Secretary of the Railway Engine Drivers Union Indika Dodamgoda stated that the trains deployed is not sufficient due to the prevailing situation.

Bus Service – 5000 buses deployed

Meanwhile, inter-provincial bus services will also be allowed to operate from tomorrow onwards in all districts except Colombo and Gampaha. Chairman of the Sri Lanka Transport Board Kingsley Ranawaka stated that 5000 buses have been deployed for this purpose.

Similarly, Minister Mahinda Amaraweera requested the public of Colombo and Gampaha districts to use buses for service requirements only.

Buses operating from the Southern Expressway will be travelling only to Kottawa. The bus service will commence at 4.30 am and will end at 6.00 pm. The fare should be charged only to the location a passenger is dropped and the buses should display the destination in the front.

The National Transport Commission has also decided to extend the present validity period of the permit of the buses up to June 30.

The Ministry issued a statement regarding the decisions taken at the meeting.

Buses travelling along five routes to Colombo will not enter Colombo but stop at the entry points as noted below.

Inter-provincial buses coming to Colombo on Kandy road will be limited to Nittambuwa.
Inter-provincial buses coming to Colombo route 5 will be limited to Minuwangoda
Inter-provincial buses coming to Colombo on Galle Road will be limited to Panadura
Inter-provincial buses coming to Colombo via Avissawella on low level and high-level roads limited to Avissawella.
Inter-provincial buses coming to Colombo on Negombo Road from Puttalam and Kuliyapitiya will be limited to Negombo. 

Similarly, with the curfew in the Colombo district being lifted tomorrow, there is a trend of cleaning up the city and a group of cleaning workers have expressed their views.

Colombo stock exchange operational hours extended

Meanwhile, it was announced that the Colombo Stock Exchange will resume trading tomorrow. Renuke Wijayawardhane, the Chief Regulatory Officer has stated that the CSE has decided to extend the trading hours from Tuesday 26th May 2020 as set out below:

Pre-open session – from 10.30 a.m. to 11.00 a.m. Open Auction – at 11.00 a.m.
Regular Trading – will commence after the Open Auction at 11.00 a.m. Market close – at 2.30 p.m.

Weddings 

In addition, the Ministry of Health states that it is illegal to bring more than 100 people to weddings even if there is a large seating capacity in the hall.

The ministry also announced the need to maintain the minimum number of participants and to maintain personal distance in accordance with health instructions during the festivals.

During the time the function is held, it should be based on health guidelines including maintaining individual distancing of one meter. Only a maximum of 40 percent of the usual number of guests the hall can accommodate under normal situations, should be invited. 

The guidelines include hand washing before entering the halls, disinfecting the utensils and furniture before the event, temperature checks, wearing of face masks, ventilation, avoiding physical greetings, displaying health guidelines and several other instructions. Responsibility is with the people However, it is the people who are at the forefront of the entire effort to restore normalcy to civilian life.

The Director General of Health Services Dr. Anil Jasinghe stated that the coronavirus can be eradicated from the country only if people follow proper health procedures.

Sooka’s ITJP is a National Security threat: Sri Lanka must question EU & take Legal Action

May 24th, 2020

No Vetting for Sri Lanka’s New Major Generals”is the latest of Sooka’s witch hunt against Sri Lanka and adds to her record of issuing close to 70 reports against Sri Lanka since 2009. The disclosure of military details publicly by a foreign government funded entity raises serious concerns about the security and risks to the lives of Sri Lanka’s military personnel. The concern is valid given the debacle faced in 2002 as a result of disclosing military intelligence details that led to LTTE assassinating 58 intelligence personnel and close to 80 intelligence operatives whose identities had been disclosed to LTTE. It is clear that this witch hunt is by remnants of the LTTE operating from overseas and if the lives of these gallant officers that contributed to deliver peace in Sri Lanka are in any way compromised Sooka and her ITJP must take direct accountability. The GoSL must take serious note of the increasing threats to the Armed Forces.

Sooka or her ITJP have no legitimacy beyond the fact that they are a foreign funded entity. On what basis can they make public statements regarding the decisions of a sovereign country and publicize personal details of the armed forces. Is this not indirectly exposing them and making them an open target for misadventure similar to what took place in the Millennium City debacle of 2002?

Where does it say that an elected President of a sovereign country has to seek permission from a foreign government funded foreign NGO to appoint or promote military officers to its National Army? That’s the first question ITJP and Sooka must answer.

If Yasmin Sooka can question the choice of individuals and claim them as ‘highly politicized’ we too would like to question who Sooka is to pass judgement. She is not an elected political leader, she is nothing but a paid employee of a foreign government.

We would also like to know who she defines ‘victims’ – is it the victims of LTTE or the LTTE to whose events she gets welcomed as comrade – no wonder she sees the gesture of Maj. Gen. Priyankara Fernando as a crime and not the stomach slitting of pregnant mothers by LTTE during its attacks on villages or the butchery of other innocent unarmed victims of LTTE.

For Sooka a hand gesture is a crime but LTTE shooting to death 146 Buddhists in prayer in Sri Maha Bodhiya Temple Anuradhapura and killing 147 Muslims inside Kattankudy mosque is not even worthy of mention or even a report. A woman who has not said a word against LTTE’s crimes or produced a single report on LTTE crimes has no business to be making statements against anyone. It just completely nullifies her credibility.

Her apparent bias is further strengthened in claiming Isaipriya as a ‘Tamil TV presenter’ when she was SHOBA the LTTE TV anchor. Isaipriya’s LTTE ID card was 03424-T ESAYRUVI. She was married to senior LTTE Trincomalee sea tiger Siri Ram. She is no civilian and any female combatant dying during exchange of hostilities cannot feature as a civilian dead in any report.

Who are these torture suspects that the ITJP has interviewed? While she is rolling out the curriculum vitae of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces with their brigade details etc, why is she keeping secret the details of the ITJP interviewees. Is she hiding their identity because they are runaway LTTE?

Out of curiosity, given that her entity is not even set up to monitor Sri Lanka, why is her concentration only on Sri Lanka? What about civilian casualties from collateral damage by US and NATO bombings in countries they are illegally intervening in? How about running a dossier on these US NATO pilots and armed forces dropping bombs or shooting civilians? What is preventing her producing reports and naming Western army personnel?

Why is she gunning after only Sri Lankan Armed Forces? Sooka, your answers are long overdue.

Sooka is issuing these reports courtesy ITJP – International Truth & Justice Project which is incidentally administered by the Foundation for Human Rights in South Africa. The FHR was set up in 1996 funded by the EU to deal with issues related to South Africa. Sooka was its Executive Director from 2001 to September 2019.  This means she was an EU employee while being selected as a member for the Ban Ki Moon personal report.

If the funding by EU is for South Africans, is EU funding ITJP too? If not, why is ITJP administered within a EU funding project for South Africa? 

However, though she left FHR as its Executive Director in September 2019 there has been 13 reports since September 2019 on Sri Lanka. 9 ITJP reports in 2020 alone. Does this mean Sooya is still part of FHR but only ITJP? This type of witch hunt under the façade of human rights, accountability and other mumbo jumbo cannot denigrate a sovereign state and its armed forces and character assassinate their personalities and career track records.

Besides all this Sooka and the entity cannot be allowed to jeopardize their lives by exposing their details publicly. The US, UK, NATO or even India will not allow disclosure of their military personnel. The GoSL must also protect its Armed Forces by not allowing some publicity-seeking hardly known entities to make public, personal details about Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces.

The GOSL through the Foreign Ministry must question the EU and the South African Government as well as the present Board of the FHR regarding Sooka’s role in FHR and in particular reconfirm if ITJP continues to be administered within the FHR by Sooka.

If Sooka has left FHR as Executive Director does it mean she is still continuing the ITJP within the FHR or has ITJP been transferred elsewhere, if so, where to? ITJP’s latest report continues to be part of the FHR so we now question whether Sooka is still part of the FHR to continue ITJP work in which case EU, South African Government & FHR would still need to provide Sri Lanka an explanation.

The GoSL in protecting Sri Lanka’s Armed Forces and Intelligence Personnel must seek legal consultation to take action against ITJP and all entities linked to it for exposing personal details of a National Army and issue notices to them that they will be personally held responsible if any harm should come to them. 

Shenali D Waduge

US singer Cher champions release of Kavan, Sri Lanka’s ‘lonely elephant’ from a Pakistani zoo

May 24th, 2020

Kavan, the elephant has been in Murghazar Zoo, Islamabad, Pakistan since 1987 when he was gifted by President J R Jayawardena to Pakistan’s President Gen. Zia-ur Haq. Just 1 years old he was taken from his mother and given as a State gift to another country. Sri Lanka’s leaders did not think to seek permission from Kavan’s mother. What mother would like to have her precious child taken away and sent across the seas, never to be seen again? It was a morally wrong Presidential decision sans compassion. Were there no better gifts to give in exchange for diplomatic pleasantries?

Kavan lost his companion Saheli who arrived from Bangladesh in 1990 and died in 2012. Kavan had no companion since and loneliness was affecting him badly. He soon came to be known as Pakistan’s lonely elephant. It was in 2016 that American singer Cher heard about Kavan.

She inquired about him from Zoo officials in Pakistan. She petitioned for his freedom and she kept the struggle to free Kavan.  Good news arrives 4 years later.

A Pakistani court in Islamabad has given Kavan his freedom after 33 years cooped up in a zoo.

Kavan is to be a slave no more and Cher has played a major role to secure his freedom. Where does Kavan go to now is the question we all want answered. Kavan can no longer be put into a zoo. He must be allowed to move with fellow elephants in his home Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka’s officials and animal rights groups must ensure Kavan finally enjoys his freedom.

Singer Cher must be applauded for campaigning for 4 years to secure his release having felt saddened by photos of the elephant living alone and held in chains. Naturally Cher is jubilant. She had broken into tears hearing the news.

Even humans came to value freedom during lockdown with covid-19. Animals began to enjoy freedom as a result of humans being under lockdown. These lessons cannot be ignored. How humans felt imprisoned inside their homes is the life animals suffer inside zoos.  Animals too have feelings just like humans and the only thing setting animals and humans apart is our ability to speak.  Arahant Mahinda declared to King Devanampiyatissa some 2300years ago:

Oh! Great King, the birds of the air and the beasts have an equal right to live and move about in any part of this land as thou.

The land belongs to the peoples and all other beings and thou art only the guardian of it”

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/may/22/cher-sheds-tears-of-joy-as-pakistans-loneliest-elephant-wins-freedom

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/05/pakistan-free-elephant-kaavan-campaign-singer-cher-200522082957974.html

(those who have not heard Cher — here’s some of her most memorable songs)

Shenali D Waduge

VEN. ELLAWALA MEDHANANDA Part 3

May 24th, 2020

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Ven. Ellawala Medhananda was very active politically. He took an active part in settling Sinhalese in Maduru Oya, in the 1980s, when Accelerated Mahaweli” started, Gamini Dissanayake; Minister for Mahaweli had asked Ven. Medhananda to do a study of the history of the Mahaweli region. While engaged in this, Medhananda had met Ven.  Kithalagama  Seelalankara of  Dimbulagala.  

Ven. Kithalagama  had come to Toppigala area in 1960s.   He  created the  Dimbulagala vihara and had   started to settle Sinhalese in the surrounding  area  when the Mahaweli scheme started. Mahaweli scheme included the  development of Maduru Oya basin in the  Batticaloa district.

Dimbulagala and Medhananda decided that the best way to prevent  LTTE coming into the East was to settle Sinhalese in the Maduru Oya area.    ‘We settled the excess population from Hingurakgoda  and Minneriya, numbering 40,000 in Toppigala, Kunchanamalai,  Nelugala,  Atubandigala,  Vesibandigala and  Piyangala.     We informed President  JR  Jayewardene that we were going to settle Sinhalese there. JR was against this, but we  continued  with the project, recalled Medhananda .

The settlers were    assaulted and chased away, on JR’s orders, by Paul Perera, said Medhananda .  UNP Minister Paul Perera was  the invisible leader of the Gampaha underworld, observed Dharman Wickremaratne. The houses of the settlers were set on fire. The settlers  took refuge in Dimbulagala pasala. They were later sent to Dollar and Kent farms  where they were  killed, said  Medhananda.

Sociologist Asoka Bandarage confirms this. Ven. Kithalagama Seelalankara had  led the movement to settle some    40,000 landless Sinahla peasants  in Maduru oya, she observed. The proposed settlement of Sinhalese on Maduru oya right bank  came under opposition from  Tamil separatists and international donors. Under their growing pressure JR ordered the forcible removal of all settlers. The settlements were dismantled and the Sinhalese displaced. Subsequently Maduru oya and 20 other small projects were close down,  concluded Bandarage..

In 2008, Medhananda went to courts to stop Muslim encroachment on to Dighavapi lands. This  is case  no SC FR 178/08. Ven. Ellawala Medananda thero vs. District secretary, Ampara and others

Medhananda was joined by other petitioners for this case. They included   the Viharadhipathi of the Deeghavapi Raja Maha Viharaya, the President of the Dighavapi Surakeemay Sanvidanaya, the Deeghavapi Pratisanskarana Sabhawa and other bhikkhus who, coming from different Buddhist organizations, represented the interests of persons concerned in preserving the Deeghavapi Raja Maha Viharaya.

The petitioners informed court that 60 acres of land to the south of the Dighavapi Raja Maha Viharaya was given to 500 Muslim families without a good reason. Sinhalese who had requested land were not given any. The settlement of such a large number of Muslims within  close proximity to Dighavapi Raja Maha Vihara would have an adverse effect on the temple.

The Petitioners submitted that the Deeghavapi Raja Maha Viharaya is one of the 16 most venerated sites of Buddhists in this country. They provided historical evidence to support their statement, including a Report of the Director General of Archaeology.

According to this report the name Deeghavapi has been used from the 2nd Century B. C. and the Viharaya was constructed by King Saddhatissa in the lst century B. C. Further, the Viharaya had been reconstructed by King Kirti Sri Rajasinha of the Kandyan Kingdom in 1746.

In the circumstances nothing further need to be stated as regards the sensitivity which has been affected by the impugned action from the perspective of the Buddhist, not only in that area but in the entire country, said Supreme Court. Supreme Court agreed with the petitioners that fundamental rights have been infringed and allowed the application.  Medhananda had  won the case

Ven. Medhananda   also spoke out about unethical conversion of Buddhists to Christianity. He had encountered this on a visit to Ampara district. In 1993, Ven. Kalutara Dhammananda of Buddhangala monastery, Ampara had asked Medhananda to help 46 families living in Ratugala village, situated near Wellassa, Galgamuwa. He had gone there with dry rations, clothes, books soap, toothpaste, coconut, medicines in July 1993.

He then found that Ratugala village was in the clutches of a Christian evangelistic church, Kristiani subharanchi sabhava”. The headquarter of this evangelistic church was in Makandura, Gonawela. A team of three persons had come to Ratugala and set up a society called Jinaloka samaga subha sadaka sanvidanaya in 1990.

This team had established contact with the leaders of the village, Kaira and Gombira. Gombira said that his two children had converted and the missionaries had taken them away. His granddaughter was staunchly Christian and refused to speak to Medhananda.

 The evangelists had got hold of Kaira’s land and built a chapel on it.  They baptized 23 children on Poson Poya day.  Before the baptism, the children had been made to smash and trample Buddha statues, they were given dodol to eat and told that this was the Buddha’s flesh. The evangelists were making use of the poverty of Ratugala and other such places, said Medhananda .  (Kahatapitiya p 357-358)

This situation is also seen in Badulla, Moneragala, Ampara, Polonnaruwa and  Hambantota, very strongly said Medhananda, and at a lesser level elsewhere. He pointed out that to protect and preserve Buddhism, it was necessary to preserve the Buddhist population, not temples. What we need to look after it not the temple, it is the Buddhist population. Temples came later. To look after temples we need a Buddhist public”, he said.  

Ven. Medhananda was responsible for the birth of the Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya. Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya started under my direction, said Ven. Medhananda. The first discussions were at Kuppiyawatte Jayasekeraramaya. We met there to discuss how to combat the anti- national and anti-Buddhist activities that were taking place in the island.

 Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya (JSS) was set up as a formal organization  in 2002 in Colombo  Ven. Medhananda was appointed President. We had all island meetings and talks, recalled Medhananda. We set up districts units of the JSS.

Medhananda played a prominent role in all JSS proceedings. He addressed the Sammelanaya at its inaugural meeting. He gave the key note address when the Gampaha district branch was set up.

JSS was very active in 2002 and 2003. There was a huge Sangha Samuluva at BMICH in September 2002. Medhananda presided. The JSS decided to meet the President that night itself. They went straight from the   conference to meet President Chandrika Kumaratunga and placed before her the recommendations of the Conference. Ven. Medhananda led the  group.

 JSS held another well attended meeting at Dharmavijaya Foundation in  2002. A second Sangha samuluva was held in 2003 at BMICH. JSS also went to Kandy, in 2003 and there it set up Trinikaya committee   with Medhananda as President. At this meeting, JSS vowed to protect the unitary state. 

In 2003  JSS also went to Ministry of Buddha Sasana and complained.  Buddhist ruins were being destroyed, Buddhist lands were in danger, unethical conversion of Buddhists was going on at a rate. What was the Ministry doing? The Minister should resign if he cannot take action, said JSS . JLL asked for military protection to go and look  at the Buddhist remains in North and east.

JSS was very clear as to what its focus was. Its focus was    ‘rata, jatiya and agama.’  When rata agama, jatiya are  in danger ,it is traditional for the Sangha to  intervene, said JSS. The Sangha have the right to comment on all matters relating to this country. In a situation  like today, it is the duty of the Sangha is to alert the public as to what is happening,  there are international conspiracies hatched to undermine the sovereignty and independence of Sri Lanka. 

Medhananda went around the country making speeches on the political situation . He addressed the meeting of  Delgamu hela  bodu Sanvidana, held  at Degamuwa Sri Dalada raja maha vihara, Kuruwita .

He was firmly against the  Tamil Separatist Movement. He criticized the four conditions put forward by Tamil Separatist Movement at Thimpu. There is no historical basis for a Tamil homeland in the north and east said Medhananda .  

He heavily  criticized the Ceasefire Agreement.. The LTTE has got strengthened as never before due to the Ceasefire agreement. What  is happening now beats everything that  Dutugemunu,  Valagamba, Dhatusena  had to face, he said. But there is no one speak up on the matter.  LTTE was  now getting ready to get itself    recognized    internationally using a foreign country.

Medhananda  was well informed on the Eelam issue.  Tamil nationalism was created by the British, he said. He commented on Pongu Tamil movement   and noted that the LTTE had created a half hour time difference for the ‘state of Eelam’. LTTE went for peace talks whenever it got weakened, he said.  He  also pointed out that LTTE  were destroying Buddhist   monuments in north and east .

Shivajilingam had said that there were now two countries in Sri Lanka . Medhananda pointed out that if so, Shivajilingam  could not have arrived in Colombo as he had done. Shivajilingam was able to do so, because Sri Lanka was one country. There is only one government and just one breakaway province, declared Medhananda .

JSS found it  was not getting anywhere despite its efforts. It was suggested that JSS should enter Parliament. A new political party, Jatika Hela Urumaya, was launched for the purpose. Ven. Ellawala Medhananda together with Kolonnawe Sumangala  and Omalpe Sobhitha were founding members.

The Jathika Hela Urumaya contested its first parliamentary election on 2 April 2004. All of its candidates were Buddhist monks,  led by Ven. Medhananda. The other monks entered Parliament through elections. Medhananda went to Parliament on the National List. He stated later that he was sent to Parliament, ‘giya nova yavuna’.

Medhananda said that he was firmly opposed to the idea of a bhikkhu contesting  the post of President of Sri Lanka . Medhananda explained his view of Bhikkhus in politics in an interview with CA Chandraprema.

We first became politically active through the Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya,” he said. At a certain point, we came to the decision that in order to win the war against terrorism and to put an end to unethical conversions, bhikkhus should be represented in Parliament. I agreed to the decision to contest elections only after discussing it six times, rejecting the idea and finally agreeing to it in the seventh round of discussions.

I stated very clearly that a bhikkhu whether in Parliament or in the temple had to remain a bhikkhu. We held large meetings and protest campaigns but in all such instances I ensured that the bhikkhus maintained the decorum expected of them by the laity. For example we held a protest in front of the British High Commission which was attended by a large number of bhikkhus all of whom behaved in a manner befitting a monk.”

Medhananda replied an MP who had been very  critical  regarding the arrival of  bhikkhus into Parliament. Medhananda said, our  Parliament  has been  modeled on the British Parliament, but this is not England. This is a Sinhala Bauddha rata and  JHU came into Parliament on the Sinhala- Buddhist  wave. JHU  has been the first to challenge the English model in  Parliament.  Certainly, we do not stand when the Speaker comes in, but that does not mean that  we do  not recognize  him, Medhananda said.

Ven. Medhananda made use of his period as an Member of Parliament,  to make lengthy speeches and place certain facts on record.  He spoke forcefully.  At one point he was asked by the Speaker whether he was taking the full 15 minutes allocated to the JHU. Yes, said Medhananda firmly, there is no other speaker,  only me.

Medhananda drew attention to the privatizing of national assets. He referred to stoning of judges houses  and garlanding  a person declared guilty in J.R Jayewardene’s time. But his main subject was the ethnic issue, in its various manifestations.

He relentlessly attacked the Tamil Separatist Movement, the Eelam war and Eelam itself. The government must as soon as possible  defeat the LTTE, he said. He pointed out that the basic services in the LTTE controlled areas was provided by the government using government funds. He criticized the merger of North and east.  He condemned the Millenium City raid.

Medhananda spoke out against  a Tamil homeland. Sampur is  a historical Tamil village, said Sampanthan.  I will show you  how Tamil  it is, replied Medhananda, with gusto,  and  gave the documented  history of  Sampur, citing Sinhala king after Sinhala king. Medhananda  also said that by putting ai” before   a word, such as Wellawattai,”   does not  make it Tamil. 

Medhananda submitted a long memorandum , with supporting documents, to Parliament, to be  recorded in Hansard. It  showed the Sinhala Buddhist history of north and east. It contained detailed information on the Buddhist ruins and other archaeological remains, such as  tanks, irrigation channels, still visible there. 

Medhananda also drew attention of Parliament  to a statement forwarded to  the UN Human Rights Council, Geneva by K Sachchitanandan   which argued that the north and east belonged to the Tamils.  He has distorted our history, said Medhananda .  I  have provided a 12 page reply to be included in Hansard. The Speaker agreed to include the statement in the Hansard.

In his reply  Medhananda had taken each statement made by Sachchitanandan, and demolished them one by one.  Medhananda said that there was no Sivam Senior and Sivan  Junior ruling in Jaffna.  There was only one Siva in history and that was Devanampiyatissa’s father. Many of the Tamil names were actually  distortions of  the original Sinhala name, e.g. Mannakamam was Medagama.

Medhananda was regularly interrupted by Tamil MPs, especially when he spoke out against  a Tamil homeland.  Medhananda, continued undisturbed. Shout as much as you wish ,said Medhananda. MP Sri Kantha said ‘if you will allow me I will educate you.’ Medhananda replied ”Sit down, It is I who is speaking. You can speak after me, if you wish.  MP Shivajilingam was reprimanded by the Speaker, for threatening Medhananda.

Medhananda spoke strongly against the LTTE .he started by listing the villages LTTE had attacked. The LTTE had hit the following villages and towns, Bakkiella ,Bakmitiyawa, Damminna Gonagala, Keenwatte, Kent farm,  Kiri ibban wewa,      Kombanachchi,  Lankapatuna,  Mangala oya, Mutur, Namalgama, Omanna, Pottuvil, Sampath town ,Sastravela, Seruwila, Thamalthala, Tirumangala,   Trikonamadu    and Villumale . LTTE also attacked Hulannuge School,   and chased away Sinhalese from Akkaraipattu

Medhananda  referred to a training given by LTTE to young persons, this was supposed to be  health training. Did they need guns for such a training asked Medhananda . He observed that a  LTTE  group  who had gone to Norway  to  study federalism had actually been given training by Norway’s Special Forces.   He spoke against the  NGOs  in the north. ZOR was one of the  NGOs that is helping LTTE, he said.

He spoke favorably of standardization. Medhananda gave statistics of education, for all  28 districts (year was probably 2005).  He  showed that  Jaffna with 492,000 population had 33 schools ,Colombo with 17,00,000  pop had 32. Jaffna with  2434  (sic) pupils had 32 schools, Colombo with  7454  (sic) had 40. Similarly, Colombo had  9301 doing science  , Jaffna had 2486, Kandy 1124, Galle 1208.

He took a strong Sinhala Buddhist line.  He said the government did not give any land to the Sangha for  providing houses for tsunami affected person, but they gave 207 acres to World Vision,  a Christian NGO. He drew attention to unethical conversion of Buddhist to Christianity.   He spoke of the plight of  viharas. Of the 10,200 vihara about 3000 are in difficulties. 

He spoke of Muslim assertiveness. He said that it was not necessary to obtain permission from Muslims, to erect a Buddha statue at Pottuvil.  He spoke of a [Muslim] bank  where they give easy loans to Sinhala businessmen. Then when they fail to pay back they seize their property. 

He spoke of colonization schemes.  Gal oya settlements were to going into the hand of non-Sinhalese, he said. In 1974 7597  acres were allotted to settlements 1,2,3,4,7,8.  Of these 3,4, and 7 are now held by non Sinhalese. 

 At Dighavapi 585 acres were set aside for Sinhalese. Of these settlements several are now  occupied by  non-Sinhalese. The land was taken forcibly and houses built. In 1996, against Sinhala Buddhist opposition, 250 acres at Dighavapi were bulldozed  and non-Sinhalese were given houses with 2 ½ acres each. 

In the Akkaraipattu water scheme in 1994,  three projects were for Sinhala settlements but the was reduced to one.  Eventually it is Akkaraipattu which will be the main town of the district not Ampara, said Medhananda .

Medhananda stated firmly that he did not make use of  any of the perks available to MPs. He did not go on foreign jaunts, or  obtain land in Colombo to build a house.   His car permit he gave the JHU,  and continued to use his own old car. He did not even  use  his position to improve Napawala temples. The decentralized  budget he received was used to improve roads, electricity supply, drains  etc.

The money he received as a Member of Parliament  was  used  to help others. He was particularly keen on opening bank deposits  of Rs 1000 for  poor students  in schools and daham pasal. The first beneficiaries were 70  pupils in Gomadiyagala village, Kurunegala district. This was followed by schools in Dambahara gammanaya in Madahapola,  and Kukulega in Kahatagasdigiliya.

He also provided every child who left for school from Napawala preschool, with a bank deposit. . 120 clever children from Siripura, Padaviya and   Weli oya  were given  assistance including clothes..Medhananda had  also provided books to   school children, who were poor. He has also donated books to school libraries  and Pirivena libraries.

He had also  helped the poverty stricken people in the north and east. At Padavi Siripura he came across  an old woman who   had had an operation on her neck and was asked to attend a monthly clinic at Anuradhapura,  but she was unable to do so as she did not have the money to travel there. Medhananda made arrangements to provide her with the money. 

Medhananda  helped badly off temples in north and east as well as other far flung places with monthly deposits paid into their  bank accounts.  In 2004 he started a scheme at Siripura Pirivena  to provide dane, pirikara and money  to these  monks.

Ven. Medhananda was openly critical of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. He was heavily critical of  the Ceasefire agreement which he attributed directly to Ranil Wickremesinghe  Medhananda also noted that Ranil Wickremesinghe had got ready to celebrate  the  500th anniversary o f the  arrival of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka   .

Ranil Wickremesinghe returned the compliment.  He used the car permit given to Medhananda as MP  to discredit him. Medhananda explained to his biographer that he had collected his car permit and put in a drawer and forgot about it, The JHU bhikkhus has decided that they would not obtain cars nor would they sell  the permits.   Since the JHU kept asking for the  permit, he had, after three months,  taken it to a JHU central committee meeting and placed it on the table, saying ‘here is the permit, do what you want with it.’ He said that was the last he saw of the permit.

Ranil Wickremesinghe  however, thought differently. He charged that Medhananda had bought himself a silver, E-class Mercedes Benz car with the permit. Ranil Wickremesinghe   personally travelled in it  to   a  media conference held at Vidyodaya. Medhananda flatly  denied purchasing the car and said that he had never seen it before. He knew nothing about it.

The foreign press, including New York Times, pounced on this issue. The tale of the Buddhist monk and his shiny, new Mercedes-Benz has sparked a national drama that has enthralled Sri Lanka and left many questioning the political and religious ethics of the cleric’s hawkish political party, said Indian Express.

Medhananda did not last long in Parliament. In 2010, at the party’s seventh national convention JHU ousted Ven. Medhananda from the post of party leader and elected Ven. Omalpe Sobhitha. JHU said Ven. Medhananda had  resigned from the post   as he needed to devote time to his archaeological research. He did not have the time to engage in full time politics. 

Medhananda denied this. He had not told the party that he wished to be relieved of leadership. At no time had he cited time constraints and  said his archaeological work was  an obstacles to his work in the party. He was unaware of what happened during the Jathika Hela Urumaya national convention. He was in Mullaitivu on an archaeological study at the time.

In  2014, Medhananda  stated that he was not in agreement with the JHU.The Jathika Hela Urumaya and Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya are now working against their [original] policies, he said. If the common candidate Maitripala Sirisena wins the Presidential election, [the country will get divided.] The bhikkhus of the Jathika Hela Urumaya and National Bhikkhu Council who  see this looming danger will rally round President Rajapaksa[ at the next election].   (  to be continued)

The Eminent Surgeon Dr.M.H.De Zoysa

May 24th, 2020

Dr. Newton Jayawardane FRCS

A Consultant surgeon who was much dedicated to the patients and profession was a very honest gentleman.!! I was very fortunate to work under him get trained by him.He saved so many lives. Prevented misappropriation of public money during the tender procedures. He was a devoted Buddhist and one day he told me ” Jayawardane I may be suffering in this life for the things I have done in the past which I do not have any control, but one thing is sure that I will not be suffering in my next birth as I have not done any wrong thing to anyone.”The day he got the retirement from the government service he joined the military. This was the time the war spreading and so many military casualties without much medical personnel to care for them. He showed an extraordinary love towards the servicemen. Until he died he was serving the Military. Sir, you attain the Supreme bliss of Nirvana.!!!   

Sri Lanka after yahapalanaya, Easter Sunday and Covid-19

May 24th, 2020

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa

According to the IMF, in 2014, Sri Lanka was among the fastest growing economies in Asia. Economic growth averaged 6% during the war years from 2006 to 2009 and increased to 7.4% in the post-war years from 2010 to 2014. The debt to GDP ratio was reduced from  90% in 2005 to 75% at the end of 2014. The All Share Price Index rose from 1,922 in 2005 to 7,299 by the end of 2014. Sri Lanka’s per capita GDP in US Dollar terms increased threefold from USD 1,242 in 2005 to USD 3,819 by the end of 2014. The biggest infrastructure building programme in post- independence history was also carried out between 2006 and 2014. This economic boom was achieved despite the war, the global food crisis of 2007, the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the highest crude oil prices in history. Crude oil cost an average of USD 74 per barrel from 2006 to 2009 and USD 103 from 2010 to 2014.

After January 2015 everything went in reverse. The economic growth rate dropped to 5% in 2015 and declined year after year ending up at 2.3% by 2019. The value of the US Dollar appreciated against the Rupee from Rs.130 in 2014 to 181 by October 2019. Sri Lanka’s total outstanding debt increased by 74.4% from Rs. 7.39 trillion at the end of 2014, to Rs.12.89 trillion by October 2019. Between January 2015 and October 2019, the total foreign currency borrowings of the yahapalana government in the form of Sovereign Bonds, Sri Lanka Development Bonds, Syndicated Loans and Currency Swaps totaled over USD 26 billion. Despite this borrowing spree, absolutely nothing of lasting value was built by the yahapalana government. The All Share Price Index declined from 7,299 in 2014 to 5,990 by the end of October 2019. Yet during the entire period from 2015 to 2019 the average price of crude oil was USD 60 per barrel – the lowest in recent history.

There were no external, global reasons for this economic collapse. India and Bangladesh experienced robust growth between 2015 and 2019. The Easter Sunday bombings of April 2019 exacerbated the yahapalana recession. On 16 November 2019, President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa inherited an economy that was in shambles. It was in such a context that the entire world was engulfed by the Covid-19 pandemic. A worldwide economic crisis reminiscent of the 1930s Great Depression is widely expected to follow the Covid-19 pandemic. In this new global environment, even the option of going overseas in search of greener pastures will be very limited because all countries will be facing economic hardship and mass unemployment. The Covid-19 pandemic has left all Sri Lankans with only one option – building Sri Lanka. The choice is stark – pull together or perish.

When the Secretary to the President Dr P.B.Jayasundera in his capacity as the foremost officer of the public service, recently appealed to public servants to contribute whatever they can from their salaries to tide over this crisis, the opposition attacked him viciously. Knowing fully well that this was only a request for voluntary contributions, they tried to portray it as a compulsory deduction. Dr. Jayasundera played a central role in the 2006-2014 economic boom. The opposition obviously hopes to undermine the government’s economic recovery efforts by singling out capable state officials like him for attack.  

We should all realize that this yahapalana political culture of vilification and false propaganda has no place in the post-Covid-19 world. In the difficult times that lie ahead, Sri Lanka’s economic survival and the futures of our children, depend on the vision, ability and skill of those running the country. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently stated that Covid-19 had hit Germany at a time when the economy was doing well and they had the strength to face the crisis. The situation in Sri Lanka was the exact opposite. We should all be mindful of this reality and make our choices and decisions accordingly. Everyone knows what would have happened if the yahapalana cabal had been in power when the Covid-19 pandemic hit Sri Lanka. The team that is now running the country from the President downwards, won a war that was deemed unwinnable, and presided over the greatest economic boom since independence despite impossible odds between 2006 and 2014. That is the kind of leadership needed to steer this country forward in the post-Covid-19 world.

Mahinda Rajapaksa

Prime Minister

යහපාලනයෙන්, පාස්කු ඉරිදා ප්‍රහාරයෙන් හා කොවිඩ් -19 වසංගතයෙන් පසු ලංකාව

May 24th, 2020

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය  මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලට අනුව, 2014 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආසියාවේ වේගයෙන්ම සංවර්ධනය වන රටක් විය. 2006-2009 යුද සමයේ වසරකට 6% ක් වූ සාමාන්‍ය ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය යුද්ධයෙන් පසු 2010-2014 කාල පරිච්ඡේදයේ 7.4% දක්වා වැඩිවිය. 2005 දී දළ ජාතික නිෂ්පාදිතයට සාපේක්ෂව 90%ක් වූ සමස්ථ ණයබර 2014 අවසන් වන විට 75% ක් දක්වා අඩුවී තිබිණි. කොටස් වෙළඳපොලේ සමස්ත මිල දර්ශකය 2005 දී 1,922 ක් වූ අතර, 2014 අවසන් වන විට එය 7,299 ක් දක්වා වැඩිවී තිබුණි. 2005 දී ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 1,242 ක් වූ ඒකපුද්ගල ආදායම 2014 අවසන් වන විට ඩොලර් 3,819 දක්වා තුන්ගුණයකින් වැඩිවී තිබුණි. නිදහස ලැබීමෙන් පසු ලංකාවේ විශාලම යටිතල පහසුකම් ඉදිකිරීමේ වැඩපිළිවෙල ක්‍රියාත්මක වූයේද 2006-2014 කාලපරිච්ඡේදය තුළදීය. මේ සියලුම ආර්ථික ජයග්‍රහණ අපි ලබා ගත්තේ 2007 ලෝක ආහාර අර්බුදයත්, 2008 – 2009 ගෝලීය මූල්‍ය අර්බුදයත්, ලෝක ඉතිහාසයේ ඉහළම තෙල් මිලත් මධ්‍යයේය. 2006-2009 කාලපරිච්ඡයේදී බොරතෙල් බැරලයක සාමාන්‍ය මිල ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 74 ක් වූ අතර 2010-2014 කාලපරිච්ඡයේදී එය ඩොලර් 103 ක් විය. 

2015 ජනවාරියේ සිට මේ සියල්ල කණපිට හැරුනේය. 2015 වසරේදී ආර්ථික වර්ධන වේගය 5%ක් දක්වා පහත වැටී ඉන්පසු සෑම වසරක් පාසාම ක්‍රමානුකූලව  අඩුවී 2019 වන විට 2.3% ක් විය. රුපියලට සාපේක්ෂව ඇමරිකානු ඩොලරයක වටිනාකම 2014 දී  රුපියල් 130ක් වූ අතර, එය 2019 ඔක්තෝබර් වන විට රුපියල් 181 දක්වා වැඩිවී තිබුණි. රටේ සමස්ථ ණය බර 2014 අවසානයේ  රුපියල් ට්‍රිලියන 7.39 සිට 2019 ඔක්තෝබර් මාසය වනවිට රුපියල් ට්‍රිලියන 12.89 ක් දක්වා 74.4% කින් වැඩිවී තිබුණි. 2015 ජනවාරියේ සිට 2019 ඔක්තෝබර් දක්වා යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව සවරින් බොන්ඩ්, ශ්‍රී ලංකා සංවර්ධන බැඳුම්කර, සින්ඩිකේටඩ් ලෝන්, කරන්සි ස්වොප් වැනි නොයෙක් මූලාශ්‍ර වලින් ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 26 ක විදේශ විනිමය ණය  ලබා ගෙන තිබුණි. මේ ආකාරයට ණය ගත්තද යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව කිසිදු කල් පවතින, ආදායම් ලබන වත්කමක් නිර්මාණය කළේ නැත. 2014 අවසානයේ 7,299 ක් වූ කොටස් වෙළඳපොලේ සමස්ත මිල දර්ශකය 2019 ඔක්තෝබර් මාසය වන විට 5,990 දක්වා අඩු විය. මෙවන් ආර්ථික බිඳවැටීමක් සිදුවූය්  2015 සිට 2019 දක්වා මුළු කාලපරිච්ඡේදය තුළම බොරතෙල් බැරලයක සාමාන්‍ය  මිල ඇමෙරිකානු ඩොලර් 60 ක තරම් මැත ඉතිහාසයේ පහතම අගයක පැවතියදීය.

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව යටතේ සිදු වූ මේ දරුණු ආර්ථික බිඳවැටීමට කිසිදු බාහිර හේතුවක් නොවීය. 2015 හා 2019 අතර ඉන්දියාව, බංග්ලාදේශය වැනි රටවල් වේගයෙන් වර්ධනය විය. 2019 පාස්කු ඉරිදා බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරය නිසා ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික බිඳවැටීම තවත් උත්සන්න විය. 2019 නොවැම්බර් 16 වනදා ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂට ලැබුණේ සහමුලින්ම විනාශ වූ ආර්ථිකයකි. කොවිඩ් – 19 වසංගතය විසින් මුළු ලෝකයම ගිල ගනු ලැබුවේ එවන් තත්ත්වයක් යටතේය.  කොවිඩ් – 19 වසංගතයෙන් පසු 1930 ගණන්වල ඇති වූ මහා අවපාතයට සමාන ලෝක ආර්ථික අවපාතයක් ඇති වනු ඇති බවට පුරෝකථනය වී ඇත. එවන් තත්ත්වයක් යටතේ සියලුම රටවල් ආර්ථික දුෂ්කරතා හා මහා පරිමාණ විරැකියාවට පාත්‍ර වෙන නිසා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ට සෞභාග්‍යය සොයා විදේශගත වීමට ඇති අවස්ථාවන්ද සීමා වනු ඇත. කොවිඩ්-19 නිසා සියලුම ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයින්ට අද ඉතිරි වී ඇත්තේ එක විකල්පයක් පමණි – ඒ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගොඩනැඟීමයි. මේ සිදුවී ඇති විපතෙන් ගොඩ ඒමට අපි එකාවන්ව කටයුතු කළේ නැතිනම් රටේ අනාගතය අතිශයින්ම අඳුරු වෙනු ඇත. 

මෑතකදී, රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ ඉහළම නිලධාරියා වන ජනාධිපති ලේකම් ආචාර්ය පී. බී. ජයසුන්දර, තමන්ගේ වැටුපෙන් හැකි ප්‍රමාණයක් පරිත්‍යාග කරන මෙන් රජයේ සේවකයන්ගෙන්  ඉල්ලීමක් කළ විට, විපක්ෂය ඔහුව නිර්දය ලෙස විවේචනය කළේය. මෙහිදී සිදුවූයේ හුදෙක්ම ස්වේච්ඡා පරිත්‍යාගයක් සඳහා ඉල්ලීමක් බව දැන දැනත්, එය අනිවාර්ය වැටුප් කපාහැරීමක් හැටියට ඔවුන් හුවා දැක්වුයේය. ආචාර්ය ජයසුන්දර යනු 2006-2014 කාලයේ මේ රටේ ඇති වූ ආර්ථික පිබිඳීමට දායක වූ ප්‍රධානම රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරියෙකි. එවැනි දක්ෂ නිලධාරීන් තනිකොට පහරදී, ආණ්ඩුවේ ආර්ථික පුනර්ජීවන වැඩපිළිවෙල අඩාල කිරීම විපක්ෂයේ අරමුණ බව පැහැදිලිය.

මඩගැසීම හා බොරු ප්‍රචාර මත පදනම් වූ මේ යහපාලන දේශපාලන සංස්කෘතියට පශ්චාත් කොවිඩ්-19 ලෝකය තුළ කිසිදු තැනක් නැති බව අපි වටහා ගත යුතුය. ඉදිරියට එන අසීරු ගෝලීය තත්වයන් යටතේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික පැවැත්ම හා අපගේ දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය රඳා පවතින්නේ රට පාලනය කරන අයගේ දෘෂ්ටිය හා හැකියාව මතය. ජර්මානු චාන්සලර් ඇන්ජලා මර්කල් මැතිනිය මෑතකදී පවසා සිටියේ ජර්මානු ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිමත්ව තිබුණ අවස්ථාවක කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගතය පැමිණි නිසා ඔවුන්ට එයට මුහුණ දීමට හැකියාව තිබුණු බවයි. නමුත් ලංකාවට මේ වසංගතයට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවී ඇත්තේ ඊට හාත්පසින්ම වෙනස් තත්වයක් යටතේය.

මේ නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සෑම පුරවැසියෙක්ම මෙම කාරණා ගැන හොඳින් කල්පනා කර බලා, රටට වඩාත්ම හිතකර තෝරා ගැනීම සිදු කළ යුතුය. කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගතය ලංකාවට එන විට බලයේ සිටියේ යහපාලන කල්ලිය නම්, මේ රටට යන කලදසාව ගැන අමුතුවෙන් කිව යුතු නැත. වර්තමානයේ මේ රට පාලනය කරන ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ සිට පහළට සියලුදෙනා, ජයග්‍රහනය කිරීමට නොහැකි යැයි කියූ යුද්ධයක් දිනූ, 2006 – 2014 අතර දැවැන්ත අභියෝග මධ්‍යයේ වුවත් මේ රටේ නිදහසින් පසු විශාලම ආර්ථික පිබිදීම ඇති කළ කණ්ඩායමකි. කොවිඩ්-19 වසංගතයෙන් පසු ලෝකය තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඉදිරියට ගෙන යෑම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ එවන් නායකත්වයකි. 

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය

Lack of equality among member Nations: Using HR to selectively target countries

May 24th, 2020

By Sugeeswara Senadhira Courtesy Ceylon Today

It is no secret that the hypocritical Western lobbies use human rights as a tool to target selectively against countries that resist their undue interferences. They selectively attack the Governments they perceive as too self confident and not amenable to their policies. This is contrary to the United Nation’s principle of equality. The Article 1 of the UN states that the mission of the organisation is to “develop friendly relations among Nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights’.

Realising the biased nature of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), Foreign Relations Minister Dinesh Gunawardena  announced that Sri Lanka would withdraw from the resolutions 30/1 and 40/1 titled ‘Promoting Reconciliation, Accountability and Human Rights in Sri Lanka’ co-sponsored by Sri Lanka 2015 and 2019 respectively. The Resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by the then Government in 2015 was described by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa as a ‘historical betrayal’. 

The UNHRC was established by the UN General Assembly on 15 March 2006 (by resolution A/RES/60/251) to replace the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR, herein CHR) that had been strongly criticised for taking biased decisions by picking on countries on a selective basis.

Former UN Secretaries General Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon, former President of the council Doru Costea, the European Union, Canada, and the United States have accused the UNHRC of focusing disproportionately on selected countries. One charge was that there was an anti-Israel bias. The Council has passed more resolutions condemning Israel than the rest of the world combined. The new Council (UNHRC) also came in for criticism from many quarters. It came to a crisis situation when the United States announced its withdrawal from the 47-member body.

On 19 June 2018, President Donald Trump’s Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and the then U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley announced that the United States was pulling out of the UNHRC, accusing the council being ‘hypocritical and self-serving’. The issue they cited was the UNHRC’s ‘chronic anti-Israel bias.’

“When the Human Rights Council treats Israel worse than North Korea, Iran, and Syria, it is the Council itself that is foolish and unworthy of its name. It is time for the countries who know better to demand changes,” Haley said in a statement at the time, pointing to the council’s adoption of five resolutions condemning Israel. 

Sri Lanka was a member of the UNHRC from its inception in 2006 to 2008. However, the country failed to get sufficient number of votes to get reelected as the influential Western countries did not support the Government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa because of its continuation of war against LTTE terrorists. The US and Western Europe wanted to stop the war, which had then reached the final stage. The US withdrawal from UNHRC was due to Washington’s policy of protecting Israel at any cost. 

Israel has been condemned in 78 resolutions by the UNHRC since its creation in 2006—the Council has resolved more resolutions condemning Israel than the rest of the world combined. The UNHRC voted on 30 June 2006 to make a review of alleged human rights abuses by Israel a permanent feature of every council session. The council’s special rapporteur on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is its only expert mandate with no year of expiry. The resolution, which was sponsored by the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, passed by a vote of 29 to 12 with five abstentions. Human Rights Watch urged it to look at international human rights and humanitarian law violations committed by the Palestinian armed groups as well. Human Rights Watch called on the Council to avoid the selectivity that discredited its predecessor and urged it to hold special sessions on other urgent situations, such as that in Darfur.

Ccusing SL armed forces and ignoring LTTE brutalities

The US and the Western lobbies called for an international probe on alleged human rights violations during the last phase of the war in Sri Lanka. While accusing the armed forces, they turned a blind eye on the brutal killings of innocent civilians by the LTTE. While the US President called the UNHRC a “cesspit of biased politics,” the US and the West have already launched the above strategy in Sri Lanka as well through the Joint UNHRC Resolution 30/1. 

This has proven that allegations on Human Rights violations have been used as a common strategy by the US and the West to interfere with internal matters of countries which they have identified as vulnerable in the process of enforcing global power politics. They have been used to implement their own agendas on the pretext of regularising Human Rights records of those countries, the end result of which would be disastrous to the very existence of the countries concerned. 

Since the Government came to power in November 2019, Sri Lanka reviewed the credibility of the Joint UNHRC Resolutions 30/1 30/4 and decided to withdraw from the resolution in March 2020.

The announcement of withdrawal from the UNHRC resolutions was followed by very convincing arguments elaborated by Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, who does not tolerate injustice, particularly when the integrity of the Motherland is at stake. 

After Sri Lanka’s announcement, the perturbed pro-LTTE front organisations in the West doubled their disinformation campaign using gullible politicians who swallow their fabricated stories on the alleged human right violations.

McDermott absurdities 

The most recent allegation came from Australia’s Hugh McDermott MP, State Member for Prospect in New South Wales. He accused the armed forces ‘conduct of genocide against Tamils’ and claimed that ‘150,000 persons were killed’. Such totally false absurd statements coming from a parliamentarian is rather surprising. In these circumstances, it is essential for Sri Lanka to be absolutely vigilant regarding attempts to sully the good name of the country aboard.

The Government is determined to protect the image of Sri Lanka and its armed forces. Hence, the significance of the statement made last week by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa that Sri Lanka will not hesitate to withdraw from any international forum if the members of armed forces were targeted or harassed. “Our troops were up against the world’s most feared terrorist group who paid no respect to the law. Even the world’s most powerful countries have said they would not subject their troops to be harassed by anyone,” he said.

As President Rajapaksa pointed out, because of the exceptional sacrifices made by the war heroes, today all the communities have the opportunity to live in peace and harmony in a unitary state and it is the duty of everybody to withstand undue pressures from within or outside.

Time to clean out the UN Stables: Pillay’s caustic inaccuracies

May 24th, 2020

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

At the National Ranawiru Day commemoration President Gotabaya Rajapaksa caused a stir when he stated, “If any international body or organisation continuously targets our country and our war heroes, using baseless allegations, I will also not hesitate to withdraw Sri Lanka from such bodies or organisations.” Many have few doubts as to which international bodies or organisations the President referred to. 

Former Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations Office at Geneva Tamara Kunanayakam noted, “The President is most likely referring here to the UN Human Rights Council and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The statement indicates he is either wrongly advised about the UN or plain politics, which could go against Sri Lanka at a time it desperately needs international support precisely to protect its war heroes.” The statement has been widely picked up by Western Media agencies, which have a global influence. 

Why is there a problem with the statement? 

“SL is not a Member of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) it is only an Observer State, so the question of ‘pulling out’ does not arise. Besides, HRC is an integral part of the United Nations, a subsidiary body of the UN under the General Assembly, which elects HRC members from among UN member States. The only way to completely withdraw from HRC is to leave the United Nations. “As for ‘pulling out’ of OHCRC, the only way to do so would also be by leaving the UN altogether, OHCHR being a body of the United Nations, not a Specialised Agency. 

“It is preposterous that SL should even consider quitting the only global multilateral organisation that exists today capable of defending multilaterism, in accordance with the UN Charter, and hence the interests of less powerful states such as ours. The world order established under the UN Charter, whatever its weaknesses – and there are many – is the only order capable of defending the sovereignty of less powerful states and former colonies such as ours, against external interference, intervention, aggression, and wars. “The system must be strengthened, not weakened, in the light of the increasing resort to unilateral coercive measures by the US (especially) to exert pressure on sovereign states to compel a change on policy through sanctions or threats of sanctions, embargoes, blockades, conditionality, intimidation, etc.  …

“Withdrawing from the United Nations will only strengthen the US supremacist unilateralist vision of the world ; undermine multilateralism which the Non Aligned Movement has fought for and largely contributed to developing in the interest of former colonies; isolate Sri Lanka; weaken its ability to negotiate from a position of strength; deprive it of the means to resolve problems with global dimensions (such as COVID-19, climate change, trade, finance…); and, ultimately, erode its independence, sovereignty and possibly its territorial integrity. 

“It is incongruous that the President should make such a statement at an event to pay tribute to war heroes who sacrificed their lives in the war against LTTE terror and separatism that was fought precisely on the basis of defending those very same principles unilateralism seeks to undermine. “And how will such a statement be interpreted by our potential allies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, whose very existence and survival as independent and sovereign Nations depends on respect for the purposes and principles incorporated in the UN Charter, and at a time that US President Donald Trump uses the exact same threat to quit WHO in the midst of a global pandemic?”

Resolution 30/1 infringes on the sovereignty of Sri Lanka

However, the President has never indicated a bias against the UN. Rather, he has initiated a dialog as to what can and cannot be delivered in terms of the UNHRC Resolution 30/1. He was always of the stance that a country cannot co-sponsor a resolution against itself. Communicating the President’s stance, Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena on February 26, 2020 addressed the 43rd session of the UNHRC and noted the challenges Sri Lanka is facing when trying to honor the Resolution 30/1. 

“Constitutionally, the resolution seeks to cast upon Sri Lanka obligations that cannot be carried out within its constitutional framework and it infringes the sovereignty of the people of Sri Lanka and violates the basic structure of the Constitution,” stated the Foreign Minister. “Notwithstanding withdrawing from co-sponsorship of this Resolution, Sri Lanka remains committed to achieving the goals set by the people of Sri Lanka on accountability and human rights, towards sustainable peace and reconciliation.”

Flawed OISL report chose to ignore provided evidence 

The FM also observed that, “the previous Government ‘noted with appreciation’, the much flawed ‘OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka’ (OISL) Report, which was used as the basis not only for Resolution 30/1, but also to unjustly vilify the heroic Sri Lankan security forces, possibly the only National security establishment that defeated terrorism in recent times. This was despite there being an abundance of evidence to the contrary, contained in;

1. Domestic reports such as the LLRC and the ‘Paranagama Commission’

2. Information presented before the UK House of Lords by Lord Naseby, challenging among other things the vastly exaggerated civilian casualty figures,

3. Other reports from the UN and international agencies including the ICRC

4. Exposed diplomatic cables.”

The UN was founded on the mandate to ensure an equal platform for sovereign Nations to engage constructively. Thus, it seems incredible that the UN should be responsible for a flawed report that vilified a Nation’s military.

Navi Pillay’s biased FB statement

However, it is obvious from the Facebook message posted by Navi Pillay who served as the United Nations High Commissioner for HR from 2008 to 2014, the extreme biases certain top level UN officials (former and perhaps present) hold against Sri Lanka. 

Pillay stated, “I join in the remembrance of the Tamil victims of the war in Sri Lanka that ended up in 18th of May, 2009…. on this Remembrance Day it is important that we honor the Tamil victims, and we inspire ourselves to continue their struggle for justice, freedoms and reparation for their loses.”

It is interesting that as a former UN High Commissioner for HR, Pillay completely overlooked the Sinhala and Muslim victims, who lost their homes, land and properties, loved ones, limbs and lives. In fact she justified their trauma by blatantly endorsing terrorism, which she termed as “their struggle”, ignoring that Tamils, including children, were also victimised by the LTTE, who also assassinated almost every notable Tamil politician from the North and East. How did their elimination factor in “their struggle” figure is an interesting question. She also overlooked that over 50 percent of Tamils live in harmony with all communities outside the North and East provinces. 

Pillai falsely accuses the SL Army

She accuses the Sri Lanka Army of having “stolen” the property of Tamils. Yet, since the end of the war most of this land has been already released to the owners. Almost all are already resettled in their homes. International experts estimated 12 years to complete the de-mining of anti-personnel mines planted by the LTTE haphazardly. Unwilling to keep people as internally displaced, the Sri Lanka Army cleared the area within two years. Considering that it is mostly the Tamils who have since found their way home, it is a pity that people like Pillay fail to appreciate the Herculean task done by the Sri Lanka Army. 

Pillay also noted, “The United Nations investigations determined that during the war in Sri Lanka, international crimes such as war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed and yet there has been no judicial mechanism, no perpetrators have been brought to justice.”

This investigation that Pillay refers excluded the UN internal findings that only around 7,000 died during the war’s last phase. Instead, the Darusman report that was commissioned by the then UNSG Ban Ki-moon for his personal use speculated without justification that the number killed could be as high as 40,000. The contentious OISL report blindly included this figure without even a breakdown of the number of combatants or civilians killed. 

LTTE’s people buffer zones

If 40,000 lost were lives, the LTTE bears the blame for it, for they compromised over 300,000 civilians by forcibly keeping them as a human buffer zone against the advancing military. Furthermore, they conscripted children to the war effort, discarded their uniforms to blur distinction and installed military hardware inside the No Fire Zones, amidst civilians. 

Pillay’s statement should shake the UN to the core. The UN must recognise the personal prejudices that has corrupted the UN and has rendered it a useless body unable to arrest any of the human catastrophes due to hegemonic forces. The recent reaction of the Special rapporteur for religion and belief in an internal matter of Sri Lanka was also based on personal biases. Hence Pillay’s self-expose is not an isolated incident. 

This is a systematic corruption procedure that the UN must make an effort to immediately eliminate. If the UN fails to clean its own house, Sri Lanka will not be the only country that will be compelled to leave the UN. 

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

Details of attempted terror attack at Taj Samudra revealed at PCoI

May 24th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Details of attempted terror attack at Taj Samudra revealed at PCoI

It was revealed before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) on the Easter Sunday attacks that the common practice of the Taj Samudra Hotel is to submit its guests’ details to the State Intelligence Service (SIS) and the President’s Security Division (PSD) on a daily basis.

As such, on the day of the attacks, the hotel submitted a similar list, before the explosions occurred to the two entities, which included the details of the suicide bomber who detonated explosives in Dehiwala.

This was revealed by the Security Manager of Taj Samudra Hotel Sujeewa Fernando, who gave evidence before the PCoI on Easter attacks.

He said the hotel’s CCTV footages had shown that one of the bombers had entered the Taj Samudra Hotel at 4.53 pm on the day before the attacks.

The bomber had stayed at room 365, however, he had exited the hotel at 5.44 pm on the same day and had not returned.

He also noted that the suspect was registered at the hotel under the name Abdul Latif Jameel Mohammed and that a copy of the suspect’s National Identity Card (NIC) was attached to the registration.

He went on to say that it is the common practice of the Taj Samudra Hotel to submit the details of its guests to the SIS and the PSD, on a daily basis.

He added that the register of the hotel guests, including the suspect, for April 20, 2019, was sent to the SIS and the PSD, between 7.00 am and 8.00 am.

On April 1, suspect Jameel Mohammed had entered the Taj Samudra Hotel at 7.09 am and the at 8.32 am he had made his way to the hotel’s Ports of Call restaurant, with a backpack and wheeled luggage.

The CCTV footages showed the suspect looking restless, attempting to do something.

While being seated, the rattled suspect is engaged in some attempt involving his backpack, and he even ignores the incoming phone call.

The witness said that the suspect had exited the restaurant with the backpack and a hotel employee brought him to two wheeled luggage, adding that judging by the manner one of the hotel staff lifts one of the luggage it seemed that the bag was empty.

The panel then asked the witness if another suspicious person had visited the hotel before the suspect did. The witness replied that on the 17th of April 2019, at around 1.45 pm, such a person did come to the hotel and had enquired about how to book a room. 

The Commission then showed the witness the footage of the person who visited the Kingsbury Hotel prior to the attacks, to which the witness said that it could well be him who visited the Taj Samudra Hotel.

When asked whether a VIP was at the Taj Samudra Hotel when the attacks took place, the witness said if a VID with state sponsorship is staying at the hotel, he would have been given prior notification. He added that no such person stayed at the hotel when the attacks happened.


Subsequently, 3 three-wheeler drivers who the bomber had hired after leaving the Taj Samudra Hotel gave evidence before the Commission.

The first three-wheeler driver said an individual who looked like a Pakistani national had boarded his vehicle at around 8.55 am.

He said that although the passenger initially wanted to be dropped off in Dehiwala, he, however, disembarked near the Wellawatte market complex.

The second three-wheeler driver, meanwhile, told the Commission that the suspect who boarded his vehicle from Wellawatte asked whether there is a rest house near the Dehiwala zoo.

He said that as per the request of the passenger, he had driven him to the Tropical Inn rest house owned by a person known to him, near the Dehiwala zoo, at around 9.35 am.

Meanwhile, the third three-wheeler driver told the Commission that the individual who had boarded his vehicle at around 1.5 pm near a mosque in Dehiwala, had travelled a short distance and disembarked near the Tropical Inn.

Subsequently, the bomber had entered the Tropical Inn and detonated the explosives at around 1.30 pm.

Yahapalana culture of vilification and false propaganda has no place in post-COVID-19 world – PM

May 24th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa states that the Yahapalana political culture of vilification and false propaganda has no place in the post-COVID-19 world.

Issuing a statement titled ‘Sri Lanka after Yahapalanaya, Easter Sunday and COVID-19, Premier Rajapaksa said the economic boom in Sri Lanka between 2006 and 2014 went in reverse after the Yahapalana government took over in January 2015.

Rajapaksa pointed out that the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in 2014, had declared Sri Lanka to be among the fastest-growing economies in Asia.

He states that this economic boom was achieved despite the war, the global food crisis of 2007, the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, and the highest crude oil prices in history.

However, there were no external, global reasons for the economic collapse since January 2015, he said. Pointing out that Sri Lanka’s total outstanding debt increased by 74.4% from Rs. 7.39 trillion at the end of 2014, to Rs.12.89 trillion by October 2019, Rajapaksa said claimed that nothing of lasting value was built by the Yahapalana government despite its borrowing spree.

Prime Minister Rajapaksa further said that the Easter Sunday bombings of April 2019 exacerbated the Yahapalana recession.

While a worldwide economic crisis reminiscent of the 1930s Great Depression is widely expected to follow the COVID-19 pandemic, it has left all Sri Lankans with only one option – building Sri Lanka, said Premier Rajapaksa.

The Prime Minister went on to say that the Opposition hopes to undermine the government’s economic recovery efforts by singling out capable state officials for attack. He stated this quoting the spark of dialogue that followed the Secretary to the President P. B. Jayasundera’s appeal to public servants to contribute whatever they can from their salaries to tide over this crisis.

In the difficult times that lie ahead, Sri Lanka’s economic survival and the future of the children depend on the vision, ability, and skill of those running the country, says Rajapaksa.

The team that is now running the country from the President downwards, won a war that was deemed unwinnable and presided over the greatest economic boom since independence despite impossible odds between 2006 and 2014. That is the kind of leadership needed to steer this country forward in the post-COVID-19 world”, he concluded.

The full statement issued by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa:

According to the IMF, in 2014, Sri Lanka was among the fastest growing economies in Asia. Economic growth averaged 6% during the war years from 2006 to 2009 and increased to 7.4% in the post-war years from 2010 to 2014. The debt to GDP ratio was reduced from 90% in 2005 to 75% at the end of 2014. The All Share Price Index rose from 1,922 in 2005 to 7,299 by the end of 2014. Sri Lanka’s per capita GDP in US Dollar terms increased threefold from USD 1,242 in 2005 to USD 3,819 by the end of 2014. The biggest infrastructure building programme in post- independence history was also carried out between 2006 and 2014. This economic boom was achieved despite the war, the global food crisis of 2007, the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the highest crude oil prices in history. Crude oil cost an average of USD 74 per barrel from 2006 to 2009 and USD 103 from 2010 to 2014.

After January 2015 everything went in reverse. The economic growth rate dropped to 5% in 2015 and declined year after year ending up at 2.3% by 2019. The value of the US Dollar appreciated against the Rupee from Rs.130 in 2014 to 181 by October 2019. Sri Lanka’s total outstanding debt increased by 74.4% from Rs. 7.39 trillion at the end of 2014, to Rs.12.89 trillion by October 2019. Between January 2015 and October 2019, the total foreign currency borrowings of the yahapalana government in the form of Sovereign Bonds, Sri Lanka Development Bonds, Syndicated Loans and Currency Swaps totaled over USD 26 billion. Despite this borrowing spree, absolutely nothing of lasting value was built by the yahapalana government. The All Share Price Index declined from 7,299 in 2014 to 5,990 by the end of October 2019. Yet during the entire period from 2015 to 2019 the average price of crude oil was USD 60 per barrel – the lowest in recent history.


There were no external, global reasons for this economic collapse. India and Bangladesh experienced robust growth between 2015 and 2019. The Easter Sunday bombings of April 2019 exacerbated the yahapalana recession. On 16 November 2019, President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa inherited an economy that was in shambles. It was in such a context that the entire world was engulfed by the Covid-19 pandemic. A worldwide economic crisis reminiscent of the 1930s Great Depression is widely expected to follow the Covid-19 pandemic. In this new global environment, even the option of going overseas in search of greener pastures will be very limited because all countries will be facing economic hardship and mass unemployment. The Covid-19 pandemic has left all Sri Lankans with only one option – building Sri Lanka. The choice is stark – pull together or perish.

When the Secretary to the President Dr P.B.Jayasundera in his capacity as the foremost officer of the public service, recently appealed to public servants to contribute whatever they can from their salaries to tide over this crisis, the opposition attacked him viciously. Knowing fully well that this was only a request for voluntary contributions, they tried to portray it as a compulsory deduction. Dr. Jayasundera played a central role in the 2006-2014 economic boom. The opposition obviously hopes to undermine the government’s economic recovery efforts by singling out capable state officials like him for attack.

We should all realize that this yahapalana political culture of vilification and false propaganda has no place in the post-Covid-19 world. In the difficult times that lie ahead, Sri Lanka’s economic survival and the futures of our children, depend on the vision, ability and skill of those running the country. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently stated that Covid-19 had hit Germany at a time when the economy was doing well and they had the strength to face the crisis. The situation in Sri Lanka was the exact opposite. We should all be mindful of this reality and make our choices and decisions accordingly. Everyone knows what would have happened if the yahapalana cabal had been in power when the Covid-19 pandemic hit Sri Lanka. The team that is now running the country from the President downwards, won a war that was deemed unwinnable, and presided over the greatest economic boom since independence despite impossible odds between 2006 and 2014. That is the kind of leadership needed to steer this country forward in the post-Covid-19 world.”

Six arrested over assault on Ada Derana reporter at Atulugama

May 24th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Six arrested over assault on Ada Derana reporter at Atulugama

Six including the main suspect who assaulted the Ada Derana journalist Atulugama, Bandaragama have been placed under arrest, the police said.

The assault took place this morning (24) when the journalist in question went to Atulugama area to make coverage on Muslim devotees celebrating the Ramazan festival while adhering to social distancing regulations.

The journalist in question, Bimal Shyaman, had initially spoken to the chairman of the mosque association in Atulugama, Najeed Hajjiar Mohamed Najeed.

He had then obtained footages of one of the mosques in the area and as he was set to leave, a group of residents had threatened blocked his way and threatened him. They had also caused damages to his vehicle.

However, another group of persons had assisted the journalist to pull out of the situation.

The Atulugama mosque association’s chairman also arrived at the site to help out Ada Derana journalist.

Bandaragama Police launched an investigation into the incident following the complaint lodged by the Ada Derana journalist.

Sri Lanka’s coronavirus cases reach 1,140 with two new patients

May 24th, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Two new COVID-19 positive cases have been detected as of 11.00 pm today (24), says the Ministry of Health.

Sri Lanka’s total count of coronavirus infections thereby increased to 1,140.

The two patients are confirmed to be arrivals from Kuwait, who are undergoing mandatory quarantine in Trincomalee.

Accordingly, a total of 51 positive cases of coronavirus has been detected so far within the day.

Meanwhile, 674 of these coronavirus patients have been discharged from hospitals so far upon complete recovery.

The Epidemiology Unit of the Health Ministry says that 457active cases are currently under medical care at selected hospitals.

The country’s death toll due to coronavirus currently stands at 09.

Twenty more test positive for COVID-19 as tally leaps to 1,138

Fifteen more persons have tested positive for COVID-19 as of 9.45 pm today (24) as Sri Lanka’s total count of coronavirus infections reached 1,138.

One of these positive cases has been identified as a navy man and the rest of the 19 cases are returnees from Kuwait undergoing mandatory quarantine procedure at the facility in Minneriya.
 
Accordingly, a total of 49 positive cases of coronavirus has been detected so far within the day.

Meanwhile, 674 of these coronavirus patients have been discharged from hospitals so far upon complete recovery.

The Epidemiology Unit of the Health Ministry says that 455 active cases are currently under medical care at selected hospitals.

The country’s death toll due to coronavirus currently stands at 09.

COVID-19: Cases reach 1,118 as Indonesia returnee tests positive

One more person has tested positive for COVID-19 as of 6.00 pm on Sunday (24), says the Ministry of Health.

Sri Lanka’s total count of coronavirus infections thereby reached 1,118.

Meanwhile, 674 of these coronavirus patients have made complete recoveries so far.

According to the tally of Epidemiology Unit, 435 active cases are under medical care at IDH, Welikanda Base Hospital, Navy Hospital, Colombo East Base Hospital, Iranawila Hospital, Kattankudy Base Hospital, Homagama Base Hospital and Minuwangoda Base Hospital.

The country’s death toll due to coronavirus currently stands at 09.

COVID-19 cases in Sri Lanka climb to 1,117

Eleven more COVID-19 positive cases have been identified raising the total number of coronavirus cases reported in the country to 1,117.

The new cases have been identified among persons who had been undergoing the mandatory quarantine at the Trincomalee quarantine center upon arriving from Kuwait.

Accordingly, 28 new coronavirus cases have been detected from the country so far today (24). All 28 patients had returned from Kuwait, according to the Ministry of Health.

Currently, 434 active COVID-19 cases are under medical observation at selected hospitals across the island.

Meanwhile, 14 more COVID-19 patients recovered today (24) raising the total tally to 674 cases.

Sri Lanka has recorded nine fatalities from the virus.

Twelve more coronavirus cases bring tally to 1,106

Twelve more persons are confirmed to have contracted the novel coronavirus, confirmed the Ministry of Health a short while ago.

With the new cases, 17 new coronavirus cases have been detected in the county within the day so far. Previously, 5 individuals who had arrived from Kuwait were declared to have contracted the virus.

The 12 new cases, too, have been identified from persons who arrived in Sri Lanka from Kuwait and undergoing the mandatory quarantine process at the Trincomalee quarantine center.

Thereby the total number of COVID-19 cases in Sri Lanka is at 1,106.

As per the Epidemiology Unit of the Ministry, 423 active cases are under medical care at selected hospitals across the country.

Meanwhile, 14 more COVID-19 patients recovered today (24) raising the total tally to 674 cases.

Sri Lanka has recorded nine fatalities from the virus.

Five COVID-19 cases among Kuwait arrivals push total to 1,094

Five more individuals who had arrived in the country from Kuwait have tested positive for COVID-19, stated the Department of Government Information.

They had been undergoing the mandatory quarantine process at the Trincomalee quarantine center.

Thereby, the total number of coronavirus cases reported in Sri Lanka has climbed to 1,094.

As per the Epidemiology Unit of the Ministry, 411 active cases are under medical care at selected hospitals across the country.

Meanwhile, 14 more COVID-19 patients recovered today (24) raising the total tally to 674 cases.

Sri Lanka has recorded nine fatalities from the virus.

Origins of Tamil political violence

May 23rd, 2020

H. L. D. Mahindapala

May 14, 1976 is one of the most underreported, underestimated, underexamined dates in the political calendar of independent Sri Lanka. It was the date on which the Tamil leadership which had gathered in Vadukoddai passed a resolution declaring war against the democratically elected state demanding a separate state. Stitching bits and pieces of selected events from here and there, they painted their version of history which consisted of highly controversial accusations to demonise the Sinhala-state” – their terminology to stigmatise the democratically elected state as a racist entity with no space for the minorities, particularly the Tamils. So shedding copious tears for the Tamils, the Vadukoddai Declaration of War urged the Tamil youth to take up arms and never rest until they had achieved Tamil Eelam – a political haven of the Tamils, by the Tamils for the Tamils.

The call to take up arms was declared in the last two paragraphs of the Vadukoddai Resolution. It said: This Convention directs the Action Committee of the TAMIL UNITED LIBERATION FRONT to formulate a plan of action and launch without undue delay the struggle for winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation;

And this Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general and the Tamil youth in particular to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign state of TAMIL EELAM is reached.”

In these two concluding paragraphs the Tamil leadership assembled at Vadukoddai called upon the Action Committee  to formulate a plan of action” for the Tamil youth in particular to take up arms, abandoning their pretensions of being a non-violent movement. And from 1976 onwards both the Tamil elders and the Tamils youth followed the declared objective of winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation” through violence. It was a clear and decisive declaration to pursue a military course of action to achieve political goals This was the primary message delivered by the Tamil leadership to the Tamil people. It was the fateful day on which the Tamil leadership made their biggest political gamble by deciding to abandon the non-violent, democratic mainstream and go down the path of violence. They decided to change the course of history – and their destiny — with violence. They invested everything they had in pursuing violence and failed. Failed miserably!

Throughout the post-independent decades, the ageing Tamil leadership had pushed Tamil communalism to the extreme end and by May 14, 1976 the force of events generated by them had cornered them. They discovered rather late that the consistent, unrelenting and massive political campaigns they had whipped up, blaming everything on the Sinhala state” in the post-independent phase, had not gone in the direction they had wanted. Their aim was to divide Sri Lanka into two states – a task which they set out achieve with the typical Tamil arrogance boosted by historical distortions, political fictions, and anti-Sinhala-Buddhist venom. They had raised the hopes of the Jaffnaites overestimating their peninsular power and underestimating the consolidated historical forces that had created, built and sustained the nation over the ages.

By 1976 the false expectations they generated had risen to fever pitch and the internal forces – mainly, the Tamil youth — that rose with the high expectations had gone as far as they could and reached the end of their political tether. The Tamil youth were impatient and rebelling against the conservative and failed Tamil leadership demanding a change of course. The internal dynamics within the peninsula had gathered a momentum which demanded instant solutions. Eelam remained in the Never-Never land, elusive as ever. The hate politics of mono-ethnic Tamil extremism, targeting the Sinhala-Buddhists of the South, had gone too far to a point of no return, leaving no room for peaceful co-existence. Any moves for compromises were decried by one or the other Tamil party as surrender to the Sinhalese. Following Jinnah’s partioning of India the Tamil leadership declared that the marriage of partnership was over. They were determined to go for divorce which in their desperate circumstances seems to be the only way out.

In the Vadukoddai Resolution the Tamil leadership was throwing not a challenge but an ultimatum to the Sinhala state”. Pumped up by their mono-ethnic rhetoric, wrapped in mythologies, they were hoping to force their way into Eelam. The plan of the Tamil elders was to make use of the Tamil youth to pull their political chestnuts out.  In the process, they had painted themselves into a mono-ethnic extremity from which they could not get out except through violence. They were determined to dissolve the marriage made by the gods of geography and history. All what they needed was a public declaration justifying the hate politics of the North for them to declare war. The Vadukoddai Resolution was introduced to spell out the reasons why they refused to coexist. Demanding disproportionate shares of positions (particularly in the government service), power in the legislatures, privileges enshrined in the various constitutions and, most of all, territories as ethnic enclaves they had pushed themselves into a self-destructive political extremity. It led them to mono-ethnic politics, excluding the other”.  With this agenda they had nowhere else to go except to embrace violence.  This confirms the proposition that separatism and violence are inseparable.

It was amidst these overwhelming pressures that the Tamil leadership met in Vadukoddai and gave the official nod for the Tamil youth to take up arms against the elected state of Sri Lanka, hoping to ride on their backs to the seats of power in Eelam. The old Tamil leadership did not realise at this stage that they were handing over their traditional power, which they had wielded from feudal times, into the hands of the untried, untested and inexperienced Tamil youth. The immature Tamil youth who took over were armed with the Vadukoddai Resolution that legitimised their violence. Fired up by the Vadukoddai ideology they came out of their cells like bulls in a china shop. They literally went berserk believing that they had the Vadukoddai license to kill everything that crossed their path, including their political fathers.

In the meantime, the ageing Tamil leaders and the Tamil youth continued to maintain their two-pronged attack on the South. Needling the lower-level ethnic leadership of the South was a deliberate and chosen tactic of the Northern provocative politics, wrote Prof. A. J. Wilson, son-in-law of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, father of Tamil separatism. The joint front of the Tamil elders and the youth were heading towards violence. Clearly, 1976” was segueing, slowly but surely, into 1983”. The explosion of 1983 did not come out of a misguided government turning a blind eye. It was the cumulative reaction to the collective violence unleashed in the Vadukoddai Resolution. No doubt, the aggressive reaction of the lunatic fringe in the South, provoked by the hate politics of Jaffna jingoism, too had aggravated the worsening inter-ethnic relations with reactive mob-violence breaking out sporadically. But the ultimatum issued in the Vadukoddai Resolution, and the provocative violence targeting the Sinhala state” that followed, were heating up communal tensions. Sinhala CTB bus drivers were returning to Colombo from Jaffna complaining that the Tamil shops were refusing to serve even a glass of water. By 1983 the two communities had drawn as far apart as they could. The last straw that broke the back of the Sinhala camel was the killing of the 13 soldiers.

Looking back, it is obvious that 1983” was the Southern reply to the arrogant politics of 1976” and the subsequent increase of violence of the Tamil youth threatening the sovereignty of the nation – the only place available to the Sinhalese in this lonely planet. At least nominally, the Tamil and Muslim communities had other historical havens to which they could withdraw in case the worst came to the worst. The Sinhalese had only Sri Lanka. It was the only base they built exclusively for themselves. Generations of Sinhalese sacrificed their lives to make it their safe haven. They had a historical right to claim it their own. It was not narrow racism / chauvinism. It was their legitimate, historical and natural right. The Vadukoddai Resolution posed a threat to their security and history and their defensive reaction was predictable.

The debate on the whys and the wherefores of 1983”, of course, is not going to end in a hurry. Taken out of its context and viewed as an anti-Tamil outburst of a society gone mad, the Tamils made 1983” the ultimate proof of their need for a divorce. But if it is placed in the context of consequences flowing from the ideological and political violence unleashed in the politics of 1976” and after, it is logical to conclude that 1983” was an inevitable outcome of the preceding Tamil aggressive and provocative politics. They asked for and they got it, was the general reaction of the Sinhalese. The sequence of events that flowed from 1976” ran incrementally, step by step, one leading to another, until escalating violence reached its explosive peak in 1983”.

Provocative rhetoric and actions of the North unravelled slowly but surely into 1983”. The explosion of 1983 was the counter-violence to end Tamil expansionism and aggressive power grab threatening the territorial integrity and the historical heritage left behind by the Founding Fathers of the nation. The ideological and emotional ambience for an ethnic explosion was prepared and fertilized by the Tamil leadership. The Tamil have always been quite clever in digging their own grave. The other two minorities escaped the horrors of a 33-year-old war because their leadership was wise enough not to hand over their grip on power to the misguided youth. It is the restoration of power to the non-violent stream of Tamil politics by the Rajapakse brothers that has introduced a new normalcy which, hopefully, will grow into a new nation.

Sinhala violence has invariably been reactive, responding to provocative political violence of the minorities. And 1983” is no exception. Besides, no responsible Sinhala leader, no respected or established Sinhala community organisation, nor the Sinhala state” had officially declared war against another community, despite the provocative violence they had faced. Like any other state it had reacted defensively to restore peace, and protect territorial integrity and sovereignty. It has never declared a war to impose its supremacy over the other communities.

The live-and-let-live policy of the Sinhala majority did not go beyond sporadic violence of the fringe freaks against the provocative acts of the minorities. Without condoning any kind of violence, it is clear that those explosions were like the fizz of the soda bottle. Sinhala violence has always gone down almost instantly, soon after its explosion, returning the nation to peaceful co-existence. Only the Tamil leadership decided to declare war against the Sinhala state” at Vadukoddai, creating the longest period of brutal violence. Their politics of hate leaves no room for peaceful co-existence. Vadukoddai Resolution was a recipe for separatist violence and chaos. But it was a wave of tsunamic violence that came from the volcanic sifting of the territorial plates in Vadukoddai and nowhere else.

I repeat, separatism and violence are inseparable. It is the kind of politics that can breed only hatred and not reconciliation.

To be continued

VEN. ELLAWALA MEDHANANDA Part 2

May 23rd, 2020

KAMALIKA PIERIS

After ordination, Ven. Medhananda continued to live at Sri Sumangalaramaya, Napawela, Getahatta.  That remains his permanent address today.

When Medhananda first went there,   the temple was very new. It had an image house but no image. Loku Hamuduruwo, Ven. Soratha got a stone mason down from India and   had a Buddha statue made. He also constructed a bodhighara. The villagers were poor and could not support the temple very much. They sent dry rations as dane. When Ven. Soratha died, Medhananda was placed in n charge of the temple. Ven. Medhananda developed the vihara. He provided an access road, boundary wall, library.

Ven. Soratha had started a daham pasala in the temple in 1946. Medhananda taught there from the time he was a samanera and after higher ordination he took complete charge of the daham pasala. Medhananda came to Napawela every week end, from where ever he was, to supervise the daham pasala.  the village had retired teachers and retired principals but they were not prepared to   teach in the daham pasala, complained Medhananda. Medhananda therefore turned to past students and appointed them as teachers. Even today the teachers are those he taught, said his biographer.

Medhananda expanded the activities of the daham pasala. He held an annual celebration, with an art exhibition. We organized daham pasal trips to places of importance in Sri Lanka. We took them to sites of archeological interest and asked them to write reports on them.  We did all this with great difficulty, said Medhananda.

Medhananda was concerned about the future of those living in Napawela. Napawela residents could only hope to get employment as drivers of vehicles, he said. Medhananda tried to improve their prospects. He started a free tuition class in the temple, for ‘school exams’. This was probably for O levels, perhaps A level too.    Medhananda also established a computer training institute in the temple later on.  

Ven. Medhananda acquired Hendadola estate and distributed it to the villagers. This was probably during Land Reform. The estate had 76 acres of untapped rubber. He told the new owners to cut and sell the trees. He had got a permit for this. Medhananda said he went to Hendadola every week to see whether they were cultivating the land. He had an EN 1956 Peugeot car, at the time, recalled Medhananda.

From 1970 Medhananda has held a   well attended all day Nikini pinkama in August. For the first thirty years this pinkama was held in Anuradhapura. Thereafter Medhananda moved it to other places, such as Buddhangala, Tissamaharama, Tantirimalai, Seruwila.    This pinkama continues today.

 Ven. Ellawala Medhananda was a popular bana preacher. He received invitations to preach from all over the island.  In Anuradhapura after listening to a sermon from Medhananda, a member of the audience   donated his house and land. Medhananda   used the donation to establish a temple, Ranasiharamaya, near Mawatagama.

Medhananda‘s personal needs as a bhikkhu would have been minimal. Therefore his salary as teacher was spent on the schools he was teaching in. The pirikara he received was used to help monks in poor temples. He found dayakas for these temples, who were prepared to give monthly donations.   He also arranged pilgrimages to these temples, to help boost   the income of the temple.   Medhananda had once provided robes and ata pirikara to all the viharas in Trincomalee and Vavuniya for Katina. 

Medhananda has been involved in a wide range of activities, possibly far wider than most activist monks. Medhananda was head of Napawela Grameeya Nishpadana Mandalaya,   Chairman of Balangoda Deaf and Blind school and advisor to Senior citizens Home, Mallawapitiya, Kurunegala.

During his time in the Department of Education, he was involved in the preparation of History text book for grades 3, 4, 5 and 9. He   helped prepared question papers for O level and A level, also to set standards for Pirivena exams.

Medhananda ‘s archaeological research was recognized at  national , provincial  and district level. He was a member of Advisory council, Department of Archeology, a   member of Mahavamsa committee, and   member of the At lipi Commission, Colombo.  He was Coordinator for  Attakata translations. He was President of Ratnapura District Cultural Board,  and the Ratnapura Archaeological committee. He was  Research chairmen, Sabaragamu  itihasa Puravidya gavesana Ayathanaya.   

Ven. Medhananda  held positions in Sangha  organizations at local and national level. He was a Member of the Buddha Sasana   Fund. He was  a member of   Sabaragamu Maha Sangha Sabha, Ratnapura and Eheliyagoda  Sasanaraksaka bala mandalaya. He was secretary of  Rajya sansta Bauddha bala Mandalaya, Balangoda, and  of Trinikaya bhikshu bala mandalaya, Eheliyagoda. He was  also  Advisor to  Arugam bay Aukana  Committee and  the  Tarulengala Aranyaya, Hulannuge.    

Ven. Medhananda  did not have very high opinion of the lay Buddhists. Those who help and support the Sangha  are very few, he said. We carry on as monks with great difficulty, he lamented. Buddhists do not value the Sangha. They do not help to develop  the temples. Very few think that they must protect and preserve the Sangha.

 Monks never fail to carry out their duties but if they  see any  little lapse or mistake on our part,  the public insult and scold us. That is the reward the Sangha gets. That is why they leave robes.   And so the Sangha lose fine monks.” 

But the public may have their reasons. A school teacher had refused to help Medhananda  when he was leaving to study at Ratmalana.  She had said ‘why bother, he will leave robes, we need  not help him.’ Medhananda was not pleased, but I think that the teacher’s view  cannot be dismissed.  ( continued)

කොරෝනාවෙන් ලංකාවට ලැබී ඇති වෙස්‌වලාගත් භාග්‍යය

May 23rd, 2020

චන්ද්‍රසිරි විජයවික්‍රම, LL.B.,Ph.D.

දිසාපති හාමුදුරුවෝ මන්තිරීට සර් කීම

පක්‍ෂ දේශපාලකයින් විසින් ලංකාව විනාශ කිරීමේ එක් සන්‌ධි ස්ථානයක් වූයේ රාජ්‍ය සේවය සඳහා අයැදුම් කිරීමේදී මන්ත්‍රීගෙන් ලියුමක් ඊට ඈඳන ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකා-සමසමාජ සභාග ආණ්ඩුකාලයේදී (1962-64, 1970>) ගත් තීරණයය. මහ බැංකුවට බඳවා ගන්නා ආධුණික විධායක නිලධාරී තනතුරු වලදී, විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ආර්ථික විද්‍යා ගෞරව උපාධිධාරීන්ට පවා මෙසේ කරන්නට සිදුවිය. චන්ද කාලයේ යමෙකුගේ දෙමාපියන් වැඩකලේ මන්ත්‍රීගේ පක්‍ෂයට වෙනස් පක්‍ෂයකට නම් මේ නිසා ඇතිවන අනිසි මානසික බලපෑම (හීනමානය) අතිමහත්‌ය.

උසාවි බාල්දු කිරීම

ෆිලික්ස් ඩයස් විසින් කුරුණෑගල දේශපාලකයෙකුවූ ජයා පතිරණව සුප්‍රීම් උසාවියට පත් කිරීමේ සිට, ලංකාවේ සිදුවු මේ විනාශකාරී පෙරළියට හොඳම උදාහරණය නම්, පසු කලෙක ලංකාවේ පක්‍ෂ මාරුකිරීමේ ඔස්තාර් යයි ප්‍රසිද්‌ධවූ රොනී ද මැල් ය. සිවිල් සේවය අතහැර දේශපාලනයට ඒමට ඔහු තීරණය කලේ නිලධාරියා අභිභවා මන්තිරී පරාණ හිස ඔසවන්නට වීමේ උපනතියත් සමඟය. එහෙත් පානදුරේ කෝටිපති බස් මුදලාලි ලියෝ ප්‍රනාන්දුගේ එකම දරුවාවූ ඔහුගේ බිරිඳ ඊට ඉඩදුන්නේ නැත. දිසාපති හාමුදුරුවන් ඉදිරියේ සර් කියන මන්තිරීලා ඇය නිතරම දැක ඇත. එහෙත් අන්තිමේදී ඇයටද පෙනීගියේ තම සැමියා නිවැරදි බවය. ඔහු කෙතරම් සතුටු වූවාදයත්, විශ්‍රාම වැටුපත් එපා කියා සේවයෙන් ඉවත් ‌විය!

දේශපාලක ගැට

නිලධාරී පංචස්කන්‌ධ, මන්තිරී පංචස්කන්‌ධ විසින් යටපත් කර ගැනීමේ උපක්‍රමයේ හොඳම නිදසුනක් එක් නිලධාරිනියක් මට කියා සිටියාය. පරිපාලන සේවයට බඳවා ගන්නා ආධුනික නිලධාරීන්ට පුහුණුවීම් පාඨමාලා ලබාදෙන එක්තරා ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීයෙක් ඔවුන්ට දෙන එක් අවවාදයක් නම්, තම රාජකාරියේදී, විශේෂයෙන් ඉඩම් බෙදාදීමේදී, මන්ත්‍රී පරාණ දාන <ඇමට> අසු නොවන ලෙසය. ඒ ඇම නම්, මිනිසුන්ට ඉඩම් කට්ටි බෙදන අවස්ථාවේදී, ඉතා අහිංසක ලීලාවෙන් මන්ත්‍රී විසින් ඉඩම් බෙදීම භාර නිලධාරීයාට කියන, <මහත්තයෝ, ඔන්න ඔය කට්ටියකට ඔබතුමාගෙ නමත් දාගන්නකෝ> යන යෝජනාවය! ඕනෑ තරම් ඉඩම් කට්ටි ප්ලෑනේ ඇති නිසා, යම් නිලධාරියෙක් ඒ අවස්ථාවේදී ඇතිවෙන ක්‍ෂණික තන්හාව උඩ මේ ලණුව ගිල්ලොත්, ඔහු සදාකාලිකවම මන්ත්‍රීගේ පඹයෙක් නොව ප්‍රාණ ඇපකාරයෙක් වන්නේය. ඔහුගේ රාජකාරී තීරණ ගෙදර නෝනාට/ මහත්තයාටවත් කියන්නට බැරි තරමින් පාච්චල් වන්නේය.

මේ අන්දමේ කතා දුසිම් ගණනක් වුනත් ලියන්නට හැකිය. තව කිවයුතු එක කතාවක් නම් මා දන්නා තරුණ යුවලක, ස්ත්‍රියට දුෂ්කර පලාතක සිට කළුතරට ගුරුමාරුවක් ගැනීමය. අවශ්‍ය අවම කාලයවූ අවුරුදු 5 වෙනුවට 7 ක්ම සේවය කල ඇයව ඈ ඉන්නා පාසැලෙන් මුදාහැරීමටත්, ඈ ව භාරගන්නට කළුතර පාසැලේ විදුහල්පති කැමතිවී සිටියත්, අධ්‍යාපන කාර්යාල දෙකේ අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකලා දෙන්නා ගුරුවරියව අවුරුදු දෙකක් පුරාම රස්තියාදු කලේය. ඉහළ දේශපාලන සම්බන්‌ධයක් හරහා මහ ඇමතියාට බැගෑපත්‌ව ඉල්ලා සිටියත් ඔහු එයද නොසලකා හැරියේ ලොකු පගාවක් බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන් බව නිසැකය.

අන්තිමේදී සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද? මහ ඇමතියාගේ එක් සම්බන්‌ධීකරණ ලේකම් කෙනෙක් රුපියල් 50,000 කට එක දවසින් මාරුව සදා දුන්නේය! අවුරුද්දකට පමන කලින් පිටරට සිට ටෙලිවිෂන් එකක් ගෙනත් දෙන ලෙස ඔහු ඉල්ලා සිටියත් එය අතපසු කලේ යුක්තිසහගත මාරුවක් එසේ හෑල්ලු කිරීමට තිබූ අකමැත්ත නිසා මිස ටෙලිවිෂන් එකකට සල්ලි දීමේ ලෝභ කමකට නොවේ. ඒ ලේකම්, මහ ඇමතියාගේත්, ඔහුගේ චැක්ගෝල අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකගේත් හොර ගණු දෙනු දන්නේය. ඒවායේදී ඔහුද අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකට උදව්කර තිබේ. වරක් අධ්‍යක්‍ෂකට ලැබුණු ස්ථාන මාරුවක්ද මහaැමතිට කතාකර නතර කර දුන්නේය. දුෂ්කර පලාතේ නගරයත්, කළුතරත් අතර මාරුව ලබාදීමට වාහනයේ එහාට මෙහාට රවුම් ගසනා අතුර ලේකම්, ගුරුවරියගේ ස්වාමියාට කිව් කතා, පලාත් සභා මට්ටමින් රටට සිදුවන විනාශය ගැන චිත්‍රපටියක් බැලුවා වැනිය. මහaැමතිට දියයුතු දඬුවම හිරගෙදර නොව, වැව් ශුද්‌ධ කිරීමට ගෙනයාමය.

මේ අන්දමට විනාශය කරා ගිය රටකට, අළුත් ජනාධිපතිට, කොරෝනාව දිව්‍ය වරමක් වැනිය. රටේ ජනයා විසින් දේශපාලක හොරා දමණය කර, ඒ <රස්සාව> ඔවුන්ට අතින් පාඩු වෙන එකක් බවට පෙරලිය හැකිය, යුතුය. රටට විනයක් ගෙන ඒමේලා ජනාධිපතිට උපදේශක මණ්ඩල ක්‍රමයක් තිබිය යුතුසේම, වහාම වැරදි නිවැරදි කල හැකි, හොරුන් හා වංචාකාරීන් අල්ලාගත හැකි චරපුරුෂ සේවා ක්‍රමයක්ද තිබිය යුතුය. චෝදනා ප්‍රසිද්‌ධ කර කඩිනමින් ඒවා විසඳන ක්‍රමයක් තිබිය යුතුය. ගම් මට්ටමින් මෙය සිදුවිය යුතුය. ඒකාධිපතිවාදයක් යන චෝදනාව වැලකෙන්නේ එසේය.

හෝමාගම අළුත් ක්‍රිකට් ක්‍රීඩා භූමියක් සැදීමේ යෝජනාවට වූ දෙය මේ සඳහා හොඳ මඟ පෙන්‌වීමකි. ක්‍රීඩා දක්‍ෂතාවය නිසාම (නෑකම්, දේශපාලන පන්දම් නොව) දිවයිනේ නමක් දිනාගෙන ඇති දෙතුන් දෙනෙක් මැදිහත්‌වී මෙම යෝජනාවේ නුසුදුසුකම එලිකල නිසා එය අකුලා ගන්නට දේශපාලකයින්ට සිදුවිය. මෙය මොන අන්දමකටවත් සාධාරණීය කරණය කල නොහැකි පුදුමම යෝජනාවකි. එය මඩවඟුරක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් සදා රටට කල දියවන්නා හෝටල් හානිය වැනිමය. ඒ අවට මෙන්ම කොළඹ පවා වැස්සෙන් යටවෙන්නේ මේ නිසාය. අළුත් එකක් ඕනෑනම් එය සැදිය යුතුව තිබුනේ කොළඹින් ඈත රජරටය.

ඒ කාලයේ ගල් ඔය ඉහළ නිම්නයේ කුඩා ජලාශ කීපයක් වෙනුවට, පහල යෝධ සමුද්‍රයක් සදන්නට එපා යයි දොස්තර එස්. ඒ. වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා කල ආයාචනය ඩී. එස්ලා විසින් නොසළකා හැරීමේ විපාක රටම විදෙව්වේය. මේ සඳහා කොපි කල ඇමෙරිකාවේ ටෙනසි ගංඟා නිම්නයේ කර තිබුනේද වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා කී දෙයමය. හුණුගල් තට්ටු උඩ යෝධ වික්ටෝරියා ජලාශය සැදීමද මෙවැනි අඥාන වැඩකි. එහි බර නිසා හුණුගල් පාෂාණ දෙදරා ඇතිවන ප්‍රතිඵල ලැබෙන්නේ තව පරම්පරා දෙකකට පසුවය. දේශපාලකයින්ගේ මහා පරිමාණ යෝධ වැඩ පිස්සුව, කොරෝනා යුගයත් සමඟ 2020 සිට අවසන් කිරීමට ක්‍රිකට් මෙන්ම අනිකුත් අංශවල උගත්, බුද්ධිමත්, දක්‍ෂතා සහිත විශ්‍රාම ගිය හා නොගිය පුරවැසියන් බලකර සිටිය යුතුය. දැන් ජනයාගේ සිත් තුල කිඳාබැසගෙන තිබෙනා මතයක් නම් මේ යෝධ ව්‍යාපාර රෝගයට හේතුව ඊට සම්බන්‌ධ කොමිස් කුට්ටි ගාය බවය.

ලංකාවේ අධිවේගී ගායද මෙවැනිය. ඉදිරියට හෝ සිදුවිය යුත්තේ ප්‍රධාන රේල් පාරවල් ඩබල් ලයින් කර, ගොවියන්ට තම නිෂ්පාදන ඊට ගෙන ඒමට පහසු වන සේ පාරවල් රටාවක් සැදීමය. මෙතරම් පැහැදිලි ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් වෙනුවට සංකීර්‍ණ පරිවහන සැලැස්මවල් හදාගෙන දඟලන්නේ ඇයි? ලංකාවේ ගම්වල නම්වල ආරම්භය පිළිඹඳව ආකරාදියක් සදා ඇති කැනඩාවේ වසන මහාචාර්ය චන්ද්‍රේ ධර්‌මවර්‌ධන කියන්නේ යාපනයට විදුලි දුම්‍රියක් දැම්මොත් යාපනය, දැන් වැල්ලවත්ත-දෙහිවල මෙන්, කොළඹ පරිවාර නගරයක් වෙන බවය. ඊළම් ව්‍යාපාරය ඉබේම කොට උඩ යන බවය!

කොරෝනාව, කොසොල් රජතුමාගේ සීන දාසැය ලෝකයටම සැබෑ කලේය. එහි පෙන්වා දී ඇති රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන දූෂණ නැති කිරීමේ අවස්ථාව, ජනාධිපති ගෝඨාභයට ලැබී ඇත. මේ සඳහා ජන මූල සභා (ජනසභා) මට්ටමෙන් රටේ විනයක් ඇති කිරීමේ යෝධ කාර්යයට (පාරේ කෙළ ගැසීමේ-ග්‍රාම සේවකට පගා දීමේ සිට ඉහළට), රටේ යුද හමුදාවත්, රටේ පන්සල් හා පල්ලිත් යොදාගත් විට, මිලිටරීකරණයක් ගැන තටමන යහපාලන හොරුන් නිරුත්තර වනු ඇත. මෙහිදී සුද්දගෙ නීතිය සංශොධනය කල යුතු, ඒ නිතීය හිරි-ඔත්තප්ප වලින් භය පමණක් සළකණ නිසාය. ජේවීපීකාරයින් 1971, 1988/89 කාලයේදී කලා මෙන් භයත්, ලැජ්ජාවට පත් කිරීමත් යන දෙකම අවශ්‍යය. කොරෝනා ඇඳිරි නීති කඩ කරමින් මිනිසුන් හැසුරුණු ආකාරයෙන් රටේ මධ්‍යස්ථ ජනයාට අවභොධවූයේ එයය.

Reply to Mayor Combie Canada Supporting Tamil Genocide Day

May 23rd, 2020

Dr. Chula Rajapakse MNZM

Dear Mayor Crombie, 

I regret very much that you have been badly mislead. There never was a Tamil genocide.The Tamil Tigers , labelled by the FBI US as the most brutal terrorist organisation,, that pioneered suicide bombing and the suicide west worn by all suicide bombers after them, waged a 30 year old war against the legally elected government Sri Lanka, alleging discrimination against Tamils post independence in Sri Lanka, for what in reality was the post independence loss of priveleges bestowed on them by colonial Britain as a part of their divide and rule policy where the Sinhalese were the victimised majority. 

In this war in the final few months leading to their defeat on 19.May 2019, they used nearly 300,000 Tamil civilians hostages as human shields, for their protection against the Sri Lankan security forces to ward off their defeat that eventuated on 19.5.09, when their leader Prabakaran became a victim the SL forces fire. The 300,000 Tamil civilians were rescued as a major objective of the final operation and rehabilitated and live peaceful and productive lives in SL now. The SL forces were under strict instruction from their President on a ” no civilian casualty policy” .They accomplished the Tiger defeat with about 7000 civilian casualties at most , very creditable considering the scale of the operation and the Tigers use of these civilians as human shields deliberately and mercilessly. 

These including the numbers were confirmed by the resident UN representative inSL at the time Sir John Holmes, and later by a census carried out in 2010 by Sri Lanka Tamil University Teachers. Diiplomatic cables despatched from the US and Uk embassies in Colombo at the time tabled in the British house of Lords by Lord Naseby in Oct 2017. also confirmed these numbers and also that but for the care exercised by the SL forces , the war would have been over much sooner and and with less security forces casualties. However,the powerful Tamil diaspora based largely in UK and Canada that funded the Tiger brutality for three decades, who had a track record of unbelievable misinformation that woud Dwarf Joseph Goebelle , Hitler’s propagand minister ,along with distortion extortion and drug trafficking, refusing to accept defeat responded by alleging that the Sri Lankan security forces achieved their defeat of the Tigers with an unaceptably high civilian casualty rate which they alleged without presenting any evidence , at different times and from different sources to be anything from 40,000 to 100,000. 

They then used their war chest of billions accumulated using distortion, extortion and drug trafficking to orchestrate this internationally using news media such s Channel 4 UK and unsuspecting and well meaning western politicians, who became easy pray to their presenting these entirely unsubstantiated numbers as representing ” victimisation of Tamil minority in SL and so a genocide”.  

They also found a powerful ally in the Darusman commission, a commission appointed by the then UNSCG Banki Moon against the wishes of the UNGA and UNSC so not a UN commission, to advice on accountability provisions in SL re HR, whose three commissioners had conflict with the SL government previously, who came up with their report receiving representations from the Tiger diaspora only and not from th SL administration. In their report they concluded that ” there was credible evidence of unacceptably high civilian casualties, but kept the source of this information secret for twenty years, so providing a reflection of the credibility and authenticity of these conclusions.

However, it provided the fodder that the TIger diaspora wanted and orchestrated this using the same resources claiming it a UN report. I urge you to verify the claims I have just presented many of which can be done surfing the internet.I would be happy to provide you with these too if you could email me your email . Thank you for your indulgence in reading to my side of the story. The statements like yours following crafty misleading, is very hurtful to the likes of me of Sri Lankan origin , who have a fundamental human right not to be accused, with no basis, as a Sri Lankan of being complicit to geneocide .How wonderful it would be if you withdrew your statement after verifying the information I have presented 

Sincerely Dr. Chula Rajapakse MNZM cnarajapakse@gmail.com, +64274768797, Wellington, New Zealand.

රාමළාන් ඊද් උත්සව සුභ පැතුම

May 23rd, 2020

ඒ.ජේ.එම්. මුසම්මිල්, වයඹ පලාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවර.

මෙවර නව පරිසරයක් තුළ රාමළාන් නෝම්බි උපවාසයේ නියෙලන ශ‍්‍රී ලංකාවාසී ඉස්ලාමීය ජනතාවට ශුද්ධ ඊදුල් ෆිතර් උත්සවයකට සුභ පැතුම් එක්කිරීමට ලැබීම ගැන මම ආඩම්බර වෙමි.

කොරෝනා වෛරසය හේතුවෙන් අපේ සහෝදර සිංහල සහ දෙමළ ජනතාව ඔවුන්ගේ ආගමික උත්සව සාමකාමීව තම නිවෙස්වල සිට සමරනු ලැබු ආකාරයටම මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවත් සෞඛ්‍ය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ උපදෙස් පිළිපදිමින් සමාජ දුරස්ථභාවය සහ මුඛ ආවරණ පැළඳගෙන නිහඬතාවයෙන් සිට ඊද් උත්සවය සමරන්නැයි ඔවුන්ගෙන් මම කාරුණිකව ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

ඒ හා සමානව, රාමසාන්  උපවාස සමයේදී අනුගමනය කළ වත්පිළිවෙත් යහක්‍රියා සහ දේවවිශ්වාසයන් ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම තම ජීවිත කාලය පුරාවටම හොඳින් පිළිපැදීමට අධිෂ්ඨාන කරගත යුතුයි. කොරෝනා වෛරසය මුළු ලෝකයම උඩු යටිකුරු කර පෙරළා දමා ඇත. අද මුස්ලිමි ආගමික සිද්ධස්ථාන වසා තිබෙන අතර, නිවාස මුස්ලිමි පල්ලි බවට පත්ව ඇත. පස්වේල් යාච්ඤා මෙහෙයන්, කුරාන් පාරායනය සහ තරාවි නැමදුම් වැනි යහපත් ක‍්‍රියා අපගේ පවුලේ සාමාජිකයන් සමග කිරීමට අවස්ථාව ලබා දී තිබේ. මෙම යහපත් ක‍්‍රියාවන් තවදුරටත් කරගෙන යාමෙන් අපට මෙලොව සහ පරලොවත් ජයග්‍රහණය කර ගැනීමට හැකි වේවී.

එලෙසම කොරෝනා වසංගතයට එරෙහිව ජාති ආගම් භේදයකින් තොරව සටන් කරන අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමන්, අතිගරු අගමැතිතුමන් සෞඛ්‍ය දෙපාර්තමේන්තු නිළධාරීන් සහ සියලූ‍ම හමුදා නිලධාරීන් වෙනුවෙන් මෙම ශුද්ධ දිනයේදී අපි යාචිඤා කරමු. මෙවැනි මාරාන්තික රෝගවලින් ජනතාව ආරක්ෂා කර එක්සත්ව ජීවත් විය හැකි වටපිටාවක් ලබා දෙන ලෙස අල්ලා දෙවිඳුන්ගෙන්  මාගේ දෙඅත් ඔසවා ප්‍රාර්ථනා කර සිටිමි.


ඊදුල් ෆිතර් උත්සවය සමරන ඔබ සැමට ඊද් මුබාරක්!

ඒ.ජේ.එම්. මුසම්මිල්,
වයඹ පලාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවර.

Saving Valentina.

May 23rd, 2020

elinoyes

Michael Fishbach narrates his encounter with a humpback whale entangled in a fishing net. Gershon Cohen and he have founded The Great Whale Conservancy to protect whales. http://www.greatwhaleconservancy.org, is their website, or go to gwc’s facebook page, and join them in helping to save these magnificent beings.

11 years later: Back on the Frontlines, Fighting for You

May 23rd, 2020

By Gagani Weerakoon Courtesy Ceylon Today

Eleven years ago, on 18 May 2009, Sri Lanka marked a significant day in its history by freeing itself from the clutches of terrorism. This saw Sri Lanka becoming the first nation to eradicate terrorism in the 21st century, securing a momentous place in military history.

The military operations launched by Sri Lankan security forces at the Mavil Aru anicut on 26 July 2006 culminated in the final defeat of the LTTE at the Nandikadal Lagoon two years later on 18 May 2009, bringing an end to 26 years of civil war.

The Mavil Aru incident

The Sri Lankan Forces and the LTTE were locked in four years of a so-called ceasefire since 2002, when on 21 July 2006, the month of Black July, the irrigation engineer in charge of the Mavil Aru sluice gate complex received several reports of an unusual reduction in water flow through the irrigation scheme’s distributing channels. The engineer proceeded to inspect the gate, before being stopped at gunpoint by the LTTE around a kilometre before the sluice gate complex. 

The LTTE’s closure of the sluice gates that day, cut off the water supply to approximately 15,000 farming families in 20 villages in the East. When repeated pleas from the Government and Norwegian peace brokers to resume the water supply went ignored, Government forces commenced operations on 26 July 2006 to liberate the Mavil Aru dam with the launch of aerial attacks on identified LTTE locations in the area. 

The combined efforts of the Air Force and Army led to the sluice gates finally being opened, and the Government regained control of Mavil Aru by 11 August 2006. Military forces began their ‘humanitarian war’ – a twist on the Eelam War – to liberate the Eastern province. A year later, on 11 July 2007, the military declared it had gained full control of the East after capturing Thoppigala (Baron’s Cap).

Describing the situation faced by the troops during these operations, major General (rtd) Chagie Gallage once said, “The Eastern theatre of operation was peculiar in that the military and the LTTE were positioned without demarcation of separate areas of control. This dispersed position facilitated the LTTE’s logistics for recruitment, training and other related functions. The LTTE maintained approximately 3,000 cadres physically in the East in early 2006, which were reinforced systematically. The main effort of the security forces was to segregate civilians from the terrorists and inflict maximum attrition on the LTTE.”

The Vanni theatre of operations, categorised by three deep routes and two lateral routes, gave rise to a number of concerns during planning and execution. With the lack of infrastructure, extensive foliage and conditions that hindered infantry movement, several issues were encountered that caused a build-up of combat power and logistics.

The Vanni region was categorised into central, western, eastern and northern fronts. The Jaffna A9 road dominated the central front, while the western front was dominated by the Mannar-Pooneryn road. The lateral tracks and heavy fortifications of the Andankulam forest reserve in the eastern front were the key concern. The northern front consisted of a narrow strip of land exposed to the sea and lagoon, and posed a security threat. Hence, terrain imperatives had a major impact on the planning and execution of Vanni operations.

At a defence seminar, Major General Jagath Dias recalled the threats the Security Forces faced when executing the northern operation.

“The LTTE’s combatant strength was reported to be 18,000 at the time of operational launch. As operations progressed in early 2008, forceful recruitment of approximately 8,000 civilians saw this increase to approximately 26,000 cadres. The capabilities of the LTTE included operating in small groups, using their thorough terrain knowledge to launch counter-attacks, night movement, combat multipliers, sea-fighting capability – known as the Sea Tiger wing – air capability, indirect fire capability and the Black Tigers – a unique weapon the LTTE used extensively against security forces and civilians. The LTTE also used heavy weapons, such as missiles, multi-barrel rocket launchers and armoured vehicles. 

The operation against them aimed to reduce their combatant efficiency and liberate captured areas to restore the State mechanism and return them to normalcy.

As a result of the success achieved in the East, it was decided that a frontage in the Vanni theatre be opened to compel the LTTE to commit their resources in multiple thrusts. By this time, troops were manning a defended coastal area from Kilali to Nagarkovil via Muhamalai, and Mannar to Kokkuthuduwai via Omanthai. In light of this situation, the 57 Division, the first offensive formation raised in the Vanni theatre, launched its operations on 5 March 2007, along three accesses from the Vavuniya-Mannar line of defence,” he added.

Troops of 57 and 58 Divisions were severely affected by an inundation due to the blasting of the Kalmadu tank by the LTTE. However, both Divisions overcame the situation to manoeuvre towards the open terrain in the East, maintaining a link between Task Force 4 and 58 Division. Against all odds, with an outflanking move of a brigade side force through the Nandikadal Lagoon, the 59 Division liberated Mullaitivu on 25 January 2009.

Chalai, the launching pad of the Sea Tigers’ operations, was exclusively used for LTTE Sea Tiger training and suicide cadres. The 55 Division, after gaining control of Chuddikulam Island, engaged in heavy battle to bring Chalai under control. By then, civilians had commenced crossing into liberated areas en masse, and troops worked on a priority basis to cater to their needs, for which action was initiated to prepare a site and other essential commodities at Menik Farm, Vavuniya.

However, winning the war was not an isolated operation by the infantry or the Sri Lanka Army alone. The Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) carried out targeted attacks on precise locations that the infantry could not reach. In one such attack, LTTE Political Wing Leader, S.P. Thamilselvan, along with five other high-ranking Tamil Tiger rebels, were killed in their sleep on 2 November 2007, when the SLAF carried out an airstrike on an undisclosed location near the LTTE stronghold of Kilinochchi.

The focal point of the 4th Eelam War’s success lies with the contribution of the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN). The strategies it adopted since the latter part of 2005 made sure not only that the LTTE’s international supplies were cut off, but also prevented its cadres fleeing by sea. 

Naval operations began with an attempt to identify and destroy the LTTE fishing trawler fleet responsible for smuggling operations. Within a year, 11 LTTE trawlers were destroyed. The SLN used land-based radar to detect small boat threats up to 100 nautical miles from shore. Ships and boats were dispatched against these potential threats.

However, operations took a significant toll on the SLN. The bulk of the Navy’s assets were on continuous patrol to detect and destroy LTTE trawlers hiding among thousands of civilian vessels, resulting in worn-down and demoralised crews, while having little impact on smuggling operations.

By mid-2006, the Navy changed its tactics. Rather than chase the small vessels, it decided to utilise intelligence to target LTTE cargo vessels, or ‘floating arms warehouses’, which supplied the small boats. In addition to India’s cooperation, the US also provided intelligence to the SLN on the location of the LTTE arms warehouses. The intelligence proved critical in locating the more remote LTTE vessels loitering over a thousand nautical miles from Sri Lankan waters.

The SLN, with international support, hunted down the remaining LTTE cargo ships. Between September 2006 and October 2007, they destroyed eight large LTTE ships containing over 10,000 tonnes of war-related material, using a flotilla of three offshore patrol vessels (OPV) supported by old tankers, merchant vessels, and fishing trawlers.

Eleven years later

The 11th anniversary of the military’s victory against terrorism was commemorated at a juncture where the entire country was hit by another pandemic. 

COVID-19 has already claimed over 335,000 lives worldwide, while over 5.11 million have tested positive for the disease. While most neighbouring countries have been severely hit by the pandemic, Sri Lanka has largely managed to contain the virus’ spread.

Back on the frontlines

Interestingly, those at the forefront in playing key roles in the fight against COVID-19 are the same people who fought a winning war 11 years ago.

Then-President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, who provided political leadership as Commander-in-Chief, now serves as Prime Minister, planning strategies to mitigate blows the pandemic could have on the country’s economy. 

Then-Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is now the Commander-in-Chief, directing the operation against COVID-19 by bringing the Health and Defence sectors together.

The Tri-Forces and the Police are again on the frontlines, protecting civilians. Just as they served as the forward defence line in the fight against the LTTE, they have again taken the forward defence line in helping and guarding health service members and civilians, undertaking the entire quarantine operation under the leadership of Army Commander, Lt. General Shavendra Silva. 

Similar to the vital role they played in identifying military targets and enemy movements 11 years ago, the State Intelligence Service (SIS) is identifying clusters spreading the virus; SIS Assistant Director, Parakrama de Silva said that all remaining clusters have been identified.

These include the clusters stemming from the Tourist Guide identified on 11 March, the Gem Merchant in Beruwala, the returnees from Italy and Dubai, the groups that returned from a religious event in Puttalam, the Suduwella drug addicts, the people of Bandaranayake Mawatha, Colombo North, and the Navy, which were identified as the highest risk.

No war is fought without casualty. Going by the statistics, it is evident that civilian life was prioritised as the forces carried out their search operations. With the Navy being the largest COVID-19 cluster at the moment, the public evidently appeared to have been disturbed by the fact, and were seen mistreating members of the military forces.

Navy Spokesperson 

Lt. Commander Isuru Sooriyabandara pointed out that this was unfair of the public, saying, “Infection among naval personnel could have been controlled had we not all gone out to track down and capture those connected to the Suduwella cluster. We did not stop at Suduwella and in fact, continued up to Nagalagam Street in Colombo, because we were determined to stop the cluster from spreading to communities. It comprised drug addicts, and our members came into contact with them while attempting to apprehend them. Some criticise us saying that we did not follow safety measures; but one has to realise that we do not give up a battle just because we do not possess all the required equipment. We will still fight by maximising the minimum resources we have. 

“The spread of COVID-19 in the Welisara Camp was due to its composition. One sailor barrack houses about 50-60 personnel. Also due to their lifestyle, their immunity system is strong, and most cases did not present symptoms. Now that we are releasing civilians from quarantine centres around the country, we will be able to send our sailors to those centres and bring the numbers down.” 

Lt. Commander Sooriyabandara added, however, that this would not discourage them from continuing to serve the public in the fight against COVID-19, and in the flood situation expected to affect most parts of the country. 

“කොරෝනා දෙවැනි රැල්ලක් ඇතිවීමේ අවදානම අඩුයි”

May 23rd, 2020

මව්බිම දැන්

අපේ රට කොවිඩ් 19 අවදානමින් කෙමෙන් දුරස් වෙමින් තිබෙන බවට මත පළවෙනවා. ඔබේ දැනුම හා අත්දැකීම් අනුව මෙහි සත්‍යතාවක් තිබෙනවාද?

අවසාන වශයෙන් රෝගීන් වාර්තා වුණේ නාවික හමුදාවෙන් සහ නිරෝධායන මධ්‍යස්ථානවලින් පමණයි. පිටස්තරව රෝගීන් වාර්තා වුණේ නැහැ. අපි විශාල වශයෙන් බාහිර සමාජයේ පරීක්‍ෂණ කරනවා. අපි රෝහල්වල බාහිර රෝගී අංශවල සහ විවිධ ක්‍ෂේත්‍රවල අහඹු නියැදි ලබා ගන්නවා. රෝගීන් වාර්තා වුණේ ඉහත කී කණ්ඩායම්වලින්ම පමණයි.

අහම්බෙන් හෝ බාහිර සමාජයේ කෙනෙක් ඒ අය සමඟ ගනුදෙනු කොට තිබුණොත් රෝගීන් වාර්තා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. අපි විදේශ රටවල සිට පැමිණෙන පිරිස් නිරෝධායනය කරනවා. නමුත් කලාතුරකින් රෝගියෙක් දෙන්නෙක් වාර්තා විය හැකියි. මොකද මේක ඇසට නොපෙනෙන පොඩි වයිරසයක්නේ. ඒ නිසා අපේ සෞඛ්‍ය පුරුදු ටික දිගටම පවත්වාගෙන යෑමට අපට සිදුවෙනවා.

මේ වෙද්දී පොදු ව්‍යාපාර සහ පෞද්ගලික ව්‍යාපාර හා සේවා ස්ථානත් විවෘත කොට තිබෙනවා නේද?

ඔව්. බොහෝමයක් ව්‍යාපාර ආයතන, සේවා ස්ථාන, කර්මාන්තශාලා, ආපනශාලා, රූපලාවණ්‍යාගාර, හෝටල් පාරිභෝගිකයන්ට විවෘත කොට තිබෙනවා.

ඒත් කර්මාන්තශාලා විවෘත කිරීමට අදාළ චක්‍රලේඛ තවමත් නිකුත් වෙලා නැහැ නේද?

ඇතැම් ආයතන, ආපනශාලා යම් ක්‍රමවේදයකට නතුකොට තිබෙනවා. රූපලාවණ්‍යාගාර සම්බන්ධයෙන් නම් චක්‍රලේඛයක් නිකුත් කළා. ඊට අමතරව නිෂ්පාදන කර්මාන්ත, රාජ්‍ය හා පෞද්ගලික කාර්යාල, සත්කාරක කර්මාන්ත, අවන්හල්, ආහාර වෙළෙඳසල්, සුපිරි වෙළෙඳසල්, පොදු ප්‍රවාහන, ආර්ථික මධ්‍යස්ථාන, විශ්වවිද්‍යාල, ඉදිකිරීම් කර්මාන්ත ආදිය විවෘත කිරීමෙන් පසුව පවත්වාගෙන යායුතු සෞඛ්‍යාරක්‍ෂිත ක්‍රම හා මාර්ගෝපදේශ පිළිබඳව අපි මෙහෙයුම් මාර්ගෝපදේශ නිකුත් කොට තිබෙනවා. ඉදිරියේදී කර්මාන්ත අංශයටත් චක්‍රලේඛ සහ ගැසට් පත්‍රිකාවක් නිකුත් කරනවා.

රාජ්‍ය හා පෞද්ගලික සේවා ස්ථාන විවෘත කරන විට ඒවා අනුගමනය කළ යුතු පූර්වාරක්‍ෂක ක්‍රම හා මාර්ගෝපදේශ මොනවාද?

ඒ ඒ ආයතනයට ගෙන්විය යුත්තේ අත්‍යවශ්‍යම පිරිසක් පමණයි. විශේෂයෙන්ම උණ, කැස්ස, සෙම්ප්‍රතිශ්‍යාව, උගුරේ වේදනාව තිබෙන සේවකයන් සේවා ස්ථානයට නොයා යුතුයි. ආසාදිත අය ඇසුරු කළ අයත් සේවයට වාර්තා නොකළ යුතුයි. සෙසු පිරිස් කාර්යාලවලට ඇතුළු වීමට පෙර අත් සෝදාගත යුතුයි. ඇඟිලි සලකුණු යන්ත්‍රය භාවිත කරනවා නම් භාවිත කිරීමෙන් පසු අත් සේදීම වැදගත්. පසුව එම යන්ත්‍රයත් පිරිසුදු කළ යුතුයි. මීට අමතරව ඇතුළු වන ස්ථානයේ 0.1% සෝඩියම්  හයිපොක්ලෝරයිට් ද්‍රාවණයක් මත ඇවිද යෑමට සැලැස්වීම හෝ පැලඳගෙන ආ පාවහන් ඉවත් කොට ආයතනයේදී පරිහරණය කිරීමට නව පාවහන් ලබාදිය යුතුයි.

රැකියාවට පැමිණෙන අයගේ ශරීර උෂ්ණත්වය පරීක්‍ෂා කිරීමත් වැදගත්. ඒ වගේම මීටරයක දුර පවත්වා ගැනීම, මුහුණ, කට, නාසය ඇල්ලීම, අනෙක් අයගේ උපකරණ භාවිත නොකිරීම, නිවෙසට යන විටත් දෑත් පිරිසුදු කිරීම, ගිය විගස ඇඳුම් පැලඳුම් පිරිසුදු කොට තමාත් පිරිසුදු වීම වැනි සෞඛ්‍ය පුරුදු අනුගමනය කළ යුතුයි.

නිතර භාවිත වන කාර්යාල මේසය, පරිගණක වැනි දේවලත් විසබීජහරණය කළ යුතුයි.

කාර්යාලයක තිබෙන ‍ෙදාර, අගුළු, කබඩ් වැනි ලෝහ පෘෂ්ඨ 70% මද්‍යසාර අඩංගු ද්‍රාවණයකින් පිරිසුදු කිරීමත්, ලෝහ නොවන පෘෂ්ඨ 0.1%ක සෝඩියම් හයිපොක්ලෝරයිට් ද්‍රාවණයකින් පිරිසුදු කිරීමටත් අනිවාර්යය දෙයක්. ‍ෙදාර අගුළු හැඬල නිතර ඇරෙන වැහෙන ‍ෙදාරවල් තිබෙනවා නම් ඒවත් සෑම වැඩමුරයකටම පෙරත් පැය තුනකට වරකුත් පිරිසුදු කොට විසබීජහරණය කළ යුතුයි. කාර්යාලයේ පුටු, මේස ආදිය දිනකට දෙවරක් විසබීජහරණය කළ යුතුයි.

සේවකයන්ට ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම් සපයන විට මුලින්ම වාහනයේ විසබීජහරණය කිරීම වැදගත්. වාඩි වූ පසු මීටරයක දුරින් සිටිය යුතුයි. ‍ෙදාර වැහීමට ඇරීමට වෙනම අයකු යෙදවීමක් කළ යුතු දෙයක්.

සේවා ස්ථානයක කොවිඩ් 19 යැයි සැක හිතෙන පුද්ගලයකු සිටියහොත්?

එහෙම තත්ත්වයකදී 1390ට ඇමතුමක් දෙන්න පුළුවන්. ගිලන් රථයක් ගෙන්වා ඒ පුද්ගලයාව ළඟම තිබෙන රජයේ රෝහලට යවන්න පුළුවන්. සැක සහිත කෙනා දිගටම මුඛ ආවරණ දාගෙන අනෙක් අයගෙන් අෑත්වෙලා ඉඳීම අවශ්‍යයි. එම පුද්ගලයා රෝගී බව තහවුරු වුණොත් කාර්යාලයට සෞඛ්‍ය බලධාරීන් පැමිණෙනවා. ඉන් පසුව ඔවුන්ගේ උපදෙස් අනුව කටයුතු කරන්න වෙනවා.

ඉදිරියට දින වෙන් කොට ගත් මංගල උත්සව තිබෙනවා නම් ඒවා සිදුවිය යුත්තේ කොහොමද?

ලොකු පිරිසක් සමඟ ලොකු උත්සවයක් ගන්න බැරි බව මුලින්ම වටහා ගත යුතුයි. දින වෙන් කරලා තිබෙනවා නම් කල් දාන්නම බැරි නම් අත්‍යවශ්‍යම කිහිපදෙනෙක් ගෙන්වාගෙන චාරිත්‍ර කිරීමට සිදුවෙනවා. නෑදෑයෝ කීපදෙනෙක්, රූපලාවණ්‍ය ශිල්පියා, ඡායාරූප ශිල්පියා, විවාහ රෙජිස්ට්‍රාර් වගේ අත්‍යවශ්‍ය අය සමඟ සීමිත පිරිසක් පමණයි සහභාගි විය යුතු. උත්සව ශාලාවක හෝ හෝටලයක උත්සවය ගන්නවා නම් එන අමුත්තෝත් හෝටලයේ අයගේ පුර්වාරක්‍ෂක ක්‍රමවේද අනුගමනය කරන්න ඕනෑ. උෂ්ණත්වය බලලා, අමුත්තන් ලියාපදිංචි කරලා, අතපය සෝදලා සෝපාන, කැසිකිළි, වැසිකිළි භාවිත කරන ආකාරය ගැන උපදෙස් දීලා තමයි මංගල උත්සවය ගන්න වෙන්නේ.

මංගල උත්සවවලට පමණක් නොවෙයි අවමංගල්‍ය කටයුතු, ආගමික උත්සව ආදියටත් සාදවලටත්, විශාල පිරිසක් එක්රැස් කරන්න බැහැ. ඒවටත් ඉතාම අඩු පිරිසකුයි ගෙන්වා ගත යුත්තේ. අපි ක්‍රමිකව මේ පාලනයන් ලිහිල් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කරනවා.

ඇඳිරි නීතිය ඉවත් කිරීමෙන් පසු මුල් දින එක, දෙක ඇතුළත ජනතාවගේ හැසිරීම එතරම් සුබදායී වුණේ නැහැ නේද?

මිනිසුන්ට මේ රෝගය සහ රටේ තිබෙන තත්ත්වය අමතක වෙන හැටි අපට දැනුණා. වයින් ස්ටෝර්ස්, කඩ සාප්පු විවෘත වුණු විට සමහරු හැසිරුණේ ස්වයං පාලනයකින් තොරවයි. ඒක නරකයි. නමුත් බහුතරයක් ඉතා හොඳින් කටයුතු කළා. කාර්යාලත් හොඳට කටයුතු කළා. නමුත් හිටපු ගමන් බස්වල සෙනඟ පුරවලා අරගෙන ගියා. ඒවා විය යුතු නැහැ. අපි වගකීම් සහගතව හැසිරිය යුතුයි.

මෙවැනි සමාජ හැසිරීම් නිසා කොවිඩ් 19 දෙවැනි රැල්ලක් රට තුළ ඇතිවීමේ අවදානමක් තිබෙනවාද?

දෙවැනි රැල්ලක් ඇතිවීමේ අවදානමක් නම් අඩුයි. නමුත් අතරින් පතර රෝගීන් එක්කෙනෙක් දෙන්නෙක් හමුවෙන්න අවකාශයක් තිබෙනවා. ඒ තත්ත්වය අපිට වළක්වා ගන්න පුළුවන් නම් රැලි ඒමේ ඉඩකඩ අඩුවෙනවා. අපේ සෞඛ්‍ය කාර්ය මණ්ඩලය විමසිල්ලෙන් සිටිනවා නම් රෝහල්වලට එන රෝගීන් හඳුනා ගන්න පුළුවන් නම් එහෙම වෙන්න ඉඩක් නැහැ. ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයේ කවරකුට හෝ ශ්වසනාබාධ තත්ත්වයක් තිබෙනවා කියලා දැනගත් විගස කඩිනම් විය යුතුයි. රෝග ලක්‍ෂණ මතුවෙන අය බොහා් විට ඉන්නේ නිරෝධායන මධ්‍යස්ථානවල. බොහෝ දෙනෙක් නාවික සෙබළු. සමාජයේ පිරිස් ගැවසීම අඩු නිසා සාමාන්‍ය සෙම්ප්‍රතිශ්‍යාවක් වුණත් දකින්න ලැබෙන්නේ අඩුවෙන්. ඉන්ෆ්ලුවෙන්සා වුණත් අඩුයිනේ දැන්. නැත්නම් අවුරුද්දකට කී පාරක් ඔය වයිරස් උණ තත්ත්වයන් එනවාද? සෙනඟ ගැවසීම අඩු නිසා ඒවත් අඩුයි.

පී.සී.ආර්. පරීක්‍ෂණ කරන විට වයිරසය ඇඟේ නොතිබුණත් දින කිහිපයකින් පසු වයිරසය සක්‍රිය වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ නිසා රෝගීන් මඟහැරෙන්න පුළුවන් කමක් තිබෙනවාද?

රෝග ලක්‍ෂණ තිබෙන සැක සහිත අයටනේ පරීක්‍ෂණ කරන්නේ.  ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයේ අහඹු ලෙස කරන නියැදි පරීක්‍ෂාවකදී අද නැති කෙනකුට හෙට රෝගය තිබෙන්නට පුළුවන් විය හැකියි. විසබීජය ශරීරයට ඇතුළුවීමෙන් පසුව රෝග ලක්‍ෂණ පෙනෙන්නත් දවස් කිහිපයක් ගතවෙනවානේ.

WHO  පවසන පරිදි මේ වයිරසය ලෝකයෙන් තුරන් කිරීමට අපහසුයි. ඒ අනුව කොහොමද ජන ජීවිතය යථා තත්ත්වයට ගේන්නේ?

ශ්වසනාබාධ තත්ත්වයක් ලෝකයේම තිබෙන විට තුරන් කිරීම අමාරුයි. රටවල් සිය ගණනක තිබෙනවා. එකපාරට බින්දුවට බස්සවන්න බැහැ. එක රටක රෝගීන් නැති වුණත් අනෙක් රටවල් සමඟ නිරන්තර ගනුදෙනු සිදුවෙන කොට නැවත රෝගය බෝ විය හැකියි.

ඒ කියන්නේ අපට කොරෝනාත් සමඟ ජීවත් වෙන්න වෙනවා?

ඔව්. බෙහෙතක් හෝ එන්නතක් නිසියාකාරව සොයා ගන්නා තෙක් අපිට මේකත් සමඟ සෑහෙන  කාලයක් ඉන්න වෙනවා.

හයිඩේ‍රාක්සික්ලෝරෝක්වීන් ඔෟෂධය මෙයට ධනාත්මක ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වන්නේ නැද්ද?

අපිත් එය භාවිත කරනවා. නමුත් ඒකමද ඔෟෂධය කියලා අපිට තවම පැහැදිලිව කියන්න බැහැ. නිවැරැදිව ස්ථිරව එන්නතක් හෝ බෙහෙතක් තවම සොයාගෙන නැහැ. තවමත් ඒවා පර්යේෂණ මට්ටමේ තමයි පවතින්නේ. තව වසරකින්ද දෙකකින්ද ඔෟෂධයක් සොයා ගන්නේ කියලා ස්ථිරව කියන්න බැහැ.

මේ වයිරසය හා බැඳුණු දුර්මත රාශියක් තිබෙනවා. ප්‍රතිජීවක ඔෟෂධ ලබා ගැනීමෙන් මෙතනෝල්, එතිල්, ඇල්කොහොල් වැනි ද්‍රව්‍ය ගැනීමෙන් මෙම රෝගය සුවවෙන බවත් නොවැලඳෙන බවත් ඇතැමුන් විශ්වාස කරනවා නේද? 

අපි හරි දේ නිතර ජනතාවට කියනවා. මාධ්‍ය මඟිනුත් කියා දෙනවා. නමුත් දුර්මත පසුපස යන සුළු පිරිසකුත් සිටිනවා ඇති. සෞඛ්‍ය ප්‍රවර්ධන කාර්යාංශය නිතර ජනතාව දැනුවත් කළත් සමාජ මාධ්‍ය මඟින් දුර්මත පැතිරීමට පුළුවන්. වයිරසයකට ඇන්ටිබයෝටික්ස් (ප්‍රතිජීවක) බීලා නම් හරියන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ වගේ දේවල්වලින් රෝගය සුව වෙනවා කියලා හිතනවා නම් වැරැදියි. රෝග ලක්ෂණ තිබෙනවා නම් එවැනි දේවල් කර කර හිත හිත ගෙදර ඉඳලා බැහැ. රෝගය තමාගෙන් තව අයකුට බෝවීමට ඉඩ තැබිය යුතු නැහැ. 

කොවිඩ් – 19 රෝගය ලංකාවේ අයට වැලඳෙනවා අඩුයි. වැලඳුණත් සතියෙන් හොඳ වෙනවා. අපේ රටේ මිනිසුන්ගේ ප්‍රතිශක්තිය හොඳයි කියලා උදම් අනමින්, රෝගය නොතකා හැසිරෙන අයත් ඒ අතර නැත්තේම නැහැ නේද?

ඔව්. එහෙම කියන අයත් සිටිනවා. අපේ රටේ මේක වැලඳුණු අයගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් වයස අවුරුදු 50ට අඩු අය. ඔවුන් ඉක්මනට සුවය ලබලා ගියා. ඒක මේ අපේ රටේ අයගේ ප්‍රතිශක්තිය හොඳකමවත්, අපේ රටේ අයට අමාරු වෙන්නේ නැති එකවත් නෙවෙයි. එහෙම වුණේ අපේ රටේ ඉතා හොඳ සෞඛ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රයක් තිබෙන නිසයි. ඉක්මනින් රෝහලට යොමු වෙලා ප්‍රතිකාර ලැබූ නිසා තමයි ඉක්මනින් ගෙදර ගියේ.

පොකුරු වශයෙන් සමාජයේ පැතිරුණා නම් වයස්ගත අයටත් මේක බෝවෙන්න ඉඩ තිබුණා. එහෙම වුණා නම් මේ තත්ත්වය වෙනස් වෙලා මරණ සංඛ්‍යාව මීට වඩා වැඩිවෙන්න ඉඩ තිබුණා. දැනට වාර්තා වන රෝගීන්ගේ 60%ක් පමණ අවුරුදු 31-50ත් අතර අය. මොකද සමාජ සම්ප්‍රේෂණය අඩුයි. තවම අපේ මරණ අනුපාතය 0.9% යිනේ. අපේ රෝහල්වල පහසුකම් සහ රැකබලා ගැනීම් ඉතා හොඳයි. ඊට අමතරව සමස්ත සෞඛ්‍ය ක්ෂේත්‍රයම යුහුසුලුව කටයුතු කරනවා. මේ තත්ත්වයෙන් අපි ඉන්නේ ඒකයි. 

ලෝක ප්‍රවණතාව අනුව මෙයට වැඩි වශයෙන් ගොදුරු වන්නේ පුරුෂ පාර්ශ්වය. ලංකාවෙත් එහෙමයි. මොකද්ද මේකට හේතුව?

ඔව්, අපේ රටෙත් පිරිමින්ට තමයි මේක වැඩිපුර වැලඳුණේ. අපේ රටේ 2/3ක්ම පිරිමි, ගැහැනු 1/3යි. ලෝකයේ වෙන රටවලත් වැඩිපුර එළියේ ගැවසෙන්නේ පිරිමි. ඔවුන් බාහිර සමාජය සමඟ කරන ගනුදෙනු කාන්තාවකට වඩා වැඩියි. මුලින්ම අපේ රටට ආවේ විදේශීය සංචාරකයෝ.

ඔවුන්ගෙනුත් පිරිමියි වැඩී. අපේ රටේ කෙනා සංචාරක මඟ පෙන්වන්නෙක්. ඉන්පසුව විදේශයන්හි රැකියාවට ගොස් පැමිණි නිරෝධායන මධ්‍යස්ථානවලට ගිය බොහෝ දෙනකුත් පිරිමි. ආගමික මෙහෙයට සහභාගි වෙලා තිබුණෙත් පිරිමි. පසුව සුදුවැල්ල, බණ්ඩාරනායකපුර, නාවික හමුදාව ගත්තත් වැඩිපුරම පිරිමි අයටනේ වැලඳුණේ. හේතුව ඔවුන් වැඩි වශයෙන් බාහිර සමාජය හා ගැටීම හා සමාජමය හැසිරීමයි. ඔය කියපු තැන්වල කාන්තාවන් නියෝජනය අඩු ඇති. එනිසා තමයි කාන්තාවන්ට වඩා මේක පිරිමින්ට වැලඳීමේ ඉඩකඩ වැඩි වුණේ. 

දුම්බීම කොවිඩ් – 19 වැලඳීමට හෝ වැලඳුණු අයට වැඩි සංකූලතා ඇතිවීමට හේතුවක් බව පැවැසුවා නේද?

දුම්බීම නිසා වයිරසය වැලඳෙන්නේ නැහැ. නමුත් එකම සිගරැට්ටුව පුද්ගලයන් කිහිප දෙනෙක් මාරුවෙන් මාරුවට ඉරීමේ නම් අවදානමක් තිබෙනවා. ඒ පිරිසේ එක් අයකුට මේක තිබෙනවා නම් අනෙකාට පහසුවෙන් සම්ප්‍රේෂණය වෙනවා. දුම්බොන කෙනෙක්ට කොවිඩ් – 19 වැලඳුණොත් සංකූලතා වැඩිවිය හැකියි. දුම්බොන අයගේ ශ්වසන ආස්තරයේ තිබෙන රෝම නැතිවෙනවා. ඉතින් පහසුවෙන් වයිරසය ශරීරගත වෙනවා. මිනිස් ශරීරය සැකසී තිබෙන්නේ ස්වාභාවිකවම රෝග සහ විසබීජ පහසුවෙන් නොයන විධියටනේ. නාසයේ තිබෙන රෝම කූප, ඇස්වල පිහාටු වුණත් තිබෙන්නේ ඒකටනේ. මුළු ශරීරයම සැකසෙන්නේ එහෙමයි. නමුත් දුම්බොන කෙනකුගේ නාසයෙන්, මුඛයෙන් ඉතා පහසුවෙන් මේ වයිරසය ඇතුළු වෙලා ශ්වසන පද්ධතියට යන්න පුළුවන්. 

ස්ත්‍රී / පුරුෂ ලිංගික අවයවවලින් නිකුත් වෙන තරලවලින් වයිරසය සම්ප්‍රේෂණය විය හැකි බවත් ආසාදනය වී සුවය ලැබූවත් කාලයක් යනතුරු ලිංගික තරලවල වයිරසය සක්‍රිය වන බවත් මාධ්‍යවල පළ වුණා. මෙහි සත්‍යයක් තිබෙනවාද?  

එහෙම කිව්වට තවම මේක තහවුරු කරගෙන නැහැ. වරෙක කිව්වනේ අසූචිවලත් තිබෙන්න පුළුවන් කියලා. එහෙම තිබුණත් මුඛය හෝ නාසය හරහා ශ්වසන පද්ධතියට එන්න පුළුවන්කමක් නැහැ. ශ්වසන පද්ධතියට යන්න නම් අපි රෝගී අයකු පිටකරන කැස්ස, හුස්ම ආශ්වාස කරන්න ඕනෑ. නැත්නම් ඒ කෙළ, සොටු අතපත ගාන්නට ඕනෑ. අතෙන් කටට, නහයට ගියොත් වයිරසය බෝ වෙනවා. පවුලේ එක් අයකුට තිබුණත් හැම සාමාජිකයාටම බෝ වෙන්නෙත් නැහැ. සමීපම සබඳතා තිබෙන්න ඕනෑ.

ගෘහාශ්‍රිතව වැඩෙන බල්ලන් සහ බළලුන්ගෙන් වයිරසය සම්ප්‍රේෂණය වෙනවද?

ඔවුන්ගේ ශරීරවල වයිරසය තිබෙන්නට පුළුවන්. නමුත් අපේ රට තුළ නම් එවැන්නක් තිබෙන බව පෙනෙන්නට නැහැ. දැනට ඒ නිසා වාර්තා වීමක් නැහැ.

විසබීජහරණ කුටි තැනීම සහ දියර ඉස ශරීරය පිරිසුදු කිරීම හොඳ බව මුලින් පැවැසුවා. නමුත් දැන් පවසන්නේ එය එතරම් හිතකර නැති බව නේද?

ඔව්. විසබීජහරණය කුටි භාවිතය සහ මිනිසුන්ගේ ඇඟට එම දියර ස්පර්ශවීම හෝ ඒවා ආඝ්‍රාණය වීම යහපත් නැහැ. එමඟින් ශ්වසන පද්ධතියට හානි වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ක්ෂුද්‍ර ජීව විද්‍යාවේදීන්ගේ සංගමය හා සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශය, පාරිසරික හා වෘත්තීය සෞඛ්‍ය හා ආහාර සුරක්ෂිත අංශයෙන් මේවා අහිතකර බවට නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කෙරුණා. පුද්ගලයන් මතට නොව පුද්ගලයන් බහුලව පරිහරණය කළ පෘෂ්ඨ  මතට විසබීජහරණ දියර ස්ප්‍රේ කළාට නම් කමක් නැහැ. 

නමුත් ඍජුව ශරීරවල තැවරීම සෞඛ්‍යාරක්ෂිත නැහැ.

මේ දිනවල පවතින වැසි සහිත කාලගුණය කොවිඩ් -19 පැතිරීම වේගවත් කරන්න හේතුවෙනවාද? කාලගුණික තත්ත්වයත් මෙයට බලපාන බවට විවිධ මත පළවීමක් දක්නට ලැබෙනවා නේද?

එහෙම නම් තහවුරු වෙලා නැහැ. නමුත් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් වර්ෂා කාලවල ශ්වසනාබාධ වැඩිපුර දක්නට ලැබෙනවා. ශ්වසනාබාධ තත්ත්වයන් ඇති වෙන්න වර්ෂාව බලපෑවත් වර්ෂාව නිසා කොවිඩ් -19 සම්ප්‍රේෂණය වෙන බව කියන්න බැහැ. ඒ වගේම කාලගුණික තත්ත්වයන් මේකට බලපාන බව කියන්නට අමාරුයි.

මුඛ ආවරණ පැලඳීම ගැනත් විවිධ මත පළවෙන බව පේනවා. විටෙක එය අත්‍යවශ්‍ය නැති බවත් තවත් වරක එය අත්‍යවශ්‍ය බවත් කියැවෙනවා. ඔබේ අදහස කුමක්ද?

අපි යමක් කරනවා නම් එය නිවැරැදිව කළ යුතුයිනේ. මාස්ක් දැමිල්ලත් එහෙමයි. හරියට දාන්නේ නැත්නම් නොදාම ඉන්න එක තමයි හොඳ. දිගුකාලීනව දාන නිසා නිතර මාරු කළ යුතුයි. 

හොඳට මුහුණට තද වෙන්න ඕනෑ. එහෙන් මෙහෙන් ඇරලා තිබෙන්න බැහැ. අතින් අල්ල අල්ල නිතර එහෙ මෙහෙ කරන්න බැහැ. කොටින්ම පලඳින විට ගලවන විට හැර අතින් අල්ලන්නම බැහැ. අල්ලනවා කියන්නේ අතේ තියෙන විසබීජ මුහුණටම ගෙනයනවා කියන එකනේ. අත් දෙක හොඳට පිරිසුදුව තිබෙනවා නම් ග්ලවුස් හෝ දානවා නම් වයිරසය එන්න තිබෙන ඉඩ අඩුයි.

මට නම් මාස්ක් එක දැමීමේ වාසියක් පේන්නේ නැහැ. මාස්ක් එක දාගෙන බඩු ගන්න පොර කනවා නම් අනෙක් අය සමඟ සමීපව කතා බහ කරනවා නම් පලක් නැහැ. මාස්ක් එක දැම්මත් මීටරයේ දුර තියාගන්න ඕනෑ. දැන් කට්ටිය මාස්ක් දාන්නේ පොලිසියට බයේ.

නමුත් මම මාස්ක් දාන්න එපා කියන්නේ නැහැ. මාස්ක් දැමීමෙන් කවරෙකුට හෝ රෝග ලක්ෂණ තිබෙනවා නම් එයාගෙන් තව කෙනකුට විසබීජ යන ප්‍රමාණය වැළකෙනවා. බෙහෝ දෙනෙක් හිතනවා අපි මාස්ක් දානවා නේ. ඒ නිසා අපිට බෝ වෙන්නේ නැහැ කියලා. නමුත් ඇත්තටම මාස්ක් එකකින් විතරක් මේක කරන්න බැහැ. 

එක දිගට මාස්ක් දානකොට අපහසුයිනේ. දාඩිය දානවා. එතකොට නිකටට පහත් කරනවා, ගලවනවා එහෙම මාක්ස් දාලා වැඩක් නැහැ. මාස්ක් එක දැම්මම ඔක්සිජන් අඩුවෙනවා. ඒකට දාඩිය දාලා. තෙත් වුණාම විවිධ දිලීර ආසාදන ඇති වෙන්න පුළුවන්. මේ සේරටම ඔරොත්තු දීගෙන තමයි මාස්ක් එක දාන්න ඕනෑ. එහෙම නැතිව දාන්නන් වාලේ දැමීමක් වැඩක් නැහැ. 

මේ දිනවල ඩෙංගු උණ පැතිරීමේ අවදානමක් තිබෙන බව පැවැසෙනවා. කොවිඩ් අස්සේ ඩෙංගුත් ආවොත් ලේසි වෙන්නේ නැහැ නේද?

දැන් අපි ඩෙංගු මර්දනයටත් කටයුතු ආරම්භ කරලයි තියෙන්නේ. ඩෙංගු මර්දන ඒකකයෙන් කීට සමීක්ෂණ කිරීම, අවශ්‍ය උපදෙස් ලබාදීම, මදුරුවෝ බෝ වෙන ස්ථාන ඉවත් කිරීම වැනි වැඩපිළිවෙළක් කරගෙන යනවා.

අරුණි මල්ලවආරච්චි

ඡායාරූප – උදේශ් රණසිංහ

ආර්ථිකය ගොඩගන්න සත් වැදෑරුම් සැලැස්මක්

May 23rd, 2020

සාකච්ඡා කළේ චමින්ද මුණසිංහ උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

කොරෝනා වසංගතයත් සමඟ ලෝක ආර්ථිකය මෙන්ම ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකයත් බරපතළ අර්බුදවලට මුහුණ දෙමින් තිබේ. මෙවන් ප්‍රශ්න සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔබ පුවත්පත සමග මා කතා කර තිබෙන්නේ 2002 වසරේ පටන්ය. දැවෙන ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්න නමින් තීරු ලිපියකින්ද අපි නොයෙක් විග්‍රහ කළෙමු. අඛණ්ඩව වසර  18 ක් මෙවන් විග්‍රහ හරහා ආර්ථිකයට නිවැරැදි මඟ පෙන්වීමට උත්සාහ කළෙමු.

අද වන විට ලෝකයට අලුත් ප්‍රශ්නයකට මුහුණදීමට සිදුව තිබේ. එහි ඇති බලපෑම කොතෙක්ද යන්න දැන් අපට දැනෙමින් තිබේ. ලෝකයේ ඇතිවූ තත්ත්වය හේතුවෙන් පැති කීපයක් ඔස්සේ දැවැන්ත ප්‍රහාරයක් එල්ලවූ කාලයක අපි සිටින්නෙමු. එනිසා සෑම අංශයකින්ම සිතා බලා අවශ්‍ය මෙවලම් පාවිච්චි කර පවතින අභියෝගවලට මුහුණදීම අද දවසේ අවශ්‍යතාව වී තිබේ. ලෝකයේ කර්මාන්ත සහ සේවා රාශියක් දැවැන්ත ලෙස කඩා වැටී අවසන්ය. සංචාරක, ඇඟලුම්, ක්‍රීඩා ආදී අංශ උදාහරණ කීපයකි. මේ දැවැන්ත අර්බුදයේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වී ඇත්තේ ලංකාවට ලැබෙන ආදායම් අඩුවීමය. දේශීය කර්මාන්ත සහ සේවා අඩපණවීමට ද එය හේතුවකි. මේ තත්ත්වය කෙටිකාලීන සහ දිගුකාලීන ප්‍රශ්න ඇති කරන්නකි. මෙමගින් ඇතිවන දැවැන්ත කම්පනයට මුහුණදීමට කෙටිකාලීනව අපට සිදුවනු ඇත.

විදේශ විනිමය අත්හිටුවීම, ආදායම් අඩුවීම, පොලී ගෙවීමට ඇති අවකාශය වැඩිවීම ආදිය ඒ අතර ප්‍රමුඛය.

ඒ සමඟම ඉදිරියට යනවිට යම් කාලයකදී වෙනස්වන ලෝකයට හැඩගැසීමේ අභියෝගයද අප හමුවේ තිබේ. මේ අභියෝග දෙකටම එකවර සාර්ථකව මුහුණ දුනහොත් ජයගැනීමට හැකිය.

ඇතිවී තිබෙන කම්පනයට සාම්ප්‍රදායික ක්‍රමවේද ඔස්සේ මුහුණදීමට නොහැක. ඒ නිසා අලුත් විධියට සිතීමට පුරුදු විය යුතුය. ලබාගෙන ඇති ණය මේ අවස්ථාවේ ගෙවීමට ගියහොත් නැවත ආර්ථිකය ගොඩනැංවීමට රටේ තිබෙන මුදල් ප්‍රමාණවත් වන්නේ නැත. එය මේ මොහොතේ ඇති බරපතළ ප්‍රශ්නයකි. එනිසා ගෙවීමට ඇති ණයවලින් වසර දෙකකට පමණ නිදහස්වීමට හැකිනම් දැවැන්ත වාසියක් ලබාගත හැකිය. මෙය අපට පමණක් නොව නැගී එන රටවල් රාශියකට මතුවන ප්‍රශ්නයකි.

එවන් රටවල් එක්වී ණය විරාමයක් ලබාදෙන ලෙස මූල්‍ය අරමුදලට, ලෝක බැංකුවට ඉල්ලීම් කළ යුතුය. එවන් ණය විරාමයක් ලබාගත හැකි නම් අපේ සම්පත් රටෙන් පිටට ගලායාම විශාල වශයෙන් අඩුකර ගැනීමට හැකිවනු ඇත. ඇ.ඩො. බිලියන 2500 ක් පමණ මේ හරහා ඉතිරිකර ලංකාවට ඉතිරි කර ගත හැකිය. එම මුදල් මේ රටේ ව්‍යාපාර නැංවීමට, ජන කොටස්වලට සහනදීමට, ඉල්ලුම වැඩිකර ගැනීමට යෙදවීමට පුළුවන. එවිට ආර්ථිකය යළි ගොඩනැඟීම පහසුය. ඒ වගේම ණය ගෙවීමේ හැකියාව ඉහළ තලයකට ගෙනඒමට එය හේතුවනු ඇත.

ඇතිවී තිබෙන්නේ ගෝලීය ප්‍රශ්නයකි. එනිසා ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන පනහකින්, සියයකින් එය විසඳිය නොහැක. ලංකාවේ අද ඇත්තේ ඇ.ඩො.මි 84,000 ක ආර්ථිකයකි. එවන් ආර්ථිකයකට මිලියන පහකින් හෝ සියයකින් කළ හැක්කේ ඉතා අඩු බලපෑමකි. දැනෙන බලපෑමක් කිරීමට ඇ.ඩො.මි. 2500 ක පමණ උත්තේජනයක්, වාසියක් රටට ලබාගත යුතුය. මේ සම්බන්ධව ජාත්‍යන්තරය සමග සාකච්ඡා කිරීමට මට හැකිවුණි. නැගී එන රටවල්වලට මේ අවස්ථාවේ උදව් කරන ලෙස ඇමෙරිකාවේ සෙනෙට් සභික බර්නි සෑන්ඩර්ස් ට්‍රම්ප් ජනපතිගෙන් පසුගියදා ඉල්ලීම් කළේ ද තත්ත්වය වටහාගෙනය.

මෙවන් වැඩපිළිවෙළක වාසිය ලැබෙන්නේ ඉල්ලීම් කරන රටවලට පමණක් නොවේ. දැන් පවතින තත්ත්වයෙන් මිදී ලෝක ආර්ථිකය සන්සුන් වීමට එය බලපානු ඇත. ඒවගේම දැනට පවතින කම්පනවලින් මිදීමට හැකිය. ලෝකය දැඩි කම්පනයක සිරවී ඇති අවස්ථාවක එවන් පියවර අත්‍යවශ්‍යය. ණය ගෙවීමට හැකිවේද නොහැකිවේද යන සාකච්ඡාව ලොව පුරා ඇතිව තිබේ. ණය ගෙවීම් යම් ආකාරයකට පැහැර හරින තත්ත්වයක් ඇතිවුවොත් එහි බලපෑම ලොව බලවත් රටවලටද දැනෙනු ඇත. ජී-අට රටවලට, ලෝක බැංකුවට, මූල්‍ය අරමුදලට එහි බලපෑමෙන් ගැලවීමට නොහැක.

 එවන් තැනකට තල්ලුවීමට පෙර මේ ආයතන සහ බලවත් රටවල් අවශ්‍ය පියවර ගත යුතුය. මුළු ලෝකයටම මෙයින් කෙරෙන බලපෑමෙන් ලංකාවටද විශාල ශක්තියක් ලබාගත හැකිය. මේ මොහොතේ කළයුතු මූලිකම කාරණය එයයි. එනිසා එයට කඩිනමින් යොමුවිය යුතුය.

ඒ වගේම තවත් පියවරක් තිබේ. කොරෝනාවට පෙර ගෙවුණු වසර හතර හමාරක කාලයේදී මෙරට ව්‍යාපාර රැසක් දුර්වල වී තිබුණි. එම කාලයේ මෙරට ආර්ථිකය ක්‍රමයෙන් සංකෝචනය වූවේය. දුර්වල වූ ව්‍යාපාර පාස්කු ප්‍රහාරය හමුවේ කඩාවැටුණි. කොරෝනා හමුවේ එම ආයතන අන්ත අසරණ වී තිබේ. කොරෝනා ප්‍රශ්නයට පෙර ආණ්ඩුව බදු සහන ලබාදුන්නේය. ඒ සමඟ ණය ගෙවීමේ පහසුකම් සැලසීමට ද කටයුතු යොදමින් සිටියේය. එම කටයුතු ඊටත් වඩා වැඩි අගයකින් කිරීමට දැන් සිදුව තිබේ. දැන් ඇතිවී තිබෙන්නේ මේ ආයතනවලට දරාගත නොහැකි ප්‍රශ්නයකි. එනිසා මේ ආයතන බැංකුවලට ගෙවිය යුතු මුදල්වලට යම් කාලයකට විරාමයක් ලබාගත යුතුය. එම විරාමය ප්‍රාග්ධන විරාමයක් මිස පොලී විරාමයක් නොවිය යුතුය. පොලී ගෙවීම යම් කාලයකට අත්හිටවුවොත් බැංකු සහ මූල්‍ය ආයතන කඩාවැටෙන්නට පුළුවන. මේ ආයතන පවතින්නේ ද්‍රවශීලතාව සහ එම ආයතනවල ලාභාංශ මතය. ඒවා දුර්වල කළොත් එම ආයතන දුර්වල විය හැකිය. එය මුළු ආර්ථිකයටම දැඩි බලපෑමක් ඇතිකරන්නකි. මෙතැනදී කළ යුත්තේ තුලනයකි. වසරක පමණ කාලයක් පොලිය පමණක් ගෙවා මූල්‍ය ආයතනද රැකගෙන ව්‍යාපාරවලට යම් සහනයක් දිය යුතුය.

මේ ආයතන දැනටම ණය සීමාවලට ගොදුරු වී තිබේ. තව තවත් මේ ආයතනවලට ණය ලබාදීමකින් වෙන්නේ තවදුරටත් එම ආයතන දුර්වලවීමය. එසේ නොවීමට කළ යුත්තේ මේ ව්‍යාපාර ආයතනවලට අලුත් ප්‍රාග්ධනය එක්කිරීමය. ඒවායෙහි අයිතිය රැකගනිමින් ප්‍රාග්ධන යෙදවීම්වලට මඟ පෑදිය යුතුය.

මෙවන් කටයුතුවලට අරමුදල් ලෝකයේ තිබේ. ඒවා සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කර ලංකාවට පිවිසීමට ඒවාට ඉඩදිය හැකිය. එවන් ක්‍රියාවලියක් ඔස්සේ මෙරට ව්‍යාපාර දහසකට, දෙදහසකට අලුත් ප්‍රාග්ධනය ලබාදීමට කටයුතු කළොත් නව ජීවයක් ලැබිය හැකිය. රුපියල් බිලියන 150 ක 200 ක ප්‍රාග්ධන අරමුදලක් ඇති කිරීම මෙයට ඇති විසඳුම බව මගේ යෝජනාවය. ඒ වගේම මේ අරමුදල පාලනය විය යුත්තේ ඊට සුදුසු පුද්ගලයන්ගෙනි.

මේ යෝජනා දෙකට අමතරව තෙවැන්නක්ද තිබේ. රටපුරා විශාල පිරිසක් මේ වනවිට අසරණ තත්ත්වයට පත්ව සිටිති. මේ අයට ණය ගෙවාගැනීමට නොහැකි වී තිබේ. ණය කාඩ්පත්වල උපරිමයට ගොසිනි. ඇතැම් අයගේ රැකියා, ජීවනෝපාය අහිමිවෙලාය. මේ අයට සහනයක් දීම අත්‍යවශ්‍යය. සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලේ ඇති ඔවුන්ගේ මුදලින් සියයට විස්සක් ඔවුන්ටම නිදහස් කළයුතු බව මගේ යෝජනාවය. එවිට එම මුදල් ඔවුන්ගේ අත්‍යවශ්‍ය කටයුතුවලට යොදා ගැනීමට පුළුවන. ඉහළ පොලියට ගෙන ඇති ණය ගෙවා යම් සහනයක් ලබාගත හැකිය. සේවක අර්ථසාධක අරමුදලේ දැනට ඇති මුදල රුපියල් බිලියන 2500 ක් පමණය. එයින් බිලියන 500 ක් පමණ මුදාහැරියහොත් එය ලබන සාමාජිකයන්ට ආර්ථික කටයුතුවලට නිරත විය හැකිය. අනවශ්‍ය අයට එය ලබානොගෙන සිටිය හැකිය. එහෙත් අවශ්‍ය අයට මුදල් ලබාගෙන තමන් මුහුණ දෙන උග්‍ර ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්න විසඳා ගන්නට පුළුවන.

මේ කතාව ඇතැම් අයගේ විවේචනයට බඳුන්වුණි. එසේ කරන අය විකල්ප ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතුය. අර්බුදයට ලක්ව ඇති ආර්ථිකය ජනජීවිතය යළි ගොඩනඟන ආකාරය පැහැදිලි කළ යුතුය. එසේ නැතිව හුදු විවේචනය පමණක් ඵලක් නැත. ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්නවලින් පීඩිත ජනතාව අතට යම් මුදලක් ලැබෙන ක්‍රමයක් මේ අය යෝජනා කළ යුතුය. එකක් කිව යුතුය. එනම් මා මේ යෝජනාව කළ පසු ඕස්ට්‍රේලියාව, ඉන්දියාව ඒහා සමාන වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ බවය. දැනටමත් එය ක්‍රියාත්මකය. ඒ මෙවන් ක්‍රියාවලියකින් ආර්ථිකයට සහ ජනතාවට කළ හැකි බලපෑම කොතෙක්දැයි ඔවුන් දන්නා නිසාය.

නැවත අලුත් මාවතකට පිවිසිය යුතු බව හතරවැනි කරුණ වශයෙන් අප තේරුම් ගත යුතුය. සංචාරක, ඇඟලුම් ආදී ක්ෂේත්‍ර මේ කාලයේ අඩපණ වී තිබේ. කෙටි කාලයකදී මේ ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගොඩනඟන්නේ කෙසේද? සංචාරකයන් යළි ගෙන්වා ගන්නේ කෙසේද? ඇඟලුම් කම්හල් සිය ගණනකි. මේවාට නැවත වැඩ සොයාගන්නේ කෙසේද? ඇතැම් ආයතන මුඛ ආවරණ ආදිය නිපදවීමට යොමුවී තිබේ.

ලෝකයට අත්‍යවශ්‍ය දේ නිපදවීමට යොමුවීම හොඳ ප්‍රවණතාවකි. උනන්දු විය යුත්තේ එවන් අවස්ථා හැකි තරම් සොයා ගැනීමටය. අනෙක් රටවල්ද එවන් උනන්දුවකින් කටයුතු කරන බව මේ මොහොතේ වටහාගත යුතු ප්‍රමුඛතම කරුණකි. එනිසා අනෙක් රටවල් විසඳුම් සොයන පසුබිමක හැකි ඉක්මනින් විසඳුම් සොයා ගැනීමට අප යොමුවිය යුතුය. ‘නොට්ටු බී බිග් බට් ටු බී ෆාස්ට්’ යන්න අද ලෝකයේ ඇති මූලික කරුණකි. ඉක්මන් විය යුතු බව මෙයින් ප්‍රකට වන්නකි. මේ පදනම මත පිහිටා අලුත් නිපැයුම්, අලුත් වෙළෙඳපොළ වෙත ඉක්මනින් යොමුවිය යුතුය.

සංචාරයට බොහෝ දෙනෙකු අකැමැති නිසා ගුවන් සේවා නැව් සේවා අඩාල විය හැකිය. සංචාරක කර්මාන්තයට මෙය බරපතළ කරුණකි. සංචාරයට ඇති බිය දුරුකිරීම මෙයට පිළියමකි. මේ හරහා අපට කළ හැක්කේ කුමක්ද? කොරෝනා වසංගතයට උග්‍ර ලෙස ගොදුරු වූයේ යුරෝපය, ඇමෙරිකාව, චීනය ආදී බලවත් රටවල වයස්ගත පිරිස්ය. එහෙත් ලංකාවේ එවැන්නක් පෙන්නුම් කළේ නැත. මෙරට පවතින උෂ්ණත්වය සහ වාතයේ තිබෙන ජල වාෂ්පවල ප්‍රතිශතය එයට හේතුවූවා විය හැකිය. එයින් අපට ප්‍රයෝජනගත නොහැකිද? සාමාන්‍ය සංචාරකයකු මෙරට රැඳෙන්නේ දින දහයකි. දිනකට සාමාන්‍යයෙන් වියදම් කරන්නේ ඇ.ඩො. 180 ක් පමණය. බලවත් රටවල සිටින වත්කම් ඇති, පොහොසත් වයස්ගත පිරිස් මෙරටට ආකර්ෂණය කරගත හැකි නම් එළැඹෙන ශීත කාලයම ඔවුන්ට මේ රටේ සිටීමට පුළුවන. ලංකාව කොරෝනාවෙන් තොර රටක් බවට විශ්වාසය ගොඩනැගිය හැකි නම් සහ වයස්ගත අයට මේ රට සුරක්ෂිත බව තහවුරු කළ හැකි නම් සංචාරක කර්මාන්තයට විශාල ශක්තියක් ලබාගත හැකිය. සංචාරකයකු දින 90 ක් මේ රටේ තබාගැනීමට හැකි ක්‍රම ගැන අලුතෙන් සිතිය යුතුය. බලවත් රටවල්වල බලධාරීන් සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කර වැඩිහිටියන් මේ රටට ආකර්ෂණය කර ගැනීමට වැඩපිළිවෙළක් සකස් කළොත් මෙරට සංචාරක කර්මාන්තය සහ ඒ ආශ්‍රිත අනෙක් සියලු අංශ පිබිදීමකට ලක්කළ හැකිය.

මෙවන් කටයුතු කරන බව ලෝකයට පෙන්වීමට කටයුතු කළයුතුය. එය පස්වැනි කාරණාවය. මේ මොහොතේ ආයෝජකයන්ගේ ඇස ලෝකයේ සෑම රටකටම යොමු වී තිබේ. ඉක්මනින්ම කොරෝනා පරාජය කරන්නේ කවුදැයි ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ ප්‍රචාරය වෙමින් තිබේ. ලංකාවද එහි ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානයක සිටීම අපට ආඩම්බරයකි. ඒ වගේම ජාත්‍යන්තරව අපට හොඳ අවස්ථා උදාවීමකි.

ආර්ථිකමය වශයෙන් පිබිදීමක් ඇතිකරන රටවල් සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද ආයෝජකයෝ නෙත් යොමති. එවන් පරිසරයකදී වචනයට සීමා නොවී ප්‍රායෝගිකව අපගේ වැඩසටහන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළොත් ජාත්‍යන්තරව යම් මතයක් ඇතිකළ හැකිය. ලංකාවේ ආර්ථිකය පිබිදීමකට ලක්ව ඇති බව ජාත්‍යන්තරයට ප්‍රකට කළ හැකිය. අප රට කෙරෙහි විශ්වාසය ගොඩනැඟීමට එය බෙහෙවින් උපකාරීවනු ඇත. මේ වනවිට රට තිබෙන්නේ යම් පීඩනයකය. යම් යම් ආනයන සීමා කර තිබේ. තවත් දැඩි පියවරවලට දැනටමත් යොමුවී තිබේ. මෙවන් දැඩි පියවර දිගටම පවත්වාගෙන ගියහොත් ආර්ථිකයට හානියක් වන්නට පුළුවන. එනිසා ඒවායෙන් මිදීමට ඉක්මනින්ම කටයුතු කළ යුතුය. මෙරට ආයෝජනය කළොත් ඒ අයට කිසිදු ප්‍රශ්නයකින් තොරව එම කටයුතු කරගෙන යාමට හැකි වාතාවරණය සකසා ඇති බව ලෝකයට පෙන්නුම් කළ යුතුය. නැවත වරක් ගෝලීය වශයෙන් ලෝකයට සම්බන්ධ වී අපේ ආර්ථිකය ඉහළ මට්ටමකට ගොඩනැඟිය හැක්කේ එවැනි ක්‍රියාවලියකිනි. එනිසා එම කාරණය කෙරෙහිද අවධානය යොමුකළ යුතුය. මෙය තරමක් අසීරු කටයුත්තක් වුවද ආර්ථිකය ගොඩනැඟීමට එය අත්‍යවශ්‍යය.

වත්මන් ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්නයෙන් ගොඩඒමට අනුගමනය කළ යුතු හයවැනි කාරණයක්ද තිබේ. මේ වනවිට මෙරට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා තිබේ. දැන් ගෙවන්නේ නොනගත කාලයකි. පවතින ආණ්ඩුවට ඇත්තේ තාවකාලික පැවැත්මක් බව සැවොම දන්නා කරුණකි. එනිසා මැතිවරණය පවත්වා තිරසාර සහ ස්ථිර ආණ්ඩුවක් බිහිකර ගැනීම මේ ප්‍රශ්නයට විසඳුම් සෙවීමේදී අත්‍යවශ්‍යය. විදේශ හෝ දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ට, ආයෝජකයන්ට කතා කිරීමේදී පසුපසින් ශක්තිමත් බලවේගයක් තිබිය යුතුය. දැන් එම තත්ත්වය නැත. එම බලය ශක්තිය ලැබෙන්නේ තිරසාර ආණ්ඩුවක් හරහාය. දේශපාලනික ස්ථාවරත්වයක් මගිනි. එම තත්ත්වය ඇතිකර ගැනීමට නම් ඉක්මනින් මැතිවරණය පැවැත්විය යුතුය.

පෝලිම්වල ගොස්, මත්පැන්, අනෙක් භාණ්ඩ මිලදීගත හැකි නම් ජලය, විදුලිය අඛණ්ඩව දිය හැකි නම් රුපියල් 5000 දීමනාව විනීතව ලබාගත හැකි නම් ඡන්දය ගණන් කිරීමට පමණක් නොහැකි වන්නේ ඇයි දැයි ප්‍රශ්නයකි. ඇතැම් අයට අවශ්‍ය වී ඇත්තේ රටේ ස්ථාවරත්වයට බාධා කිරීමට මැතිවරණය කල් දැමීමටය. මේ කතා කරන්නේ ආර්ථිකමය කෝණයෙන් මිස දේශපාලන කෝණයෙන් නොවේ. මේ මොහොතේ කුමන හෝ ආර්ථික කටයුත්තකට යොමුවීමට නම් ශක්තිමත් ආණ්ඩුවක් පසුබිමේ තිබිය යුතුය. එය සැවොම අවබෝධ කරගත යුත්තකි.

කතා කර කර, තැවි තැවී සිටිමින් මේවා කළ නොහැක. අපට ඇත්තේ දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්නයකි. දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්නවලට ඉතා ඉක්මනින් විසඳුම් සෙවිය යුතුය. අනතුරක් වූ අයකු හදිසි අනතුරු අංශයට ගෙනාවිට ඔහුට ප්‍රතිකාර නොකර දින ගණන් සිටින්නේ නැත. වෛද්‍යවරු හතර පස්දෙනෙක්වත් එක්ව රෝගියා පරීක්ෂා කරති. එක් වෛද්‍යවරයකු පමණක් පරීක්ෂා කිරීමෙන් ලෙඩා සුවවන්නේ නැත. ඒ සඳහා කණ්ඩායමක් සිටිය යුතුය. ඒ කණ්ඩායම එක් එක් අංශ පරීක්ෂා කරමින් ප්‍රතිකාර කළ යුතුය. පරීක්ෂා කරති. අසාධ්‍ය ලෙඩකු සුව කිරීමට වෛද්‍යවරුන් කිහිපදෙනකු අවශ්‍යය. අසාධ්‍ය රෝගීන් හතරපස් දෙනකු සිටින විට එක් වෛද්‍යවරයකුට සියල්ල කළ නොහැක. එනිසා ආර්ථිකය ගොඩනැගීමටත් විශේෂඥ කණ්ඩායමක් යෙදවිය යුතුය. වැඩේ හරියට කළ හැක්කේ එවිටය. එක් වෛද්‍යවරයකුට පමණක් ආර්ථික ලෙඩා සුවකළ නොහැක. අවසන් වශයෙන් එම කරුණ අවධානයට ගතයුතුය.

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සහල් රජාගේ මෝලට සෙබළුන් පිරිවරා මේජර්වරයෙක් පනී.. වී තොග එලියට නොදැම්මොත් ඊලග පියවර මූණටම කියා එයි.. [Video]

May 23rd, 2020

උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

පොළොන්නරුව දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ ප‍්‍රධාන සහ මධ්‍ය පරිමාණ වී මොල් අටක් පාරිභෝගික කටයුතු පිළිබද අධිකාරියේ සභාපති විශාමික මේජර් ජෙනරාල් ශාන්ත දිසානායක මහතා ඇතුලූ නිලධාරින් 50 දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුත් කණ්ඩායමක් අද(23) සවස වැටලිමට ලක් කළහ.

එහිදි දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ප‍්‍රධාන සහල් මෝල් වන අරලිය , නිපුන, නිව්රත්න, ලත් සහල් තවත් මධ්‍ය පරිමාණ වී මෝල් කිහිපයක් මෙහිදි පරික්ෂාවට ලක් කෙරුණි.

ඩඩලි සිරිසේන මහතාගේ සහ හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රි සිරිපාල ගම්ලත් මහතාගේ වී මෝල්ද පරික්ෂාවට ලක් කෙරුණ අතර කොළඹ, පොළොන්නරුව, ගම්පහ, කුරුණැගල , නුවර අනුරාධපුර යන දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කවල පාරිභෝගික සේවා අධිකාරියේ නිලධාරින්ද මෙම වැටලිමට එක්ව සිටියහ.

එහිදි රජය පනවා තිබෙන පාලන මිලට ඉදිරියේදි සම්බා සහ නාඩු සහල් කොන්දේසි විරහිතව වෙළද පොලට ලබා දිමට වී මෝල් හිමිකරුවන් සමග කෙරු සාකච්ඡුාවකින් පසු එකගත්වය පලකල බවද පාරිභෝගික කටයුතු පිලිබද අධිකාරියේ සභාපති විශාමික මේජර් ජනරාල් ශාන්ත දිසානායක මහතා පැවසිය.

මෙම පරික්ෂාවේදි වී සහ සහල් තොග පිලිබදවත් එවායේ නිෂ්පාදන ධාරිතාවයන් මෙන්ම දැනට ඒ ඒ වී මෝල් වල රැස් කර තිබේන වී සහ සහල් කොතරම් තිබේද යන්න පරික්ෂාවට ලක්කල බව ශාන්ත දිසානායක මහතා මාධ්‍යට අදහස් දක්වමින් සදහන් කලේය.

ඉදිරියේදි දිවයින පුරා ඇති වි සහ සහල් මෝල් වැටලිමට ලක්කර වෙළද පොලට නිකුත් නොකර අනවශ්‍ය ලෙස රැස්කර තිබෙන වී මෝල් හිමියන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන නඩු පැවරිමට කටයුතු කරන බවද ඔහු පැවසිය.

ජනතාව ආර්ථික අතින් අපහසුවට පත්ව සිටින මොහොතක වී හෝ සහල් සගවා තබා වෙලද පොළේ සහල් හිගයක් මවාපැමට කිසිසේත්ම ඉඩ නොතබන බවත් කිසිදු හිගයකින් තොරව ජනතාවට අවශ්‍ය සහල් රජයේ පාලන මිලට ලබා දිමට පාරිභෝගික පිලිබද අධිකාරිය කල හැකි උපරිම කාර්ය සිදු කරන බවද ශාන්ත දිසානායක මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් සදහන් කලේය.

තවද පොළොන්නරුව දිස්ත‍්‍රික්කයේ ප‍්‍රධාන වී මොල්වල රැස්කර තිබෙන වී ඉතා කඩිනමින් සහල් බවට පත්කර වෙලද පොළට නිකුත් කරන ලෙසටද තමා අදාල වී මෝල් හිමිකරුවන්ට උපදෙස් දුන් බවත් ඊට ඔවුන් එකගත්වය පලකෙරු බවද දිසානායක මහතා කීය.

– lankadeepa

මැතිවරණය පවත්වන්නේ නඩු තීන්දුවෙන් පසු දින 70කින්..

May 23rd, 2020

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණය පවත් වන්නේ කවදාදැයි තීරණය කරනු ලබන්නේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය දැනටත් ගොනු කර ඇති පෙත්සම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් තීන්දුව ලබාදෙමින් ඉන්පසු බව මැතිවරණ කොමිසම සඳහන් කරයි.

එහි අධ්‍යක්ෂ සමන් රත්නායක මහතා සඳහන් කරන්නේ අදාළ නඩු තීන්දුව ප්‍රකාශ කළ දිනයේ සිට දින 70 තුළ ඡන්දය පවත්වන බවයි.

මැතිවරණ පවත්වන ආකාරය ගැන සෞඛ්‍ය බලධාරීන් සමඟ තවදුරටත් සාකච්ඡා කරන බව ද ඔහු පැවසීය.

මැතිවරණ රාජකාරි වලට එන සියළුම නිලධාරීන්ගේ සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක්ෂාව පිළිබඳව අනිවාර්යෙන්ම සැලකිලිමත් වන බවත් මෙවර මැතිවරණ රාජකාරි සඳහා කැඳවනු නිලධාරීන් වැඩි කිරීමට බොහෝ දුරට සිදුවුනු ඇති බවත් එමෙන්ම මැතිවරණ වියදම ද ඉහළ යන ඇති බවත් ඔහු තවදුරටත් සඳහන් කළේය.

Security beefed across SL as nationwide curfew comes into effect

May 23rd, 2020

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Security has been beefed across Sri Lanka as a 2 day nation wide curfew came into effect from 8pm on Saturday with nearly 1000 road blocks set up in all districts, the police said.

The police said that strict checking will be carried out in all districts on all vehicles and people who leave their homes and the road blocks will be manned by police who will be deployed on a 24 hour shift basis.
Further, mobile patrols will also be deployed on the roads in all districts and anyone defying the curfew will be arrested.
The police further urged Muslims, who will celebrate the Eid festival tomorrow, to avoid gatherings and celebrate the festival while being confined to their homes.
Anyone defying the curfew will be considered as breaking the quarantine law and strict action will be taken against them.
The curfew will be lifted on Tuesday at 5 am. 
Curfew will thereafter be lifted in all districts on Tuesday at 5 am, including in Colombo and Gampaha and will be imposed daily from 10 pm to 4 am.

Curfew hours of all districts revised

May 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

The President’s Media Division (PMD) has issued an updated announcement on the ongoing curfew in all districts.

Accordingly, the island-wide curfew, which is set to go into force from 8.00 pm tonight (23), will be lifted at 4.00 am on Tuesday (26). The entire country will be under curfew on the 24th and 25th of May.

From May 26 onward, the curfew in all 25 districts will be in force between 10.00 pm and 4.00 am daily, until further notice.

Travel between districts except in Colombo and Gampaha districts will be permitted from May 26.

Coronavirus cases in Sri Lanka at 1,089

May 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Four more COVID-19 positive patients reported increasing the total number of cases in the country, the Ministry of Health stated.

Twenty-two positive coronavirus cases have been confirmed so far within the day.

Accordingly, a total of 1,089 novel coronavirus patients have been identified from Sri Lanka. 

Meanwhile, the number of recoveries in Sri Lanka moved up to 660 earlier today, as 40 patients were discharged from hospitals as they have returned to health.

The Epidemiology Unit says, 420 active cases are currently under medical care at the IDH Hospital, Welikanda Base Hospital, Colombo East Base Hospital, Iranawila Hospital, Kattankudy Base Hospital, Navy Hospital, Minuwangoda Base Hospital, and Homagama Base Hospital.

Nine coronavirus patients in the country have succumbed to the virus thus far.

Easter attacks: Zahran and a bomber was at Shangri-La two days prior to attacks

May 23rd, 2020

Courtesy Adaderana

Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks heard that Ringleader of the attacks Zahran Hashim and another bomber had engaged in a reconnaissance of the Shangri-La Hotel in Colombo two days prior to the attacks.

The Commission also heard that a room was booked by one of the bombers at the hotel on the 17th of April under a fake name.

Chief Inspector of Police (CIP) of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) Mahinda Jayasundara who is in charge of the investigations pertaining to the Shangri-La Hotel bombing in the Easter Sunday of last year gave evidence before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing the attacks yesterday (22).

He told the Commission that an individual named Mohamed Hamshad had reserved Room 616 of the 6th floor of the Shangri-La Hotel on the 17th April, prior to the attacks.

He added that Mohamed Hamshad is a fake name and the person who came to reserve the room was in fact the Cinnamon Grand Hotel suicide bomber Mohammed Ibrahim Insaf Ahmed.

The Chief Inspector added that both Zahran Hashim and Mohammed Ibrahim Ilham who perpetrated the attack at the Shangri-La Hotel had visited the hotel 2 days prior to the attacks, at around 7.30 am.

He noted that it is possible that the duo had breakfast at the ‘Table One’ restaurant in preparation for the attack.

The witness went on to say that the CCTV footage shows that the duo had then spent several minutes at the hotel lobby before taking a taxi to a building named ‘Lucky Plaza’ in Colpetty.

Zahran had rented a flat on the 5th floor of that building and investigations uncovered fingerprints of Zahran’s sister at the flat.

CIP Jayasundara also said that information pertaining to a van was also uncovered when questioning the building’s security guard.

The witness said that an unidentified person had parked a white van in the building’s car park and when the security guard had enquired about it, the individual in question had driven away. Further investigations have revealed that the van in question is the same van which was subjected to a controlled explosion near the St. Anthony’s Shrine in Kochchikade, a day after the attacks.

The witness added that the next visit of Zahran Hashim and Mohamed Ibrahim Ilham to the Shangri-La Hotel by a taxi was on the 20th of April at 7.56 pm.
The taxi they had used had come from the Paraththa Road in Panadura and the witness said that the duo had brought large traveling bags with them and it was later ascertained that the bags contained explosives.

The hotel’s welcoming officer had told investigators that when a member of the hotel staff offered to take the bags to their room, the duo refused the service.

Investigations have uncovered that Ibrahim Ilham had exited the hotel with a light traveling bag on the night of April 20 and had taken a taxi to the ‘Span Tower’ apartment complex in Mount Lavinia.

It is also revealed that the suspects had rented two flats at the complex between April 12 and 21, 2019, and they were rented by the Kingsbury Hotel bomber.

CIP Jayasundara added that after visiting the apartment complex in Mt. Lavinia the night before the attack, Ibrahim Ilham had visited the house in Mahawila Gardens in Dematagoda. From Mahawila Gardens, Ilham had visited a renowned restaurant in Colpetty and purchased food before returning to the Shangri-La Hotel at 1.46 am on April 21.


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