Courtesy Adaderana

Diplomatic staff and their family members entering Sri Lanka must submit PCR test reports obtained within 72 hours prior to their departure from respective countries, says the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

If they fail to provide PCR test reports, a mandatory PCR test will be carried out at the Bandaranaike International Airport, Katunayake.

The Foreign Ministry stated this in a statement issued today (05) on the revised instructions issued by the Presidential Secretariat on the PCR testing and quarantine procedures for the members of diplomatic corps based or attached in Colombo when they enter/re-enter Sri Lanka.

The Presidential Secretariat took measures to revise the instructions on Thursday (04), in order to prevent and minimize the risk of the spread of the Coronavirus in the country.

Accordingly, the Foreign Ministry has taken immediate action to convey the same to all Diplomatic Missions, the Representation Offices of the United Nations and its Specialized Agencies, International Organizations, Honorary Consulates resident in Colombo through diplomatic channels.

The revised instructions state as follows:

•  The respective Diplomatic Missions may inform the Ministry of Foreign Relations (MFR) by a Note Verbal, the details of the diplomats and their family members who are scheduled for entry/ re-entry into Sri Lanka for the diplomatic assignments well in advance in order to obtain the prior approval from the concerned authorities.

•  The members of the Diplomatic staff and their family members need to submit PCR test reports obtained within 72 hours prior to their departure from respective countries.

•  If the members of the Diplomatic staff and their family members are unable to provide PCR test reports, they would be subjected to a mandatory PCR test at the Bandaranaike International Airport, Katunayake.

•  Heads of Mission and family members will self-quarantine at the Official Residences.  All other arriving Diplomatic staff and their family members will have to follow quarantine procedures at a hotel, recommended by the Government of Sri Lanka (if independent/separate residences are not available), for a period of 14 days, subject to concurrence and supervision of the Heads of Mission.

•  The Diplomatic Missions/Representations need to inform the Ministry of Foreign Relations once the 14-day home quarantine is completed and submit the second PCR test report done by the Mission before the Officer resumes duties in the Mission as per the measures taken by the Mission to control and prevent the spread of Coronavirus.

•  The Diplomatic Missions/Representations have to forward the travel details of the Diplomatic staff and their family members at least 48 hours prior to their departure to the Chief of Protocol of the Ministry.

The Foreign Ministry further noted that travel by Diplomatic Officers to Sri Lanka will be approved, subject to their concurrence to follow the above procedures issued by the Government of Sri Lanka.

H. L. D. Mahindapala

In these critical times it is necessary to scrutinise the public statements of our academics / intellectuals to understand the hidden political agenda they push in the guise of objective analysis for public guidance. Take, for instance, the case of two ex-Vice Chancellors, Prof. Savitri Goonesekere and Prof. Arjuna Aluvihare of the Friday Forum. In their latest outburst they raise a leading question that can evoke only hysterical laughter: So why is there demonisation of the old and the faith in the new?”

This is, indeed, an astounding question, coming as it does from two of the Vice-Chancellors of the two of the leading universities in the nation. If it came from a kindergartner one could accept it as infantile stupidity. But when two ex-Vice-Chancellors raise this question one is entitled to question the calibre of the intellect of some of our academics heading our universities.

They know – or, at least, should know – that the history of humanity has advanced by demonising the old and investing faith in the new. Nothing has changed without going through this process. Even science has advanced on this principle. Newtonian physics was replaced by Einsteinian physics on this principle. If humanity did not go through this process we would be stuck in the dead past forever. Even snakes slough their skins for new ones. So why can’t human beings?

But Professors Goonesekere and Aluvihare are raving and ranting against change which rejects the dead past and embraces the new – the eternal and universal law of nature. Of course, this question is raised by them in relation to the move of the Government to hold elections that would elect a new Parliament. However, the context in which it is raised is irrelevant because impermanence and change are universal laws applicable under all circumstances. Not even the two professors can stop it with their ridiculous questioning. Besides, democracy is based on the fundamental principle that everyone has the right to demonise” the past, and/or the status quo, and invest their faith in a new world.

It is apparent that the usual anti-Rajapakse litigants in the NGOs were desperately running around looking for heavyweights outside the courts to create a climate of pressure that would influence the thinking of the judges. In particular they were hunting for big academic titles to counter the weight of Vice-Chancellor of the Jayewardenepura University, Sudantha Liyanage, whose lawyer Aly Sabry argued convincingly that the President’s action of dismissing the old Yahapalanaya Parliament on March 2, as provided in the Constitution, was legal. There is nothing undemocratic or illegal in dissolving a dismissible Parliament, as laid out in the Constitution, and testing the will of the people for a new Parliament, even under the prevailing circumstances. So the two academic clones rushed into print for the second time to make their presence felt in the Supreme Court. The irony is that this entire gang was arguing for democracy by obstructing the holding of elections which, according to their arguments, would have to be postponed forever and a day as there is no vaccine in sight for the Coronavirus, as indicated in the best of scientific assessments. The worthlessness of their arguments were confirmed by the Court when it dismissed all their anti-Rajapakse concoctions.

These two academic pundits threw in their bit to obfuscate and mislead the public – not to mention the Supreme Court – with an inane question ever asked in the history of rational thinking. They went further and stated : Yet today, political leaders in the government and their assorted supporters, jurists, scholars, professionals, business leaders and opinion makers express views indicating they want to bury the Parliament – some for six months, some for five years, and others for all time.” The operative phrase is bury the Parliament”. The time period was left as variables – short, long or permanent.

However, what the two Vice-Chancellors imply is that investing faith in a new parliament would lead to the burial of parliament for all time. Translated into simple language, what they mean is that the new parliament, which is going to be in the hands of the Rajapakses, will bury parliament, courts and all other democratic institutions and establish a monarchy. This, they say, is against the trend of this country which has had no monarch since 1972. This is the stuff that these two academics produce to derail peace and stability in these critical days. These are two theoretical kattadiyas who could not solve the life-threatening ragging in their universities when they were Vice-Chancellors. Now they are writing prescriptions for the ills of the nation. What credibility can there be in their utterings particularly when they are seen as agents acting to promote an anti-Rajapakse agenda?

The two Vice-Chancellors are arguing that placing any faith in the new parliament” is a sinister political crime that should be avoided at any cost because it would bury the Parliament for all time”. But in any vibrant democracy burying the parliaments which had passed the use-by-date is a necessary periodical ritual for the survival of a healthy and functional democracy. In fact, the right to bury old parliaments” in order to find faith in new parliaments” is the ultimate test of a democracy. The alternative is to perpetuate the old forever.

These two academics are acting like political necrophiliacs with a maniacal obsession for the dead past which they can’t revive even with their best theoretical sorcery. They are also concerned that the dates for burial may vary. They say that some may want it buried for six months, some for five years, and others for all time.” How much nuttier can these two pundits get?  Yes, of course, considering that the old Parliament was the one that (1) handpicked and imported Arjuna Mahendra to rob the Central Bank, (2) refused to act on the  warnings given by the best of intelligence sources about the threats of Muslim terrorists that killed hundreds, (3) dabbled in some of the  worst corrupt deals,(3) covered up crimes through parliamentary procedures, (4) perverted parliamentary principles by crooked means of slipping into bills clauses not approved by the courts, (5) violated basic principles of appointing a leader of the opposition without a majority to back him, (6) allowed the MPs to feather their nests (7) engaged in Parliamentary and other privileges to avoid facing charges of corruption etc., who wouldn’t want to bury a Parliament that had abused power against the will of the people. It is all these factors and more that cries for the election of a new Parliament burying the old one. I personally do not mind if a Parliament that had passed its used-by-date is buried forever and ever.

Despite the debasing of the Yahapalanaya Parliament – undoubtedly, the worst Parliament that I’ve known since I was a lobby correspondent of the first Parliament opposite the Indian Ocean in the fifties –these two academics are against the election of a new Parliament. They are raising fears (unfounded, of course) of Parliament being closed down for ever leading to a permanent monarch. Quite plainly, the Friday Freaks are not fighting for principles. They are fighting to push their hidden agenda of perpetuating the old Parliament. But that hope was buried by the Supreme Court. The Court has, in its wisdom, written the final obituary note on the old Parliament. Amen!

Glorifying the Old Parliament is one way of avoiding elections – the only means of testing the will of the people, which in any case is due any time now. So why are they obstructing the holding of elections, given that the management of the Corona virus under the Rajapakse regime has received global commendation? Clearly, the anti-Rajapakse lobby is not aiming to preserve or protect democracy. They are targeting the Rajapakses to prevent them from winning the forthcoming parliamentary election, whenever it happens. In the absence of any substantial arguments to attack the Gotabaya Rajapakse government they have taken to fear-mongering as a last resort. Take the following examples as reported in the Sunday Times:

Fear 1: The Friday Forum (TFF) has questioned whether the Government is demonising the old Parliament in the expectations that the new Parliament it desired will adopt and enact a Constitution that will do away with Parliament and the courts.”

Fear 2: Is it possible, there is an expectation that the much desired new Parliament will adopt and enact a Constitution which will do away with familiar institutions known as Parliament and the courts (the two other pillars of governance in a parliamentary democracy? TFF said.”

Fear 3: The Rajapakses will take on the mantle of kingship.”

It is quite apparent that all these are imagined fears brewed in the addled brains of the Friday Freaks. They haven’t advanced even a subatomic particle of evidence to prove that their imagined fears are inevitable.  Raising fears does not amount to rational thinking or sober analysis of the ground realities. All the fears listed above add up to a veiled attack on the Rajapakses. They are raving because they fear that the new Parliament will disentangle and liberate the nation from the 19th Amendment – a constitutional knot that has tied and immobilised the nation. Like everything else that Ranil Wickremesinghe touched it was a disaster. It could not even sack the IGP, a handpicked nominee of Ranil, for the criminal negligence of his duties and responsibilities that led to the deaths of hundreds of civilians. Before examining any one of the fictitious fears of the two academic clones it may be necessary to examine their heads of these theoretical weirdos.  

The main thrust of their statement is summarised in the headline: Friday Forum questions Government motive behind demonising the old parliament”. Everyone knows that everyone, including some of the UNPers, have been demonising the old Parliament. Only these two academics from the Jurassic Park think that the Government is demonising the old Parliament”. Based on this fiction these two ideological clones proceed to declare that the new Parliament of the Rajapakses will abolish, the parliament, and the other two pillars of parliamentary democracy without a scintilla of evidence to back their claim.  In any case, their fear-mongering does not reflect any exceptional or original conceptual thinking.

The common tactic of the anti-people, pro-West ideologues located in so-called think-tanks has been to project fears, fantasies and fictions about the end of democracy each time a pro-national leader takes over the leadership of the state. I remember vividly how this gang, including the media allied to them, went berserk propagating these fears of dictatorship and denial of democratic rights when President Ranasinghe Premadasa was fighting two terrorist groups – one in the south and one in the north – within the democratic framework. Today the bomb-maker of the fascist JVP, Victor Ivan, who led the media attack against President Premadasa is elevating him to the ranks of a model leader who introduced and implemented innovative people-oriented programmes for the well-being of the nation.

I also remember how the media, the Churchmen, the environmentalists, the academics, the Lalith-Gamini duo went ballistic condemning the construction of Kandalama, the award-winning hotel designed by Bevis Bawa. Their hysterical cries predicted a dreadful environmental disaster for the scenic tank nearby and the forested neighbourhood. These doomsayers were silenced by Kandalama winning successive awards for preserving and maintaining environmental excellence shortly after it was constructed.

The campaign launched by these anti-national forces against the Rajakases is no different. Today they are running scared of the people who elected President Gotabaya Rajapakse. They fear that the same wave that elected the President will invest their faith in the new Parliament. Not knowing how to stop the next pro-Rajapakse wave they have resorted to scare-mongering about the Rajapakses doing away with the Parliament and the courts. The Rajapakses are seasoned political leaders who have been in and out power to know how far they could go with the power invested in them. The notion of running a government without parliament and courts can come only from putrefying brains going down the drain to a cesspit of political hate.

The Government, on the other hand, is waging a battle to keep democracy alive by holding elections. The underlying principle that keeps all democracies breathing and alive healthily is the power of the will of the sovereign people expressed through elections. In fact, the current battle of the Government is to have elections. It is the opposition that is attempting to postpone the election indefinitely under various pretexts. But Parliaments and elections are interdependent. One cannot exist without the other. Nor can democracy. Since the ultimate sovereign is the people it is their will that must prevail in a Parliament and that can function only if there is an election.

As things stand there isn’t a better time than now to hold elections. The Government has proved that it has the capacity to keep Corona virus under control, or at least at manageable levels. There are risks no doubt. The London Independent (2/6/20) reported that four had died in Congo from a new attack of Ebola. This news warns the public about the dangers of viruses that can raise its head anytime, anywhere.  Since there is no certainty about a date for developing a viable vaccine (some predict the end of the year) are we going to wait indefinitely for the arrival of the antidote to hold elections?

All factors –including the Court decision — point to the option of fighting the election and COVID-19 simultaneously.  The choice is either to manage a likely spike in COVID-!9 (as we do now) with elections or live without an election with COVID-19 still hanging overhead at varying levels, since there is no vaccine to combat it. There is no guarantee of not having a spike of COVID-19 if we don’t have elections.  We will not know which is riskier until the elections are held. It is a gamble we will have to take since there is no cure in sight. Any doubts of not having an election has been removed decisively by the Court.

The nation should be grateful to the Supreme     Court for burying the Old Parliament and investing faith in the new tomorrow than postponing elections sine die on imagined fears.  

By Rohana R. Wasala

Let the Poson full moon dispel the gloom!

May peace, health, and content in the land bloom!

The first three months of the lunar calendar of the Sinhalese: Bak, Vesak, and Poson (roughly corresponding to the months of April, May and June in the Gregorian calendar which is in common use today) are each marked by one of their three most important annual celebrations. The month of Bak has the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda, an age-old harvest festival organized  according to traditional astrological beliefs based on the idea of the sun completing an annual circuit across the twelve signs of the zodiac from Aries to Pisces, and resuming another  (marking the end of one lunar year and the beginning a new year); hence it is also called the Surya Mangalyaya (Sun Festival); the Aluth Avurudda is a secular celebration marked by feasting and recreational activities that usually go on for days in normal times. The Vesak is an entirely religious  ceremony that pays homage to the Buddha, marking the full moon day of the month as the day that his birth, enlightenment and death are traditionally believed to have taken place; this is the most important religious celebration of the year for Sri Lankan Buddhists. Colourful illuminations and the unique dansaelas (alms centres that offer free food and beverages to all who are willing to accept them). The third most important annual national ceremony is held on the Poson full moon poya day, which, this year falls today (June 5, 2020). It is also a completely religious event that is hardly less significant than Vesak. If Vesak is dedicated to the Buddha, Poson is held for paying homage to Arhant Mahinda, who is revered as the Anu Budu or Surrogate Buddha, for it was he who brought Buddhism to Lanka and established it as the country’s state religion in the 3rd century BCE as recorded in the Mahavansa or the Great Chronicle composed in the 5th century CE, thus officially  initiating the still dominant Sinhala Buddhist civilizational foundation of the island nation. 

The social, cultural and political significance of these celebrations is inexhaustible, irrespective of the secular or spiritual nature of each ceremony. They are not  meaninglessly fun and frolic based. They create and consolidate solidarity within the nation and project its identity to other nations as worthy of their courtesy, friendship and formal and informal recognition (i.e., what is collectively called the ‘comity of nations’), something that was gravely jeopardised during the previous few years. They are mass national morale-boosters, so to speak. These three festive or celebratory occasions could not be properly observed last year and the year before and that  fact added to the collective gloom that enveloped the Sri Lankan society when the buoyant mood of the post-war years was deliberately squashed by an engineered regime change. (Foreigners and culturally alienated locals do not experience any empathy with Sri Lankans on these points.) November 2019 brought some respite. People were hopeful that the general election that was to follow would bring a permanent end to the gloomy anarchical state of affairs, and give them the chance to celebrate all three events making up for what they had to forego before. But the Covid-19 pandemic started wreaking havoc across the world. Yet, Sri Lankans as a nation still remain relatively safe from the deadly virus, and can look forward to a reasonably early easing of the existing oppressive situation.  This is largely due to the altruistic commitment to their duties and the selfless sacrifices of the health workers and security forces personnel tasked with the containment and control of the disease; they have been efficiently mobilised and managed under the current government; the process has been facilitated by the common citizenry empowered as they are by the characteristic moral attributes of resilience, patience, compassion, and discipline imparted to them by the dominant traditional culture.

Sri Lankan Buddhists are observing the 2267th Poson Full Moon poya day today, Friday June 5, 2020. Buddhists have been instructed by the Maha Sangha and the government to do the Poson devotions and carry out other observances associated with it, while being confined to their houses as required under the quarantine conditions. The state Poson ceremony is to be held  today at the Mihintala Raja Maha Viharaya under the guidance of the incumbent monk Ven. W. Dhammaratana in conformity with specific health guidelines.  We may now reflect on the special significance of Poson for the nation in this unexpected period of apprehension as well as hope. 

The Sinhala word ‘poya’ comes from the Pali ‘uposatha’ (which means ‘to fast’); in the Sinhalese lunar calendar, the full moon day of every month is considered by the Buddhist public as their main poya day or fasting day in each month, which they are recommended  to spend, as Buddhists, engaged in religious rituals and practices. The special  significance of the Poson poya day for Buddhists derives from the fact that  Arhant Mahinda Thera (son of Emperor Asoka Dharmasoka of Jambudipa/India) arrived at Mount Missa and stationed himself ‘on the rocky peak of the delightful and celebrated Ambatthala’ in the island of Tambapanni or Lanka along with four other bhikkhus, a samanera or novice bhikkhu named Sumana (young son of Sangamitta, Mahinda Thera’s sister), and an upasaka (a lay follower) by the name of Bhandu, who was a grandnephew of Devi of Vedisa in the Avanti country, who was none other than Mahinda Thera’s mother. This momentous event has been dated to 247 BCE in terms of information given in ancient Chronicles such as Dipavansa and Mahavansa composed respectively in the 4th and 5th CE, the latter relatively more sophisticated than the former. 

Chapter 13 of the Mahavansa deals with the arrival of Arhant Mahinda Thera in Lanka and Chapter 14 with his meeting with the ruler of the island king Tissa/Devanampiya Tissa, and the royal reception of the missionaries and their simultaneous introduction to the populace in the capital Anuradhapura. From the various incidental scraps of information that can be gathered from the previous and following Chapters, it can be inferred that this obviously formal introduction of Theravada Buddhism to Lanka was as much an instance of peaceful political intervention as a religious-cultural event. For example, Arhant Mahinda lived for some time at Vedisa visiting his mother and other relatives just before proceeding to Lanka on his mission. In Chapter 13 of the Mahavansa (contained in the first part of the book translated by George Turnour in 1836, which Mudliyar L.C. Wijesinghe added, with notes and emendations, to his own  Government of Ceylon commissioned translation of the Mahavansa in two parts published in 1889), we have the following detail concerning this brief stay of Arhant Mahinda in the Avanti country: ‘At this period (of Mahinda’s visit) she (the queen) was residing there, in Cetiyanagara (LCW emends this as ‘Vedisa’). While the thera was sojourning there, he thus meditated: The period has arrived for undertaking the mission enjoined by my father. May the said Devanampiyatissa, having already solemnised his inauguration with utmost pomp, be enjoying his regal state. May he, after having ascertained from my father’s ambassador the merits of the three blessed treasures (sent by my father), acquire a right understanding of them (the doctrines of Buddha). May he on the full moon day on the month of ‘jettha’ visit Missa mountain (Mihintale), for on that very day shall I myself repair to renowned Lanka”’. So, Mahinda Thera’s mission was a royal command to be carried out; the Lankan ruler, Devanampiyatissa, on the other hand, was required by Emperor Asoka to ‘acquire a right understanding of the three blessed treasures’ (which LCW interprets as the ‘doctrines of Buddha’) earlier conveyed to the former through ambassadors sent to him by the latter (i.e., Asoka). The fact that Mahinda Thera was his son also means something; that is, it indicates a relationship that was valued at a personal level (enhancing the political aspect of the mission). Mahinda Thera waited till the death of the aged king Mutasiva, the revolutionary Pandukabhaya’s son; he was waiting for Mutasiva’s son, Devanampiyatissa to ascend the throne. This suggests that Emperor Asoka had envisaged the introduction of a lasting change of order in the country by way of converting the ruler and the people to the new spiritual way shown by the Buddha. The old Mutasiva, being his father’s son, was probably too independent minded to give up his traditional ways.

Chapter 11 gives hints about the nature of the relationship that had existed between Emperor Dharmashoka of Jambudipa and DevanampiyaTissa of Tambapanni or Lanka. The chapter is titled ‘The Inauguration of Devanampiya Tissa’. Mutasiva dies an old man after a sixty year reign, leaving ten sons and two daughters. Devanampiya Tissa, the second son, is crowned king. He sends a delegation of ambassadors led by his chief minister Maha Arittha, his maternal nephew, accompanied by the Brahman of the Hali mountain, a minister of state by the name of Malla, and a retinue, bearing royal gifts to the court of Dharmashoka in Pataliputra (Patna today). They are well received there, and after a five month stay, they return to Anuradhapura, along with Dharmashoka’s own ambassadors bearing valuable gifts and royal advice to the Lankan ruler asking him to accept the treasures of the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha. Dharmasoka’s ambassadors also bring requisites for Devanampiya Tissa’s coronation a second time. What made that a necessity? It is possible that the relationship between the two monarchs was unequal. It could be that it was an empire vs vassal state relationship. Even the title ‘Devanampiya’ (Pali lit. ‘beloved of the gods’) belonged to Emperor Dharmashoka. It is found in his rock edicts. It could have been conferred on the Lankan king as a special honour or a special mark of recognition. This connection laid a firm foundation for the evolution of Sri Lanka as a celebrated centre of commerce and culture on par with the physically much larger and more powerful nations in the east.

The fact that the Mahavansa itself refers to this highly formal  exchange of deputations of ambassadors between the two kings prior to the arrival of Arhant Mahinda suggests that the story of the monk on the mount with his sacred mission surprising the monarch on the chase in the wilderness is a dramatic fictionalisation of a real historical event found in the ‘epic poem’ which the Mahavansa is according to one interpretation. Probably there was no better way of recording for posterity of a gradual profound process that must have spread over a long period of time marked with disputes and debates and even violence between the adherents of local animistic forms of religious belief and the ‘newfangled’ (so to say) Buddhists (the process here being the weaning of the rulers and the common people of their primitive modes of religion). The miraculous aerial passage of Mahinda Thera and group from Jambudipa to Lanka, and from Mount Missaka (Mihintale) to the capital (Anuradhapura) must be a similar piece of fiction. The ambassadors travelled between the two countries by sea and land. The missionaries must have used the same modes of travel. The famous ‘intelligence test’ given by the monk to the king could be a part of the drama. The diplomatic interactions between the two monarchs made it evident that Devanampiya Tissa didn’t lack intelligence. Could we say that bhikkhu Mahanama, the author, in this context, mythologised history to make it more memorable and popular, instead of doing the reverse as normally charged? 

The foreign missionaries addressed the locals in the latter’s own language (the ancestor of today’s Sinhala), which means that it had been a sophisticated enough medium for them to communicate the new doctrine, and that the audiences were intellectually advanced enough to be receptive to its message. So, the ‘introduction’ of Buddhism by Arhant Mahinda was not the case of a hardly civilized primitive people being led from total darkness to clear light in spiritual terms, but  an inspiring example of an increasing number of people of an obviously civilised community being rationally and compassionately persuaded to embrace Buddhist teachings in place of their less rational traditional beliefs. It is significant that Arhant Mahinda Thera began his missionary preaching with the profound Cullahatthipadopama Sutta or the ‘Discourse on the Shorter Elephant Footprint Simile’ (for a good English translation of which one may check out this link:  https://www.dhammatalks.org/suttas/MN/MN27.html). The Mahavansa text contains similar references to other discourses of the Buddha. Reading them is essential for a fuller understanding of the book. The Cullahatthipadopama Sutta contains the story of how brahman Janussoni, while riding out of Savatthi, at the time the Buddha  was living in Jeta’s Grove near that city, sees the Wanderer Pilotika Vacchayana coming towards him after a visit to the great sage. Janussoni is greatly impressed by what he hears about the Buddha from Vacchayana, and he calls on him. The Buddha teaches him the rational way of his teaching. If an elephant hunter finds one big footprint of an elephant in the forest and concludes that it is the footprint of a big male elephant, he is not necessarily right. There are many other points to consider before arriving at the right conclusion. Janussoni is taught about the ‘footprints’ of the Tathagata (Buddha), which involves his teachings about virtue, sense restraint, mindfulness and alertness, abandoning hindrances, the Four Jhanas, and the Three Knowledges. Buddha in this discourse makes an incidental reference to ‘cosmic expansion and cosmic contraction’ (two thousand five hundred years before modern physicists came out with the theory that the universe expands and then contracts! We are now in the expanding phase of the universe according to this theory).  A ruler and a race capable of responding to profound doctrinal concepts and explications were certainly not an uneducated and intellectually too unrefined a people.

So, we were a civilized people even before the formal introduction of Buddhism. This is being confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries and revolutionary new methods of exploring the past. We can be truly proud of our long history that is distinguished in its various aspects, of our beautiful country, of our language literature and our multilingual legacy of the past centuries, the democratic system of government which is getting stronger by surviving unprecedented trials, and above all, of our humanistic and humanitarian spiritual tradition that eschews violent extremism, and that finally ‘aims at creating a society where the ruinous struggle for power is renounced; where calm and peace prevail away from conquest and defeat; where the persecution of the innocent is vehemently denounced; where one who conquers oneself is more respected than those who conquer millions by military and economic warfare; where hatred is conquered by kindness, and evil by goodness; where enmity, jealousy, ill-will and greed do not infect men’s minds; where compassion is the driving force of action; where all, including the least of living things, are treated with fairness, consideration and love; where life in peace and harmony, in a world of material contentment, is directed towards the highest and noblest aim, the realization of the Ultimate Truth Nirvana’ (The words within quote marks are from Ven. Dr Walpola Rahula’s ‘What the Buddha Taught’. The apt relevance of these sentiments to the conflict-ridden world of today including our country need hardly be pointed out.)

The historic event that the Poson ceremony commemorates today is the ever enduring cornerstone, buried in history though it is, that our hoary forefathers laid with great hindsight and foresight for building our unique island civilization. The Sinhalese built that great edifice in Lanka, their only historic homeland, disciplined by the Buddhist teachings introduced by Arhant Mahinda. Protecting the great legacy that forms the warp and weft of the most hospitable and humane cultural fabric of our country is the responsibility of, not only the Sinhalese Buddhists, but Sri Lankans of all ethnicities and religions. It is a common inheritance of all Sri Lankans.

Palitha Mapatuna

What is evident today in the face of Covid 19 is the sense of sheer helplessness even among those who may presume to be powerful.

To a discerning individual, this situation can bring into focus the essence of the teaching of the Buddha, namely the universal characteristics of existence.

The universal characteristics consist of the following relationships:

impermanence 

suffering in impermanence, and

not-self in suffering.

The following is a brief discussion of these characteristics.

Impermanence

Existence is a series of experiences and each experience consists of five elements: form (matter), feeling, perception, determinants (intention), and consciousness.

All these elements are subject to rise and fall and, hence, impermanent. They change and dissolve with the change and dissolution of the things on which they depend. 

Such change and dissolution are mostly hidden in the busy day to day existence, but a keen individual may vividly perceive it in the current circumstances of Covid 19.

Suffering in impermanence

Arising from impermanence is a sense of oppression of being relentlessly subject to it. No agreeable state of affairs can be relied upon to continue; it is accompanied by an underlying sense of insecurity, and subtle anxiety. This is the essence of suffering in impermanence. 

This sense of oppression is manifest in mainly aging, sickness and death, and the latter two are particularly evident currently.

Not-self in suffering

With regard to not-self, the term ‘self’ (or ‘soul’ or any other term representing it) needs definition; without defining this term will be meaningless.

Basically, the function of a thing defines it. The (supposed) function of ‘self’ is essentially that of ‘master’ (one who ‘owns’ or ‘dominates’). In the absence of this unique function, anything could be self!

However, a master requires mastery and, therefore, self requires mastery. In the absence of mastery, ‘self’ will be an empty notion, a mere sound.

The absence of mastery is emphasized in the sense of helplessness in the face of  Covid 19. 

In this way, there could be an insight into not-self in impermanence and suffering.

This is an insight into reality, leading to freedom from delusion.  

Palitha Mapatuna

Courtesy nitravelnews.com

Sri Lanka hopes to reopen to tourists in August, subject to new measures to guard against new coronavirus cases.

The country plans to open to small groups, staying in approved accommodation that meets strict Covid health and safety guidelines.
Kimali Fernando, Chair of Sri Lanka’s Tourism Promotion Bureau confirmed visitors would be required to provide a Covid-free certificate or test result before travelling. Entrants will also have to submit to temperature checks and additional rapid” coronavirus testing on arrival.

Tourists would be required to hold a booking with a Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority-registered agency and Covid-certified hotels, and a return air ticket.

Courtesy Adaderana

The government has decided to pay compensation up to Rs. 600,000 to all insured depositors of The Finance Company PLC (TFC) which is to be liquidated.

Cabinet Spokesperson Minister Bandula Gunawardena stated this during the media briefing to announce Cabinet decisions today (04).

This will solve the issue of 93% of the TFC depositors, Minister Gunawardena said, noting that there is a 7% of depositors who had made deposits more than Rs. 600,000. Accordingly, the balance amount of these depositors will be settled after the properties of the TFC are liquidated.

The issue of TFC was discussed at length with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Cabinet Spokesperson added.

In the meantime, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), in a statement issued today (04), said the compensation will be paid as per the Regulations of Sri Lanka Deposit Insurance and Liquidity Support Scheme.

The balance amount if any, will be settled after liquidation of properties belong to TFC. The compensation payments will be made through the People’s Bank as the agent bank appointed by CBSL for this purpose,” it read further.

The first phase of the compensation payment for the individual depositors having a single deposit, will commence on 07 June 2020 at People’s Bank branch locations where TFC branches were previously operated, the CBSL added.

The license issued to TFC to carry on finance business has been cancelled with effect from 22 May 2020, in terms of the provisions of the Finance Business Act No. 42 of 2011.

Courtesy Adaderana

Seven new cases of Covid-19 have been confirmed in Sri Lanka bringing the total number of cases reported in the country to 1,797.

This brings the number of new cases reported within today to 48.

The new Covid-19 cases identified today include 42 naval personnel from Kandakadu (32), Oluvil (03), Mihinthale (01) and Iyakachchi (05) quarantine centres.

The other six includes 03 returnees from India who are at the Katukeliyawa quarantine centre, 02 returnees from Bangladesh who are at Diyatalawa and Wadduwa quarantine centres and also a returnee from Dubai who is at Giragama quarantine centre.

A total of 947 patients infected with Covid-19 are currently under medical care at hospitals while 839 patients have recovered and have been discharged.

Courtesy Hiru News

Mohammed Azad – Zion church bomber travlled by bus with the bomb<br /></strong>It has been revealed that Mohammed Azad, who had bombed the Zion Church in Batticaloa, had travelled from Colombo to Batticaloa carrying the bomb in a public passenger transport bus.

This was revealed when an official of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) investigating the Easter attack gave evidence before the Presidential Commission appointed to probe in to the Easter Sunday attack.<br /><br /><strong>Series of photographs that have not yet been released to the media regarding the explosions released today<br /></strong>Meanwhile, a series of photographs that have not yet been released to the media regarding the explosions at the Mahawila Park in Dematagoda on Easter Sunday were released to the media today.

More than a year has passed since the bombing of three leading hotels in the country and three Christian churches on Easter Sunday, as well as the two blasts at a house in Dematagoda.

But still there are various information that have not been revealed to society.

These facts that have not been revealed are being exposed with various investigating officers giving evidence before the Presidential Commission probing into the Easter attack.

That is how these previously  unknown facts about the Easter attack were revealed to the Commission yesterday and today.

On Easter Sunday, the Shangri-La Hotel, Cinnamon Grand Hotel and Kingsbury Hotel, St. Anthony’s Church in Kochchikade, St. Sebastian’s Church in Katuwapitiya and the Batticaloa Zion Church became the target of bombers.

In the meantime, another explosion occurred at the residence of the Mahawila Park in Dematagoda at 2.36 pm.

At this time, the police, STF and intelligence units, including the police, had come to the house.

A second explosion occurred in the house at 2.53 pm, just minutes after the first explosion.

Two police officers including a sub inspector were killed in the blast.

Chief Inspector Ajith Priyantha presents a series of photographs taken during his investigation

Former Chief Inspector of the Criminal Investigations Department Ajith Priyantha Peduruarachchi, who conducted the Criminal Investigation into the Dematagoda attack, presented a series of photographs taken during his investigation before the Presidential Commission.

The Presidential Commission released the photographs to the media.

These photos show the impact and the  force of the two explosions in the Mahawila Gardens house

Testifying before the Presidential Commission, Ajith Priyantha Peduruarachchi said that the first explosion had occurred in an upstairs room of the two-storeyed house.

He further explained to the commission that the explosion had created a hole in the upstairs floor and therefore the floor was in danger of collapsing.

Female suicide bomber had placed the bomb on the tile floor and had sat there with the children and exploded

Investigations revealed that the female suicide bomber had placed the bomb on the tile floor and had sat there with the children before blasting off.

He further stated that the bodies of the bomber and the children had been blasted into pieces so much that they could not be identified.

The Chief Inspector of Police said that the second explosion had taken place elsewhere and it was a small place where only one person could stay. The witness also stated that the bodies of SI Rohana Bandarage and two other police officers were found at the scene of the explosion.

Attorney-at-Law Saman Weerasinghe, OIC of the Corporate Crimes Investigations Unit of the Criminal Investigation Department, testified before the Presidential Commission.

He was the OIC of the Special Investigations Division of the CID at the time of the attack. He has been in charge of investigations into the Zion Church explosion in Batticaloa from 23-04-2019.

The witness told the commission that he had reviewed all CCTV footage near the Zion church after taking over the investigations into the attack.

Investigators were able to uncover many important facts about the attack through these footages.

The main information that has been uncovered is that the attacker of the Zion Church, Mohammed Azad, had brought the bombs from Colombo in a bus.

A photograph showing the bomber of the Zion Church aboard a bus to Kalmunai from Colombo

The witness presented to the Commission a photograph showing the bomber of the Zion Church aboard a bus to Kalmunai from Colombo near the Zahira College in Maradana, Colombo at 08.51 pm on 20th April 2019.

It has also been revealed that the bus had been booked by the suicide bomber of the Kochchikade Church. The bomber who got off the bus in Batticaloa town at around 2.16 am on the morning of 21.04.2019 first comes to the Jumma Masjid Mosque in a three-wheeler.

The bomber who stays in the Mosque for almost two hours participates in the service and his movements shows a great deal of unrest.

The bomber then walks into the rest room of the mosque and changes his clothes and leaves the mosque. A CCTV camera also showed the bomber coming to the Zion church. Subsequently, the bomb is then exploded inside Zion Church at 09.03 am.

Investigations following the incident have revealed that Mohammed Azad, who attacked the Zion Church, returned from visiting Qatar and Abu Dhabi in 2005 and 2012.

On the day of the attack, Mohammad Azad’s mother burned all her son’s photos

Also, on the day of the attack, Mohammad Azad’s mother, Aaliya Latifah Bibi, burned all her son’s photos.

The witness said she is currently in custody of the CID on charges of concealing evidence.

The witness also revealed that the bomber’s wife, Abdul Raheem Feroza, had died in the explosion at the Kathankudy, Saindamardu home after the Easter attack. He further stated that on the night of April 18, 2019, Assad and Feroza had arrived to Colombo from Kalmunai in a van and had arrived to an apartment at the apartment complex in Colpetty.

The Commission inquired as to who was staying at the residence. The witness stated that Saharan, his wife, his two children, and Hasthun, the attacker of the Katuwapitiya church, and his wife Sarah Jasmine alias Pulasthini were present there.

They had arrived at the Panadura house at about 1.00 pm on the 20th while the Saharan, Asad and Hastun had been staying there.

Courtesy Hiru News

When will the general election be held?

How to conduct elections according to health guidelines?

The Hiru news team spoke to the Chairman of the Election Commission, Mahinda Deshapriya regarding these issues surfaced by the voters with regard to the election.

Courtesy Hiru News

Hiru CIA have been exposing the illegal land acquisition at Devanagala sacred area in the past few days.

In spite of these revelations, and the island wide curfew in place Hiru CIA witnessed how the land invaders are working which was captured in our cameras.

Subsequent to the Hiru CIA revelation about Devanagala land robbery, the Commissioner of Buddhist Affairs looked into the matter.

Hiru CIA have exposed on several occasions the land robbery that has been taking place for a long period of time.

The Commissioner General of Buddhist Affairs, Sunanda Kariyapperuma, visited the archaeological site with the monuments which are being subjected to a resettlement similar to Wilpattu.

The Chief Incumbent of the temple Ven. Medirigiri Punyasara Thera showed the plans to the Commissioner General of Buddhist Affairs.

Asoka Weerasinghe 2 June 2020

(for Lowell, Nirmal and Chem)

Just now a cloud
of screaming black ravens
flew over Minneapolis,
perched on the leafless trellis
of branches
of trees at the Powderhorn
Community and shed tears of blood
from their paining red eyes
and I sighed
O my brother George
O my people
It was no more a faceless horror
that got you
it was a knee of a white-man
in a khaki uniform who
 forced pressure
on your neck
Please
Please
I can’t breathe
Mama
Mama
I can’t breathe.”

It is this irrational white-terror
O my God
I can’t breathe
don’t kill me officer,
Come on man
I cannot breathe.”
And the clock keeps ticking’
every minute,
it is  5…6….7
who finally caught up with
Him and he couldn’t run.

Where is Oprah Winfrey
Martin Luther King,
Barak Obama
 are you not going to give me
a spoon full of water?”

O my brother
O my people
What have you done to meet
 this whiteman’s savagery’
in a country that you too
helped to build.

‘It’s my face man
I didn’t do nothing serious man
Please, please man
I can’t breathe.”

The clock counts minute 8
and George Floyd is gone.’
He is dead!
I join the ravens singing
from the trees.

We shall overcome
Some day,
we shall overcome
some day,
O deep in my heart,
 I do believe
We shall overcome
one day.”

And the ravens flew
 away cawing loud
in an angry black cloud.
Brother George Floyd,
 watch out for me, when
I will meet you in heaven,
Keep me a comfortable nook
and I promise I will look
forward to share my ration
of the spoon full of water.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Revised 22.6.20

Medhananda told his biographer that he had thought, when listening to lectures at Vidyodaya, as a student, that it would-be good to investigate some of the things   mentioned in the Mahavamsa. He had joined a Vidyodaya archaeological trip to look at Neelagiri seya. Ven.  Handupelpola Punnaratana, who was teaching at Vidyodaya, had drawn attention to this seya. It was this exploration under the leadership of Gunapala Senadheera that inspired me to do my own archaeological work, said Medhananda.

When Vidyodaya launched its own journal, in 1960, Medhananda had contributed an essay   on ‘Some of the kings not mentioned in the Mahavamsa’. He was asked to contribute to the next issue. He then wrote Mahavamsa katuvarun nodutu Sinhala rajadhani’.

This essay had come to the attention of many. Ven.  Handupelpola Punnaratana had praised it to Vice Chancellor Weliwitiye Soratha  and arranged for Medhananda to meet the VC. Medhananda had said then that he wished to explore undiscovered areas in our history.

A group of Vidyodaya students had gone on an archaeological visit to Rajagala and brought back an inscription they had copied there.  Medhananda   was interested, because he had read an essay in the University of Ceylon Review, which said that the remains of Arhat Mahinda were at Rajagala. 

Medhananda tried hard to get a copy of the inscription from the leader of the expedition but that person dodged giving him a copy. So Medhananda went on his own to Rajagala, with two others from Napawela. The date is not given. At Bakkiela he made contact with persons who had previously lived in Napawala. Some youths form Bakkiela also joined Medhananda. They took provisions and left from Bakkiella vihara. Medhananda managed to find the inscription. They were in letters six inches high. He copied it by hand. The inscription said ‘this is the stupa of Mahinda and Iththiya.’ 

This was the start of Ven. Medhananda’ exploration of Buddhist archaeological sites. As at 2007, Medhananda has visited a total of 369 archaeological sites    , situated mainly in Northern, Eastern, Sabaragamuwa and Uva provinces. Medhananda has visited  77 sites in Ampara and Batticaloa, 64 sites in Ratnapura district,   53 sites in Moneragala  , 40 sites in  Kurunegala  , 26  in  Anuradhapura, 18  in  Polonnaruwa,    17  in Kegalle ,  16 in  Trincomalee ,  12 in  Vavuniya and Mullaitivu ,  12 in Badulla  , 12 in Hambantota, 10 in  Matale, 9 in  Puttalam and  3 in Jaffna .

I spend 8 days exploring in  the Toppigala jungles. Toppigala  area has  150 archaeological  sites. All hillsides around Toppigala, such as Motagala, Vesibandagala,  Atubandagala, Varakamulla,  Kunchinamalai,  Devinigala,  and Kavinigala  had vihara on them. Some had inscriptions too.

Kudimbigala, Veheragoda, Panama all have Buddhist ruins. These areas  are watered by Kudimbigal Ara,          Halava oya,  Vil oya,  Heda oya. at Kudimbigala, there are Buddhist ruins for at least     600 acres. Numerous stupas can be seen today, on the rocks  . The  cave architecture of Kudimbigala is  astounding. They were placed on top of each other for 100 acres or so. Medhananda had found ten more inscriptions at Kudimbigala, to add to those found by Paranavitana. Medhananda found that the ruins at Buddanehela  Raja Maha Vihara, Vavuniya are fast   deteriorating.

Medhananda’s explorations were solo efforts. They consisted of personal examination of archaeological ruins, with particular reference to Buddhist ruins and rock inscriptions. He never attempted to do an archaeological dig. He said he had neither the permission, the equipment nor personnel to do so.  ‘I did not upset any archaeological item I looked at,’ he said.

Medhananda said that he did his archaeological explorations at his own expense.  I went on my own money with a couple of others to assist. I am the only person who had done this, said Medhananda. He has not used any equipment, not even binoculars, or a good camera to take photos, only a small camera which could take just 12   photos per film roll.

He has copied all the inscriptions by hand. He seems to have done this by himself, without any assistance. There is no record of anybody else copying them for him. Most inscriptions are below the drip ledge but Medhananda found quite a few above the drip ledge,  such as the inscription at Budupetun kanda. Letters that were not cut deep enough got erased over time, those cut deep have lasted, he observed.

Medhananda tried to cover as many sites as possible on one trip.  It took him eight days to go on an exploration from Batticaloa via Bibile, to Maha oya- Omunugala- Kusalana kanda- Kasimottai- Kadurupetana malai- Atubandagala- Vasi bandagala- Narakamulla- Motagala – Toppigala- Vadumune- Manampitiya to Valachchenai. The jungles encountered on this trip were extremely dense, difficult and hazardous, said Medhananda.

From Omunugala, on another occasion, he went to  Kunchinamalai, Kusalanakanda,  Kadulupotanamalai, Lavini aru ending at  Dambaliyaddegala. On another trip , he went from Pottuvil- Panama- Kudimbigala- Bambaragastalawa- Lenama- Budubava  to  Nalitta. He was at Kudumbigala for a week then Bambaragastalawa where he spent the  night in a cave.  On yet another occasion he went from Kudimbigala, to Budubava,  Neelagiriya and  Naliththa.

The lack of access  roads did not deter him. He was told that Kirimakulugolle, at   Diyainne , Balangoda had an inscription, but there was no road to the place. Medhananda went. He was told that there was no way of getting to Namalu  archaeological site. (Ampara-Moneragala boundary- Heda oya- Namalu.) He visited the place.

Medhananda has gone into dense forest, endured hardship, faced danger, to locate ancient monasteries and find new inscriptions. The explorations  seem to have been done with no advance preparation. They decided as they went.

The Saman gala trip was very scary, recalled Medhananda. Saman gala  was surrounded for  miles by deep forest  with wild  elephants, leopard, and bears. He was advised not to go late evening as there were wild animals in the area. However, the team got to the take off point around 6.45 pm. They were lumbered with provisions, such as rice and coconuts. They had missed the bus they were planning to take.

They decided to go in on their own though they did not know the route and did not know the correct turning. There were turn offs everywhere, could hear wild animals cries all round. They  went deep into the jungle, following  a footpath made by those  searching for firewood. They followed that for about 1 ½ miles  and then after travelling about 5 miles altogether  arrived at Saman gala forest monastery at 11 pm. There was just one monk there, living alone. He was connected to the Buddhangala monastery. They were informed that a few minutes ago a leopard had gone by.

The Neelagiri trip was equally  challenging. Medhananda and team started out at 6 pm to explore Neelagiri.  They did not know the route but they had a guide. We had to go through dense forest  which was home to wild animals. We  could see that elephants had gone ahead,  from their droppings.   We pressed on as we wished to see the ruins. The hill was very steep and sheer.  A very difficult climb but we made it to the top, holding on to small bushes and trees.

Omunugala  in Maha oya area  was an usually difficult trip, recalled Medhananda . It was very difficult to get there, had to cross two oyas, then miles of muddy forest,   where  animal footprints could be seen. Getting to Bowattegala was also  very dangerous, it was all dense forest. Medhananda went twice.  Both times were dangerous experiences, he said.

Medhananda said he faced a lot of frightening experiences on the Kudimbigala trip. He wrote about them in his book on Kudimbigala. For the   Horowopotana exploration, we climbed three hills and copied inscriptions. One hill was very dangerous to climb.   If our foot slipped we would fall hundreds of feet below to our death.

It is advisable to go into the forest with someone who knows the place said Medhananda.He and his team got lost at Karanda Hela kande. ‘Fortunately we met our  guide, while wandering around,’ said Medhananda .  They got stranded at Yoda Wewa forest too.  They managed to get to the main road, and got a lift from a lorry to Medawachchiya.

The team had planned to sleep by the Kumbukkan oya on one exploration, but Medhananda  said no, the  river might rise in the night. It did. On the Neelagiri trip too, the team knew that they could not return via Heda oya as it would be too strong to cross on the return. They had to sleep in the jungle.

Medhananda was not a  mountaineer, he had no training at all in hill  climbing. He scrambled up hills and rocks as best as he could. At Danagirigala  his team made a ladder, he climbed this and copied  inscriptions .

Medhananda  had at least three dangerous falls. At Neelagiri, Medhananda had to climb about 100 feet to get to an inscription. The old steps had gone and there was no access. While climbing  he slipped and fell deeply down but ended up  in a bush, between  a tree and a  rock and was saved.

At Velellugoda kanda Medhananda  found a inscription   and  wanted to copy it somehow. There were some vines ( vel)  there and Medhananda tried to climb using these. The   vel broke and Medhananda  fell between two rocks. The others came running and pulled him out.

Medhananda  was badly injured at Viharagoda  when he fell, trying to slide down a huge rock. He injured his foot. The wound took one and half months to heal  and the scar can still be seen on his right foot.

There were other  mildly  uncomfortable expeirneces too, for Medhananda . At Handagiriya, Medhananda was given a mattress of kurakkan karal to sleep on, as a special gesture. Insects from this were running across his body all night. On another occasion,  he was given a ‘pillow’ of dried leaves to sleep on.   Insects from the pillow crawled all over his face. While sleeping at Halmabagala temple Medhananda found a wild cat settling on his chest.

Medhananda ‘s  explorations were done with a small team of volunteers,  sometimes just two or three people. One group had five.The exploration teams were ad hoc ones,  each containing different sets of persons. I don’t think they knew anything about archaeological exploration, or jungle maneuvers, they were simply  supportive.

Medhananda and his team   travelled by bus and on foot,   with the occasional lift from a lorry. When exploring Samangala, Medhananda started early from Napawala, went to Kandy, took the Ampara bus to Veranketagoda junction, then travelled on Bandaraduwa road on foot to Samangala. To see Galpiyuma aranya in Anuradhapura district, Medhananda went by bus to Kebetigollawa then Pulmoddai and through forest to Galpiyuma, known earlier at Galpokuna.

 Medhananda  and team once went by bullock cart. There was an unusable jeep track between Siyambalanduwa and Mahakalugolla, but there was another route between chena and forest, used by hunters and wild animals. Medhananda decided to  go on this route. ‘We used a   bullock cart which transported  firewood.   It was a very bumpy, rough ride. We thought our bones would break.

Medhananda and his team, were not experienced  in jungle explorations. They made up for this in enthusiasm and staying power. They  used small trees to climb onto bigger ones, carrying their luggage. They slept on mats  on top of boulders and inside caves.  At Henangala, for instance, they went through thick forest and got into a cave. They were attacked by mosquitoes every where they went.  

Medhananda  and team carried provisions with them, including rice and coconuts.  On one occasion they took scraped coconut in polythene bags  and made roti on the  heated rock in the jungle.  They picked  ‘nai miris’ from where ever they went  in the jungle. They once  drank coffee with nai miris as a substitute for sugar. On another occasion  they had a tasty meal of a wattakka picked up from a chena on the way, stuffed with nai miris, salt and a tomato also picked up on the way, and  roasted on the embers of  a fire on a rock on which they were sitting, trapped by elephants below. 

They were sometimes without water or food, having finished what they had brought. Once when they found they had no water,  it  suddenly rained for a few minutes and the team were able to collect the water they needed.  

The journeys were  dangerous. Medhananda  and his group went for miles on foot,  into dense jungle containing wild elephants. We often followed animal tracks, ready to hide if they came. Despite encounters with animals, we were never harmed by a wild animal, said Medhananda .

Medhananda and team had  plenty of  near encounters with wild elephants, bears and leopards. In one instance , they were sleeping in a cave, when wild elephants marched by. One broke down the makeshift  door to the cave and   put his trunk inside and    explored. Fortunately he withdrew his trunk and went away.

At Korawakkegama they were so intent on examining the ruins they did not see an elephant coming at them with its trunk lifted. They ran as they had never run before and got onto a rock. The elephant stopped below the rock.

On one exploration the team got ready to cross Maduru oya  using branches and vines of the trees by the bank. They heard a yell ‘bahinna epo,’. There was a large elephant below and if they had swung down they would have landed on top of the elephant.  A man also waiting to cross had  warned them. They waited till the elephant left and proceeded. It was dangerous to enter the water using those vines but we managed, recalled Medhananda.

At Handagiriya  they were confronted by a herd of wild elephants. They took refuge in the chena of Chandana hamy, who had come from Yatipasgamuwa. Later they found that the herd at attacked the hut they had slept in earlier.

The team  often took refuge from wild elephants on the top of rocks. Some rocks were flat on top like platforms. They once watched a fight between two elephants, in that way. At Toppigala they spent the night on boulders as the jungle was full of elephants. 

Medhananda had many brushes with bears. At Bambaragastalawa, he was intent on copying an inscription, oblivious of the fact that there were two bear cubs close by in a cave. The mother bear would attack if she saw him.  The mother bear did return but only after Medhananda had moved away.

When Medhananda went to take a photo of the ruined Buddha image at Bambaragastalawa, a bear jumped out, from behind the image, leapt over Medhananda‘s head and ran. Medhananda  fell down on to a bush, but took  his photo after that.

At Bovattegala they met a cluster of bears face to face but were not harmed. At Sastravela Medhananda went to explore and found a huge bear seated on the spot he wished to examine.’ We hid under a ledge and moved away before he could see us, said Medhananda.

Medhananda  encountered a leopard at  Bowattegala vihara. The team had   lit a bonfire  on  another trip and  found a leopard sleeping contentedly on a tree  just above the bonfire, later on. At Kotaveheragala the team went into a  tunnel and found that there was a leopard inside it, far away. Medhananda opened his umbrella, placed it on the ground, to block the view and the team crept backwards and out of the tunnel.

 On another occasion, a bird  arrived and started calling. He is speaking to us, said the monk accompanying Medhananda . They tested this by moving away. The bird stopped calling. When they returned, the bird started again. The two monks looked up  and found a large leopard coming toward them.

At Malayadikanda Medhananda  had leaned against a tree and later felt something feeling around his head, he moved away and found a cobra descending down the tree. At Budu patum kande he leaned against another  tree, heard a hissing sound, and  looked. It was a mapilla. Medhananda once woke from his sleep in a cave and found a mapilla about to fall on two of the sleepers. He  Shouted to scare the mapilla off and dragged the two to safety.

Medhananda and another monk were at a villu when a water buffalo saw them and came up, ready to attack. The monk  who was with  Medhananda thrust his umbrella at   the buffalo, and yelled at it. Buffalo ran away.

When climbing up a hill, Medhananda had put his hand into a convenient hole in the rock and hauled himself up. On examining the hole they found that it contained a family of divi makuluvo ( tarantula).

Medhananda and his team occasionally  met settlers who had come into the jungles to do chena farming. Where possible these settlers gave lunch ( dane) to Medhananda and his team.  At Diyahinna, Medhananda was given a dane of rice and mukunuvenna sambol by a    chena farmer. Chena farmers at Namalu chetiya served food to Medhananda and his team on lotus leaves. Instead of  umbalakada they  had used gona karavala.

Chena farmers also assisted in other ways. Medhananda and his team were helped to find  the ruins by a family from Kegalle living  at Maragala kanda. The man had brought along a bottle of water as well. On the Velellugoda kanda  exploration ,  they met a farmer  who provided a kalagedi of water  and a boy with a ketta to show the way to a lena to stay the night. Later the  boy came with some boiled maize for dinner.

These settlers knew  the  rock inscriptions in the area and respected them. At  Diyahinna  a  villager had told them, when asked, that there were more inscriptions  elsewhere. Medhananda and team wanted to see an inscription which was already on record, at Mahagirilla Savaran keligala,. (Nikaweratiya- Dalada gama- Halambagala vihara-  Mahagirilla savarankeligala) He asked a group of children whether they knew the place. They led him straight  to it.

 Medhananda wanted to see the Tonigala inscription again, but could not recall the route. They went into a house to ask for directions. There was  a girl alone in the  house. She knew where the inscription was and said,  I will take you. Also  when you go along the wewa a little further, there is another inscription. I will take you there  as well as you cannot find it otherwise. When they were at Tonigala, the girl’s mother arrived , having heard the news, with orange juice in a bottle as gilanpasa.

At Danagirigala  exploration the team could not find the inscription they were looking for, in the forest. They met an 18 year old girl with three small boys, going to their chena. She knew where the inscription  was and led them to it. The group stayed till the job was completed. We were all young at the time, but  this girl was safe with us, commented Medhananda .

Medhananda got some degree of help and support, on these explorations, from a variety of persons. Gotabaya Rajapaksa  when Defence Secretary  gave me much encouragement and helped in my investigations in north and east, said Medhananda .    I was assisted by the armed forces and police for two years. They protected me on my difficult explorations.  Army helped him to climb up  Pachchanur hill by sending down a rope for him.

Medhananda  could not  explore Kudimbigala in  1965 or 1970, but in 1979  the Government Agent of Ampara, Y.W. Gunawardene helped him to explore the place. At Bambaragastalawa Medhananda  was assisted by the police chief there.

He got considerable support from the temples in the exploration areas. The team were often able to stay the night at these temples. The monks at Malagiyakanda received us very kindly  and looked after us for several days, said Medhananda . The monks at  Mahakalugolla vihara gave provision and provided assistants for an exploration. Ven. Atawekwela Bodhiseeha  was very helpful in another exploration.

The chief priest of Piyangala and another adult joined Medhananda on the Pulukunava exploration.  it was Piyangala priest who had told him there were archaeological  remains at Pulukunava. Uhana police provided 3 police men  as escort. Medhananda  went alone to Galpiyuma      aranaya but met there  a bhikkhu, who had worked in the Health Department and took robes on retirement. He was from   Anguruwella area.

However, there was animosity from some monks. At a temple in Hingurana area, the monk  did not allow us to even eat our food in the bana maduwa. Instead he had scolded us, recalled Medhananda . You have come to grab the temple haven’t you, he said. Go away there are enough monks here and there are no archaeological  remains.   ( CONTINUED)

ADDITIONS

• Neelagiri pilima lena at Lahugala was a very important site. Medhananda had gone there in 1965 and again in 1981. There is no clear road to Neelagiri.  This is in the forest, and from Moneragala to Pottuvil this forest is wild animal infested.  I will never forget my 1981 journey there, said Medhananda. it was a difficult exploration . We had to use the  paths used by wild animals. It was muddy and rainy and crossing Heda oya was extremely difficult.  Neelagiri was very difficult and dangerous climb, very steep, nothing to hold on to. We  climbed holding on to bushes  and such like, getting scraped. We built a sort of bridge from tree to the rock, I  removed my outer robes and we crept along   on our stomachs. If we slipped we  fell to our death. 
• There were about 30  Buddhist sites near Udagala Dagoba, also ancient irrigation channels. I explored this  area, taking 6 7 days at a time, under great difficulty ( duk geheta)  I went by foot for hundreds of miles.  I had Some frightening experiences and some hilarious ones too on this exploration.
• Medhananda  had gone to  look at the ruins in Nanthikadal lagoon, Mullaitivu . He nearly fell into the sea from this hill while inspecting its ruins. Those above caught him by his robes and pulled him up. Medhananda observed that there were no records of this place  in the Department of Archaeology. The LTTE was ruling there at the time.
• The journey to Niyaguna kanda vihara, Ampara,  was very difficult  and we needed a guide. We were scraped by thorn bushes and had  slight wounds.  We took with us buns, tea and plantains  bought from a nearby boutique.
• Exploring Valmandiyagala was a frightening, terrifying experience.      At one point they had no water to drink. Slept on a rock, it rained, they got wet.
• Vedikkinarmalai rock temple was explored in 1964 and 1973 amidst great  difficulty.( duskarata).
• Mutugalle in Ampara was    very difficult, inaccessible.
• On one of our trips, we were able to watch two elephants fighting , but we had to take a roundabout route adding about 2 miles to our journey. we  found a cave but were  too scared to sleep  because we could hear the animals.   
• Vehera wewa  ruins had in inscription dated to 9-11 AD. While I was getting ready to copy this army asked us to come down, an  elephant herd  had arrived.
• At Padikemgala  we found that our way out was  blocked by a sleeping wild elephant

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

The revelations from the newly structured Presidential Commission appointed by the President Gotabaya Rajapakse, are now in the public domain. None of these revelations were brought to light during previous Presidential Commission or the Parliamentary Select Committee. 

STRUCTURE BUILT BY YAHAPALANA GANG” TO COVER UP:

1, AT POLICE LEVEL:

The evidence produced by new and old witnesses  gives a clear indication that some of them have been suppressed from coming before either the previous Presidential Commission or Parliamentary Select Committee.

2. AT PARLIAMENTARY SELECT COMMITTEE LEVEL:

The well-known characters  made up the membership of this PSC, viz. Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Rauf Hakeem and Ravi Karunanayake,  Sarath Fonseka, Prof. Ashu Marasinghe and Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne from government side and TNA parliamentarians MA Sumanthiran and JVP Parliamentarian Nalinda Jayathissa representing the opposition.  This was the world best  smoke-screen! 

After the release of the Report, Mr Rauf Hakeem made a public statement which now appear to be the best JOKE  of the year, where he said in Kurunegala: Minister Hakeem stated that the Opposition raises doubts about the Select Committee Report because they fear that if the Easter Sunday carnage matter is further investigated, the alleged surreptitious activities of the State intelligence and the way they got mishandled by certain covert sources will come to light. This is the very reason for the Opposition to condemn the credibility of the Select Committee Report.”

The administrative hierarchy had been cleverly built, in the first place by suppressing the some  Police Team not either reluctant to come forward or not allowed to come forward.  Secondly, the PSC had its work cut out to predetermined outcomes.

Those who planned the Easter Attack are increasingly living in fear of being brought to account for their participation  in aiding and abetting  the crime.   And there could be others who tried to cover up the truth after the event.

This was one of the reasons the crooks  and stooges of the previous government attempted to recall the old Parliament to derail the investigation process currently in progress. 

It is alarming that  the former Journalist and  Marxist, Victor Ivan turned Capitalist, (who advocate every incident and dispute in Sri Lanka as a major Constitutional Crisis),   had vast resources to petition to the Supreme Court to recall the Parliament and cancel the Gazette Notification for the dissolution.  As a former Journalist, where was he during past years when Easter attack and Central Bank Bond Scam  took place? What benefit could he derive  by recalling the Parliament?

On this entire episode, not only the Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith but  the entire nation is awaiting anxiously to witness  appropriate punishment for all culprits.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් – හිටපු දකුණු පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර

1.       මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති සහ සියළුම සමාජිකයින්, මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාව.
2.       සමන් රත්නායක මහතා,
කොමසාරිස් ජෙනරාල්,
මැතිවරණ ලේකම් කාර්යාලය,
රාජගිරිය.

මහත්මාණෙනි,

තැපැල් ඡන්දය පහසුකම සදහා ලියාපදිංචිය 2020 මහා මැතිවරණය

පුරවැසියෙකු ලෙස ද, හිටපු ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයෙකු ලෙස ද මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ ඉක්මන් අවධානය සදහා යොමු කරමි.

සාමාන්‍ය යෙන් ජාතික මැතිවරණයක දී රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින් ලක්ෂ හතකට වැඩි පිරිසක් තැපැල් ඡන්දය සදහා සුදුසුකම් ලබති. 2019 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ 559, 514 දෙනෙකුට තැපැල් ඡන්ද හිමිකම් ලැබූ අතර, මාගේ මතකය ආසන්න වශයෙන් තැපැල් ඡන්දය 60,000 ක් පමණ තාක්ෂණික හේතු මත ප්‍රතිකේෂප වූ බව ය. 

මෙවර මැතිවරණය සදහා වෙනදාට වැඩි රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින් පිරිසක් අවශ්‍ය වන බව අවස්ථා ගණනාවක දී මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාව ප්‍රසිද්ධ ප්‍රකාශ සිදු කළේය.  සෑම ඡන්ද මධ්‍යස්ථානයකට සෞඛ්‍ය කාර්ය මණ්ඩල නිලධාරියෙකු පත් කිරීමට යෝජිත බව ද, පසුගිය දා පුවත්පත් මගින් දැනගතිමි.  ඒ අනුව, වෙනදාට වැඩි පිරිසක් අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම මැතිවරණ රාජකාරි සදහා මහා මැතිවරණයේ දී යොදා ගැනීම සිදු විය යුතුය.

2020. මාර්තු 3 දිනැති තැපෑලෙන් ඡන්දය දීම චක්‍ර ලේඛනයට අනුව, තැපැල් ඡන්ද අයදුම්පත් බාර ගැනීම මාර්තු 16 දිනෙන් අවසන්වී ඇත.   දැනගන්නට ඇති පරිදි මෙවර තැපැල් ඡන්ද අයදුම්පත් සංඛ්‍යාව සාපේක්ෂව අඩු පිරිසකි.    

ඡන්දය පුරවැසියන්ගේ පරම අයිතියකි.  එම අයිතිය තහවුරු කිරීම මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ වගකීමකි.   මහා මැතිවරණයේ දී ඡන්ද පොළට ගොස් ඡන්දය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමේ අවස්ථාව අහිමිවන රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින්/ආරක්ෂක අංශ නිලධාරීන්ගේ ඡන්ද අයිතිය සුරැකීම ද එයට ඇතුලත් ය.  

අධිකරණ තීන්දුවෙන් පසුව නැවත මැතිවරණ ක්‍රියාව ආරම්භව ඇති බැවින් ද, පසුගිය දිනවල පැවති තත්වය හේතුවෙන් තැපැල් ඡන්ද අයදුම් කිරීමට නොහැකිවූ පිරිස් සදහා අවස්ථාවක් ලබාදීමේ හැකියාව පවතී. එබැවින් තැපැල් ඡන්දය සදහා අයදුම් කිරීමේ අවස්ථාව අහිමු පිරිස් වෙත එම අවස්ථාව ලබාගැනීමට සුදුසු කාලයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කිරීම කෙරෙහි මැතිවරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ කාරුණික අවධානය යොමු කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලමි.

පුරවැසියෙකු ලෙස මෙම ඉල්ලීම සිදු කරන්නේ, රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින් විශාල පිරිසකට මෙමගින් අසාධාරණයක් සිදුව ඇති බව පැහැදිලිලෙසම හැගී යන බැවිනි.  පුරුවැසියෙකු ලෙස පොදු සමාජ යහපත උදෙසා වන මැදිහත්වීමක් ලෙස සලකා බව ද, කාරුණික දන්වමි.

මෙයට විශ්වාසී,

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

ඩයනා උදයංගනී උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපති අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා මහ බැංකු වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් අත් අඩංගුවට ගන්නැයි තම පාලන සමයේ ජාත්‍යන්තර පොලීසියට දැනුම් දුන් විට ඒ රජයේම පිරිසක් ඔහු අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට මැදිහත් නොවන්නැයි ජාත්‍යන්තර පොලීසියට දන්වා තිබූ බව හිටපු ජනාධිපති, ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ සභාපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා අද (3) පැවසීය.

අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා බරපතල මූල්‍ය වංචාවකට සම්බන්ධ බැවින් ඔහු අත් අඩංගුවට ගන්නැයි දන්වා මෙරට නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ජාත්‍යන්තර පොලීසියට දැනුම් දුන් අවස්ථාවේ, මෙය මූල්‍ය වංචාවක් නොව දේශපාලන ප්‍රශ්නයක් නිසා එයට මැදිහත් නොවන ලෙස රජයේම පිරිසක් මෙලෙස දැනුම් දී තිබූ බවද හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා සඳහන් කළේය.

ඉන්පසු මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට තමන්ට මැදිහත්විය නොහැකි බව ජාත්‍යන්තර පොලීසිය පැවසූ බව ද මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා පැවසීය. 

 අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට ජාත්‍යන්තර පොලීසිය රතු නිවේදන නිකුත් කළේ මහ බැංකු වංචාව පිළිබඳ සෙවීමේ ජනාධිපති කොමිසමේ වාර්තාව, රටේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව, අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සහ නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ බලතල ආදිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු පැහැදිලි කර යළිත් දැනුම්දීමක් කළ පසුව බවද හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා කීවේය.

මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා මේ බව පැවසුවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ මුලස්ථානයෙදී අද (3) පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී මාධ්‍යවේදියකු නැගූ පැනයකට පිළිතුරු දෙමිනි.

 අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා මෙරටට ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට තමන් නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව හා එක්ව අත්සන් 21,000 ක් යොදා ලිපිලේඛන යොමු කළ පසුවද පසුගිය රජයේ ඇතැමුන් සිංගප්පූරු බලවතුන් සමඟ ඇති මිත්‍ර සබඳතා භාවිතා කර එය වැළැක්වූ බව සිරිසේන මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

 මෙලෙස අදෘෂ්‍ය බලතල භාවිතා කර එය වැළැක්වූයේ මහ බැංකු වංචාවේ මුදල් බෙදාගත් අය බවද හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා පැවසීය.

 ඔවුන් එසේ නොකළේ නම් හිටපු මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයා ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට තිබූ බව කී මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා මහේන්ද්‍රන් මහතා මේ වන විට නම වෙනස් කරගෙන ඇති බවටද තොරතුරු ඇතැයි කීවේය.

ඒ නිසා ඔහු ගෙන්වීමට යළිත් මුල සිට ලිපි හුවමාරු කර ගැනීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවක් මතුව ඇතැයිද ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

By Nellie Peyton and Anastasia Moloney

Protests over the death of George Floyd, an unarmed black man who died while in Police custody in Minneapolis last week, have spread to dozens of cities in the United States and other world cities.

Floyd’s death, at the hands of a white Police officer who knelt on his neck for nearly nine minutes, has reignited anger over longstanding social and economic inequality between the country’s white and black communities.

More than 40 million black people live in the United States, making up about 13 per cent of the Nation’s population.

From education to home ownership, here are eleven statistics that show inequality among black and white Americans:

–  Black adults, especially black men, are far more likely to end up in jail than white adults. In 2018, there were 1,501 black prisoners for every 100,000 black adults – more than five times the rate among whites. 

    – About three in every five black men say they have been unfairly stopped by the Police because of their race, according to a 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center.  Also, about eight in every ten black people, with at least some college education, say they have been discriminated against because of their race.

– The home ownership gap between blacks and whites has widened since 2004 and black families are less likely than white families to own their own house. Today, 41 per cent of black households own their own homes, compared with nearly 72 per cent for whites.

– Black households have only 10 cents in wealth for every dollar held by white households, according to 2016 data. In 2016, the median wealth of non-Hispanic white households was $171,000 – 10 times the wealth of black households ($17,100).

– COVID-19 has disproportionately affected black men and women in terms of deaths from the disease and unemployment rates during the pandemic.

– By the end of May, the COVID-19 mortality rate for black Americans (1 in 1,850) was 2.4 times as high as the rate for white Americans (1 in 4,400). 

– In April, the black unemployment rate was nearly 17% compared with a white unemployment rate of 14 per cent. 

– Over the past two decades, the wage gap between black and white workers has grown significantly. For example, in 2018 the median weekly earnings for full-time workers was $694 for black Americans, compared to $916 for white Americans. 

– In 2017, black women earned less than white women, with the median annual earnings for full-time black women workers was just over $36,000 – 21 per cent lower than that of white women.

– Black women in the United States are more than 3 times as likely to die from pregnancy-related causes than white women. 

– Black students are less likely to graduate from high school than white students. In 2018, 79% of black students graduated from high school in comparison to 89 per cent among white students.

SOURCES: Pew Research Center; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC); The Economic Policy Institute; APM Research Lab; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

(Thomson Reuters Foundation)

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

A decision on the date for the General Election would be made at the Election Commission’s next meeting scheduled for Monday (8), its Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya said.

Speaking at a news briefing, he said Health Services Director General Dr. Anil Jasinghe has handed over a set of guidelines to the Commission to be followed when conducting the polls.

After studying this, we will meet next Monday to decide on the election date. The Commission has neither the desire to postpone elections nor to get the blame for spreading the virus,” he said.

Kamanthi Wickramasinghe Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo Mayoress Rosy Senanayake said that she will not be involved in national politics but will remain as the Mayoress for another term to see that all promises in her manifesto have been fulfilled.

My son is contesting and it’s time to give the chance to newcomers,” she said.

There were rumours that I was removed from my post, but nobody can remove me because I have been voted in as the Mayoress. I will remain in local politics and always be a voice for women,” she added. 

Sandun A Jayasekera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Mahendran was saved from interpol by Yahapalana Government

The prime suspect of the Central Bank bond scam case Arjuna Mahendran has changed his name and living in Singapore safely and happily, former President Maithripala Sirisena claimed today.

He added that when Interpol was on the verge of arresting Mahendran in March 2019 after issuing a red notice for the biggest financial fraud in history of Sri Lanka involving the Central Bank bond issue, a few people highly influential and powerful in the Yahapalana Government had informed the Interpol that the allegations against Mahendran were politically motivated and therefore he must not be arrested and deported.

In a shocking exposure today at the SLFP party office, former President Sirisena told media that he was revealing this information for the first time because people of this country should know about it.

The trouble between me and the Yahapalana Government started with the Central Bank bond scam. If I did not appoint a Presidential Commission, if I did not attempt to get to the bottom of the fraud and swept it under the carpet, there would not have been any animosity between me and the leaders of the Yahapalana Government,” Mr. Sirisena said.

The Sri Lankan Government prepared a comprehensive report that consisted of all evidence obtained from the Presidential Commission, the CID, the Attorney General’s Department and other law enforcement agencies and individuals against Arjuna Mahendran.

All of them were concrete evidence against him and more than enough to arrest and deport him. Based on that report, the Interpol issued a red notice on Mahendran and was about to deport him. But the Interpol decided against deporting him after the false report sent by Yahapalana Government hierarchy saying that he was a political victim,” the former President said.

When insisted by the media to disclose the names of those who thwarted the deportation of Mahendran, Mr. Sirisena said he could not specifically reveal their names because all Sri Lankans knew who they are.

Should I tell you who hand-picked Mahendran as the Governor of Central Bank in 2015 despite vehement protests by me and cabinet members? Should I tell you who took over the Central Bank from the Finance Ministry to a different Ministry? Should I tell you who shared among themselves the ill lucre running to billion of rupees raised with the illegal selling and buying of bonds with the inside information?, Mr. Sirisena asked.

He said those in the Yahapalana Government who were involved in the bond scam got frightened that if Mahendran was brought back and produced in the courts he would expose all those involved in the bond scam, how it happened and who shared the ill gotten money.

Mr. Sirisena vowed that the SLFP would pursue this matter and bring all the criminals involved in the bond scam under a strong government formed under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after the next election.

We will not give up our efforts to do justice. We are confident that under the next government led by President Rajapaksa, we would be able to bring back Mahendran from Singapore or from wherever and expose all the wrongdoers involved in the Central Bank bond scam,” he stressed. 

Courtesy Adaderana

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) should take the responsibility for the downfall of a financial entity under its purview, says Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.

He made this remark during a meeting held at the Temple Trees to discuss the current status of The Finance Company PLC. The meeting was attended by Central Bank Governor Prof. W.D. Lakshman, Secretary to the Finance Ministry S.R. Attygalle and several other officials.

The Premier has pointed out that the continuous collapse of financial entities under the Central Bank’s purview and the irregularities at such institutions bring disrepute to the government.

This damages the trust the public has placed on the public financial institutions, PM Rajapaksa said adding that new laws should be enacted to take action against misappropriations of this sort.

These remarks came days after the CBSL cancelled the finance business licence issued to The Finance Company, with effect from 22 May 2020.

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s COVID-19 cases count escalated to 1,735 as five more new virus-positive patients were detected as of 11.00 pm today (03).

Accordingly, a total of 52 virus-positive persons – including one returnee from Kuwait, 19 returnees from Qatar and 20 Navy men – have been detected so far within the day. 

In the meantime, 13 virus-positive patients who had recovered completely were discharged from the Infectious Disease Hospital, Colombo East Base Hospital and Minuwangoda Base Hospital today. Sri Lanka’s recoveries count thereby moved up to 836.

The total count of active coronavirus cases under medical care meanwhile stands at 888.

Sri Lanka reported its 11th COVID-19 death on Monday (01) as a 45-year-old male who had arrived in the country from Kuwait succumbed to the disease.

Courtesy Adaderana

In the CCTV footage revealed to the public by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) probing the Easter Sunday terror attacks, a second explosion is witnessed following the detonation of a device by Fathima Jiffry – the wife of Shangri La bomber Ilham Ahmed – that claimed the lives of several Police officers, and her children.

In another footage, Ilham Ahmed’s movements leading up to the bombings are also shown raising further questions about his accomplices.

The first set of CCTV footage, released to the public by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry shows a black car arriving at the residence of Mohamed Ibrahim in Mahawila Gardens Dematagoda on 19 April 2019 at 6.54 pm and leaving at 7.03 pm.

The individual seen exiting in the car is none other than the suicide bomber at the Shangri-La Hotel, Mohamed Ibrahim Ilham Ahmed. Later at the night, the bomber returns home and is seen exiting the house at 12.02 am carrying two bags which he hands over to another individual wearing a cap.

With the identity of the second individual still unknown, the relevant footage was not revealed to the public.

In the CCTV footage from the 20 April 2019, Ilham Ahmed is seen returning to the residence carrying a backpack and holding another bag in his hands. He is being admitted into the house by his brother Mohamed Yusuf Ijaz Ahmed.

Further footage from 21 April 2019 at 1.24 am shows Ilham Ahmed exiting the residence wearing a red t-shirt and a cap. His wife Fathima Jiffry is seen watching at the gate as he leaves.

The CCTV footage also clearly shows two bombs exploding inside the Mahawila Garden’s residence on 21 April 2019.

On that fateful day, at 2.31 pm, the footage shows the Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) team arriving at the location and Sub-Inspector (SI) Rohana Bandara and four other officers entering the house. The first bomb goes up at 2.36 pm claiming the life of SI Rohana Bandara and three other officers.

Following the explosion, Mohamed Ibrahim and mother of Fathima Jiffry are seen exiting the house. Just 14 minutes after the explosion, at 2.53 pm the second bomb goes up as the police officers enter the house with Mohamed Ibrahim to switch off the electricity brake switch. Ibrahim is again seen exiting the house.
Police Sergeant Wasantha Kumara who entered the house with SI Rohana Bandara testified at the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on Wednesday.

He said that upon entering the house, two other males were notices inside and he was instructed to search the ground floor while SI Bandara proceeded to the upper floor.

As he searched the ground floor, Sergeant Kumara had heard SI Bandara knocking on a room door on the upper floor attempting to gain entry. He added that SI Bandara was then heard calling out to the inmates of the room to open the door and following a few attempts, a loud explosion was heard.

Testifying further, Sergeant Kumara said he subsequently called for back up at which time a group of Criminal Investigation Department officers responded and a short while later the second bomb exploded.

Following this, the officers had entered the upper floor room only to find the remains of the police officers, one female and several children.

In the meantime, brother of Fathima Jiffry testified at the PCoI on Tuesday. He stated that his family was a traditional Muslim family and that his sister had had a normal upbringing. He added that when his sister was 23 years of age, his family agreed to an arranged marriage between Ilham Ahmed and her.

After getting married, Fathima Jiffry had turned to extremist beliefs, her brother said further. Fathima’s beliefs changed to the extent that she railed against the traditional Muslim faith being practised and boycotted his own wedding ceremony.

Fathima had continued to criticize the family’s religious traditions and practices and proceeded to withdraw from the public while cutting off connections with her own family, he noted.

The witness said that he realized his own sister had been brainwashed following an incident where she stated that she would follow in the footsteps of her husband.

He also revealed that following the first explosion on 12 April 2019, Fathima had telephoned her mother and pleaded with her to come to the Dematagoda residence without delay.

The story of America is all about take overs – taking other people’s land and taking away their lives. Land belonging to the Native Indians was taken away and many millions were exterminated. Americans are a mixture of the Viking murderer Leif Eriksson from Iceland who first landed in US in 986, mass murderer Christopher Columbus falsely thought to be the founder of USA, criminal prisoners from overcrowded British prisons as part of colonial British rule which ended with the Boston tea party. Then came the influx of black slaves with the first to arrive from 1513 onwards which ushered a period of racism and white supremacy. Slavery was redefined as segregation which ended officially only in 1965. Thus, for 452 years blacks had been treated as 3^rdclass inferior sub-humans. Blacks are supposed to have enjoyed equal footing for just 55 years. Can the psyche of white supremacy that ruled for 452 years erase itself in 55 years? The answer is what happened to George Floyd and what happened to many George Floyds before him and will happen to many more George Floyd’s after him. Institutionalized racism and discrimination in US is what US has to now deal with before delivering democracy and human rights anywhere else.

There is a pattern to the superiority and treatment towards non-whites. It began with the erasing of Native Indians & their heritage & culture. It continued with the

12.5million Africans, forcibly taken from their homes in Africa and transported round the world. Only 10.7m survived of which 26% were children to become slaves in their new ‘home’. First direct shipment of slaves from Africa to the Americas in 1518.

It is oft said that 1619 was the year the first African slaves were brought to US. This story is supposed to be false. Historian Henry Louis Gates Jr. says Juan Garrido was the first black to arrive in 1513 in Florida. He also said the first enslaved Africans arrived in 1565 brought by the Spanish to Florida too. It was only in 1619 that the white settlers in US began to enslave the blacks plus Native Indians.

It is oft said that 1619 was the year the first African slaves were brought to US. This story is supposed to be false. Historian Henry Louis Gates Jr. says Juan Garrido was the first black to arrive in 1513 in Florida. He also said the first enslaved Africans arrived in 1565 brought by the Spanish to Florida too. It was only in 1619 that the white settlers in US began to enslave the blacks plus Native Indians.

Half a million that were dropped off in US are the direct descendants of the 42milion African Americans that today make up the less than 13% population of USA. 

USA can never say a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal,”omitting its slavery past, segregation past and racism & discrimination of the present!

America has been all about fake history, false stories and fake news. Christopher Columbus never discovered America though he’s been given a federal holiday. Leif Eriksson landed in America in 989 some 500 years before Columbus was born. He was given a Leif Eriksson Day on 9 Oct by US President Lyndon Johnson in 1964 to commemorate first Norwegians that came to settle in US in 1825. Eriksson was from Iceland not Norway!

There were no whites in America before Leif or Columbus arrived only Native Indians. The first Americans would be a mix of European migrants with a murderous past and those sent for prison terms as a result of overcrowding prisons in UK.

The British Empire arrived in 1607 and remained till 1783 creating 13 colonies which declared independence in 1776 (176 years – British America). Colonial Britain is said to have transported 52,000 British convicts (men & women) to the US before prisoners were transported to Australia. The British convicts were banished for minimum 7 to 14 years (Matt Novak)

These white settlers were really convicts from British prisons. The youngest was a girl of 9years and over 30 convicts were in their 90s. This highlighted another element of lack of compassion and humanity among colonial rulers which can be seen in the manner they continue to hound Nazi’s in their 90s in the 21^stcentury.

Despite slavery ending with ratification of 13^thamendment in 1865, it never did. 7 states broke away to form the Confederacy (similar to what LTTE/ITAK is demanding) afterAbraham Lincoln won the 1860 election and said he would end slavery! 4 slave states even seceded.

Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens stressed that slavery would be the cornerstone of their new government, which would be based upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition.”

This is the sad mentality that has passed down through centuries.

Enslaved people were seen not as people but as commodities to be bought, sold and exploited. This is the ideology that continues in the veins of America. The slave trade provided political power, social standing and wealth for the church, European nation-states, New World colonies and individuals. This power psyche continues still.

Race was even encoded into law (Virginia Law of 1662) – an enslaved black women giving birth to generations of children of African descent were seen as commodities. In 1850, Congress passed a new Fugitive Slave Act, made mandatory for citizens to help capture fugitive enslaved black people.

Hypocrisy is also embedded. In the initial draft of the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson had condemned British King George III for engaging in slaved trade. But Jefferson himself was an enslaver. He had even fathered enslaved black children. He openly declared black people as inferior to whites.

From Slavery to Segregation 

The US that falsely accuses countries of ‘civil war’ ‘discrimination against minorities’ has been the guilty party all along. Claiming to ban slavery, what was actually done was to redefine slavery as segregation. Racial difference travelled from slavery to segregation.

By 1861 (year of US Civil War) 90% or 3.9million Black Americans were enslaved.Racial terror & lynchings (extra judicial public executions) resulted in more than 4000 blacks getting killed between 1877 and 1950.

• 1890s – Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana state constitutions denied blacks from voting
• 1890 – Louisiana passes Separate car law’
• 1901 – Alabama passed convention ‘to establish white supremacy’
• 1905 – Ensley, Alabama required all barbers to use separate razors, brushes, linens & chairs for blacks and whites / Birmingham outlawed inter-racial games – pool, cards, dice, dominoes, billiards / Arkansas and Florida segregated black & white prisoners
• 1939 – Louisiana ruled circuses to have separate entrances and ticket booths, hospitals, public transport, public schools all adopted segregation.
• By 1940, 77% of blacks were living in South where they comprised 24% of the white population. Only 3% had the right to vote. The democratic party was white-collared and promoted white supremacy – blacks were excluded as members by policy. Institutionalized discrimination is nowhere else but in USA.
• 1942 – Detroit – whites attack black families and protest against public housing project for blacks.
• 1943 – Detroit – some 25,000 white factory workers in Packard Motor Company refused to work after 3 black workers were promoted.
• 1944 – White workers in Philadelphia went on strike when 8 black men were hired as trolley drivers
• 1945 – California – a black family (husband, wife and 2 young children) were killed when they refused to change residence. Police covered up murder
• Leisure, recreation spaces across US was segregated by race. My states banned inter-racial marriage.
• 1942 – President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 8802 prohibiting racial discrimination in the national defense industry
• 1944 – Lawsuit challenged Democratic Party’s all-white primaries
• 1948 – President Truman signs Executive Order 9981 abolishing racial discrimination in military and segregation in armed forces (this shows the 1942 Order was not followed) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5K_4sdRB3ZU
• 1948 – a black man was sentenced to 5 years in prison for marrying a white woman.

USA accuses countries of systematically excluding, disenfranchising, disempowering and marginalizing minorities – USA was institutionally doing just that to the blacks.

https://www.facebook.com/SoapboxStand/videos/583547462560410/ how blacks feel is embodied in this powerful speech.

Even when Supreme Court declared state segregation laws unconstitutional, Southern senators did not comply with executive order against all-white primaries by requiring all primary voters to swear to support social, religious and educational separation of races”

In Florida, Hillsborough County Supervisor of Registration John Deckle openly defied the Court and declared, Negroes will not be allowed to vote as Democrats.”

A 1948 poll showed 63% Americans opposing integrating the military.

1954 – Supreme Court declared racial segregation prohibited. Yet it still exists in areas where mono-ethnic races reside. https://time.com/5673555/busing-school-segregation/

Jim Crow Etiquette” Laws & Codes – racial caste system or Slavery by another name (from 1877 to mid 1960s)

Black Americans treated like third class citizens. Even religious heads taught congregations that whites were superior and the Chosen people & God supported racial segregation. Society was taught that Blacks were intellectually and culturally inferior to whites. Newspapers and magazines continuously brainwashed readers/listeners to refer to blacks as niggers and stereotyped them.

Blacks & whites could not shake hands, eat together, a black man could not offer to light a cigarette to a white female (as it implied intimacy), blacks were denied showing affection to each other in public as it offended the whites, courtesy titles (Mr. Ms, Mrs, Sir, Ma’am) were not applicable to blacks but blacks had to use courtesy names for whites, blacks could not speak to a white by their first name. A black had to sit in the back of a car if a white was driving it. Right of way had to be given to white motorists. A black could not comment on the appearance of a white female. A black so much as touching a white woman constituted ‘rape’.

Jim Crow laws meant blacks were prohibited from public transport, juries, jobs and neighborhoods. Signs were placed about water fountains, door entrances, public facilities that separated blacks from whites. Blacks had separate hospitals, churches, cemeteries, public restrooms, public accommodations – all of which was inferior to whites. Some places did not even have restrooms, no public places to eat or sit for blacks. Blacks were also denied entry to public beaches.

1905 – Georgia – separate parks for blacks and whites

1930 – Birmingham, Alabama banned blacks & whites playing checkers or dominoes together

1935 – Oklahoma banned blacks and whites boating together

• Georgia – Black barber could not serve whites, blacks cannot be buried in cemeteries meant for whites / mental hospitals to have separate areas for blacks/ Wine and Beer cannot be served to both blacks and whites – they have to operate separately
• Louisiana – Separate building for black blind persons
• Alabama – separate waiting rooms and separate ticket windows for blacks/ white female nurses allowed to nurse negro men (in public or private hospitals)
• South Carolina – No white could give custody of their child to a black family
• Florida – white and blacks to have separate schools
• North Carolina – libraries to have separate area for blacks / black troops to be separate from whites and blacks shall be under command of white officers
• Mississippi – negro convicts to eat and sleep in separate areas
• Kentucky – reform schools to separate blacks

If a black violated the Jim Crow laws his punishment was losing his home, job even life. Blacks could physically beat blacks with impunity. Blacks had no relief as the criminal justice system was all-white. Lynching was the worst form of Jim Crow social control. Lynchings or public executions mean blacks were hung, shot, burned at the stake, castrated or beaten with clubs until dead. Lynchings provided cheap entertainment and a means to unite white ego among low-income/status whites often in rural settings. Riots were also created to stir fear and drive out blacks. White supremacy was the goal.

Jim Crow etiquette and laws legally ended in 1965 but would have remained embedded in the white society and we see these continue to trickle to what continues as racial bias.

But US gains international and local fame because of blacks while at the same time blacks are the worse off in the US.

• 75% basketball players are black
• 65% football players are black
• Up until 2015, just 1.1 percent of non-white females and 6.8 percent of non-white males won the coveted awards (statista)
• Diversity in film industry is shown here https://www.thoughtco.com/diversity-in-hollywood-3026690
• Racial disparity in corona inflicted states across US too – https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2020/05/30/865413079/what-do-coronavirus-racial-disparities-look-like-state-by-state
• Blacks make up 40% of homeless
• More than one in five (27.4 percent) African Americans live in poverty —5 times the rate of Whites (9.9 percent).
• S Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) found that people of color were often shown fewer rental units, offered higher rents, and denied more leases than Whites. https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/what-causes-homelessness/inequality/
• Tech industry has only 7% blacks
• This study makes the scenario clearer – https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/3/21/17139300/economic-mobility-study-race-black-white-women-men-incarceration-income-chetty-hendren-jones-porter
• That immigrants have built US and continue to sustain America’s growth can be understood in these statistics

https://www.newamericaneconomy.org/sites/all/themes/pnae/img/Immigrant_Workers_Brookings.pdf

https://segregationinamerica.eji.org/report/massive-resistance.html

https://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/what.htm

There is much for America to look inward. Unfortunately, politics has come between the anger at watching a white cop virtually kill a man live as people watched from their social media screens. The incident has been manipulated away from justice to George Floyd and seriously addressing the institutional problem of racism against blacks institutionalized and embedded into American society. However, it must be addressed and should be addressed. The start would be to stop the institutions and those manning the institutions from being anti-black and racist by taking action against them.

Is White Supremacism a pathological condition ?

Shenali D Waduge

America is in flames. The murder of a black man by 4 US policeman has resulted in mass protests, vandalism, looting across 25 states with the likelihood of the National Guards being called resulting in more deaths. The incident shows that the white-black divide is embedded in the US administration however much they will not admit. The anger of the less than 13% Blacks of America though comprising 42m out of 328million US population, is being heard across the world. Police brutality &system bias are all coming to light. That law enforcement have gotten away and have not been charged is certainly a cause to worry because MCC’s 6.8 clause demands IMMUNITY for any US crime committed in Sri Lanka. Obviously these clauses are being inserted knowing the capability of their people, otherwise why would any agreement go to such lengths to say that no Sri Lankan law or tribunal can charge the US personnel for any crime committed by them. They are putting the safeguards to protect their people contemplating the violence they can commit. We have enough of examples of these crimes committed by US in other countries with impunity and given immunity. For $480m given across 5 years – Sri Lankans have to compromise our lives! No Thank You. No $480m can be more valuable than the lives of our people be they Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim or Burgher or even another foreign national in Sri Lanka injured to killed by them.

Section 6.8 clearly identifies MCC as a US government CORPORATION. 

This means Sri Lankan Government is signing with a US Company.  

This clause also states that NEITHER the MCC Company or the US Govt will assume any liability for ANY CLAIMS or LOSSES as a result of ACTIVIITIES or OMISSIONS under the Compact. 

That means even if the MCC does not complete any of its commitments, Sri Lanka cannot claim liability. 

We presume this is a BILATERAL agreement – if so, shouldn’t the liability option be relevant to Sri Lanka as well? Section 6.4 of MCC says the Compact is an international agreement to be governed by international law. This means Sri Lankan law does not apply. If International law applies – law of reciprocity applies. But, MCC clauses are one-sided and benefitting one country and its company only.   

Section 6.8 also says that Sri Lanka WAIVES any CLAIMS AGAINST MCC or the US Govt or ANY CURRENT or FORMER OFFICER or EMPLOYEE of MCC or the US Govt for ANY LOSSES, DAMAGES, INJURY or DEATH arising out of activities or omissions under this Compact. 

The Govt agrees that MCC or the US Govt or any current or former officer or employees of MCC or the US Govt shall be immune from the jurisdiction of all courts and tribunals of Sri Lanka or any claim or loss arising out activities or omissions under this Compac”.

This is the most worrying feature. We do not know how many US troops/civilians/contractors will land in Sri Lanka to handle the Compact. 

The murder of George Floyd and the lists of many blacks ill-treated by the US institutional system is a serious worry to all of us and should be a worry given this 6.8 clause.

A US military personnel/civilian/contractor can RAPE, commit life-long injury or even death but the victim will have no justice. The criminal will walk away free of any charge to commit another crime. How can any Sri Lankan Government agree to sign an agreement jeopardizing the lives of its citizens? 

We know of what US troops have done in Vietnam, in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Africa, South America and many many more countries and now we are hearing about how the less than 13% of black Americans are being treated in their own home. We don’t want to import that trouble here to Sri Lanka just for a paltry $480m spread across 5 years. 

We appoint a govt by delegating the sovereign powers in the people to protect the people, not to be raped or murdered and told a piece of paper makes it impossible for justice or punishment for criminal acts! 

The criminal acts by US troops are no small numbers and relevant to all countries where they are stationed. 

Every country US has status of forces agreements, or visiting forces agreement has issues with US troops – people of Okinawa are angered with the Japanese govt for making the Japanese people vulnerable. We know what US troops did in Vietnam. Many a soldier have confessed publicly to US crimes in Iraq and other nations US and allies invaded since 2001. 

None of the countries that MCC has Compacts have boasted any major economic development or improvement but their lands have been taken by transnational corporates. https://www.farmlandgrab.org/post/view/12656-turning-african-farmland-over-to-big-business-the-uss-millennium-challenge-corporationthis is a must read to understand what is at stake not only for the people but for a government as well. 

The relevance of MCC Section 6.8 clause with the death of George Floyd is that the US system has been institutionally racist and discriminating of blacks. That even the corona’s initial report claimed death by natural causes until the family had to seek ‘independent’ post mortem is something to worry about. The riots and protests would not have taken place had US authorities taken immediate action against the perpetrators of the crime. It took mass outrage and social media to vent anger that resulted in the nation going aflame. 

That US includes clauses of immunity is worrying because it could only mean many a George Floyd type victim in Sri Lanka and because of 6.8 clause Sri Lanka cannot take action and it would be pointless protesting or rioting either. 

Is putting the lives of Sri Lankans at risk worth $480m across 5 years by giving IMMUNITY and IMPUNITY to US in Sri Lanka?

Shenali D Waduge

By Rohana R. Wasala

One Shiffer Mohammed (SM) in an article published in a mainstream national paper on May 27, 2020 expressed his apprehensions about what he called ‘another ethno-religious war’ breaking out in Sri Lanka, blaming it on alleged racism, religious extremism and bigotry prevalent against Muslims in Sri Lanka. He may be genuinely concerned about his people’s and others’ right to be free from such threats. But it looks like he has been seriously misled by false propaganda targeting the peaceful, democratic, law abiding majority of the multiethnic multi-religious Sri Lankan people, who are at the receiving end of excesses perpetrated by certain murderous religious fundamentalist sects sponsored, as may be suspected, by well funded sources both domestic and foreign. However, why does SM talk about ‘another’ ethno-religious war?  When did Sri Lanka ever have an ‘ethno-religious war’? As SM himself says, the 30 year conflict was a ‘terrorist war’; it was not an ethnic or ethno-religious war. But no one can be sure if SM’s crying wolf is completely devoid of meaning in the present circumstances. Eastern province Muslim politician M.L.A.M. Hisbullah also threateningly pointed out that disgruntled Muslim youth would take up arms if their alleged grievances were not answered. His warnings were uttered some time before last year’s April 21 terror bombings. 

Be that as it may, we need not feel that alarmed. Please rest assured, SM. The story/stories that led you to imagine that an ethno-religious war is imminent in Sri Lanka cannot be true, whatever you may have heard or read to the contrary. I think you are labouring under a misapprehension regarding intercommunal and interreligious relations in Sri Lanka which remain as cordial and peaceful as ever. People of diverse faiths coexist peacefully under the umbrella of the extremely tolerant and accommodating moral spiritual culture of the island that has evolved due to the benign influence of Buddhism (which itself is not a religion, though, in the ordinary sense) during the past twenty three (23) centuries. Unfortunately, however, the recent incursion of a variety of forms of non-Buddhist religious extremism, particularly over the past half century, has put a strain on this accustomed placidly salutary state of affairs. Anti-Sri Lanka propaganda abroad and elsewhere disseminated by fundamentalist sympathisers and selfish shortsighted local politicians exploiting them to advance their own anti-nationalist political agendas  seems to have misled SM. It is they who want to create disharmony between the mainstream Muslim minority and the majority Sinhalese Buddhists. False propaganda of this nature is a far worse virus that is infinitely more harmful to the multireligious multicultural Sri Lankan people than the raging, global pandemic causing, novel coronavirus that collective human ingenuity  will definitely overcome with the discovery of a proper remedy sooner or later.

Though SM has allowed himself to be misled by misinformation, these days it is easy for any Sri Lankan living abroad like him to be fairly accurately informed about what is actually happening there through the main local media channels (not all of them, however) and the impartial independent social media networks that are available. But this is somewhat difficult if one does not have sufficient empathy with average Sri Lankan citizens. It must not be forgotten that Western corporate media Al Jazeera and CNN are hopelessly biased against Sri Lanka. Of course, the profusion of news on offer must be intelligently analysed before jumping to unwarranted conclusions such as that ‘They can prolong their corrupt rule with the pretext of protecting the country and the Sinhala Buddhist nation, by having another so-called ethno-religious terrorist war’, where ‘They’ refer to alleged ‘corrupt politicians’ (presumably, of the present administration/caretaker government). 

The last is a deliberately misleading statement. Some members of the former Yahapalanaya are the ones who deserve such denunciation. They include some notorious characters who helped the infamous FCID to frame false charges against political opponents. It is only recently, after GR became president, that independent police investigations, relating to dozens of cases filed against certain corrupt ministers of the previous Yahapalana regime during its four and a half year term, began in ernest, free from any interference or undue pressure from those in power. Among the former ministers facing corruption and power abuse investigations are some powerful but opportunistic Muslim politicians who cannot survive in politics without the help of communalism, and they are raising a hue and cry about non-existent racism and religious extremism among Sinhalese Buddhists. SM is unwittingly and accidentally throwing a lifeline to these corrupt Muslim politicos.

So, there is a thick smokescreen of false propaganda against the Sinhalese Buddhist majority island nation, which is just emerging or struggling to do so from a period of unprecedented threats to its independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. November 2019 produced an eagerly awaited change in the form of a new executive president being elected. President Gotabhaya has not been a politician before. He has a clean, distinguished track record as a decorated military officer of twenty years, and as an efficient civil administrator for ten years during the presidency of his brother Mahinda (2005-15). Five years of witch-hunting by the Yahapalanaya found no evidence of corruption against them. It is completely unjustified for SM to claim that the  ruling politicians today want to prolong their ‘corrupt rule’ under the pretext of ‘protecting the country and the Sinhala Buddhist nation’. The pre-poll minority government finds itself constitutionally handicapped. President GR is unable to implement his well conceived plans for the restoration of good governance and sound economic development because of the absence of an elected parliament. The Covid-19 emergency has made the situation worse. However, the pandemic is being contained and controlled with commendable efficiency.  It is now nationally and internationally appreciated that, had it not been for Gotabaya and Mahinda at the helm, the challenge would not have been met so quickly and with such success. People are convinced that a parliament must be elected that can work with the president without being a stumbling block to him. The corrupt politicians of the opposition who are stoking communalism through false propaganda do so because they fear elections to be held before they have had enough time to demonise those who stand to win. 

What SM imprecisely and misleadingly calls ‘Protecting the country and the Sinhala Buddhist nation’ is a much misconstrued subject among Sri Lanka bashers.  But, in reality, it is a supremely worthy cause for the nationalists of all communities who make Sri Lanka their home. Nationalists do not talk about a ‘Sinhala Buddhist nation’, but a country of the Sinhalese (Sinhale) whose age-old religious cultural core is Buddhist; a geographical or territorial entity where people of diverse races and religions live peaceably as equal citizens without suffering discrimination of any kind; The dominant host  culture which is Buddhist and hence ideally democratic is the cement that gives cohesiveness to this whole. Throughout their history the Sinhalese have fought for the Buddhist religious establishment and the country whose heart it is as a single cherished object. That is why historians maintain that for the Sinhalese jaatyalaya or love of the nation has always been territorial and not racial. 

Detractors of the national endeavour to protect the country and the nation (people whose home it is) wrongly assume that Sri Lanka’s nationalism is an exclusive anti-democratic totalitarian Sinhala Buddhist political ideology. It is not. Sri Lanka has been the inalienable homeland of the Sinhalese from time immemorial. In ancient times it was known as Sinhale, the country of the Sinhalese. They had been a civilized people long before Buddhism arrived in the 3rd century BCE. The Sinhalese have had an unbroken history of over two thousand three hundred years (since the official introduction of Buddhism) of having been shaped by the extremely accommodating inclusive Buddhist religious culture. Tamil and Muslim minorities have lived in peaceful harmony with the majority community for the last one thousand years of the country’s long history. No religious culture in the world better accommodates diverse other religions and allows them to coexist with it in complete freedom and safety  than the Sinhalese Buddhist culture. 

Therefore the reality is that there is no widespread racism or religious bigotry in Sri Lanka as alleged by SM. This false charge of racism and religious bigotry arose principally because some young Buddhist monks and lay persons who decades ago became aware of the unacceptable activities of certain extremist religious groups funded from abroad, started peacefully protesting against them, and appealed to the authorities (of the government and the Mahanayake officialdom). These activities include forced conversions, vandalizing and encroachment of ancient Buddhist places of worship, and other alleged hostile acts against Buddhists. The fundamentalist groups have been a problem to traditional Muslim and Christian mainstreams as much as to Buddhists and Hindus. Politicians in power have to date avoided getting involved in finding solutions to this problem because they fear unpopularity among minority voters who are under the sway of certain communalistic minority politicians who themselves succumb to the secret coercion of the few fundamentalist elements usually sponsored from moneyed sources abroad. Money and media have turned these monks into terrorists and lawless mischief-makers. Had they had been taken seriously, the April 21 tragedies last year would have been avoided. (These are not frivolous assertions; they are based on evidence as can be found by anyone interested enough.)  

Racism and bigotry charges against Buddhists are  being repeated with increasing vehemence these days, partly because general elections are in the offing. This has also been indirectly triggered by extremists exploiting the fact that restrictions imposed by health authorities on the performance of last rites and disposal of dead bodies of Covid-19 victims in accordance with WHO guidelines have touched a raw nerve among people of different religious faiths experiencing bereavement. In some countries these restrictions can be and are relaxed or modified without violating the mandatory precautions prescribed (eg., as to the mode of disposal: burial or cremation) given available options; but where Sri Lanka is concerned, choices are extremely limited. That situation should not be interpreted as discrimination against the adherents of a particular religious persuasion. But political opportunists cash in on those unalterable circumstances. Opportunistic Muslim politicos do this because there is no real ‘ethno-religious cauldron in Sri Lanka’ for them to benefit from.

The tragic plight of the real victims of these offences is that they get labelled as the offenders around the world through false propaganda, and their cries of protest are not heard even in the mainstream media.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

REVISED 26.6.20

Medhananda did not hold back his archaeological findings, hoping some day to put it all into one magnificent book. He wanted to communicate his findings to the public as soon as possible.  Therefore he wrote up his archaeological findings in newspapers and periodicals as soon as he could.

For each exploration he gave directions of how to get there,    described the  geography and history of the place, and then listed  the structures and objects found, such as the remains of Buddha statues, stupa, pilimage, siripatul, and  displaced objects  such as columns, bricks and of course, the inscriptions found there, the main focus of all  Medhananda explorations.

The first recorded newspaper    article was in Silumina” on 7.4.1960. He continued to write for newspapers and his biography (2008) lists a contribution to Lankadeepa” on 26.9.2007.  Medhananda biographer has managed to collect and list 636 contributions to newspaper and magazines, dating from 1960- 2007, but this is an incomplete list.  Medhananda is still writing.

I have collected a lot of little known information after spending 15 years on archaeological explorations, said Medhananda, ‘assak mullaka nara   avidimin’.  They were published in Budusarana”, Davasa”, Divaina” and Lankadeepa’. Divaina” had a weekly column written by me, encouraged and supported by Divaina editor Edmund Ranasinghe. Medhananda wrote to “Divaina” for four years, with special focus on the Buddhist   remains in north and east.

Some of these writings had an immediate impact.      Medhananda wrote an article on Muhudu Maha Vihara in Pottuvil to the Sinhala newspapers and thereafter the Archeological Department took over the place. His writings to periodicals such as‘Sastrodaya’” and Rasavahini” also had an impact. 

Medhananda has written 43 books as at 2008. Medhananda’s most significant books are Nagenahira palata ha uturu palate Sinhala Bauddha Urumaya” and ‘Magama rajadhaniya’. His book ‘Nagenahira palata ha uturu palate Sinhala Bauddha Urumaya won the State Literary award in 2005. It has gone into 5 reprints. His book on king Valagamba was published by the Department of Cultural Affairs. 

Mahagama rajadhaniya” was first   published in 1970. I first wrote on Ruhuna to Sastrodaya and then Rasavahini magazines, said Medhananda .  They were well received. So I thought of writing this book,. He has been supported in this by fellow bhikkhus. In the book he thanks Napawela Soratha, Kiriella Gnanawimala, Mapote Chandajothi, for their help and encouragement.  Medhananda revised his views on the   Mahagama kings   when he discovered more inscriptions. He published a revised version in 2012.

Medhananda’s book Sangavunu aithihasika puda bim” was first published 1999, second edition 2014. In this book Medhananda described the unknown viharas across the island, explored by him. He gave the history of these viharas, the archaeological remains found there, the significance of these remains and the content of the inscriptions found there.

In his introduction to ‘Sangavunu aithihasika puda bim”, Medhananda said, I have explored and examined the Buddhist remains in various difficult places (dushkara) and have   written on them giving description and history of the places. I have written thousands of these accounts. I have been asked by many to collect them into a book. 10% of the royalties from this book will go for bank deposits for children, he added.

He also wrote    ‘Aprakata brahmi lipi ha pura vastu,’ ‘Kavantissa rajatuma ha Vihara maha Devi,” “Dutugemunu maha rajatuma, and ‘ Dutugemunu rajatumage dasa maha yodayo”, followed by Aithihasika Digavapiya”, and Aitihasika Situlpawwa’. He wrote several books about Buddhist remains in north and east. Two of these books are, ‘Utura negenhira hela bodu urumaya,” and   Nagenahira palate vinasayata yana pura vastu” 

Medhananda has contributed to ‘Uva vansa katava,’ and ‘Uva Vihara Vansaya’, both published by Uva Provincial Council and ‘Mahaweli vansaya’, published by Mahaweli Ministry.

Medhananda has visited and written up the history of several forest monasteries, such as   Buddhangala, Budugallena, Karandahela, Kudimbigala, Malayadikanda,   Nimalava, Piyangala, Ritigala, Samangala   and Tarulengala.    The booklets were given to the temples to sell.

Some of these histories were written at the request of the chief priest of the temple. Ven. Tambugala Anandasiri, when he was at Kudimbigala vihara, requested Medhananda to come there and write a historical account of Kudimbigala. Others were explored and written up on Medhananda own initiative.

In 1978 he went to Piyangala, wrote about it, gave the book to Piyangala to sell, and also arranged for Piyangala monastery to get dana regularly. Budugallena had not been studied before, said Medhananda.  Medhananda’s book on Buddhangala went into 10 reprints.  Tarulenhela monastery is the old Habutagala vihara built by Kavantissa, said Medhananda.   (continued)

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

19 AMENDMENT:

In regard to the passage of the 19 Amendment  to the Constitution  of Sri Lanka there are still key questions lingering.  The highest Court of the Island in its determinations made it abundantly clear that the proposed changes need to go before a Referendum.    But the government of Ranil Wickremasinghe and TNA used back-door tactics to pass it on the floor of the House.   The  former Speaker Mr Karu Jayasuriya gave his stamp of approval to make it into law.

Did speaker ignore the  court determinations?  From where did he derive the Constitutional power to do so?

GENERAL ELECTION:

The current Election Commission has repeatedly failed to conduct the elections on time.   For the past four and half years, they have been paid their salaries and emoluments in full by the State.  They were employed for the sole and exclusive purpose of organising and  the conducting elections at the appropriate time, as an Independent Institution.

In most recent situations, the Elections Commission  on 19 March, 2020  postponed the elections date without announcing an alternative date.

On 3 April, the Election Commission took an unusual and unwarranted action of writing to the President of Sri Lanka, recommending him to seek Supreme Court advise  to seek an alternative date or MAKE ALTERNATIVE.  ( It is presumed  MAKE ALTERNATIVE” meaning recalling the old Parliament!).  After the EC was told by the Presidential Secretariat to do his job as per its mandate, few days later the EC, on its own, fixed 20 June as the new date.

It is interesting that Mr Sumanthiran sought an injunction from the Supreme Court to issue a restraining order on the EC to refrain from issuing preferential numbers for the candidates.   The Court disallowed the application and took the position that the EC is free to make a decision.

The EC on this matter had two options: 1. To take necessary steps to continue administrative matters to conduct the election.  2. To delay taking any further actions until the final determinations by the Court.

The EC took the second option.  Did EC jump the Gun or shot itself in the foot?

නිදහස් වෙළඳ කලාප සහ පොදු සේවා සේවක සංගමය

අතින් භාරදීම.
2020 ජුනිි මස 02 වන දින.
දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මැතිතුමා
නිපුණතා සංවර්ධන, රැකී රක‍ෂා හා කම්කරු සබඳතා අමාත්‍ය,
නිපුණතා සංවර්ධන, රැකී රක‍ෂා හා කම්කරු සබඳතා අමාත්‍යංශය,
zzමෙහෙවර පියසZZ,
06 වන මහල,
නාරාහේන්පිට,
කොළඹ 05.
ගරු අමාත්‍යතුමනි,
කෝවිඩ් 19 වසංගතයේ බලපෑම මත යැයි පවසමින් වසා දැමූ ඇගඵම් කර්මාන්ත ශාලාවල රැකියා සුරක්ෂිත කිරීම සඳහා රජයට පවරා ගන්නා මෙන් ඉල්ලීම

කෝවිඩ් 19 වසංගතයේ බලපෑම හේතුවෙන් තව දුරටත් පවත්වා නොගත හැකි යැයි කර්මාන්තශාලා වසා දමා සේවකයින්ගේ රැකියා අහිමි කිරීම වැලැක්වීම සඳහා ඔබගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් පිහිටුවන ලද ත්‍රෛපාර්ශවික කාර්ය සාධක බලකාය විසින් එකගවන ලද, පසුව 2020 මැයි මස 11 වන දින පවත්වන ලද ජාතික කම්කරු උපදේශක සභා රැස්වීමේදී අනුමත කළ එකගතාවයන් මගහරිමින් නොයෙක් හේතු පෙන්වමින් කර්මාන්තශාලාවල සේවකයින් සේවයෙන් ඉවත්කරලීමට ඇතැම් හාම්පුතුන් කටයුතු කරමින් සිටින බව දිනපතා වාර්තාවෙමින් පවතී. මේ සඳහා උපයෝගී කර ගන්නා ක්‍රම අතර සේවකයින්ගේ ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම් අත්හිටුවීම එකකි. ඇගළුම් කර්මාන්තශාලාවල සේවක සේවිකාවන් සේවයේ පිහිටුවීමේදී ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම් ලබාදීම සේවා කොන්දේසියක් බවට පත්ව තිබූණකි. කෝවිඩ්-19 සමග ඇතැම් හාම්පුතුන් විසින් එම ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම අහෝසි කරමින් සේවයට වාර්ථා කරන ලෙස සේවකයින්ට දැනුම්දීම් කරති. එබැවින් බොහෝ සේවක සේවිකාවන්ට සේවා වාර්තා කිරීමට නොහැකිවේ. එළෙස සේවා වාර්ථා කිරීමට නොහැකිවන සේවකයින්ට සේවය අතහැර ගියා සේ සළකන බව දන්වා ඔවුන් සේවයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට හාම්පුතුන් පියවර ගනු ලබයි. තවත් කර්මාන්තශාලාවල සේවක සේවිකාවන් එම සමාගමට අයත් කි.මී. 50 ටත් වඩා වෙනත් සේවා ස්ථානවලට මාරුවීම් ලබාදී එA සඳහා ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම් ද ලබා නොදෙමින් සේවයට පැමිණිය නොහැකි සේවක සේවිකාවන් සේවය අතහැර ගියා සේ සලකා සේවයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට පටන්ගෙන ඇත.
මෙවැනි කර්මාන්තශාලා පිළිබඳව සම්පූර්ණ තොරතුරු විස්තරාත්මකව ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට අප සංගමයට හැකිය.
මෙවැනි කි්‍රයාවන්ට ඉඩ දුනහොත් ඉදිරි කාලයේ දහස් ගණන් සේවක සේවිකාවන්ගේ රැකියා හාම්පුතුන්ගේ ලාභය වෙනුවෙන් අහෝසි කෙරෙනු ඇත. එයට විසඳුම් ලබාදීමට ආණ්ඩුවට වගකීමක් හා හැකියාවක් ඇතැයි අපි විශ්වාස කරමු.
මේ වන විට එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ළමා අරමුදල (ඹභෂක‍ෑත‍) විසින් ලංකාණ්ඩුවට පුද්ගලික සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක‍ෂණ උපකරණ නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීම සඳහා විශාල ඇණවුමක් ලබාදී ඇති අතර, එය මේ රැකියා අහෝසියට පිළියමක් ලෙස යොදාගත හැකි යැයි අපි යෝජනා කරමු. දැනට එම සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක‍ෂණ උපකරණ නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීම ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ යෝධ සමාගම් කිහිපයකි. ඒ වෙනුවට, ඉන් අඩක්
වසා දමනු ලබන කර්මාන්තශාලාවල සේවකයින්ගේ රැකියා තහවුරු කිරීම වෙනුවෙන් යොදා ගත හැකි යැයි අපි යෝජනා කරමු. ඒ සඳහා කළ යුතු වන්නේ එළෙසින් වසා දැමූ කර්මාන්ශාලා රජයට පවරාගෙන ආණ්ඩුව ඔස්සේ රටට ලැබුණු සෞඛ්‍ය ආරක‍ෂණ උපකරණ නිෂ්පාදනය කිරීම එම කර්මාන්තශාලාවලට කෝටා ක්‍රමයට ලබාදීමය. ඒවායේ ඒ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය පලපුරුදු සේවක සේවිකාවන් හා අවශ්‍ය යන්ත්‍ර සූත්‍රද ඇත.
මේ පිළිබඳව ඔබ විසින් අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයට කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කර අවශ්‍ය පියවර ගනු ඇතැයි අප සංගමය බලාපොරොත්තු වන්නෙමු.
ස්තූතියි.
මෙයට විශ්වාසී

ඇන්ටන් මාකස්
සම ලේකම්
නිදහස් වෙළඳ කලාප සහ
පොදු සේවා සේවක සංගමය
පිටපත් -:

1. කාර්මික අපනයන, ආයෝජන ප්‍රවර්ධන, සංචාරක හා ගුවන් සේවා අමාත්‍යතුමා
2. ගරු ලේකම්, නිපුණතා සංවර්ධන හා රැකී රක‍ෂා හා කම්කරු අමාත්‍යංශය

කැෆේ සංවිධානය

ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය වෙනුවෙන් හඩ නඟන බොහෝ පාර් ශව දේශපාලනයේ කාන්තා නියෝජනය පිලිබඳ මුනිවත රැකීම කණගාටුවට කරුණක් බව කැෆේ සංවිධානය පෙන්වා දෙයි. එම සංවිධානයේ අධ්‍යක්ෂිකා සුරංගි ආරියවංශ  මහත්මිය සඳහන් කළේ මෙවර ඡන්ද හිමියන්ගේ දිනය සමරන මේ මොහොත මෙරට දේශපාලනය තුළ කාන්තාවට ඇති අවකාශය පිලිබඳ කථා කිරීම වඩා සුදුසු බවයි. මෙරට ඡන්ද හිමියන්ගෙන් වැඩිම ප්‍රතිශතය කාන්තාවන් වන නමුත්  කාන්තා නියෝජනයට ලැබී ඇත්තේ අවම ඉඩ පරාසයක් බවත් ඇය සඳහන් කරයි.

ඉකුත් පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේදී කාන්තා නියෝජනය සඳහා වන සම්මතයන් ගොඩනගා තිබූ බවත් සියලු දේශපාලන පක්ෂ ඊට අනුගතව කටයුතු කළ බවත් පෙන්වා දෙන සුරංගි ආරියවංශ මහත්මිය කියා සිටියේ මහ මැතිවරණ නාම යෝජනා ලබාදීමේදී කිසිදු දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක් කාන්තා නියෝජනය සඳහා පුළුල් අවස්ථාවක් ලබා නොදීම කණගාටුවට කරුණක් බවයි. ඒ අනුව ඉදිරියේදී පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත මහ මැතිවරණයෙන් තේරී පත්වන ආණ්ඩුව කාන්තා නියෝජනය අවම මට්ටමක පවතින ආණ්ඩුවක් වන  ඇති බව ඇය කියා සිටියාය.

මෙරට ආර් ථික  සඳහා වැඩිම දායකත්වය සපයන්නේ කාන්තාවන් විසින් බව ඇය සඳහන් කරයි. විශේෂයෙන් මැද පෙරදිග රටවල සේවයේ නිරත වැඩි පිරිස කාන්තාවන් වන අතර මෙරට ඇඟලුම් ක්ෂේත්‍රයේ ද වැඩිම ශ්‍රම දායක්වය කාන්තාවන්ගෙනි. එමෙන්ම තේ, රබර් වැනි බෝග වගා සඳහාද වැඩිම ශ්‍රම දායකත්වය කාන්තාවන් විසින් සපයන බව පෙන්වා දෙන ආරියවංශ මහත්මිය කියා සිටියේ  පාලන බලය සඳහා පමණක් කාන්තාව දායක කර නොගැනීම කණගාටුදායක තත්වයක් බවයි.

මේ නිසා පාරලිමේන්තුව තුළ කාන්තා නියෝජනය තහවුරු කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව සියලු දේශපාලන පක්ෂ විසින් වටහා ගත යුතුව ඇති බව ද ඇය සඳහන් කරයි.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

කැෆේ සංවිධානය

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

අයර්ලන්ත කවියෙකු   නාට්‍ය රචකයෙකු ,  හා  විශිෂ්ට සම්භාව්‍යවාදියෙකු වූ ඔස්කාර්  වයිල්ඩ් 19 වන සියවසේ අගභාගයේදී එංගලන්තයේ සෞන්දර්යාත්මක ව්‍යාපාරයේ ප්‍රකාශකයෙකු විය. ඔහු වික්ටෝරියානු ලන්ඩනයේ වඩාත්ම සාර්ථක නාට්‍ය රචකයාය. ඔහු ජීවත් වූ සමාජයට ඔහුව තේරුම් ගැනීමට නොහැකි වූවද ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් බැරෑරුම් චින්තකයෙකු  විය.ඔස්කාර්  වයිල්ඩ්   හට ජාත්‍යන්තර සංස්කෘතික බලපෑමක් තිබූ අතර ඔහු දහනව වන ශතවර්ෂයේ අගභාගයේදී බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අධිරාජ්‍යයේ ගෝලීයකරණයේ නිෂ්පාදනයක් ලෙස සැලකිය හැකිය. පසුගිය ශතවර්‍ෂය තුළ ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් සුවිසල්  පෞරුෂයක් මෙන්ම කලා කෘති නිර්මාපකයෙකු හා විචාරකයෙකු ලෙස විචාරකයන් විසින් හඳුන්වා දෙන ලදි.

ඇතැමෙකු ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් මනෝරාජිකයෙකු බව කියති. ෆේබියානු සමාජවාදියා වූ ජෝර්ජ් බර්නාඩ් ෂෝ පවා යම් ආකාරයකින් මනෝරාජිකයෙක් විය. වයිල්ඩ්ගේ චින්තනය ඇත්තේ විනෝද මූලධර්මය මත ය. එහෙත් ඔහුගේ නාට්‍ය අනාගතය පිළිබඳ දර්ශනවලින් පිරී තිබේ. ඔහුගේ නිර්මාණ වල යටින්, බලය පිළිබඳ විශ්මය ජනක විශ්ලේෂණයක් ඇත. ඔහුගේ කාලයේ විචාරකයන්ට ඒවා ගෝචර නොවීය.  සාම්ප්‍රදායික සදාචාරය පිළිගත් මිනිසුන්ගේ ජීවිත ද වයිල්ඩ් විසින් නිරූපණය කරන අතර, එම ජීවිත සුන්බුන් වීමේ අවදානමක සිටින ආකාරය පෙන්වයි.  

කලාව පැවතිය යුතුව තිබුණේ ස්වකීය සාරය හෝ අලංකාරය වෙනුවෙන් යැයි ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් විශ්වාස කලේය. එසේම  සදාචාරාත්මක සංයමයෙන් හා සමාජයේ සීමාවන්ගෙන් නිදහස් වීමට උපදෙස් දුන්නේය. ඔහු සිය තරුණ කාලයේ සිටම ව්‍යාජ සදාචාරය දේශනා කළ වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජය නිරීක්ෂණය කළේය. එසේම වික්ටෝරියානු යුගයේ සමාජ කුහකකම සමච්චලයට ලක් කළේය. වික්ටෝරියානු ලේඛකයින් විශාල පිරිසක් විසින් අනුගමනය කරන ලද සදාචාරාත්මක නඟා සිටුවීමේ” කලාවක් ඔහු ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළේය. අවසානයේදී ඔහු 19 වන සියවසේ ඉංග්‍රීසි පියුරිටානිවාදයේ  ගොදුරු බවට පත්විය.

ඔහුගේ නවකතා හා නාට්‍ය බොහොමයක් නියෝජනය කළේ ඔහුගේ අභ්‍යන්තර මනස් කල්පිතයන්, නොවිසඳුනු චිත්තවේගීය ගැටුම් සහ යටපත් කළ සැඟවුණු ආශාවන් ය.  ඔහුගේ මනස් කල්පිතයන් තුළ දුරාචාරය ඔහු දුටුවේ නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට ඔහු දුටුවේ ප්‍රීතියෙන් පිරුණු වර්ණවත් ජීවිතයකි. ඔහු ලියූ සෑම අලංකාර වචනයක්ම ඔහුට සහජ අත්දැකීමක් විය. ඔහුගේ ප්‍රීතිය, උනන්දුව, හෙඩොනිස්වාදය, උමතුව, වේදනාව, බලාපොරොත්තු සුන්වීම් සහ දුක් වේදනා බොහෝ විට ඔහුගේ කෘතිය තුළින් පිළිබිඹු වේ.  ජීවිතය එහි ස්වභාවය අනුව පරස්පර විරෝධී බවත් කලාත්මක නිමැවුම ඇතුළුව සෑම දෙයක්ම මිනිස් හැසිරීමට ප්‍රහේලිකාවක් ලෙස දැකිය හැකි බවත් වයිල්ඩ් විශ්වාස කළේය. වයිල්ඩ් අවධාරනය කළේ ජීවිතය සෞන්දර්යාත්මක රේඛා ඔස්සේ ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කළ යුතු බවයි.

ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ්ගේ සුප්‍රසිද්ධ  හා එකම  1890 නවකතාව වන ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ ආලේඛය  ( the Picture of Dorian Gray )  බටහිර සාහිත්‍යයේ නූතන සම්භාව්‍යයන්ගෙන් එකකි.  විචාරකයෝ  මේරි ෂෙලිගේ ෆ්‍රැන්කන්ස්ටයින්, රොබට් ලුවී ස්ටීවන්සන්ගේ ඩොක්ටර් ජැකිල් ඇන්ඞ් මිස්ටර් හයිඞ් සහ බ්‍රැම් ස්ටෝකර්ගේ ඩ්‍රැකියුලා සමඟ  ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ  19 වන සියවසේ ප්‍රමුඛ ඉංග්‍රීසි ත්‍රාසජනක නවකතා ගොනුවට එක් වන බව පවසති. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ ආලේඛය සංකේතවත් කරන්නේ ඔස්කාර්ගේ ගැඹුරු මනස් කල්පිතයන් සහ අභ්‍යන්තර මානසික ගැටුම් ය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ ඔස්කාර්ගේ ප්‍රධාන  මනස්ඍෂ්ටිය විය. මෙම මනස්කල්පිතය තුළ ජීවත් වීමට ඔහුට පූර්ණ ආශාවක් තිබුණි. ඔහු තම සමාජයේ සම්මතයන්ට පටහැනි ජීවිත කාලය පුරාම මනස්කල්පිතයට සම්බන්ධ විය.ඔහුගේ ජීවිත කාලය පුරාම ඔහු මනස්කල්පිතය සහ යථාර්ථය අතර සිරවී සිටි අතර ඔහු මෙම සීමාවන් දෙක අතර මාරුවෙමින් හා අරගල කරමින් සිටියේය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ පින්තූරය ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්ගේ සුන්දරත්වය, නිමක් නැති තාරුණ්‍යය සහ කාමුකත්වය පිළිබඳ අභ්‍යන්තර මනස්කල්පිතයන් හෙළි කරයි.

කලාවේ මෙන්ම ජීවිතයේ පරස්පර විරෝධී ස්වභාවය විදහා දැක්වීමට ඔස්කා ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් සිය ලිවීමේ සුන්දරත්වය යොදා ගනී. ආදරය හා වෛරය පිටුපස ඇති චේතනාවන් කිසිවෙකුට සම්පූර්ණයෙන් වටහා ගත නොහැකි අතර එමඟින්   ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ්  ප්‍රහේලිකාවක් ඉදිරිපත් කරයි. ජීවිතය කලාව නම්, ජීවිතය සෑදී ඇත්තේ ආදරය හා වෛරය හා ජීවිතය පරස්පර විරෝධී ස්වභාවයක් නම් කලාව ද පරස්පර විරෝධී ය. මෙය නිරූපණය කිරීම සඳහා වයිල්ඩ් කලාත්මක භාෂාව භාවිතා කරයි.

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ  නවකතාවට ප්‍රධාන හා සුළු තේමාවක් ඇත. ප්‍රධාන තේමාව වන්නේ අලංකාරය සහ තාරුණ්‍යයයි. සුළු තේමාව සමලිංගික ත්‍රිකෝණ ප්‍රේමයකි.  මෙම නවකතාවේ දී ඩෝරියන්ගේ ලිංගික දිශානතිය ද්වි ලිංගික වේ. ඔහු සිබිල් සමඟ පෙම් සබඳතාවක් පවත්වයි, නමුත් ඔහුට බැසිල් සහ හෙන්රි සමඟ සමීප සම්බන්ධතාවයක් ඇත. ඩෝරියන් සැමවිටම අනුගමනය කරන්නේ හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා  වන අතර හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා විසින් ඩෝරියන් සමලිංගිකයෙකු බවට පත් කරයි. මෙහි ප්‍රධාන තේමාව වන්නේ ඩොරියන්ට ඔහුගේ අලංකාරය සහ ඔහුගේ තාරුණ්‍යය සදාකාලික වීමට අවශ්‍ය බවයි. ඔහුට ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ඔහුගේ වයස කොතරම් වුවත් ඔහුට හැකි තාක් තම යෞවනය භුක්ති විඳීමටයි. සිතුවම ඩෝරියන්ගේ සැබෑ ආත්මය පිළිබිඹු කරයි. ඩෝරියන් හෙඩොනිස්ටික් ජීවන රටාවට විශාල බලපෑමක් කරන කහ පොත කියවීමෙන් පසු ඩෝරියන්ගේ හැසිරීම හා ආකල්පය නරක අතට හැරේ. වසර ගණනාවක් තිස්සේ ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේට මෙම පොතේ මතකයෙන් මිදීමට නොහැකි විය. නැතහොත් ඔහු කිසි විටෙකත් එයින් මිදීමට උත්සාහ නොකළ බව පැවසීම වඩාත් නිවැරදි වනු ඇත. 

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ  නවකතාවේ ඔස්කා මෙසේ ලියයි  එක් මිනිසෙකු සිය ජීවිතය මුළුමනින්ම හා සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ගත කිරීමට නම්, සෑම හැඟීමකටම, සෑම සිතුවිල්ලකටම ප්‍රකාශනයක්, සෑම සිහිනයකටම යථාර්ථයක් ලබා දිය යුතු යැයි මම විශ්වාස කරමි”. නවකතාවේ සියුම් තේමාව වන හෝමෝ-කාමුකත්වය ( Homoeroticism ) මතභේදයට තුඩු දී තිබේ. වික්ටෝරියානු සදාචාරවාදීන් මෙම නවකතාව දුරාචාරමය හා අධ්‍යාත්මික ප්‍රතිප්‍රහාරයක් ලෙස විවේචනය කළහ. විචාරකයින්ට ඔස්කාර් පිළිතුරු දුන්නේ කලා කෘතියක් පොහොසත් හා වැදගත් හා සම්පූර්ණ නම්, කලාත්මක සහජ හැකියාවක් ඇති අය එහි සුන්දරත්වය දකිනු ඇති අතර ආචාරධර්ම වඩාත් ප්‍රබල ලෙස ආයාචනා කරන අය එහි සදාචාරාත්මක පාඩම දකිනු ඇත” යනුවෙනි. 

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ  නවකතාව සම්භාව්‍ය ගොතික් ත්‍රාසජනක ප්‍රබන්ධයකි. එය මනෝ නාට්‍යයකි. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ   වික්ටෝරියානු ද්විත්වභාවය පිළිගැනීම සඳහා වයිල්ඩ්ගේ කුරිරු කැඳවීමයි. කෙසේ නමුත් ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ  සහ ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්ගේ ඛේදනීය ඉරණම අතර සමාන්තර තේමාවක් සොයාගත හැකිය.  ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ බොහෝ විට කියවනු ලබන්නේ සෞන්දර්යාත්මක වටිනාකම්වලට අනුකූලව ජීවත්වීමේ වටිනාකම පිළිබඳ පැහැදිලි ප්‍රකාශයක් ලෙස ය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ  යහපත හා අයහපත කෙරෙහි කිසිදු අනුග්‍රහයක් නොදක්වයි.  එක් අතකට ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ සුන්දරත්වය ජීවිතයේ එකම වටිනා ගුණාංගය ලෙස දැකීමට එරෙහි අනතුරු ඇඟවීමක් ලෙසටද නවකතාව කියවිය හැකිය. 

නවකතාවේ ප්‍රධාන  චරිතය ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ අනාථයෙකි. ධනවත් මිනිසෙකු වුවද, ඩෝරියන් අපකීර්තිමත් විවාහයක දරුවෙකි. ඔහු ආකර්ශනීය හා කඩවසම්  මිනිසෙකු ලෙස විස්තර කෙරේ. ඔහුට බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් නම් දක්‍ෂ කලාකරුවෙකු මුණ ගැසෙයි. ඔවුන් මිතුරන් බවට පත්වන අතර බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ චිත්‍රය පින්තාරු කිරීමට තීරණය කරයි. එබැවින් බැසිල් සහ ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ එකිනෙකාට ඉතා සමීප වෙති.  ඩොරියන් හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා හමුවීම – වංශාධිපතියෙකු සහ නව හෙඩොනිස්වාදය විශ්වාස කරන්නෙකු ඔහුගේ ජීවිතයේ හැරවුම් ලක්‍ෂ්‍යයක් බවට පත්වේ. හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා රැවටීම හා කුහකකමෙන් පිරුණු වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජය පිළිබඳ සම්මුති විරහිත විවේචනයකි. ඩොරියන් හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා සමඟ ඇති ඔහුගේ මිත්‍රත්වය අගය කරයි. බැසිල්ගේ උපදෙස් නොතකා ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ ක්‍රමයෙන් හෙන්රි  සාමිවරයාට සමීප වේ. හෙන්රි සාමිවරයාගේ බලපෑම යටතේ අහිංසක හා බොළඳ ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ චිත්තවේගීයව වෙන් වූ එපිකියුරියන්වරයෙකු බවට පත්වේ. ඔහු සමාජ සම්මතයන් සහ චාරිත්‍ර වාරිත්‍ර නොසලකා හරිමින් කාමුක වින්දනය සොයා බැලීමට පටන් ගනී.  ඩෝරියන් ගේ පරමාදර්ශී පරමාදර්ශ සහ  වඩාත්ම වැදගත් වන්නේ සතුට බව ඔහු සිතයි. 

මේ අනුව අහිංසකත්වය නැති වී ආත්මාර්ථකාමී කේඳ්‍රීය ජීවියෙකු බිහි වෙයි. අභ්‍යන්තර තාරුණ්‍යයේ ත්‍යාගය, ඔහුගේ රාගය සහ ආත්මාර්ථකාමී ආශාවන් ඔහුගේ ආත්මය හරය දක්වා දූෂිත කරයි. ඔහුගේ උසස් ඊගෝව, නපුරු මනස සහ ස්වයං උනන්දුවක් දක්වන අහංකාර ජීවන රටාව ඔහු වටා සිටින බොහෝ දෙනෙකුට දැඩි වේදනාවක් ගෙන දුන්නේය. ක්‍රමානුකූලව ඔහු ජීවිතය හා ගුණධර්ම කෙරෙහි කිසිදු ගෞරවයක් නොදක්වන සීතල සංවේදනයකින් තොර අනුකම්පා විරහිත පුද්ගලයෙකු බවට පරිවර්තනය  වෙයි. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ තරුණ රූමත් නිළියක වන සිබිල් වේන්ගේ කලා කුසලතා අගය කරයි. නොකිලිටි හා අහිංසක සිබිල් ඩොරියන් සමඟ ආදරයෙන් බැඳී සිටී. නමුත් මෙම ආදරය පවතින්නේ කෙටි  කාලයකි. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ සීතල බව, අසංවේදීතාව සහ ප්‍රයෝගකාරී දෙබිඩි හැසිරීම සිබිල්ව  සියදිවි නසා ගැනීමට පෙළඹවයි.

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ මිනිසුන්ට රිදවන විට සහ ස්වයං විනාශය කරා යන විට බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් ඩොරියන්ගේ වගකීම් විරහිත හැසිරීමට මුහුණ දීමට තීරණය කරයි. එය මාරාන්තික උත්සාහයකි. තර්කය අතරතුර ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ අතිශයින් කෝප වී බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ්ට පිහියෙන් ඇන මරා දමයි. ඩෝරියන් කරන නපුර ඔහුට කිසිදු බලපෑමක් නොකරයි. ඔහුට වරදකාරී හෘදය සාක්ෂියක් නැත. එබැවින් ඔහුගේ පින්තූරය ඔහුගේ හෘදය සාක්ෂිය බවට පත්වේ. එය ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ කළ සියලු පාප අවශෝෂණය කරයි. ඩෝරියන් සදහටම තරුණ වියේ පසුවන විට චිත්‍රය වයස්ගත වේ. ඩෝරියන් ගේ ආත්මාර්ථකාමී ක්‍රියාවන් සමඟ ඩොරියන්ගේ ආලේඛ්‍ය චිත්‍රය වඩාත් විකෘති වන බැවින් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ ස්වයං-අවශෝෂණයේ දුරාචාරය හෙළි කරයි. මෙම ස්වයං-අවශෝෂණය සෞන්දර්යයේ නොවැළැක්විය හැකි ප්‍රතිඑලයක් ලෙස පෙනේ. ඩොරියන් සිරගතව සිටින ආත්මයක  ප්‍රතිමූර්තියක් ලෙස දැකිය හැකිය.

 ඩෝරියන් ජීවත් වන්නේ හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා පැකිලීමකින් තොරව පවසන දෙයට අනුව ය. හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා ඩෝරියන්ව පොළඹවන වාචාල කතා තුළින් විපාක කෙරෙහි නොතැකීම හා සමස්තයක් වශයෙන් සදාචාරාත්මක ආකල්පයකි (ඩග්ගන්, 2010). ඔහුගේ හෙඩොනිස්ට් ජීවන රටාව ඔහුගේ මනස දූෂ්‍ය කරයි.  (හෙඩොනිස්වාදය යන්නෙන් අදහස් කරන්නේ කුමක්ද කියා ඔස්කා අවධාරනය කරයි , එනම් වික්ටෝරියානු සදාචාරය, සමාජ පිළිවෙල සහ පු-රිටනිස්වාදය ආධිපත්‍යයෙන් පිහිටුවන විට ඇති වූ ස්වයං-තෘප්තිය සඳහා දඩයම් කිරීමයි)  එසේ වුවද ඩොරියන්ට මානසික පරිණතභාවයට මුහුණ දිය නොහැක. ඩෝරියන්ගේ පරිහානියට හේතු වී ඇත්තේ කාලය මත රඳා පවතින මේරීම සහ බුද්ධිමය ප්‍රතිගාමීත්වයට එරෙහි ධීමත් ප්‍රතිපායනයයි ( Intellectual regression). 

ඩෝරියන්ගේ මූලික ගැටලුව වන්නේ ඔහු ආදරණීය බැඳීම් ඇති කිරීමට හෝ පවත්වා ගැනීමට අසමත් වීමයි. ඔහු තමාට සමීප සියලු මිනිසුන් පාවා දෙයි; ඔහු ඔවුන්ව විනාශ කරයි. වසර ගණනාවකට පසු අන් අයට හානියක් සිදු කරමින් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ ඔහුගේ සදාකාල ජීවනයට බැඳී ඇත. ඔහු කලකිරී ජීවතුන් අතර බැඳී සිටී. ඔහු අමරණීයභාවයේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත්වේ. වරදකාරී ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේ පින්තූරය විනාශ කිරීමට තීරණය කරයි.පින්තූරය ඔහුගේ හෘදය සාක්‍ෂිය විය.ඔහු පින්තූරය විනාශ කර අනිවාර්‍යයෙන්ම සියදිවි නසා ගනී.  

ඩොරියන් ග්‍රේගේ චරිතය තුළ මානසික ගැටුම් පවතී. මුලදී හෙන්රි  සාමිවරයා සහ බැසිල් විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද කඩාකප්පල් කිරීම සහ හැසිරවීම ඩෝරියන්ගේ අභ්‍යන්තර ගැටුම පිළිබිඹු කරයි. බැසිල්ගේ මරණයෙන් පසු ඩෝරියන් සැමවිටම වරදකාරිත්වයෙන් යටපත් විය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ මානසික ගැටුම සුපිරි ඊගෝ පැතිකඩෙහි පවතී. ඔහු බැසිල්ගේ බලපෑමට ලක්වූ සුපිරි ඊගෝගේ මනසෙහි සිරවී ඇත. ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ්ගේ   එකම නවකතාව සාහිත්‍යය පිළිබඳ මනෝ විශ්ලේෂණ කියවීමක් සඳහා අධ්‍යයනයක් සපයන අතර ෆ්‍රොයිඩ්ගේ න්‍යායන් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේව දීප්තිමත් මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක සන්දර්භයක් තුළ තබයි. මනෝවිශ්ලේෂණය තුළින් පාඨකයා  ඔහුව සොයාගන්නේ නොසැලකිලිමත් මනංකල්පිතයක් වෙනුවට තරුණයෙකුගේ කරදරකාරී මනස තුළ ය.      

ඩොරියන්ගේ චරිතය අහිංසක ස්වභාවයේ සිට  ආත්මාර්ථකාමී පුද්ගලයෙකු බවට රූපාන්තරණය ඔස්කා පෙන්වා දෙයි. හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා හමුවීම තෙක් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ පිරිසිදු මිනිසෙකි. පසුකාලීනව නාර්සිස්ටික් පෞරුෂත්ව ආබාධය ඩෝරියන්ගේ ආකල්ප කෙරෙහි ඇති වෙනස්කම් ලෙස පෙන්වා දිය හැකිය.  ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ ඉවසීම සහ ධෛර්යය ඔහුට ජීවිතයේ ගැටලු හමුවේ ඔහුට හැකි තරම් ශක්තිමත් වීමට ඉඩ සලසයි. එහෙත්, ඔහුගේ ඉවසීම අවසන් වූ විට, ඔහුගේ ප්‍රතික්‍රියාව අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම සන්සුන් භාවය සහ සමානාත්මතාවය නොවේ. එවැනි කැළඹීමක දී, ඔහු සුන්දරත්වය හා ශුභවාදී හැඟීම නැති කර ගැනීම සඳහා සමාජයේ ඇති බාධක වලින් පවා නිදහස් වේ.

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ නවකතාව ඇතැමෙකු හඳුන්වන්නේ සෞන්දර්යාත්මක වටිනාකම්වලට අනුකූලව ජීවත්වීමේ වටිනාකම පිළිබඳ පැහැදිලි ප්‍රකාශයක් ලෙස ය.  ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ එපිකියුරියන් ජීවන රටාව වැලඳ ගනී. සතුට යනු ජීවිතයේ පදනම හා හේතුව යන දෙකම බව ඔහු දැන ගනී. වයිල්ඩ් විශ්වාස කළේ එපිකියුරියන්වාදයට යමෙකු මරණ බිය හා අද්භූත දේවලින් නිදහස් කළ හැකි බවයි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, එපිකියුරියන්වාදයේ දර්ශනය – ජීවිතයේ එකම හෝ ප්‍රධාන යහපත ලෙස පුද්ගල විනෝදය පිළිබඳ ආචාර ධර්මය මුල් ක්‍රිස්තියානි ධර්මය සහ සමහර නැගෙනහිර ආගම් විසින් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ලදී. එපිකියුරියන්වාදය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කර පාපයක් ලෙස සලකනු ලැබීය. නමුත්  ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් අවධාරණය කළේ සැබෑ සතුට ලැබිය යුත්තේ මිනිසාගේ සුන්දරත්වය පසුපස හඹා යාමෙන් බවයි.

ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ චරිතය සහ ඔහුගේ ගැඹුරු පරිහානියේ කතාව තනිකරම සෞන්දර්යාත්මක ජීවිතවල ශක්‍යතාව පරීක්ෂා කරන සිද්ධි අධ්‍යයනයක් සපයයි.19 වන සියවසේ සාහිත්‍ය විචාරකයින්ගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ දුටුවේ සදාචාරාත්මක අපිරිසිදු කෘතියක් ලෙස ය. සමහර වික්ටෝරියානු සදාචාරවාදීන් 1857 සිට අසභ්‍ය ප්‍රකාශනවලට එරෙහිව ඔහුට නීතිය යටතේ නඩු පැවරීමට උත්සාහ කළහ. එහිදී ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් මෙසේ ලිවීය ; සදාචාරය යනු හුදෙක් අප සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අකමැති පුද්ගලයන් කෙරෙහි අප අනුගමනය කරන ආකල්පයයි.”

 ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් සිය නවකතාවේ සමලිංගිකත්වය නොපැහැදිලි ලෙස සාකච්ඡා කළ අතර ඔහු ඇඟවුම් කරන්නේ බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් සහ ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ අතර සමලිංගික සම්බන්ධතාවයක් ඇති බවයි. සෞන්දර්යයට පුරුෂයින් අතර සමජාතීය හැඟීම් වෙස්වළා ගත හැකි වුවද, ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ පින්තූරයේ නවකතාවේ සමජාතීයතාවයේ පැහැදිලි ප්‍රකාශ කිසිවක් අඩංගු නොවේ. අනෙක් අතට බැසිල් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ සමඟ සමීප වේ. එය  ප්ලේටෝනික ආදරයකට වඩා වැඩි ය.  නීතිමය ප්‍රතිවිපාක වළක්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ කෘතියේ සමරිසික කථා වස්තුව සැඟවීමට ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් සුවිශේෂී උත්සහයක් දරයි.  

ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්  ද ද්විත්ව ජීවිතයක් ගත කරමින් සිටියේය. ඔහු ජීවත් වූයේ ඔහුගේ නවකතාවේ බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් සහ හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා වැනි ය. වයිල්ඩ් ප්‍රකාශ කළ පරිදි බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් යනු මා යැයි සිතන දෙයයි: හෙන්රි සාමිවරයා ලෝකය මා ගැන සිතන දේ කියා වරක් ප්‍රකශ කලේය. නවකතාවේ බැසිල් පවසන්නේ මා ජීවත්ව සිටින තාක් කල් ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ පෞරුෂය මා කෙරෙහි ආධිපත්‍යය දරනු ඇති” බවයි. ඊට අනුරූපව ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස්ගේ (ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස් ඔස්කාර් ගේ යෞවන සමරිසි සහකරුවා  විය.  ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස් හමුවීමට පෙර  ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්ට සමලිංගික ආවේගයන් තිබුණි. නමුත් ඔහු කොන්ස්ටන්ස් මේරි ලොයිඩ් සමඟ විවාහ වූ අතර ඔහුට දරුවන් දෙදෙනෙක් සිටියේය. ) පෞරුෂය ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්ගේ මරණය දක්වාම ආධිපත්‍යය දැරීය.  ඔස්කාර්ගේ පරිහානියට ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් වගකිව යුත්තේ ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස් ය. සමලිංගික ගණිකාවන්ට ඔහු ඔස්කාර්ට හඳුන්වා දුන් අතර පසුව ඔවුන් ඔහුට එරෙහිව සාක්ෂි දුන්නේය. නින්දා සහගත නඩු විභාගය ලේඛකයාට ව්‍යසනයක් විය. වයිල්ඩ්ගේ නඩු විභාගය ප්‍රංශයේ ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩ්‍රෙෆස්ගේ යුදෙව්-විරෝධී මායා දඩයම සමග සමපාත විය. වයිල්ඩ්ගේ කලාත්මක ජීවන රටාව සහ ඔහුගේ සමලිංගිකත්වය බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අධිරාජ්‍යයටත් අර්ජනයක් ලෙස හඳුන්වනු ලැබීය.

 ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් වික්ටෝරියානු සංවේදීතාවන්ට දැඩි ලෙස අභියෝග කළේය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේගේ පින්තූරයේ ඔහු සාකච්ඡා කළ පරිදි, ඔස්කාර් සහ ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස් ඔවුන්ගේ පුද්ගලික සදාචාරාත්මක හා සදාචාරාත්මක කේතයන් ඔවුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාවන්ට හා ආශාවන්ට ගැලපෙන පරිදි සකස් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කළහ. නමුත් එය විනාශකාරී විය. නවකතාවේ දී මෙන් බැසිල් හෝල්වර්ඩ් (ඔස්කාර්) සිරගත වීමෙන් හා ස්වයං පිටුවහල් කිරීමෙන් පසු විනාශ විය. ඩෝරියන් ග්‍රේ (ඇල්ෆ්‍රඩ් ඩග්ලස්) බංකොලොත් බව ප්‍රකාශ කර 1945 දී මිය ගියේය.  

 මැතිව් ආර්නෝල්ඩ්, සංස්කෘතිය සහ අරාජිකත්වය” යන රචනාවේදී හෙන්රි සාමිවරයාගේ සෞන්දර්යයේ ආචාරධර්මවලට එරෙහිව තර්කානුකූලව කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරයි. ආර්නෝල්ඩ් අවධානය යොමු කරන්නේ සමාජයට එහි අහිතකර බලපෑම් සහ සෞන්දර්යාත්මක ප්‍රවණතා නිසි ලෙස පාලනය වන විට සමාජීය දියුණුව සඳහා ඇති හැකියාව පිළිබඳව ය.    ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් සෞන්දර්යය සඳහා කේන්ද්‍රීය චරිතයක් වූ බව තර්ක කිරීම අවශ්‍ය නොවේ. ඔස්කා  වයිල්ඩ් තමා වෙනුවෙන් කළ ලොකුම ප්‍රකාශය නම්, ඔහු සෞන්දර්‍යය පිළිබඳ උත්තම පූජකයෙකු බවත්, සුන්දරත්වයට ඇති සබඳතා සහ සුන්දරත්වය ජීවිතයට හා කලාවට, ජීවිතයට හා සදාචාරයට ලෝකයට ලබා දීම පිළිබඳ නව පණිවිඩයක් ඔහුට ඇති බවත් ය. සෞන්දර්යය මත පදනම් වූ ජීවන රටාවක් වයිල්ඩ්ගේ ආරම්භක පෙරවදනෙහි මෙන්ම හෙන්රි සාමිවරයාගේ දේශන පුරාම දක්නට ලැබේ. වයිල්ඩ් සහ ආර්නෝල්ඩ් අතර එකඟතාවයක් ඇති බව පෙනේ; වයිල්ඩ්ගේ නවකතාව තනිකරම සෞන්දර්යාත්මක ජීවිතය පිළිබඳ අසාර්ථක උදාහරණයක් සපයන අතර විශාල සමාජයකට පරිමාණය කළ විට ඒ හා සමාන  ප්‍රතිඑලයක් තේරුම්ගත හැකි ලෙස අපේක්ෂා කෙරේ.   

වයිල්ඩ්ගේ ප්‍රතිලෝම පෞරුෂය  ඔහුගේ බුද්ධිය හා සංවේදීතාව මුවහත් කර ගත් අතර ගතානුගතික වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජයට එරෙහිව ජීවිත කාලය පුරාම යුද්ධයකට” ඔහුව පොළඹවා ගත්තේය . ඔහුගේ ජීවිත කාලය පුරාම  ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් ඔහුගේ අනන්‍යතාවය සහ ලිංගික දිශානතිය සමඟ පොරබදයි. තමාට සමලිංගිකත්වය කෙරෙහි නැඹුරුවක් ඇති බව ඔහු දැන සිටියේය.  ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ් සඳහා, අනන්‍යතාවය ප්‍රධාන අංග දෙකකින් සමන්විත වේ, එනම් ඉන්ද්‍රිය ගෝචර විනෝදය සහ සදාචාරාත්මක ව්‍යාධි සහ ඔහුගේ සදාචාරාත්මක විශ්වයේ මෙම මූලද්‍රව්‍ය දෙක සාමාන්‍යයෙන් එකිනෙකට විරුද්ධව පිහිටුවා ඇත.

 ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ්ගේ ලිංගික දිශානතිය ද්වි ලිංගික  (bisexual) ලෙස සටහන් විය. මැකේනා (2003) ට අනුව වයිල්ඩ් වයස අවුරුදු 16 දී ඔහුගේ සමලිංගිකත්වය පිළිබඳව දැන සිටියේය.   ඔස්කා වයිල්ඩ්  ගේ ප්‍රීතිමත් කුමාරයා  (The Happy Prince ) යනු සමලිංගිකයන් දෙදෙනෙකු අතර සංකේතාත්මක කතාවකි. ප්‍රීතිමත් කුමාරයා තුළ ස්ත්‍රීත්වය පිළිබඳ සියුම් නිරූපණයන් පවතින අතර ඔස්කාර්ගේ පරීක්ෂාවෙන් ගම්‍ය වන්නේ ප්‍රීතිමත් කුමාරයා යනු පිරිමි ශරීරයක හෝ යුරේනියානු ජාතිකයෙකුගේ කාන්තා මනෝභාවයක් ඇති අයෙකු බවයි. දෙදෙනාම කිසි විටෙකත් තම ජීවිතයේ ප්‍රීතිය අත්විඳ නැති අතර එකිනෙකා මුණගැසෙන තුරු. ඔවුන් එකිනෙකා සමඟ මුණගැසීම ඔවුන්ගේ සැබෑ ලිංගික දිශානතිය සොයා ගැනීමට උපකාරී වූ අතර ඔවුන් දැඩි ලෙස බැඳී සිටිති.

 වයිල්ඩ්ගේ අනෙක් කතාව වන ආත්මාර්ථකාමී යෝධයා ද ඔහුගේ සමලිංගික මනස් ඍෂ්ටියන් මත පදනම් විය. එය ළමා කතාවක් වුවද, එය වික්ටෝරියානු යුගයේ සමලිංගිකත්වය පෙන්නුම් කරයි.  කතාවට අනුව, ආත්මාර්ථකාමී යෝධයා (වික්ටෝරියානු සදාචාරවාදීන්) ළමයින් (LGBT ප්‍රජාව) තමන් ගේ උද්‍යානයෙන් පලවා හරියි . වසන්තය එහි නොපැමිණෙන බැවින් එය සෑම විටම උද්‍යානයේ ශ්‍රීත ඍතුව පැවතුනි. (ඔස්කාර් පෙන්වා දෙන පරිදි සමාජ සීමාවන් හා මර්දනයන් අනුගමනය කරමින් LGBT ප්‍රජාවට   පීඩා කරනු ලබන අතර ඔවුන් නිර්දය ලෙස දුක් විඳින අතර ඔවුන්ගේ ජීවිතවල ප්‍රීතියක් නොලැබුණි). එක් උදෑසනක, දරුවෙකු (ඔස්කාර් තමා ගැන සඳහන් කරමින්) වසන්තය නැවත ගෙන ආ අතර, යෝධයාගේ හදවත හිම සමඟ දියවී ගියේය (මෙය ඔහුගේ අභ්‍යන්තර පැතුම විය හැකිය ;වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජය LGBTඅයිතිවාසිකම් තේරුම් ගෙන පීඩාකාරී සමලිංගික නීති  අවසන් කරනු ඇත).  

 කෙසේ වෙතත් ඔහුගේ උත්සාහය අසාර්ථක විය. 1895 දී සමලිංගික අපරාධ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වරදකරු වීමෙන් පසු ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් වසර දෙකක් සිරගත කරන ලදී.ඔහු නිදහස් වීමෙන් පසු අවමානයට ලක්වූ  ඔස්කාර් වයිල්ඩ් වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජයෙන් නෙරපා හරින ලදී. ඔහුගේ මව් රට ඔහුව පිටුවහල් කළේය. වයිල්ඩ් 1900 දී පැරීසියේදී මිය යන විට වයස අවුරුදු 46 කි. වික්ටෝරියානු සමාජයට වයිල්ඩ්ගේ දරුණු විරුද්ධාභාෂයන් දරාගත නොහැකි විය. ඔහු මර්දනකාරී හා විනිශ්චය කරන සමාජ බලවේගයන්ගේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත්විය. ඔහුගේ ජීවිතය ඉකරස් කතාවට කදිම නිදසුනකි. ඔහු සූර්‍යයාට ආසන්නව පියාසර කළ අතර ඔහු පොළොවට වැටුණේය.  

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග 

 Works Cited

Arnold, Matthew. Culture and Anarchy.” The Picture of Dorian Gray. Ed. Andrew Elfenbein. NY: Pearson Longman, 2007. 276–279.

Brown, Julia Prewitt. Cosmopolitan Criticism: Oscar Wilde’s Philosophy of Art. Charlottesville: Virginia UP. 1997. Print.

 Ellman, Richard. Oscar Wilde. New York: Random House. 1987. Print.

Jayatunge R.M. Between Litrature and Psychology ; Godage Sri Lanka. 2017.

Wilde, Oscar. The Picture of Dorian Gray. Ed. Andrew Elfenbein. NY: Pearson Longman, 2007.