KAMALIKA PIERIS
Among certain segments of Colombo urban middle
class, Mahinda Rajapaksa emerged as the most controversial and most hated ruler
in post independent Sri Lanka, said Kusal Perera. Yet in suburban and rural Sinhala south he
‘carried his charm over ordinary Sinhala people’ and polled a massive 5.78
million votes in 2015. How did he grow into this larger than life icon in
Sinhala politics.
Kusal Perera in his book Rajapaksa the
Sinhala selfie” tells us how. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s grandfather, Rajapaksalage
Don Davith, originally from Halgahapotha in present Embilipitiya area, was
vidane arachchi of Ihala Welikada korale now known as Giruwa Pattu. He married
into the Weerakoon Ratnayake clan of Getamanna, Beliatta. This was a linking of
two petty village nobilities. Rajapaksa family was a landowning one with paddy fields and coconut plantations.
Don David
Rajapaksa’s son Don Mathew Rajapaksa, Mahinda Rajapaksa uncle, was elected to
the Hambantota seat in the State Council in 1936. Don Mathew died in 1945 and
at the resulting by-election his brother D.A. (Don Alwin) Rajapaksa, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s father, was elected
without a contest.D.A. Rajapaksa was thereafter elected MP for
Beliatta in the 1947 General election. D.A. Rajapaksa was associated
wih SWRD Bandaranaike when the SLFP was formed in 1951. DA was a ‘quiet and unseen character’ in SLFP
politics, said Kusal Perera.
DA’s
son Mahinda Rajapaksa is the third in a family of seven. He grew up in
Medamulana, a hamlet in Weeraketiya, in the Matara district. He attended Richmond
College, Nalanda
College and Thurstan College from where he did his O” levels and left
school. ‘He was a popular youth idling in Colombo with many
friends to roam with,’ said Kusal.
A relative who was the Registrar at Sri
Jayewardenepura University took him in as a library assistant there. The JVP
was firmly installed in that university. Mahinda knew this group, whowere also from villages in the south. According to Kusal Perera,
Rajapaksa had participated
in trade union work. He was made the Branch secretary of the Ceylon Mercantile
Union. ( Kusal Perera p 15)
D.A. Rajapaksa , Mahinda’s father died in
1967. Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike,
attending the three months dane,
offered the now vacant post of SLFP
party organizer in Beliatte to the sons. Chamal was employed so their
mother suggested that it be given to Mahinda. In 1968 Mahinda Rajapaksa took
over his father’s position as the SLFP organizer. He was barely 21. ‘Politics was nothing new to the Rajapaksas
and to Mahinda’, observed Kusal.
Mahinda Rajapaksa
was thereafter elected to Parliament in 1970 on the SLFP ticket, as the youngest Member of Parliament, at just
24.
He was carefully watched by his mother as he prepared for the 1970 election,
said Kusal. Mahinda’s mother had been
the wife of a rural politician and knew
the culture. She told Mahinda not to drink in his new job.
While in Parliament, Mahinda , probably for
the first and last time in his
life, turned seriously to studies. He
studied law at the Sri Lanka Law
College and took
oaths as an attorney-at-law in November 1977.
It appears that Mahinda Rajapaksa
has pursued a legal practice running parallel to his politics. We did not know this.
Throughout his parliamentary career, except for
the period from 1994–2001 when he was a minister, he continued his law practice
in Tangalle, said Wikipedia. He
appeared in the
Magistrates courts in Embilipitiya, Hambantota and Tangalle. He was in
close touch wih Colombo lawyers
such as CR de Silva and Tivanka
Wickremasinghe, said Kusal Perera. Mahinda had a very close
personal relationship with Tivanka and often sought advice for his own cases.
In 1977 Mahinda Rajapaksa lost his Beliatta
seat in the landslide defeat of the SLFP. But by this time, according to Kusal, Rajapaksa
had cultivated ‘for himself , a social space among influential
personalities in Colombo as an outgoing
, young, friendly figure”. Till 1989, Rajapaksa
was an obscure politician in the south, engaging in his law practice, said
Kusal.
In 1983 Rajapaksa married the very pretty
Shiranthi Wickremasinghe. She has been Miss Sri Lanka in 1973. Rajapaksa has
been blessed with a happy marriage and a stable family life. When he took oaths
as Prime Minister in 2004, the media commented on the demeanor of his three
sons, who were very young at the time. The media said that they did not even
know that Mahinda Rajapaksa had three
sons until the sons made an appearance at the father’s swearing in. At
Rajapaksa first swearing in as President,
his wife and sons stood quietly as he signed and promptly returned to
their seats as instructed.
In 1989, Rajapaksa
was elected to Parliament to represent Hambantota District. He started to develop contacts in Colombo. In
the early 1990s Rajapaksa was making late night stopovers at different places
In Colombo to meet different persons not necessarily directly involved in
politics, said Kusal. At Sravasthi Rajapaksa
met both government and opposition politicians. He mixed with politicians ‘of
difference hues.’ He had a good rapport
with the Communist Party politicians but not with the LSSP, said Kusal. He also
met loyal SLFP business men.
1991 and 1992 were important and successful
years for Mahinda Rajapaksa as an Opposition MP, said Kusal Perera. They were
the years that established Mahinda as a national political leader, within
anti-UNP politics. He was sought after by numerous groups and trade unions to
campaign against the Premadasa government. In
the process, Rajapaksa was dragged into issues he was
not familiar with but was compelled to take on, such as privatization of public
enterprises, cost of living, inflation. This would have been a valuable learning experience for him.
He was not a very articulate speaker In Parliament, but
he was a very provocative anti
–Premadasa presence in the Opposition, said Kusal. He obtained information from varied sources.
Editor of Desathiya ‘dropped in’ to give Mahinda some information
for his speech in parliament on the
budget debate of 1992. He
had very good rapport with journalists, and they gave good coverage to his
outbursts in Parliament.
In 1992 Rajapaksa launched a very successful
‘Pada Yatra’ from Colombo to Kataragama. At
Kataragama people had come the previous night and had camped along the route. A
Saaravita betel seller who travelled the whole length of the Pada yathra from
day one, gave Rs 200 for the Pada Yathra and went away saying he would pray for
Mahinda mahattaya.
The ‘Kurahan
satakaya’ which his uncle, D.M. Rajapaksa had introduced into politics, was
first worn by Mahinda Rajapaksa at the
Pada Yathra. ‘Kurahan satakaya’
was an earthy brown
shawl worn by Rajapaksa’s uncle D. M. Rajapaksa, State Councilor for Hambantota in the 1930s, to
represent the kurakkan cultivated by the people of his area.
This Pada Yathra energized
the SLFP and the anti UNP voter. it transformed
Rajapaksa from a provincial leader to a national leader. Mahinda
after Pada Yathra was a crowd puller in high demand at election rallies in all
provinces.’ Rajapaksa followed up the Pada
Yathra with a successful Jana Gosha at Lipton square in Colombo.
The 1990s was period of conflict in the SLFP.
The disagreements between Sirimavo, Chandrika and Anura helped Mahinda
Rajapaksa. It ‘gave him a leap within
the party as one who strived to keep the party together ‘The southern SLFP
voter looked towards Mahinda in the absence of leadership from the Bandaranaikes.
By 1994 Rajapaksa
had ‘his presence felt very much in the south’ and was certain of returning to Parliament
as a formidable cabinet minister if the SLFP won. The
SLFP won and in 1994 Rajapaksa was appointed Minister of Labor.
Rajapaksa proved ‘a very charming negotiator in handling labor disputes’ and a
popular labor minister both among the trade unionists and the employers.’ He
initiated a National Workers Charter. He
had EPF under him. He was also
picking
up ideas that could make him a popular minister among the public, added Kusal.
In 1997, following a cabinet reshuffle, his portfolio
was changed to Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources. He
immediately set about using the Fisheries portfolio for his populist politics,
said Kusal. He refused the
position of General Secretary of SLFP saying it would make him a peon
delivering statements of Chandrika. He focused instead on the Maha sangha. He
was ‘working stealthily toward winning over the leading Buddhist monks,’ said Kusal.
In 2000,
President Kumaratunga mooted a new Constitution, greatly influenced by Neelan
Thiruchelvam, and promoting power sharing and devolution. It raised much
concern among the Sinhalese. The Maha
sangha were getting
ready to object to the draft. According
to Kusal, Rajapaksa led the opposition to this draft constitution. The draft
was withdrawn and Rajapaksa‘s stature grew. ‘Within
the Sinhala Buddhist psyche in the SLFP, both within and without the
Parliament, Rajapaksa was looked for as
their leader” said Kusal.
In
2001, Rajapaksa became Leader of the Opposition. But he was not much in the spotlight,
said Kusal. He was cultivating an image as a moderate Sinhala leader. SLFP was
at the time in disarray under Chandrika. Mahinda played a very calculated game,
neither supporting nor disturbing, said Kusal. Mahinda stayed firmly with the SLFP.
By 2004 the
‘Sinhala factor’ had got a new southern twist. Sinhala leadership should come
from the south. The Sinhala business and trader community of the south wanted this. This helped Rajapaksa stake a
claim for the Prime Minister ship, said Kusal.
After the Parliamentary Elections of 2004 Rajapaksa was sworn in as Sri
Lanka’s 13th Prime Minister.
He was
President of Sri Lanka from 2005 to 2015. He definitely made a lasting contribution to
the country. He ended the Eelam war,
initiated and completed many major infrastructure projects. Rajapaksa was
defeated in the premature Presidential elections called by Rajapaksa in
2015. The western powers which were
responsible for this defeat were relieved, they thought that was the end of
Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brothers.
Then something
unexpected happened. The public wanted Rajapaksa back. Rajapaksa ‘s popularity grew by leaps and bounds after his defeat, totally
eclipsing the position of Sirisena, Chandrika
or Ranil. His admirers were no longer confined to the rural south. The urban elites
also recognized his contribution. A new political party, created around Mahinda Rajapaksa came into being in 2018, the
Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, also known
as Pohottuwa. Rajapaksa now had his very own political
party.
The attitude towards Rajapaksa is ambivalent.
He gets many left handed compliments. D.B.
Wijetunge did not create a heroic role around himself with celebration and public speeches. when
he cleared the east, said Kusal Perera.
Sri Lanka would have become another Iraq or Libya since MR had antagonized US,
UK and EU said S.B.Dissanayake. SB
conceded that Rajapaksa was a great leader. ‘He ended terrorism and
developed the economy between 2005 and 2010,
then went berserk.’
It must be
admitted that there was the usual
political influence during Rajapaksa rule. I was told of certain appointments
to a bank, (I think it was Bank of Ceylon),
where a set of new recruits had been interviewed and selected. Then a
young member of the Rajapaksa family, ( name withheld) had turned up, ordered
that the full list be discarded and his nominees be appointed. On a visit to Anuradhapura , the young taxi driver who took us around said
that he had been selected after interview for a particular position, They heard
nothing thereafter, and on making inquires found that the project had already
started with a new set of appointees.
‘I voted for Hansaya’ he said.
There are too
many buildings carrying his name, said critics.
There is the Mahinda Rajapaksa Port at Magampura
, Rajapaksa International Airport, Mattala
and the Mahinda
Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium. This is sneered at as egoistical and low. But
Sri Lanka also has Senanayake Samudra ( DS Senanayake) Bandaranaike
international airport, Katunayake, ( SWRD) Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference
Hall ( Sirimavo). The profusion of ‘Mahinda Rajapaksa ‘ buildings is
because he completed more major projects, in a very short time, than all the other heads of state put
together.
Rajapaksa’s
success as a statesman has not been studied
academically, ( it is too soon
for this, anyway) largely because in elite circles he is seen as a country bumpkin, an ignorant fellow, a corrupt rogue, incapable of delivering anything effectively,
much less run a country. On the other hand, the real corrupt rogues, suave, elite,
westernized, as well as politicians who
for years have acted as agents of western countries, are lovingly presented as cultured, honest, statesmen who should be
admired.
Here are some
of the qualities that made Rajapaksa successful. Rajapaksa had the ability to handpick suitable people. He brought in Palitha Kohona, Secretary, Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, 2006 to 2009. Kohona, who had a doctorate
from University of Cambridge, was at
the time Chief of the United Nations Treaty Section in New York. Earlier Kohona
had worked in the Department of
Foreign Affairs and Trade of Australia. Kohona
therefore had academic standing and international exposure. When
interviewed via satellite, Kohona once
told BBC interviewer Stephen Sackur not to interrupt him till he, Kohona,
finished answering Sackur’s question. Sackur
shut up.
Rajapaksa also received much support from within his own family.
His brothers, Chamal, Gotabhaya and Basil also participated in government . They were members of Parliament,
not by appointment but through popular elections. They made positive
contributions. This is something very rare and should be recognized as such. It
may be a world record.
Basil was
considered a fine organizer, who improved Gampaha. Chamal was a good Speaker of Parliament ,and Gotabhaya is much admired for his military
and civilian work. All the new foreign investments established
in Colombo were Gotabhaya’s achievements, said Rohana Wasala. Dutch Hospital
Shopping Precinct in Colombo is a flourishing modern shopping centre today.” People ran to Gotabhaya whenever they had a problem. One example was the ancient boat
found at Godawaya. it was going
on yet another journey. This time
to a western country.
Gotabhaya
Rajapaksa was interviewed by the New
Indian Express in 2018. Tell me about your two brothers
,Mahinda and Basil, who served as advisor to Mahinda
when he was President. How often do you talk to each other? What is the secret
behind this relatively tussle-free relationship in power, the interviewer
asked. We always work as a team replied Gotabhaya. We think about the
country. During the war,we used to
interact more often. This unity comes from our earlier days, what our
father taught us.
Rajapaksa interviewed
by Island was also asked the same
question. What is the role of your two
brothers Gotabhaya and Basil in your political and personal life. Rajapaksa
replied “Ours has always been a very united family. Gotabhaya and Basil
came from overseas to help me in my presidential election campaign in 2005 and
on my request, they both stayed back to help me administer the country. I did
not get them involved in my government simply because they were my brothers,
but because they had abilities that the country could use. I think they both
proved themselves in the tasks they undertook. Both have made their mark. We have never had any falling out among
ourselves. After I lost power in January 2015, both have
faced persecution by this government.
Mahinda Rajapaksa, it appears, actually knows
what is going on. Nahil Wijesooriya said
in interview, Interestingly, one day I met President Mahinda Rajapaksa who had
come to the Inter Continental hotel for a wedding or conference and was coming
out of the lift. He said I heard you are trying to sell the hotel, don’t do
it, in another three months the price will go through the roof.” I took his
advice – the war was over – and I made a packet. best Investment advice I have
ever received! Puts my stock and bank advisers in the shade!”
Rajapaksa ‘s public relations is excellent. We
last saw this at his son, Rohitha’s wedding. The wedding
ceremony, which was attended by everybody who is somebody in Sri Lanka and the
people of the area, had an estimated guest count of well over 5,000 — easily
the largest in the past many decades, reported the media. Rajapaksa had invited a member of every household from the
village. An emissary of his went from house to house to invite them. There was also a separate enclosure for the drivers
bringing in the guests. The buffet
tables for them had the same food as in the main hall. (Concluded)