Defence Secretary’s unusual request to the expatriate Tamils

January 25th, 2019

RANJITH SOYSA Spokesperson SPUR Victoria

According to a recent report published , the Defence Secretary , Hemasiri Fernando has invited expatriate Tamils to contact the Defence Ministry to report about the credible atrocities committed by the security forces. This is indeed a strange attempt to offer sacrifices under the delusion that Mr Hemasiri Fernando is carrying out a noble task as the majority of vocal members of the expatriate Tamil community has been highly critical of Sri Lanka’s defence forces for having stopped the Eelam drive of the LTTE at Nandikadal. Therefore. the response to the Defence Secretary’s clarion call will result in further complications with obviously biased inputs. But, it is common knowledge that there is a substantial yet many questionable and some fabricated published reports which had been submitted by the expatriate Tamils to the UNHRC and by other well -known NGOs and also to Western Governments which the Defence Secretary have ready access to. He should go through  theses reports and start to consider to separate the facts from the fiction and to take  action. if at all is the priority at present.

At the same time let me draw his attention to the  documents such as the Census details in 2008/9/10 , LLRC conclusions , GSLF Re Appraisal report to OISL prepared by Sir Desmond De Silva, Prof D.M.Crane and Sir Geoffrey Nice and other authentic reports submitted by Lord Naseby and two senior officers of the UK and US army stationed in Sri Lanka  et about the ‘atrocities committed and the responsible steps taken  by the defence forces ‘ available to the  Government and to the Ministry of Defence. Further there are detailed article by Kath Noble, Dr Delgoda- Tammita and Dr Micheal Roberts about the numbers of Tamil civilians killed  said to have killed. If the defence secretary decides to comb out the issues he will realize that the members of our defence forces have gone that extra mile to protect tens of thousands of civilian lives in overcoming the terrorist LTTE.

We are awaiting for the Defence Secretary to go hard with the task of nailing the untruths about our defence forces as we are moved to know his keenness to hear the credible atrocities from the expatriate Tamils.

RANJITH SOYSA
Spokesperson SPUR Victoria

ඔරුමිත්ත නාඩු පොලිසිය වැඩ අරඹයි

January 25th, 2019

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

         දළදා වහන්සේ මුල්වරට වැඩම කලා යැයි ජන ප්‍රවාදගත නයාරු ලංකාතොට අසල ගුරුකන්ද රජමහ විහාරයට පසුගියදා ටී.එන්.ඒ. දේශපාලන අංශයෙන් බලහත්කාරකමක් සිදු විය. ගුරුකන්ද රජ මහ විහාරයේ වර්තමාන විහාරාධිපති කොළඹ මේධාලංකාර හිමියන් ගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් එහි බුදු පිළිම වහන්සේ නමක් ප්‍රතිෂ්ඨාපනය වීම ඊට හේතුවයි.දුරුතු මස තෛයිපොංගල් දිනයේ දී පන්සලට කඩා වැදුණු හිටපු උතුරු පළාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රී රවිහරන් ඇතුළු සියයක පමණ කණ්ඩායමක් ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේට සහ එහි දායකයන්ට බැණ තර්ජනය කරමින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් පන්සල් භූමිය තුළ මඩුවක් අටවා පොංගල් කිරිබත් උයා පන්සල් භූමියේ කෝවිලකට අත්තිවාරම් දමන්නට උත්සාහ දරා ඇත.මෙම සිද්දියෙන් පසු එතැනට කඩා වැදුණු ටී.එන්.ඒ. සංවිධානයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු කීප දෙනෙක්ද ආලම්පීල් කෝකිලායි පල්ලි වල පූජකයන්ද චාල්ස් නම් පූජකයාද එක්ව පන්සලට තිබෙන අයිතිය ගැන මේධාලංකාර හිමියන් ගෙන විමසා ඇති බව වාර්තා වේ. මෙම සිදු වීම අතරතුර උතුරේ ගංවතුරෙන් අනාථ වූ දෙමළ ජනතාවට සහනාධාර ලබා දීමට පැමිණි පූජ්‍ය පාහියන්ගල ආනන්ද සාගර හිමියන් ඇතුළු බෞද්ධ උපාසක උපාසික කණ්ඩායමක්ද උදෑසන ආහාර ගැනීමට මෙහි ළගා වී තිබේ.මෙම කණ්ඩායම සමග එක්ව පැමිණි මවුබිම මාධ්‍ය වේදී සපුමල් ජයසේන මහතාද එහි විය. විහාරස්ථානයේ සිදු වූ බලහත්කාරකම් ඔවුන් ඇස් පනාපිට දුටු අතර වහාම එහි අසල තිබෙන හමුදා කඳවුරේ අණදෙන නිළධාරීන් මැදිහත්ව මෙම කණ්ඩායම එතනින් ඉවත් කළ බවටද  මාධ්‍යෙව්දීන්ට ඡායාරූප ගැනීමට පවා ඉඩ නොදුන් බවටද වාර්තා වේ.

       මෙවැනි සිදු වීමක් දකුණේ සිදු වූවා නම් රජයේ මැති ඇමතිවරු බොහෝ දෙනෙකු එම සිදු වීමට එරෙහිව ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කිරීමට පැකිලෙන්නේ නැත. එසේම පොලිසිය වහාම මැදිහත්ව ගැටුමට මැදිහත් වූවන් අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට උසාවි නියෝග ගනී. නැතිනම් තහනම් නියෝග ගැනීමට පමා නොවේ. කූරගල උද්ඝෝෂණය මාවනැල්ල උද්ඝෝෂණය අවස්ථාවලදී පොලිසිය ගත් ක්ෂණික ක්‍රියාමාර්ග රාශියක් ගැන වාර්තා ඇත. දිගන ඇති වූ ගිනි තැබීම් සහ කොලාහලයේ දී අමිත් වීරසිංහ ඇතුළු පිරිස අත් අඩංගුවට පත් වන්නේ දේශපාලන හා සිවිල් අයිතිවාසිකම් පණත යටතේ ජාතිවාදය ඇවිස්සීමේ වරදකටයි. සෑහෙන කලක් මේ පිරිසට ඇප නොමැතිව බන්ධනාගාර ගතකොට තිබූ ආකාරයද සිහිපත් වේ. එහෙත් ගුරුකන්ද රජමහා විහාරයේ ඇති වූ ජාතිවාදී ගැටුම පොලිසිය විසින් දැක තිබෙන්නේ සාමය කඩ වීමේ අවස්ථාවක් ලෙසටයි. මෙම ගැටුම සම්බන්ධව විහාරාධිපති ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේ ගෙන් කට උත්තර ලබා ගත් මුලතිව් පොලිසිය බී වාර්තාවක් ගොනුකර දෙපාර්ශවයම 29 වනදා උසාවියට  කැඳවීමට නියෝගයක් නිකුත් කර තිබේ. කෝලාහලයක් සාමය කඩ වීමක් යනු සාමාන්‍ය යෙන් සමථ මණ්ඩලයක විසඳා ගැනීමට හැකි ප්‍රශ්ණයකි. එහෙත් මුලතිව් ගුරුකන්ද විහාරයේ සිදු වූයේ එය නොවේ. බලහත්කාරයෙන් ඇතිකළ ජාතිවාදී  සහ ආගම් වාදී ගැටුමකි.මේ සම්බන්ධව නීතිඥ නුවන් බෙල්ලන්තුඩාව මහතා මුලතිව් පොලිසියේ මූලස්ථාන පොලිස් පරීක්ෂක ලලිත් හෙට්ටිආරච්චි මහතා විමසීමේ දී ඔහු පවසා ඇත්තේ සිවිල් අයිතිවාසිකම් පණත යටතේ නඩු දැමීමට නම් නීතිපති විමසිය යුතු බවයි.එහෙත් අප දන්නා පරිදි දිගන සිද්දියේ දී පොලිසිය  විසින් නීතිපති විමසා නැත.

        ජනවාරි මස 27 වන දින මෙම විහාරයේ අභිනව පිළිමවහන්සේ නිරාවරණය කරලීමේ උත්සවය යෙදී තිබුණි. එම උත්සවයට අස්ගිරි පාරශවයේ මහානායක අති පූජ්‍ය වරකාගොඩ ඥානරතන නායක හිමියන්ට ද අනූනායක අති පූජ්‍ය වෙඩරුවේ උපාලි නා හිමියන්ටද ලේඛකාධිකාරී අති පූජ්‍ය මැදගම ධම්මානන්ද නා හිමියන්ටද ඇරයුම් කර තිබුණි. දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ  මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ඒ අතර වහා ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් ජනවාරි 29 වනදාට වන කැඳවීම අවලංගු කරමින් 24 වනදා උසාවියට කැඳවිය හැකි වන පරිදි මෝසමක් ගොනු කරගෙන තිබේ.    මෙම ක්‍රියාන්විතයේ අරමුණ වන්නට ඇත්තේ පිළිම වහන් සේ නිරාවරණය කරලීමේ උත්සවයට තහනම් නියෝග ගැනීමයි. පොලිසියද ටී.එන්.ඒ. මන්ත්‍රී වරුන්ට චෝදාන ගොනු නොකරම සාමය කඩවීමේ බී වාර්තාව ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ මෙවැනි තත්ත්වකට මග හදන්නටයි. මීට පෙරද මුලතිව් කුරුඳු මලේ පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථානයට ගිය පුරාවිද්‍යා කණ්ඩායමකට සහ සපුමල්තැන්න ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයේ ශාන්තබෝධි හිමියන්ට මුලතිව් පොලිසිය විසින් උසාවිය මගින් තහනම් නියෝග ගෙන තිබුණි.එම සිද්දියට ද මුල් වූයේ රවිහරන් මන්ත්‍රීවරයාමය.ඔහු ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේට බාධාකරමින් ජාතිවාදී ලෙසට හැසිරී තිබුණි. කෙසේ වෙතත් 27 වනදාට යෙදී තිබුණු පිළිම වහන්සේ නිරාවරණය කිරීමේ  උත්සවය වහා වෙනස් කොට මෙම මස විසිතුන් වන දිනට එම උත්සවය ගනිමින්  අස්ගිරි පාර්ශවයේ අනුනායක අති පූජ්‍ය ආනමඩුවේ ධම්මදස්සී නායක හිමියන් ඇතුළු ගෞරවනීය මහා සංඝරත්නය අතින්  පිළිම වහන්සේ විවෘත කරන්නට යෙදුණු බවද මෙහිදී සඳහන් කළ යුතුය..

        යෝජිත නව ව්‍යවස්ථාව සඳහා සකස්ව තිබෙන පසුගියදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරපිත් කරන ලද ව්‍යවස්ථා කොටුම්පතේ නීතිය සහ සාමය කොටසේ 254 වගන්තිය ප්‍රකාරව පළාත් බද පොලීසියක් සහ ජාතික පොලිසියක් නිර්මාණය වේ. එවිට  පළාත් නමයකට පොලිසි කොටස් නවයක්ද අග නගරයට එක් පොලිසියක්ද වශයෙන් කොටස් දහයකට කැඩෙනු ඇත. ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදකයන් විසින් ඒකීය රට  ඔරුමිත්ත නාඩුවක් වශයෙන් නම්කර ඇත . පොලිසි දහයක් නිර්මාණය වන විට ඔරුමිත්තනාඩුව ට පිළි ගැනීමක් සහ නීතිමය වටිනාකමක් හිමිවේ.දැන් මුලතිවු ගුරුකන්ද විහාරයේ ඇති වූ සිද්දිය පොලිසිය මගින් කළමනාකරණය කරන්නේ රටේ මූලික නීතියට පටහැනිව පළාත් බද පොලිසීයක් ලෙසටයි. පොලිසියට අණ දෙන්නේද උපදෙස් දෙන්නේද නීතිය අතට ගෙන කටයුතු කරන්නේද දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රී වරුන්ය. පූජ්‍ය අගුලුගල්ලේජිනානන්ද හිමියන් විසින්කොළඹ පොලිස් මූලස්ථානයේ මේ සම්බන්ධව  ගොනුකළ පැමිණිල්ලද කොළඹ ජාතික පොලිසිය  විසින් මේ වනතුරුම විභාගයට ගෙන නොමැත.එහෙයින් ව්‍යවස්ථා ලියවිල්ල සම්මත කර ගැනීමට ද ප්‍රථම මේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ උතුරේ පළාත් බද පොලිස් නීතිය බව පැහැදිලිව කිව හැකි වී තිබේ.

         පොලිසිය බිහි වන්නේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සම්ප්‍රදාය අනුව ඔවුන්ගේ තිඹිරි ගෙයක බැවින් එහි හැඩය වටිනාකම් සහ සම්ප්‍රදායයන්  කෙරෙහි දේශීයත්වයක් අතැයි පවසන්නට නොහැකිය. පොලිස්  නම් ඉංග්‍රීසි වචනය සකස් වීමට ගැනෙන මුල් අකුරු වල වගන්ති අරුත අනුව එහි මහාර්ඝ වැදගත්කමක් තිබුණද  යටත් විජිත සමයේ සිටම පොලිසිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වූ ආකාරය දෙස බලන කල්හි එම ආයතනයේ මූලික අරමුණු වලින් ඉවත් වී දේශපාලන පක්ෂපාතීත්තවය උදෙසාම ක්‍රියාත්මක වී ඇති බව පෙන්වා දිය හැකිය. දැන් එහි ජාතික වටිනාකමද අහෝසි වී වර්ගවාදී පළාත් බද පොලිසියක් තත්ත්වයට වැටී තිබේ. යහපාලන රජයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාමය විප්ලවය මගින් අරමුණු කරගන්නේ මෙවැනි වර්ගවාදී පෙරළියක් නම් මුලු රටටම පළාත් බද පාතාලයන් ගේ පිහිට පමණක් ඉතුරු වන බව පැවසිය යුතුයි.

 

Constitutional reform in Sri Lanka

January 25th, 2019

By ASOKA BANDARAGE Courtesy Asian Times

Neuroscience Has a Lot To Learn from Buddhism

January 25th, 2019

A scientist and a monk compare notes on meditation, therapy, and their effects on the brain

Can training the mind make us more attentive, altruistic, and serene? Can we learn to manage our disturbing emotions in an optimal way? What are the transformations that occur in the brain when we practice meditation? In a new book titled Beyond the Self, two friends—Matthieu Ricard, who left a career as a molecular biologist to become a Buddhist monk in Nepal, and Wolf Singer, a distinguished neuroscientist—engage in an unusually well-matched conversation about meditation and the brain. Below is a condensed and edited excerpt.

 

Matthieu RicardAlthough one finds in the Buddhist literature many treatises on traditional sciences”—medicine, cosmology, botanic, logic, and so on—Tibetan Buddhism has not endeavored to the same extent as Western civilizations to expand its knowledge of the world through the natural sciences. Rather it has pursued an exhaustive investigation of the mind for 2,500 years and has accumulated, in an empirical way, a wealth of experiential findings over the centuries. A great number of people have dedicated their whole lives to this contemplative science.

Modern Western psychology began with William James just over a century ago. I can’t help remembering the remark made by Stephen Kosslyn, then chair of the psychology department at Harvard, at the Mind and Life meeting on Investigating the Mind,” which took place at MIT in 2003. He started his presentation by saying, I want to begin with a declaration of humility in the face of the sheer amount of data that the contemplatives are bringing to modern psychology.”

It does not suffice to ponder how the human psyche works and elaborate complex theories about it, as, for instance, Freud did. Such intellectual constructs cannot replace two millennia of direct investigation of the workings of mind through penetrating introspection conducted with trained minds that have become both stable and clear.

Wolf SingerCan you be more specific with this rather bold claim? Why should what nature gave us be fundamentally negative, requiring special mental practice for its elimination, and why should this approach be superior to conventional education or, if conflicts arise, to psychotherapy in its various forms, including psychoanalysis?

RicardWhat nature gave us is by no means entirely negative; it is just a baseline. Few people would honestly argue that there is nothing worth improving about the way they live and the way they experience the world. Some people regard their own particular weaknesses and conflicting emotions as a valuable and distinct part of their personality,” as something that contributes to the fullness of their lives. They believe that this is what makes them unique and argue that they should accept themselves as they are. But isn’t this an easy way to giving up on the idea of improving the quality of their lives, which would cost only some reasoning and effort?

 Modern conventional education does not focus on transforming the mind and cultivating basic human qualities such as lovingkindness and mindfulness. As we will see later, Buddhist contemplative science has many things in common with cognitive therapies, in particular with those using mindfulness as a foundation for remedying mental imbalance. As for psychoanalysis, it seems to encourage rumination and explore endlessly the details and intricacies of the clouds of mental confusion and self-centeredness that mask the most fundamental aspect of mind: luminous awareness.

SingerSo rumination would be the opposite of what you do during meditation?

RicardTotally opposite. It is also well known that constant rumination is one of the main symptoms of depression. What we need is to gain freedom from the mental chain reactions that rumination endlessly perpetuates. One should learn to let thoughts arise and be freed to go as soon as they arise, instead of letting them invade one’s mind. In the freshness of the present moment, the past is gone, the future is not yet born, and if one remains in pure mindfulness and freedom, potentially disturbing thoughts arise and go without leaving a trace.

 SingerWhat you have to learn then is to adopt a much more subtle approach to your internal emotional theater, to learn to identify with much higher resolution the various connotations of your feelings.

RicardThat’s right. In the beginning, it is difficult to do it as soon as an emotion arises, but if you become increasingly familiar with such an approach, it becomes quite natural. Whenever anger is just showing its face, we recognize it right away and deal with it before it becomes too strong.

RicardIt is said in the Buddhist teachings that there is no task so difficult that it cannot be broken down into a series of small, easy tasks.

SingerYour object of inquiry appears to be the mental apparatus and your analytical tool, introspection. This is an interesting self-referential approach that differs from the Western science of mind because it emphasizes the first-person perspective and collapses, in a sense, the instrument of investigation with its object. The Western approach, while using the first-person perspective for the definition of mental phenomena, clearly favors the third-person perspective for its investigation.

 I am curious to find out whether the results of analytical introspection match those obtained by cognitive neuroscience. Both approaches obviously try to develop a differentiated and realistic view of cognitive processes.

What guarantees that the introspective technique for the dissection of mental phenomena is reliable? If it is the consensus among those who consider themselves experts, how can you compare and validate subjective mental states? There is nothing another person can look at and judge as valid; the observers can only rely on the verbal testimony of subjective states.

RicardIt is the same with scientific knowledge. You first have to rely on the credible testimony of a number of scientists, but later you can train in the subject and verify the findings firsthand. This is quite similar to contemplative science. You first need to refine the telescope of your mind and the methods of investigations for years to find out for yourself what other contemplatives have found and all agreed on. The state of pure consciousness without content, which might seem puzzling at first sight, is something that all contemplatives have experienced. So it is not just some sort of Buddhist dogmatic theory. Anyone who takes the trouble to stabilize and clarify his or her mind will be able to experience it.

 Regarding cross-checking interpersonal experience, both contemplatives and the texts dealing with the various experiences a meditator might encounter are quite precise in their descriptions. When a student reports on his inner states of mind to an experienced meditation master, the descriptions are not just vague and poetic. The master will ask precise questions and the student replies, and it is quite clear that they are speaking about something that is well defined and mutually understood.

However, in the end, what really matters is the way the person gradually changes. If, over months and years, someone becomes less impatient, less prone to anger, and less torn apart by hopes and fears, then the method he or she has been using is a valid one.

 SingerHow do you do this? What are the tools?

RicardThis process requires perseverance. You need to train again and again. You can’t learn to play tennis by holding a racket for a few minutes every few months. With meditation, the effort is aimed at developing not a physical skill but an inner enrichment.

In extreme cases, you could be in a simple hermitage in which nothing changes or sitting alone always facing the same scene day after day. So the outer enrichment is almost nil, but the inner enrichment is maximal. You are training your mind all day long with little outer stimulation. Furthermore, such enrichment is not passive, but voluntary, and methodically directed. When you engage for eight or more hours a day in cultivating certain mental states that you have decided to cultivate and that you have learned to cultivate, you reprogram the brain.

SingerIn a sense, you make your brain the object of a sophisticated cognitive process that is turned inward rather than outward toward the world around you. You apply the cognitive abilities of the brain to studying its own organization and functioning, and you do so in an intentional and focused way, similar to when you attend to events in the outer world and when you organize sensory signals into coherent percepts. You assign value to certain states and you try to increase their prevalence, which probably goes along with a change in synaptic connectivity in much the same way as it occurs with learning processes resulting from interactions with the outer world.

 Let us perhaps briefly recapitulate how the human brain adapts to the environment because this developmental process can also be seen as a modification or reprogramming of brain functions. Brain development is characterized by a massive proliferation of connections and is paralleled by a shaping process through which the connections being formed are either stabilized or deleted according to functional criteria, using experience and interaction with the environment as the validation criterion. This developmental reorganization continues until the age of about 20. The early stages serve the adjustment of sensory and motor functions, and the later phases primarily involve brain systems responsible for social abilities. Once these developmental processes come to an end, the connectivity of the brain becomes fixed, and large-scale modifications are no longer possible.

RicardTo some extent.

RicardA study of people who have practiced meditation for a long time demonstrates that structural connectivity among the different areas of the brain is higher in meditators than in a control group. Hence, there must be another kind of change allowed by the brain.

SingerI have no difficulty in accepting that a learning process can change behavioral dispositions, even in adults. There is ample evidence of this from reeducation programs, where practice leads to small but incremental behavior modifications. There is also evidence for quite dramatic and sudden changes in cognition, emotional states, and coping strategies. In this case, the same mechanisms that support learning—distributed changes in the efficiency of synaptic connections—lead to drastic alterations of global brain states.

RicardYou could also change the flow of neuron activity, as when the traffic on a road increases significantly.

SingerYes. What changes with learning and training in the adult is the flow of activity. The fixed hardware of anatomical connections is rather stable after age 20, but it is still possible to route activity flexibly from A to B or from A to C by adding certain signatures to the activity that ensure that a given activation pattern is not broadcast in a diffuse way to all connected brain regions but sent only to selected target areas.

RicardSo far, the results of the studies conducted with trained meditators indicate that they have the faculty to generate clean, powerful, well-defined states of mind, and this faculty is associated with some specific brain patterns. Mental training enables one to generate those states at will and to modulate their intensity, even when confronted with disturbing circumstances, such as strong positive or negative emotional stimuli. Thus, one acquires the faculty to maintain an overall emotional balance that favors inner strength and peace.

SingerSo you have to use your cognitive abilities to identify more clearly and delineate more sharply the various emotional states, and to train your control systems, probably located in the frontal lobe, to increase or decrease selectively the activity of subsystems responsible for the generation of the various emotions.

An analogy for this process of refinement could be the improved differentiation of objects of perception, which is known to depend on learning. With just a little experience, you are able to recognize an animal as a dog. With more experience, you can sharpen your eye and become able to distinguish with greater and greater precision dogs that look similar. Likewise, mental training might allow you to sharpen your inner eye for the distinction of emotional states.

In the naïve state, you are able to distinguish good and bad feelings only in a global way. With practice, these distinctions would become increasingly refined until you could distinguish more and more nuances. The taxonomy of mental states should thus become more differentiated. If this is the case, then cultures exploiting mental training as a source of knowledge should have a richer vocabulary for mental states than cultures that are more interested in investigating phenomena of the outer world.

RicardBuddhist taxonomy describes 58 main mental events and various subdivisions thereof. It is quite true that by conducting an in-depth investigation of mental events, one becomes able to distinguish increasingly more subtle nuances.

Take anger, for instance. Often anger can have a malevolent component, but it can also be rightful indignation in the face of injustice. Anger can be a reaction that allows us to rapidly overcome an obstacle preventing us from achieving something worthwhile or remove an obstacle threatening us. However, it could also reflect a tendency to be short-tempered. If you look carefully at anger, you will see that it contains aspects of clarity, focus, and effectiveness that are not harmful in and of themselves. So if you are able to recognize those aspects that are not yet negative and let your mind remain in them, without drifting into the destructive aspects, then you will not be troubled and confused by these emotions.

Another result of cultivating mental skills is that, after a while, you will no longer need to apply contrived efforts. You can deal with the arising of mental perturbations like the eagles I see from the window of my hermitage in the Himalayas. The crows often attack them, even though they are much smaller. They dive at the eagles from above trying to hit them with their beaks. However, instead of getting alarmed and moving around to avoid the crow, the eagle simply retracts one wing at the last moment, letting the diving crow pass by, and extends its wing back out. The whole thing requires minimal effort and is perfectly efficient. Being experienced in dealing with the sudden arising of emotions in the mind works in a similar way. When you are able to preserve a clear state of awareness, you see thoughts arise; you let them pass through your mind, without trying to block or encourage them; and they vanish without creating many waves.

SingerThat reminds me of what we do when we encounter severe difficulties that require fast solutions, such as a complicated traffic situation. We immediately call on a large repertoire of escape strategies that we have learned and practiced, and then we choose among them without much reasoning, relying mainly on subconscious heuristics. Apparently, if we are not experienced with contemplative practice, we haven’t gone through the driving school for the management of emotional conflicts. Would you say this is a valid analogy?

RicardYes, complex situations become greatly simplified through training and the cultivation of effortless awareness. When you learn to ride a horse, as a beginner you are constantly preoccupied, trying not to fall at every movement the horse makes. Especially when the horse starts galloping, it puts you on high alert. But when you become an expert rider, everything becomes easier. Riders in eastern Tibet, for instance, can do all kinds of acrobatics, such as shooting arrows at a target or catching something on the ground while galloping at full speed, and they do all that with ease and a big smile on their face.

One study with meditators showed that they can maintain their attention at an optimal level for extended periods of time. When performing what is called a continuous performance task, even after 45 minutes, they did not become tense and were not distracted even for a moment. When I did this task myself, I noticed that the first few minutes were challenging and required some effort, but once I entered a state of attentional flow,” it became easier.

SingerThis resembles a general strategy that the brain applies when acquiring new skills. In the naïve state, one uses conscious control to perform a task. The task is broken down into a series of subtasks that are sequentially executed. This requires attention, takes time, and is effortful. Later, after practice, the performance becomes automatized. Usually, the execution of the skilled behavior is then accomplished by different brain structures than those involved in the initial learning and execution of the task. Once this shift has occurred, performance becomes automatic, fast, and effortless and no longer requires cognitive control. This type of learning is called procedural learning and requires practice. Such automatized skills often save you in difficult situations because you can access them quickly. They can also often cope with more variables simultaneously due to parallel processing. Conscious processing is more serialized and therefore takes more time.

Do you think you can apply the same learning strategy to your emotions by learning to pay attention to them, differentiate them, and thereby familiarize yourself with their dynamics so as to later become able to rely on automatized routines for their management in case of conflict?

RicardYou seem to be describing the meditation process. In the teachings, it says that when one begins to meditate, on compassion, for instance, one experiences a contrived, artificial form of compassion. However, by generating compassion over and over again, it becomes second nature and spontaneously arises, even in the midst of a complex and challenging situation.

SingerIt would be really interesting to look with neurobiological tools at whether you have the same shift of function that you observe in other cases where familiarization through learning and training leads to the automation of processes. In brain scans, one observes that different brain structures take over when skills that are initially acquired under the control of consciousness become automatic.

RicardThat is what a study conducted by Julie Brefczynski and Antoine Lutz at Richard Davidson’s lab seems to indicate. Brefczynski and Lutz studied the brain activity of novice, relatively experienced, and very experienced meditators when they engage in focused attention. Different patterns of activity were observed depending on the practitioners’ level of experience.

Relatively experienced meditators (with an average of 19,000 hours of practice) showed more activity in attention-related brain regions compared with novices. Paradoxically, the most experienced meditators (with an average of 44,000 hours of practice) demonstrated less activation than the ones without as much experience. These highly advanced meditators appear to acquire a level of skill that enables them to achieve a focused state of mind with less effort. These effects resemble the skill of expert musicians and athletes capable of immersing themselves in the flow” of their performances with a minimal sense of effortful control. This observation accords with other studies demonstrating that when someone has mastered a task, the cerebral structures put into play during the execution of this task are generally less active than they were when the brain was still in the learning phase.

SingerThis suggests that the neuronal codes become sparser, perhaps involving fewer but more specialized neurons, once skills become highly familiar and are executed with great expertise. To become a real expert seems to require then at least as much training as is required to become a world-class violin or piano player. With four hours of practice a day, it would take you 30 years of daily meditation to attain 44,000 hours. Remarkable!


This article has been adapted from Matthieu Ricard and Wolf Singer’s bookBeyond the Self: Conversations Between Buddhism and Neuroscience.

MATTHIEU RICARD is a Buddhist monk, an author, and the French interpreter for the Dalai Lama.
WOLF SINGER is the emeritus director of the Max Planck Institute for Brain Research in Frankfurt.

‘ගම්මානෙ මැණිකයි ඔයා’.. රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ බිරිද වෙනුවෙන් ගැයු අලුත්ම ගීතය

January 25th, 2019

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ බාල පුතු වන ඊයේ දිනයේ විවිාහ දිවියට ඇතුළු වූ රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා සිය විවාහය වෙනුවෙන් අලුත්ම ගිත වීඩියෝවක් නිකුත් කර තිබේ

අගනුවර තරු හෝටලවල මෙතෙක් පැවති තරු මංගළ්‍යන් සියල්ලට සැමතින්ම අභියෝග කරමින් වීරකැටියේ වැවු තාවුල්ලක සිය මංගල උත්සවය ඉතා සරල චාම් නමුත් ගාමභීරව සංවිධානය කරන්නට රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ කටයුතු කර තිබුනේ හැකි උපරිම ලෙස දේශීයත්වයට මුල් තැන දෙමිනි.

https://youtu.be/B4Crmt3d7zs

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON CASTE IN JAFFNA Part 2

January 24th, 2019

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Sooriasegaram pointed out that In spite of many obstacles and obstructions by the Tamil ruling elites we have seen slow but definite progress among the oppressed caste community in education and in being able to receive healthcare facilities. This was made possible by the welfare state, introducing free education from primary school all the way up to University and a free national health service and also laws against caste discriminatory practices. In particular, he said, the nationalization of all state funded schools.

Mass Movement for Social Justice (MMSJ)  formed by a group of leftists,  held a conference in Kokuvil, Jaffna on 15 October 2016  to mark the 50th year since the 21st October 1966   demonstration in Jaffna,  and to review the past as well as to strategise the way forward. A series of academics and activists spoke about the ongoing perpetuation of caste-based discrimination and the disregard paid to it by Tamil political parties and leaders. Speakers pointed to numerous recent examples of caste-based discrimination in respect of government administrative officials in the North-East, land disputes, marriages and entrance to temples and churches.

The MMSJ Conference looked at education. The MEP government helped to provide schools for the non-Vellala. At the request of the Maha Sabha, Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party government established nearly 15 schools in the peninsula to cater to the educational needs of minority Tamils.

In the 1960s, Director of Education in Jaffna and the principals of Jaffna Central College and Parameswara College were very keen to educate children coming from oppressed castes and gave them admission. But it was still difficult for the children of minority Tamils to get admission to leading schools, like Jaffna Hindu College, and Puttur Sri Somaskanda College. The Department of Education took action against principals who flouted the regulation.

During MEP rule, more than 200 non-Vellala youth were appointed as teachers at these schools. These appointments were given to those who had three credit passes in the O level exam.  A. Amirthalingam, then an MP in Parliament, opposed this move under the pretext that it would bring down educational standards.

While students from all castes could now go to the same school, you had to look beyond that kind of superficial equality, said a speaker at the Conference.  Discriminatory practices continued in the enrolment of students at schools. I saw on a school admission form that parents had to fill to enroll their child in Grade 1 – details had been asked about the parents’ income, educational levels attained, and even whether they owned land. What has the parents’ income or education (which would knock out many of the oppressed castes’ parents), and especially their ownership of land, got to do with their child’s education?”asked one speaker.

 

Another participant said We know of a certain school that knocks out applicants based on their addresses – they use the addresses to perceive if a child comes from a dominant caste or not. So oppressed caste parents who want to enroll their children in that school have now learned to give fake addresses – thereby ensuring that their children are given a seat which would otherwise be denied them.”

In many schools, upper-caste teachers discriminated against students from marginalized castes. These students were not given benches or chairs. They had to sit on the floor. Even if they were given seats, they had to use the seats at the back. They were unnecessarily punished by their upper-caste teachers. The teachers insulted these children by pointing out their caste background in front of upper-caste students. The MMSJ Conference noted that the majority of jobs and positions of power were still held by Vellala caste (high caste) Tamils in Jaffna and even if students from oppressed castes were able to succeed in school, they were offered few job opportunities.

P.J.Antony was asked in 2011,   by an interviewer, have you noticed any significant changes in the caste hierarchy over time? P.J. Antony provided a bouquet of observations. Discrimination against minority-Tamil students at schools has declined. We no longer need separate schools for minority Tamils.  Minority Tamils have been able to become graduates, doctors and engineers.We rarely see caste discrimination in public sector offices these days. Barber saloons are free of caste discrimination. Some hairdressers, for instance, have customers exclusively from the Vellala community, whereas others cater to customers from the less-privileged castes.

The younger generation of the downtrodden castes thinks that there is no caste discrimination now. Similarly, people belonging to the upper castes claim that caste oppression has come to an end. But caste discrimination exists on the ground in multiple ways. at the University of Jaffna, minority-Tamil students, even if they excel in studies, are hardly appointed to positions above demonstrator. A person from an underprivileged community was not appointed to the post of Registrar at the University of Jaffna, even though he had the necessary qualifications.

Though minority Tamils are able to secure jobs in various departments and boards, they are denied promotions, though not overtly, on caste grounds. Many temples in Jaffna still remain closed to minority Tamils. When the people of Jaffna were displaced to Chavakacheri in 1995 during the Eelam war, upper-caste well-owners threw litter and excreta into wells on unused land in order to prevent displaced people belonging to non Vellala castes from using those wells. All in all, many oppressed-caste people are impoverished in many ways, concluded Antony.

Non Vellalas are angry and frustrated that there were no Tamil politicians from any political party that were willing to take a public stance against caste and address the issue.  Tamil nationalist groups and dominant Tamil political parties have not shown much interest in abolishing caste oppression, said Antony. ‘Today not a single high caste Tamil intellectual or politician talks openly about the problems of the Tamil underclass, said Jayaweera.’ Caste discrimination is never discussed in Tamil nationalist politics said Swasthika Arulingam and Aheelan Kadirgamar. ‘Human Rights Organizations never talk of the humiliating oppression of the ordinary Tamils of the north by the land owning Tamils, either.

the TNA parliamentarians , domiciled in Colombo,  are typical absentee landlords of the north, the best lands are owned by a small 15% of such upper caste Tamils,  These absentee landlords became MPs and blocked any legislation that  would benefit the non-Vellalas. The leaders of the Tamil Separatist Movement are also Vellala, they   are a landowning caste based elites. It is an ironical that they oppress a substantial section of the Tamil community while at the same time fighting to secure equal rights with the majority Sinhala community. These observations were made by Rasalingam and Sooriasegaram.

Tamil Congress, Federal Party and the TULF never supported freedom struggles of the oppressed people r in the past or present. ‘They always took the side of the oppressors’  which means the Vellala. These political parties unashamedly practiced or promoted or at best remained silent on the marginalization and oppression of the lower caste communities and prevented them from improving their life chances.

Tamil politicians have done their best to keep the Non-Vellala castes down. The Tamil strongly opposed giving the vote to low caste persons, during the Donoughmore commission. After Independence, Tamil Vellala MPs blocked any legislation that would benefit the non-Vellalas.   Federal Party campaigned against the nationalization of schools, which eliminated or at least minimised discrimination against low caste community in school admissions. Building of causeways and road that would make the depressed caste village accessible was opposed. Upgrading of village councils and Town Councils in the North were opposed.

Caste distinctions continue.  Even in the temporary shelters after the Eelam war the upper castes did not like live next to the lower castes.   Tamil youths who migrate to the Colombo also maintain caste distinctions. Lunch groups and social gatherings are exclusive. The different caste groups that constituted the minority-Tamil community do not have marital relationships with one another; they maintain their insularity. Intercaste marriage is still tabooed and the couple are ostracized. The minority Tamils who are educated and hold prestigious jobs conceal their caste identity and regard themselves as superior to the less-privileged members of the minority-Tamil community.

Representation of the non-Vellalas in local government, Provincial Councils and Parliament is almost zero in spite of the fact they represent over 40% of the population in the NP. Non-Vellalas were denied membership in local government bodies such as the village council and the town council. When a non-Vellala was elected to the Kopay Village Council in the late 1950s he was not given a chair he was asked by the other members to sit on an old mortar.

When wards were demarcated for electoral purposes, Vellala bureaucrats split the areas densely populated by minority Tamils into several segments and merged them with the different wards where the Vellalas were the majority. Minority Tamils could not become a majority in any of the wards that came under a local government body. Consequently, they could not send their representatives to the local government bodies in Jaffna.

Non-Vellala Tamils have therefore gone before the recently concluded Pubic Representation Committee on Constitutional Reforms and asked for Caste based reservations in governing bodies. Caste based reservations in governing bodies and educational institutions have been sought by some political parties, organizations and individuals in Jaffna in their submissions to the Pubic Representation Committee on Constitutional Reforms, the Committee said. This is the only province from where they came openly about the caste problem.

The EPRLF was one political party that sough such reservation citing that caste based discrimination was so acute. They said there was discrimination. They even said the depressed castes accounted for 40 per cent. ‘I asked why they did not fight back if the number were so high’ said one committee member.

They were concerned that there was no representation for them in the elected bodies and the education sector. They said the political parties were dominated by the higher caste groups today. It is difficult to get nominations from these parties. They wanted allocation of seats.” Even medical specialists came before the Committee and complained about discrimination over the caste factor.  Some members of our committee were very angry when such complaints were made. Some of our committee members took it as exaggeration,” the Committee said.

The non-Vellala castes traditionally did not own land. Thesawalamai ensured that no uppity low caste person would get piece a piece of land unless he paid the landowner and the neighbours and even then he could be chased off the land, said Rasalingam.

Today, when educated members of their community attempt to buy land, they are thwarted in various ways. Should they succeed even then in buying lands, especially in dominant Vellala areas the community around them tended to harass and marginalise them in various ways.   Upper-caste Tamils who have left the country for good are not willing to sell their land to minority Tamils, said Antony .

The government and NGOs have not done anything substantial to distribute land to the oppressed castes. Though some of them have been living on temple land for many years, they cannot become owners of that land either. In places like Vaddukoddai and Point Pedro, many are unable to build houses, even though the government is willing to provide them with financial support, as they do not possess land.

From 2016, there has been increasing agitation and a series of caste confrontations over upper caste cemeteries located within oppressed caste villages.  A problem which has been simmering for a very long time has now exploded, said an analyst.

In October 2016, in Thidatpulam, the Vellala community from Punnalaikadduvan North attempted to reassert their control over a cemetery after decades. The Thidatpulam villagers, refused to permit the use of the cemetery, where a few families had encroached and built houses over the years. The Vellalas hired sword-wielding gangs, the confrontation turned violent, and the community centre and reading room of Thidatpulam was defaced with used oil. The villagers, many of whom depend on wage labour in the landed upper caste villages, were reminded of the two young men from Thidatpulam who were murdered in 1982.

In March 2017, two villages, one upper caste and the other oppressed caste, attempted to cremate in a cemetery adjoining Kalaimathy village. There was a confrontation   which led to police action. 28 villagers were arrested and were kept in custody for over a week. Villagers launched a continual Satyagraha.

The villagers are strongly opposed to rebuilding this cemetery. they object to the unbearable smell and harmful pollution.  These Jaffna Crematoriums are open spaces with no boundary walls. There is no vegetation, trees or gardens around it. There was also a significant protest numbering to hundreds in front of the Jaffna Bus Stand on May 13, 2017. They are demanding that the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) look into the matter.  They say that local officials, the police and the Pradeshiya Sabhas, are not taking any action.

These cemeteries were not used during the Eelam wars. This attempt to start cremating in these cemeteries is seen as attempt to enforce Vellala power once again. Caste” is re-consolidating through stealth in Jaffna said an analyst. While caste is hardly discussed in public, subtle forms of caste exclusion are still seen in temples and community centres. the caste stratification of Tamils must now be acknowledged  said  Swasthika Arulingam and Aheelan Kadirgamar.  (Concluded)

 

The Serfdom demolished

January 24th, 2019

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The Muslim community in Sri Lanka prior to the formation of the people’s revolutionary government of late Prime Minister Mr. S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike in 1956 was more or less a community of serfdom depending entirely on the handouts from the rich traders/merchants, or from the landowners in the agricultural areas, or from the rich families in the fishing areas or from the owners of large herds of animal husbandry. An ordinary Muslim was voiceless and they had to dutifully oblige the master if they were to stay on their vocation and sustain their families. Due to these pathetic slavish status Muslims were forced to support and vote for the United National Party (UNP) of the elites, as dictated by their masters at times of election.

A notice calling for the formation of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party on 2nd September, 1951 was issued with the signatures of 44 eminent personalities of that time, which included persons of all religions and all races. Among the 44 signatories were 5 Muslims and 3 Tamils. The Muslim signatories were Dr. Badiuddin Mahmoud, Haji A.T.Kareem, A.M.Marker, C.A.S.Marikkar, and A.C.Marikkar.

Over 10,000 persons, a massive crowd at that time, heeded this call and converged at the Town Hall premises for the formation of the new Party. At this convention the naming of the new party as the Sri Lanka Freedom Party was proposed by the late Mr. H.Sri Nissanka and it was seconded by the late Dr. Badi-ud-din Mahmoud, who was elected as a Co-Secretary.

Education for the children of the poor Muslims at that time was mainly confined to the schools known as Government Tamil Schools most of which except in main towns had classes only upto 5th or 8th Standard. While the rich Muslims, whose children were educated in leading schools in Colombo and other places, resented the children of their servants acquiring higher education, the teachers in the so-called Government Tamil Schools, who were overwhelmingly Tamils discouraged these poor students pursuing even basic education. Elders relate that most of these teachers used to tell the students that as invariably they will be going to work in shops (or get involved in other labour related works) it would be sufficient if they learn to write something, read a few lines, and count 5 and 5 as 10. Even the far and few Muslim teachers, who belonged to the rich families and served in these schools held similar views and possessed the same attitude. The mosques were also managed by the rich families in the relevant areas.

The first major change made by the first purely Sri Lankan oriented government of 1956 as opposed to the proxy-British UNP governments for the emancipation of Muslims in Sri Lanka was to make a complete change of the teaching staff in schools where majority of students were Muslims. These schools were named as Muslim Schools and Muslim youth who possessed a minimum qualification of having passed SSC were appointed as Teachers to these schools, disregarding their age requirement. There was an acute shortage of Muslim youths with SSC passed qualifications at that time, and it is said by many that in the years of 1958, 1959 and early sixties, Muslim youth got their teaching appointments, even without submitting formal applications, along with their SSC passes, and even before attaining the required minimum age of 18 years.

Although ethnic based schools should not be encouraged and all children of an area should have the right to receive education in the school of that particular area the   establishment of Muslim Schools was a need of the era at that time in order to make a mass educational revolution in the Muslim community. This was a giant step taken by Bandaranaike government to emancipate the Muslim community and liberate them from the bondage to Mudalalis and open a new vista for Muslim children to pursue higher education. It was a well known fact that there were many villages and towns at that time without a single Muslim graduate, without a single Muslim Doctor, Lawyer, Accountant or even a middle ranking government servant.

This massive teaching employment drive initiated by the Bandaranaike government, produced at least one teacher in each Muslim family, and completely changed the changed the educationally backward Muslim society into an educated Muslim polity. It is the children of this new generation of Muslims that occupy seats of employment today in many fields including those in the professional fields and even in Foreign Missions.

It was the SLFP that legitimized the rights of Muslim girls to wear a school dress in conformity to their religious norms even in non-Muslim schools. While the pro_UNP Western countries were not permitting Muslims girls to wear Hijab in schools the SLFP led government in addition to providing school uniforms to Muslim girls studying in government schools also took action to provide Hijabs to Muslim girls annually.

The Endowment Board known as Waqf Board was created to administer the affairs of mosques thereby providing the opportunity for the commoners to participate in the affairs of administering the mosques, and making them qualified to receive government assistance. Relaying the Azan call for the five obligatory prayers using loudspeakers from mosques throughout the island was permitted.

A Special Unit known as Muslim Service was created in the then Radio Ceylon solely dedicated for the Muslims to broadcast religious and cultural programmes and enlighten the Muslims with religious knowledge, their cultural values, and educate them about the affairs of fellow Muslims in other countries. Creation of this Unit helped Muslims to listen to whole night broadcast of religious programmes on special days such as Lailathul Qadr (the blessed night in the month of Ramadan) and listen to whole day programmes on Eid and other significant days, in addition to daily night and morning programmes.

A new set of teachers known as Maulavi Teachers, similar to teachers of other religions was appointed to teach religion to Muslim students even in non-Muslim schools. Two hours permission was given  for Muslim public servants to attend Ju mma Prayers on Fridays.. Days prominent for Muslims were included in the list of Public Holidays.

In the international arena too, the SLFP governments espoused the cause of Muslims and Muslim countries. During the Suez Canal War in 1958 the late Prime Minister Mr. S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike solidly stood supporting the steps taken by President Gamal Abdul Nasser of United Arab Republic (currently Egypt), to nationalise the Suez Canal. Historical records reveal that the late Prime Minister Mr. Bandaranaike speaking at the United Nations not only vehemently condemned the invasion of Egypt by the western imperialist forces together with Isreal but also threatened even to send the armed forces of Sri Lanka to fight these Imperialists along with the Egyptian and Arab armies. Not even the Muslim countries outside the Middle East region had the courage to support President Nasser in this manner.

It was the government of late Prime Minister Mr. Bandaranaike that appointed a Muslim as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations. The UNP which fools the Muslims in every election to get their votes and provide them nothing in return is yet to appoint a Muslim to such a prestigious position.

In the olden days Labour Ministry was the insignificant Ministry in the whole Cabinet. The UNP governments always kept this Ministry reserved for Muslims as nothing could be done to serve the community through this Ministry. It was the Bandaranaike government that nullified this discrimination and appointed Mr. C.A.S.Marikkar to the prestigious position of Minister of Post and Telecommunications.

Also the Bandaranaike government has the credit of appointing for the first time a Muslim as the Speaker of Parliament. The late Mr. H.S.Ismail was appointed as the Speaker of Parliament although he was not elected to Parliament as an SLFP MP.

The second structural change in the life of Sri Lankan Muslims and enormous service to the community took place during the reign of the late Prime Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who dearly valued cordial relationships with Middle Eastern and Muslim countries all over the world. It was in gratitude to her cordial relationship that President Nasser sent several oil shipments to Sri Lanka when western countries imposed sanctions on oil supplies to Sri Lanka following the bold step taken by her to nationalise the oil companies in Sri Lanka and establish the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. In gratitude to this friendly gesture, Mrs. Bandaranaike declared one week’s mourning on the death of President Nasser’s funeral proceedings were broadcast live through SLBC. Such a respect to President Nasser’s funeral was not accorded even in several Middle East and Muslim countries.

The late Prime Minister Mrs. Bandaranaike was the only non-Muslim world leader who severed Diplomatic relationship with Israel, for invading Arab countries and occupying their territory following the 1967 war.

When Mrs. Bandaranaike made arrangements to host the 5th Non-Aligned Summit in Sri Lanka, the UNP and its media not only condemned her decision but also slandered many Muslim leaders who were scheduled to attend. The Summit, however, provided the opportunity for the leaders and Heads of State of almost all Muslim countries to visit our motherland and obtain a first hand knowledge about the country, about the Muslims in this country, and also to interact with them. In spite of UNP’s criticism and vilification the Summit opened a new vista for Muslims and other Sri Lankans to find employment, particularly in the Middle East countries.

Thus began the era of foreign employment for Sri Lankans and it has now become the leading source of foreign exchange earning for Sri Lanka, and a means of alleviating poverty throughout the country. People who went for employment in the Middle East countries in the early phase recall that the general public in the Middle East were not aware of the existence of a country called Sri Lanka and they knew Sri Lanka only as Madam Bandaranaike country.

Under the UNP governments from 1977 to 1994 Muslims faced many hardships and the UNP Ministers and MPs numbering 11 persons were utterly powerless to do anything to help the Muslims. If it was not for the Middle East employment avenue opened up by Mrs. Bandaranaike the pathetic situation Sri Lankan Muslims would have faced is horrific even to imagine it.

During this Adarmishta period of 18 years Sri Lankan Muslims living in the North and East and in the districts of Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura and Puttalam were continuously subjected to LTTE atrocities. Unable to withstand these atrocities when a delegation of Muslims led by Dr. Badi-ud-din Mahmoud met President J.R.Jayawardene, to request him to provide protection to Muslims, they were bluntly asked to meet the LTTE leadership and sort out their problems. Ultimately they were compelled to go to Chennai, South India, meet the LTTE leadership and negotiate an agreement under which LTTE promised to desist from harming the Muslims. This agreement however was implemented by the LTTE only in the breach.

In the Eastern Province, when the atrocities of Tamil terrorist elements against the Muslims, particularly by the LTTE continued to increase and when more than 500 houses were set on fire by the LTTE in Kalmunai, Sainthamaruthu and Maruthamunai areas within two or three days and the Muslim leaders in the then ruling party failed to press the JR Jayewardene government to act, in order to bring peace to the area,

The massacres of Muslims by the LTTE which started in the latter part of the J.R.Jayawardene government increased to a horrendous level during the Premadasa administration. In the Kattankudy massacre carried out on 3rd August 1990, Muslims who were performing Isha Prayers were sprayed with bullets and 103 Muslims got killed on the sport and 71 were injured and most of them died subsequently.  Premadasa government which was having a honeymoon with the tiger terrorists feasting them at Hilton Hotel, Colombo did not take any action against these massacres or provide adequate protection to the Muslims. Even the families and the widows of the dead were not compensated. Similar massacres continued in several places of the Eastern Province.

In October 1990 Muslims of all the five districts of the Northern Province, Mannar, Vavuniya, Jaffna, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu, were given notice by the LTTE ordering them to leave the Northern Province within 24 hours. The UNP government of President Premadasa did not take any preventive action to protect these Muslims amounting to nearly 100,000 persons. Ultimately the LTTE forcibly chased them out from their traditional habitats where they used to live for centuries. In this world’s worst ethnic cleansing episode the victimised Muslims were not allowed to take any of their belongings except for whatever the dress they were wearing at that time. Even the ear-rings worn by women and children were forcibly removed. A father who had a child of less than one year explaining the ordeal they underwent told a newspaper that the tiger terrorists did not even allow him to take the partly used milk food packet he was carrying to feed his baby.

The UNP government of President Premadasa, in which the anti-Muslim UNP leader Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe was a top ranking Minister, did not care to provide some decent shelters to these victimised Muslims. They were forced to put up their own cadjan  shelters in the coconut lands in places like Ismail Puram, Kalpitty, Palavi, Madurankuliya etc, in the Puttalam District, and several other areas in Kurunegala and Anuradhapura districts, and languish as refugees in their own country living in cadjan huts without any basic amenities for almost two decades.

Meditation and Psychoanalysis

January 24th, 2019

Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. 

According to Freud meditation is a reaction formation of omnipotence to infantile helplessness. As described by Alexander (1931)   meditation is a “libidinal, narcissistic turning of the urge for knowing inward, a sort of artificial schizophrenia with complete withdrawal of libidinal interest from the outside world.  Kris (1963) viewed meditation as a transitory regressive state that is conducive to the expression of hidden memories, fear love and anger. Shafii (1973) illustrated meditation as a temporary and controlled regression to the preverbal level and meditation returns the individual to the earliest fixation points and permits re-experiencing of traumas of the separation-individuation phase on a non-verbal level.

Carl Gustav Jung was the first major psychologist to explore fully the relation between Buddhist meditation and the Western notion of the unconscious (Welwood, 1977). Jung’s fateful meeting with Richard Wilhelm in 1929 has helped to build a bridge of depth psychological understanding between the East and the West (Ma, 2005). Jung believed in the fulfillment of individual wholeness or self-realization (Moacanin, 1986). Jung spoke of active imagination and believed that it can serve as a bridge between the conscious “ego” and the unconscious. In 1939 Jung wrote …. the meditation on the syllables of the mantra leads to identification with the highest Self. Jung claimed that Eastern higher consciousness is characterized by a nebulous state of non‐intentionality (Zhu, 2009). The transcendent function (unification of archetypal opposites) which Jung described could be the end result of the meditative mind.

Psychoanalysis and meditation compensate for the other’s blind spots (Rubin, 2016).  Within psychoanalysis, meditation has traditionally been associated with a search for the resurrection of infantile ‘primary narcissism’ (Epstein, 1990).

Phenomenologically meditation is a practice that could be meant as mind focalization on objects, body feelings, emotions and thoughts (Bianco, et al., 2016). Psychoanalysis is primarily a psychology of the unconscious. Meditation may also permit deepened access to the unconscious (Bogart, 1991).  Meditation deals mainly with the training and observation of consciousness and observes the mind in great detail on a moment-to-moment level (Falkenström, 2003). The goal of psychoanalysis is to acquire self-understanding and knowledge of the sources of anxiety (Satsangi, 2013) and the goal of meditation is to go beyond the mind and to foster well-being.

For Freud free association is the fundamental rule” of psychoanalysis. According to some experts during meditation auto-catharsis- a form of free-association occurs.  The meditator observes free associated thoughts, feelings, and fantasies silently.  Meditation facilitates self-observation. Both meditation and free association involve self-observation. Self-observation refers to observations and reflections about the self in the present moment (Falkenström, 2012).

The unconscious has played an important explanatory role in transpersonal psychology (Welwood, 1977).  Freud’s topographical model is used to stress that the psychoanalytic unconscious can be understood only in relation to theories of consciousness and wishing (Opatow , 1997). The fundamental proposition of psychoanalysis is that all mental processes are in themselves unconscious (Solms ,1997). Meditation can also bring about “descendence” of consciousness, thus increasing access to the unconscious (Bogart, 1991).  The aim of Zen is, rather, the breaking-up of the very dualistic structure of consciousness-and-unconsciousness (DeMartino, 1961).

According to Freud in each individual there is a coherent organization of mental processes. Meditation uses mental processes to influence physical functioning and promote health. According to object relations theory, the major cause of psychopathology is the lack of a sense of self, caused by failures in establishing a cohesive, integrated self, resulting in an inability to feel real  correspondingly  Buddhist meditation is focused upon seeing through the illusory construction of the self (Bogart , 1991).

In 1912 Freud delineated the ideal state of mind for therapists to listen, what he called “evenly hovering” or “evenly suspended attention which is an accessible state of mind that could be similar to meditative mind (Rubin, 2009).  Meditative mind can achieve the highest level of consciousness.

Meditation is a multidimensional phenomenon and meditation can make a significant contribution to the deep transformation of personality sought in psychotherapy (Bogart, 1991). Meditation may lead to “transcendence,” the experience of going beyond one’s habitual perceptions or conceptions of self and world, culminating in peak experiences such as samadhi, satori, or enlightenment (Noble, 1987).

The main goal of psychoanalytic therapy is to bring unconscious material into consciousness and enhance the functioning of the ego. Mindfulness   is a method of using the ego to observe its own manifestations (Epstein, 1988).

Meditation promotes egolessness and dissolves ego.  The Jungian term “psychic death” is a synonym for “ego death (Ventegodt & Merrick 2003 ). Ego death is a “complete loss of subjective self-identity (Jonson, 2008). Zen meditation practice is said to lead to ego-death (Safran, 2012). According to Nichtern (2011) egolessness is not a product – it is a discovery. As described by Park (2006) meditation is learning how to die by learning to “forget” the sense of self.

The HELA DOCTRINE-A new way of engagement

January 24th, 2019

Aape Aththo – Hela Family

As we look to the future and focus on our sovereignty, peace and prosperity, we must not ignore the big picture of the world we live in. In the 21st century, the Indian Ocean will be the center stage for neocolonialists as they jostle to secure resources, trade deals and geopolitical assets to enhance their dominance.

Caught in the middle in a strategic location, is our island nation.

Professing a self-styled moral authority by preaching democracy and human rights on the one hand; and simultaneously supporting numerous corrupt, undemocratic regimes on the other hand, the neocolonialists are set to repeat their age-old tactic of ‘divide and conquer’. They will use their state run media to defame our democratically elected leaders and undermine the sovereignty of the Hela Nation. When their overt tactics fail to produce a favourable result, the neocolonialists will fly below the radar and enter into trade deals that exclude their competitors from engaging in fair trade with us.

In this new century, we need a new way of engagement. We need a new doctrine to protect and safeguard what we value (our security, sovereignty, culture, resources, economy, peace and prosperity) from the neocolonialists who have little or no respect for it.

This new way of engagement is the Hela Doctrine.

The Hela doctrine of supreme sovereignty, non-alignment and fair trade.

The first aspect of this doctrine is sovereignty. Our sovereignty is paramount to us. The doctrine of supreme sovereignty calls for a new constitution (see: www.heladiva.net) to strengthen our democracy against corruptible forces. An important aspect of our sovereignty is the re-establishment of the original identity of our island (Heladiva) and that of our people (The Hela), which was soiled and eroded by past colonialism.

The second aspect is non-alignment. Our prosperity and security cannot be achieved by exclusively aligning with EURASIA allies or NATO allies or any other. Non-alignment is the wise middle path to economic prosperity and security.

The third aspect is fair trade (not ‘free trade’). Fair trade means the equitable free movement of excess goods, services, capital and labour. If any trade causes impoverishment to any community on the island then it is an unfair trade. Fair trade also means respecting the values and the people of our nation. In this 21st century, we will choose not to trade with countries that ‘verbally bash’ our democracy or cause insult to the sovereignty of our nation. We will choose not to trade with countries that covertly or overtly work to destabilise our Hela democracy.

This is the Hela doctrine of supreme sovereignty, non-alignment and fair trade.

We now call upon our elected leaders to adopt the noble Hela doctrine of Supreme sovereignty, Non-alignment and Fair trade.

Aape Aththo – Hela Family

www.heladiva.net

 

 

 

 

 

Public Lecture on “The Illustrated Mahāvaṃsa: Paintings from a 12th Century Myanmar Temple”

January 24th, 2019

Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (RASSL)

Public Lecture

The Illustrated Mahāvaṃsa: Paintings from a 12th Century Myanmar Temple”

 by

Dr. Hema Goonatilake

 On

Monday 28th January 2019 at 5.00 p.m.

at the 

Gamini Dissanayake Auditorium

No. 96, Ananda Coomaraswamy Mawatha, Colombo 07

ALL ARE WELCOME

When Myanmar got her independence, the first country she wanted to have foreign relations was Sri Lanka. The reason for this friendship from Myanmar was a 1000-year-old relationship with Sri Lanka as had cultivated several other countries in South East Asia. This relationship not only introduced Buddhism from Sri Lanka to these countries but also the art of historical writings. All the Chronicles of South East Asia are modelled after the Mahāvaṃsa and incorporates parts of the Mahāvaṃsa. Consequently, heroes of the Mahāvaṃsa like Dutu Gemunu are hero figures in the region. Rajakumar the grandson of the founder of the Pagan Empire and the builder of the 12thcentury Myankabau temple painted on the temple walls major events, as recorded in the Mahāvaṃsa. The present illustrated lecture depicts these paintings and is a result of 10 years research on South East Asia by the speaker.

 

MAITHREE BHAVANAVA ( MEDITATION)

January 24th, 2019

Dr Sarah Obeysekera Meditator

Whole Sri Lanka should start practicing meditation like Maithree and Ranil and develop Metta and Karuna.

We see MAITHREE following principles of Buddha , foster compassion by taking opposition members to Thailand and try to show that he has no hatred and ill will.

Today we saw him accompanying SB and DJ to Singapore who hated him for dumping MR after a sumptuous  hopper breakfast .

Then again we see  that RW visiting.  Weerakatiya to be with his arch enemy ,none other than MR in his son’s matromonial ceremony who tried to send a rocket and end up in Kilimanjaro  in Tanzania to propose to his fiancee

We were wonderiing whether lack of oxygen in the air was affected his rational thinking  when he proposed ( I am joking as men get married without thinking what lies ahead)

One day Rohitha ‘s newly wedded wife may say “leave me alone ,I need space ”

Then  he can say OK ,

I will send a rocket for you to go to space!

Our farmers are lamenting about FALL ARMY WORM destroying the crop when WW claim that it is a CIA plot.

One leader is having fun in SANTOSA island and the other “not so leader” in WEERAKAIYA dancing Baila ,and we citizens are fighting with Fall Army pest and Diaspora in two fronts to save our Brigadier from going  to guillotine for a mere gesture of cutting throat ( with his index finger )  of the head of a poor Tamil freedom fighter in front  of Sri Lankan Embassy in UK.

This is not only a resplendent Island but also a country full of surprises called “SO !  SRILANKA”which is our new moto of Ministry of Tourism

Dr Sarah Obeysekera

Meditator

Ditching the Dual Citizenship

January 24th, 2019

 Somaweera Sirisinghe of Auckland, New Zealand

The issue of dual citizenship held by politicians arose recently in Australia and in Sri Lanka. In Sri Lanka an MP’s election was declared void due to the person being a citizen of another country as well. Then stories of others of same genre were coming out of the woodworks.

We have to note here that no one have been forced to obtain citizenship of another country. They seem to have obtained it on their own volition for their own benefit and then sought the advantages of the Dual Citizenship” allowed by Sri Lanka Citizenship Law. Many other Asian countries including India do not have dual citizenships.

Affected Sri Lankan politicians were seen rushing in search of solutions and some even ventured to give interpretations not only to the Sri Lanka’s law but to the laws of the other countries and reportedly some have managed to remove this debilitation.

Is it such an easy thing to do? Legal minds may differ in their opinions because there are some gray areas. Perhaps it may even require judicial interpretation or subsidiary legislation!

According Sri Lanka’s citizenship law a person ceases to be a citizen once he becomes a citizen of another country. However, the provisions for dual citizenship” allow a person who fulfills the set of requirements specified in the law to either retain or resume his Sri Lankan citizenship. Thereafter she/he is considered as a person with dual citizenship and the Sri Lankan Passport issued to her/him contains an endorsement to this effect and proceeds to name the other country of citizenship.

What happens when a person with dual citizenship causes to withdraw or relinquish his/her citizenship of the other country? Logically he may be left with one citizenship but the legal status that he has retained or resumed Sri Lankan citizenship through dual citizenship process” remains intact. Does the ditching of the citizenship of the other country legally bring him back to the pristine Sri Lanka citizenship he held previous to his foreign domicile?

“බටලන්ද හැන්සාඩ් වාර්තාවෙන් ඉවත් කළාට මිනිස්සුන්ගේ හිතින් ඉවත් කරන්න බෑ” රනිල් නැගිට යද්දි වාසු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව දෙවනත් කරයි!

January 24th, 2019

Lanka Lead News

වාසුදේව නානායක්කාර මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිදු කළ කතාවක් දැඩි අවදානයට ලක්ව තිබේ.

පසුගිය 22 පැවැති පාර්ලිමේන්තු සැසියේදි වාසුදේව නානායක්කාර මන්ත්‍රීවරයා බටලන්ද කොමිෂන් සභාව සහ බැඳුම්කර කොමිෂන් සභාව පිළිබඳ අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කිරීම මෙලෙසින් කතාබහට ලක්ව තිබේ.

එහිදි මන්ත්‍රීවරයා අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිවරයාට ප්‍රකාශ කළේ දැන් ඔබට ඉතිරිව ඇත්තේ මෙරටින් පැන යාම පමණක් වන බවයි.

ඒ අවස්ථාවේම කෙටි පිළිතුරක් ලබාදුන් අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අසුනෙන් නැගිට සභාගැබෙන් පිටව ගියබවද වාර්තාවේ.

https://youtu.be/TefQi_TNrKY

Aloysius files motion to name Nandalal Weerasinghe as suspect

January 24th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

A motion has been filed with the Colombo Magistrate’s Court today requesting the court to name Senior Deputy Governor of the Central Bank Nandalal Weerasinghe and former Deputy Governor Ananda Silva as suspects in the bond scam case.

The motion was filed by the attorney representing the owner of Perpetual Treasuries Limited, Mr Arjun Aloysius, who is named as the second accused of the case pertaining to the controversial Central Bank treasury bond issuance.

When the case was taken up for hearing today (24) before Colombo Chief Magistrate Lanka Jayaratne, the attorney appearing on behalf of Aloysius claimed that the Presidential Commission of Inquiry which investigated the bond issuance in its recommendation had stated that Senior Deputy Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe and retired Deputy Governor Ananda Silva are responsible for the incident.

The defence lawyer further argued that even a statement given by the Auditor general in connection with the investigation had directly implicated them both in the bond scam.

He also charged that the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) is avoiding from naming these two individuals as suspects and arresting them. He requested the court to issue directive to name them as suspects in the case.

The magistrate stated that request will have to be considered when the investigative officers are also present and therefore informed Aloysius’ lawyers to present this when the case is taken up once again on February 25.

US Navy has bases in Lanka for non-lethal supplies and cargo transfers

January 24th, 2019

Colombo, January 24 (newsin.asia): In July 2017 the Sri Lankan government renewed, for another ten years, the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) with the United States Department of Defense. ACSA allows the exchange of supply and services, training of staff and humanitarian aid in disaster situations between the two countries.

In a proposal to the Sri Lankan cabinet in 2017, President Maithripala Sirisena pointed out that the ACSA would help improve global ties, and given the global security situation, should be renewed. I would create an opportunity for the promotion of new technological, training and development opportunities, he added.

US Navy has bases in Lanka for non-lethal supplies and cargo transfers

According to Lankan defense analysts, the US recently sought from Sri Lanka, an enlargement of the scope of ACSA to include more departments of the US government. Right now only the Department of Defense is involved.

The original ACSA was signed by in 2007 by the Mahinda Rajapaksa government during Eelam War IV, the final phase in the war against Tamil separatists.

On-Going Exercise

On January 21 this year, as part of ACSA, the U.S. Navy started performing a transfer operation to move cargo between planes at Bandaranaike International Airport. The operation will last till January 29.

A press release from the US embassy said on Wednesday, that this exercise is part of a larger temporary cargo transfer initiative that promotes Sri Lanka’s efforts to become a regional hub for logistics and commerce.”

The January transfers will contribute approximately 25 million Sri Lankan Rupees to the country’s economy.”

This is the third iteration of the temporary cargo transfer initiative. It follows two successful transfers that took place in August 2018 at Bandaranaike International Airport and Trincomalee and in December 2018 at Bandaranaike International Airport,” the release said.

Stressing the operation’s role in Sri Lanka’s development, U.S. Ambassador Alaina B. Teplitz, said: Sri Lanka’s leaders have outlined their vision for the country’s regional engagement that reflects its location at the nexus of the Indo-Pacific and seizes the opportunities that this unique position presents.”

We are happy to support this vision through a range of mutually beneficial initiatives, such as contracting Sri Lankan services and goods to support U.S. military and commercial vessels that often transit the Indo-Pacific’s busy sea lanes,” she added.

Only Non-lethal Cargo

Under the initiative, several U.S. naval aircraft are scheduled to land and depart from the commercial airport, bringing in a variety of non-lethal supplies, the embassy release said.

The supplies will be transferred between planes and then flown to the U.S.S. John C. Stennis at sea. Supplies may include personal mail for sailors, paper goods, spare parts and tools, and other items.”

No cargo, military equipment, or personnel associated with this initiative will remain in Sri Lanka after the completion of the cargo transfer,” the embassy release clarified.

Security Cooperation

U.S.-Sri Lanka security cooperation encompasses a variety of joint exercises and training that has developed the skills and interoperability of both countries. This cooperation was designed by both countries to address our mutual security interests, such as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief and maritime domain awareness,” the release added.

Lankan Fears

However, critics of ACSA make three points against ACSA.

First, the US will be the principal beneficiary, or perhaps the only beneficiary, in an ACSA with a small and weak country like Sri Lanka.

Though the facilities offered are mutual, only the US will be using them, with Sri Lanka getting paid for the provision of services. Sri Lanka will have no opportunity to use reciprocal facilities in US ports.

Secondly, while ACSA talks of access only for non-lethal cargo, even access for non-lethal cargo can be useful in the case of an armed conflict. Further, the line between lethal and non-lethal cargo is very thin and almost indistinguishable.

Thirdly, Sri Lanka will, may willy nilly, be drawn into a military conflict between the US and an other country in the Indian Ocean or the Far East given the fact that the US, India, Australia and Japan are arming up to face a perceived threat from resurgent China.

Writing in Daily Mirror in 2017 (when ACSA was renewed by Sri Lanka) commentator Lasanda Kurukulasooriya quoted a 2004 Position Paper on ACSA by two US military officers to say that in addition to host nation supplies and services, ACSA can give US access to basing and infrastructure necessary for force projection in and through the USPACOM (US Pacific Command) area of responsibility.”

Presented to the US War College in Pennsylvania, the Position Paper titled: United States Security Strategy for the Asia-Pacific Region,” refers to the military benefits of ACSA that give vital access to other countries’ infrastructure and other facilities during a time of conflict.

Kurukulasooriya quotes Sri Lankan leftist leader Prof.Tissa Vitharana as saying: The alliance which we are forming with the US endangers national sovereignty and independence.”

Apart from frequent visits by US warships, joint exercises with Sri Lankan naval personnel are taking place, Prof. Vitharana said and added that statements from US officials revealed their interest in setting up a base in Trincomalee.

Vitharana said further confirmation that the government is moving in the direction of making Sri Lanka a part of the military machine formed by the US to control the world” could be seen in Premier Wickremesinghe’s statement in April 2016.

Addressing a commissioning parade at the Naval Academy in Trincomalee, Wickremesinghe said that the Sri Lankan armed forces would have to protect the Indian Ocean from the Maldives to the Straits of Malacca.”

To make this possible, the Premier pledged to buy more ships and weapons.

Prof. Vitharana pointed to the irony of suggesting such a course of action at a time when the country was deeply indebted, having sought $1.5 billion from the IMF with the entire attendant conditions for neo-liberal changes that would enable US exploitation of the Lankan economy.”

This situation is fraught with danger he said, though nobody is talking about it.

The Americans and Indians would be in Trincomalee, while the Chinese will be in Hambantota.

Although the Lankan government says ‘no military use’ of its ports would be allowed, Prof. Vitharana warned that if a military confrontation broke out in the South China Sea, for example, Sri Lanka could get unnecessarily caught up in a big power conflict.

(The featured image at the top shows USS Anchorage at the Trincomalee harbor)

රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ විවාහ වෙයි.. සියවසක් මතක රන්දයි.. තරු හෝටල්-මස්-අරක්කු කිසිත් නෑ.. ගැමි කෑම බීම පමණයි..[Photo]

January 24th, 2019

lanka C news

රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ විවාහ වෙයි.. සියවසක් මතක රන්දයි.. තරු හෝටල්-මස්-අරක්කු කිසිත් නෑ.. ගැමි කෑම බීම පමණයි..[Photo]

හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ බාල පුත් රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා අද දිනයේ විවාහ දිවියට එළැඹුනේය.

වීරකැටියේදී පැවත්වෙන මෙම මංගල උත්සවය සදහා දේශපාලන නායකයන්, ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ඇතුළු බොහෝ දෙනෙකු සහභාගී වී සිටිති.

මේ විවාහය සදහා කිසිදු ආකාරයක මත්පැන් සැපයීමක් සිදු නොකෙරෙන රණවරා, බෙලිමල්, දිවුල් යුෂ අමුත්තන්ට බීම සහා ලබා දෙයි.

ආහාර සදහා ලබා දෙන්නේ දේශීය ගැමි ආහාර පමණක් වන අතර ඒවා සකසන්නේ අසල්වැසි පවුල් විසිනි. කිසිදු මස් මාංශ වර්ගයක් ආහාර සදහා එක් කර නැත.

මැදමුලන ගම්මානයටම මෙම විවාහයේ ආරාධනා කර ඇත.

තරු හෝටල් සම්ප‍්‍රදායෙන් බැහැරව පැවැත්වෙන මෙම උත්සවය වැවක් ආසන්නයේ පිහිටි භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශක සංවිධානය කර ඇත.

රෝහිත රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාගේ මනාලිය වූයේ ටට්යානා ලිවේරා ජයරත්නයි.

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON CASTE IN JAFFNA Part 1

January 23rd, 2019

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The essay is not a comprehensive study on caste in Jaffna. It is a cluster of observations on caste in Jaffna collected while researching on the Tamil Separatist Movement. Those who write on Jaffna’s greatness, it’s wonderful culture, its need for a separate state have remained silent on the subject of caste in Jaffna, but caste oppression has now come to be discussed in the media.

I looked at the writings of A.L.Basham and Andre Beteille to see what they say about caste in Tamilnadu. I did so because the Jaffna Tamil” is a product of South India, not Sri Lanka.  The label ‘Ceylon Tamil’ is a bogus label created by the British.  A.L.Basham observed that in India, Tamils were mostly Sudra, a few were Brahmin.   Basham in his book ‘The wonder that was India’ has this to say about caste in Tamilnadu:

Early Tamil literature gives no evidence of caste, but the development of a more complex political and economic structure produced a system in some ways more rigid than that of the North. By the Cola period an important feature of South Indian caste structure had appeared, and this has survived to the present day.

In the Dravidian country groups claiming to be Kshatriyas were few, other than the ruling families, and Vaisyas were equally rare.’ Nearly the whole of the population were Brahmans, Sudras or Untouchables.

The Sudra castes, which formed the mass of the people, were divided into two great caste groups, known as the right and left hands. On the right are the trading castes, some weaving castes, musicians, potters, washermen, barbers, and most of the cultivating and labouring castes. On the left are various castes of craftsmen, such as weavers and leather workers, cowherds, and some cultivating castes.” (Wonder that was India)

There are no high caste Tamils in Sri Lanka said Izeth Hussein. There are very few Brahmins in Jaffna, agreed Jayaweera. The Jaffna Tamil immigrated into Jaffna during the Dutch occupation.    These Tamil emigrants were landless agricultural laborers brought in by the Dutch to work the tobacco plantations in the north.  It is most unlikely that they would have belonged to the Brahmin caste. They would have belonged to the Sudra group.

  1. Sooriasegaram (2017) says,” In Ceylon there is a very small community of Brahmans and practically all of them are attached to temples, either as priests or as assistants. Unlike the Brahmins in India, they are not highly educated, few have received a good secondary school education.

Some say that the Ceylon Brahmins are not really Brahmin, continued Sooriasegaram. To cross the sea is one way to lose caste, and it is thought that no high caste Brahman from India would have crossed the sea to Ceylon. This means that the Brahmans who are presently attached to temples in Ceylon are from another caste.

There was also the opposite opinion. Bala Tampoe (b 1922) had told Malinda Seneviratne, in an interview that his family belonged to the Jaffna aristocracy and there were even claims that they were connected to Sankili the last Tamil king of Jaffna. Their ancestral home was located opposite the palace at Nallur and was called Sangili thoppe or Sangili garden.

My great, great grandfather was the first Hindu convert to Christianity in Jaffna. Tampoe’s father, a coconut planter in Jaffna, was arrogant, he used to ride horses and carried a whip with him and when he went by car if the road was blocked by cattle or people he would toot his horn and after passing the place would stop take out his whip and lash out at the herdsman or whoever was blocking his path.

Neville Jayaweera, who was   Government Agent in Jaffna 1963-1966, found that the Jaffna Tamil community was ‘highly fragmented by caste’. In Tamilnadu and Jaffna there is a caste consciousness that cannot be equalled anywhere else in the world, announced Jayaweera.

There is an almost impenetrable caste barrier into Vellala and non Vellala, he exclaimed. Even among the Diaspora” abroad the high caste Tamils do not mix with the low caste Tamils.  Rajan Hoole said that the Tamils were a ‘caste ridden entity’. The   standard question asked when one Tamil met another Tamil, what is your village?” That was to find out the caste.

The top caste in Jaffna today is the Vellala, announced Jayaweera. The Vellalas are a unique Tamil social formation peculiar only to Sri Lanka, he observed. In Tamilnadu there is no indigenous concentration of Vellala of any political consequence.

Andre Beteille, who did fieldwork in Sripuram in Thanjavur District, Tamil Nadu, in the 1960s, described the Vellala in Sripuram as peasantry. The Vellala are the cultivating caste par excellence in Tamilnadu, he said. (Caste, Class and Power 1965).    Nalin de Silva added to this.  There is a caste called Vellala in Natal in South Africa, he said. These Vellala are the agricultural labourers who migrated to South Africa from India during British rule. It would have been the same with those who came here for tobacco cultivation in Dutch times.

S.R.N. Hoole said, ‘except for the Vellala themselves, all others agree that the Jaffna Tamils are mostly Sudra. Almost everyone in Jaffna tries to pass off as Vellala, Hoole added. Tamils themselves think that unless he is Vellala he is worth nothing, said Hoole. ’ P.G Veerasingham said that Vellala in Jaffna is a mixture of several castes. Castes such as Kallar, Kayavar, and Ahampady became Vellala over time. (Tales of an Enchanted Boyhood, Alupola to Jaffna 1940-1960)”  

The Vellala appear to have entrenched themselves as the top caste during Dutch times. There was a tremendous growth of Vellala in the Dutch Census, observed S.R.N. Hoole. But the present day Vellala  rose due to  calculated patronage of the British, who gave them access to government jobs, ownership of land in Jaffna and elsewhere in the north,

Among the Vellalas themselves there are many sub-divisions, some of which are regarded as higher than others. The Vellalas of Paloli (Point Pedro), Karativu and Arali for instance, are regarded as pure ‘Blue’ Vellalas, and they lay claim to a respect which no one will dispute, said Sooriasegaram.  There were rankings between the Vellala, agreed Vimala Ganeshananthan. Emily Ganesan     however, dismissed the matter. ‘Why fuss over whether this or that is the higher Vellala, when the Vellala belong to the Sudras. They were not high caste like Brahmins’, she said. (The Yaal players)

In Jaffna, the Vellala were the dominant caste.  They go as the superior class, said Jayaweera.  They are the sole power within Jaffna Tamil society.  Akalya Francisglain observed that Jaffna Tamil literature and the arts tended to pass off Vellala culture as synonymous with Tamil Jaffna culture, since Vellala culture was the dominant one. The Vellala speak a distinctive Vellala Tamil.

The Vellala were about 35% of the Tamil population in Jaffna, but they own about 95% of the land and hold all the economic, social and cultural power, declared Jayaweera. ‘The rest of the Jaffna society, i.e. 65% were lumped together as low caste or pariahs and lived on the margins of Tamil society as faceless persons.’

The Vellala controlled the rights to land and water. They controlled wells and rituals in temples. They were also a closed economic class, owning most of the lands and exercising total control over the economy and politics.

The Vellala were a formidable power group as well. All the Tamils in national politics were Vellala, observed Jayaweera. The Tamil DROs in the 1960s were all from the Vellala caste as well. Almost all the Tamils who entered the university were from the Vellala caste with a sprinkling of the Karayiar caste, said Sebastian Ramalingam. All The Tamil journalists were Vellala.

There were also the non-Vellalas. They were necessary. They did the menial jobs. According to Simon Casie Chetty (1807-1860) there were 152 non Vellala castes in Jaffna.  Emily Ganesan (b 1903) recalled that she was told that there were 24 main castes but many subdivisions within each. Each caste had their separate wells.

Each caste, such as goldsmith, carpenters, potters, had its own strip of land. These strips of land had no interaction.  These various lanes in the Karainagar Island were well known to the LTTE, she added, but were a stumbling bloc for the army. The LTTE negotiated the lanes easily as they knew them but the army followed them, lost their way and ran into a blank fence. The barbers and washer men who worked for the Vellala lived in their compound and worked only for them.

Low castes that came to her grandfather’s house, sat on a low seat. The lowest caste would drag a palmyrah frond to indicate that he was approaching.  The high caste person then moved to the opposite side.  Caste was ever important in marriage and guests of the wedding. In Karainagar, nobody forgot or was allowed to forget his or her caste, she said.

Among the less-privileged castes, Koviyar and Karaiyar were favoured by Vellala community. Unlike the other less-privileged castes, they did not face serious problems, said P.J.Antony. However, Ralph Pieris told me, with a wide smile, that a Tamil colleague, Vellala of course, had told him, probably in the 1950s or 1960s, You Sinhalese don’t know how to keep the Karava caste down, we in Jaffna know how.”

Though Tamils converted to Christianity their caste system remained and Church had no alternative but to recognize the caste system. The caste system was accepted by the Church, and caste became a basic qualification for ordination, said Rasalingam. The Christians whom Jayaweera had consulted in 1960s such as Bishop Kulendran and Puisne Judge H.W. Tambiah said caste system was evil but conformed to it willingly and wouldn’t violate its boundaries.

The missionaries were forced to accept caste distinctions. Uduvil Girls School in Jaffna Initially had girls from lower castes, such as Koviah and Pandarama.Koviah are household cooks equal to the Vellala and Pandaram are temple cooks. Uduvil also offered equal seating to all, in a single dining hall, when serving meals. Uduvil was the first school to voluntarily offer this. Before that, the oppressed castes whether students or parents, had to sit out of the way, separately when eating. But Vellala parents objects to their daughters eating with other castes.

In 1826 the Mission decided to accept only girls of good caste, who had some property, who would be a suitable match for the Christian boys.  The Batticotta School boarding was only for Vellala, but day students were a mixture of Vellala and lower castes, who sat on the ground in school and in church too. The Catholic churches in Jaffna did not permit women to cover their heads with a veil.

Caste oppression continued without hindrance in Jaffna    P.J. Antony (b. probably 1935   ) after my father’s death, my mother worked as a daily-wage labourer to raise me. When she approached some Catholic priests, they asked my mother why I could not be trained in my father’s profession. Upper-caste people thought education was not meant for minority Tamils. Downtrodden castes could not send their children to fee-levying schools due to poverty.

I was a victim of caste discrimination when I was 13 years old in Jaffna, said Antony. I was assaulted by upper-caste students at the Christian school I attended. I cannot forget that incident – even now.

Minority Tamils were not allowed to eat food in the company of upper-caste people. They could not go inside tea shops. Tea was given in rusty tin containers and soda bottles. They were asked to sit on an empty sack spread on the floor when they were given food in shops. This custom existed in the 1960s even in places like Subash Café, P.J. Antony said.

Sebastian Rasalingam (b. 1930s) said having come from a depressed caste and group in the in 1930 s in Jaffna, I know the vicious character of caste, maintained by violence as well. ’ When I was growing up in Jaffna, the lower caste Tamil could not go on buses or attend schools. Their very presence was ‘polluting’. In my young days I sat on the class room floor or carried a low stool from class to class as only the high caste could sit on chairs. The treated me and another child like me as excreta and punished us for daring to be there.

When I moved to Hatton and later to Colombo, in the late 1950s, I found a very different world, continued Rasalingam. My wife and I Found that our work mates, mostly Sinhalese would actually” sit with us and shared a cup of tea. We found that we could go to night schools and study without being threatened, beaten up or go and borrow books and do thing that would bring swift retribution back in the north.  Our dwelling would have been torched and our women raped with impunity.

Caste discrimination in Jaffna is not something of the past it exists with equal ugliness today .   The alleged “discrimination of Tamils by the Sinhalese” was nothing compared to the discrimination of the Tamils by the upper castes of the Tamils themselves, concluded Sebastian Rasalingam, writing from Canada in 2012.

Ananda Dharmapala   said ‘I was born an untouchable in Hindu Jaffna. I had no water to drink because the so called high caste Hindus, denied drinking water to me from the wells. The untouchable wells had run dry. I came to the south, took a Sinhala name and embraced Buddhism. It is possible that a large percent of Tamils became Sinhalese in the past. It is natural because they have joined a better society.’ ( Island 1.5.2004 p 9).

A.C.B. Pethiyagoda who had studied in Jaffna College in 1949 said there was a strong caste system at the time. When he was studying in Jaffna College, he was invited by a friend to coffee at one of the tea kiosks outside the school. The shop owner had asked in Tamil what caste Pethiyagoda was and on being told he was of ‘royalty’ had given him the drink in a glass tumbler. Otherwise it would have been a tin mug and a bench outside the boutique.

Neville Jayaweera discovered caste oppression in Jaffna when he was sent there as Government Agent. He was shocked. There was a deep caste divide in the north    he exclaimed. The low castes were a deeply oppressed, degraded group. Jayaweera called it ‘an appalling tragedy’. Jayaweera described the Jaffna Tamil underclass as it was in the 1960s when I discovered it’.

Anyone born Non-Vellala was frozen in his particular station, whether fishing or tree climbing or whatever. They were tied to their villages and their occupations. They could not reside outside their villages. They could not drink at the village well nor use any other public amenity outside their own villages. They could not wear jewellery, ride in carriages nor use drums at any ceremony. The non Vellalas owned little or no land.

They did not have access to high caste temples owned and managed by Brahmins or Vellala and they did to have access to Hindu schools or higher education. This was breached when the missionaries came, much to the consternation of Hindu leaders. They were not allowed into the premises occupied by the Vellala except for doing the tasks they were born to do. They dared not marry anyone form the Vellala caste, When they died they could not be cremated or buried on land reserved for the Vellalas. It was an oppressive system as bad as that in India, concluded Jayaweera.

In the 1930s and 1940s, minority-Tamil women were not allowed to wear sari blouses, recalled Antony. They had to raise the piece of cloth they wore so as to cover their breasts. The upper-caste people also barred minority-Tamil men from wearing the  Vetti, added P.J.Antony.

‘Every leading Hindu citizen of Jaffna whom I consulted’ had said that the whole caste system including denial of access to temples was deeply embedded in the Hindu religion and any attempt to change will not only be resisted but be treated as sacrilege said Jayaweera.  The Jaffna Tamils Christians consulted by Jayaweera also indicated that they too conformed to caste willingly and would not violate its boundaries.

Lalin Fernando, a senior army officer, who was in charge of the army units in Jaffna also said that Jaffna was very caste conscious. When the army first moved there, in 1961, low cast women were not allowed to wear jackets with their saris.  They were prohibited from bathing at wells of the high caste, they were also excluded from certain temples and they could not sit in buses. He recalled that in 1981 Hindu temples refused to take in the displaced Tamils due to caste.

Engineer M.Sooriasegaram , who lives in Jaffna, writing   in 2017,  stated that the   caste system is still practiced in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. It is a living cancer within the Tamil community. The high caste is the ruling caste in the Northern Province. All other castes have been discriminated and downtrodden in a wide variety of ways , socially, economically and in many other ways. They have been kept out of temples,  eating  places such as restaurants. Serving tea and food took place in separate low quality designated vessels in a very humiliating manner, concluded Sooriasegaram .

H.L.D Mahindapala pointed out in 2012 that low caste Hindus could not enter high caste Hindu temples in Jaffna. They could not bury their dead according to Hindu rights.  High caste would not let low caste drink from their wells.

The non-Vellala castes tried to improve their position, through ‘peaceful demonstrations’. The Minority Tamils Maha Sabha was established in 1941 with the view to winning the rights of the downtrodden castes, said P.J.Antony. Thiruvalluvar Council, Arunthathiyar Association, Toddy Tappers’ Union and the Washermen’s Union also put forward their demands, continued S.K.Senthivel. The Minority Tamils Council and the Communist Party took the initiative in the matter. But they did not put forward a comprehensive set of rights or launch a firm struggle for the rights, said Senthivel.

In the 1940s the  two most  visible  forms of oppression  was non- access into Hindu temples and tea shops. Low castes were not allowed to enter tea shops  and were served tea in broken bottles or rusted tumblers.  Minority Tamils Maha Sabha organized protests and temple-entry campaigns. These had some success.

Some temples were opened amicably. by 1958, three of the major temples of Jaffna, Nallur Murugan, Vanar Panani Sivan and Yal Perumal temples threw their doors open to the  non[Vellalas. ‘This was a major feat to have achieved without violence – the upper caste management of these temples were progressive for their time – but various other temples had to have their doors broken forcibly over the next decade, before temple entry could take place,’ said Senthivel.

‘As a result of severe pressure’, continued Senthivel,   in the 1950s , certain tea shops in Jaffna agreed to serve all castes from the same vessels. The V.S.S.K. café became the first restaurant to open its doors wide to everyone. Apart from  opening up temples and tea-shops however, progress in other areas of caste oppression continued to be slow.

The MEP government of 1956, led by SWRD Bandaranaike, took note of caste oppression. When the buses were nationalized, the CTB buses allowed anyone to go on them.  That angered the high caste Tamils.

The MEP government  passed the Prevention of Social disabilities Act 21 of 1957 amended later  by Act 18 of 1971.  This Act made Imposition of social disabilities on persons by reason of their caste to be an offence.

It said any person who imposes any social disability on any other person by reason of such other person’s caste shall be guilty of an offence and shall, on conviction after summary trial before a Magistrate, be liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years with or without a fine not exceeding three thousand rupees”.

Where an offence under this Act is committed on, or in relation to, any premises where any business is carried on under the authority of a licence and the person who is the proprietor or the manager of such business is convicted of such offence, the court may, in addition to any other punishment it may lawfully impose cancel such licence”.

The Non-Vellalas would have  got much encouragement and support from this Act. ‘In the 1960s there was a change of attitude’ said Senthivel. ‘A mostly non-violent movement which has put up with violence from the dominant castes for decades finally decided to retaliate. They took up arms and forced their way into resisting temples and eateries until nearly all these establishments opened their doors.’

There was a march against caste oppression on 21st October 1966. The march was led by political leaders N. Shanmugathasan, K.A. Subramaniam and V.A. Kandasamy. The march started from Chunnakam and ended in a mass rally at the Jaffna maidan. The march was joined by nearly all castes of the Tamil community, recalled P.J. Antony.  Many of the leaders were beaten up and jailed. Nevertheless, a consciousness had arisen – both in the minds of the anti-casteists as well as the casteists they were addressing – that caste oppression would no longer be acceptable or unchallenged.  It was a historic march by thousands of men and women protesting caste oppression.

By mid 1967, café entry and temple-entry struggles had started. There was direct confrontation.  The café entry confrontation in Changanaie resulted in one death. After Changanai, there were confrontations in cafes in Chavakachcheri, Kodikamam, Acchuveli, Karaveddy, Nelliyadi, Urumpirai, Maruthanarmadam, Chunnakam, Kankesanthurai, Tellippalai, Chitthankeni and Vaddukkoddai,

In Changanai, Kodikamam, Manduvil, Acchuveli, Karaveddy, Kanpollai and Nelliyadi the confrontations became clashes that went on for years.  In Changanai it went on for three years. ‘Up to fifteen militants at the forefront of the struggle became martyrs to the struggle’, said Senthival. Many were imprisoned and tortured in police stations. Many were seriously wounded. At the same time high caste fanatics were also attacked and killed. Many women were at the forefront of struggle, he said.

The battle to gain entry to high case Hindu temples intensified in the 1960s. Jayaweera, as GA Jaffna in the 1960s recorded that there was conflict between the Brahmin and Vellala owned temple authorities on one side and the non Vellala castes on the other. The MPs of the districts and the  14 DROs did nothing to help the non-Vellalas.  The non- Vellalas came to   Jayaweera,  but Jayaweera could not help.

The Vellalas strongly resisted opening their Hindu temples to the low castes. The 1957 Act helped but there were many loopholes in this act when it was implemented for the first time. Taking advantage of these loopholes, the Vellalas continued to prevent minority Tamils from entering the Hindu kovils in Jaffna.

The non-Vellalas did not give up. Nallur Kandaswamy Temple, the most renowned temple in the North, was opened but ‘only under intense pressure. It was the same at Amman temple in Mattvil the Selvacchannathi temple at Thondamanaru and the Azhvar temple in Vallipuram.

The struggle to enter the Maviddapuram Kandaswamy Temple, one of the major temples in the north, went on for three years. During the period the temple remained closed. In  early 1968   non-Vellalas mainly Pallar and Nalavar stormed Maviddapuram temple and staged a non-violent protest outside the temple gates but were met with violence from a group of “high” caste Hindus.

In June 1968  they  tried again and were successful. C Suntheralingam  who was one of the temple authorities had stood at the entrance to the temple flailing his walking stick over his head, and threatening anyone who came within striking distance. Suntheralingam was prosecuted under the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act and fined Rs. 50 by the Supreme Court.

Request to the police to ensure the participation of minority Tamils in pujas and festivals held in Hindu kovils were ignored before 1971. We hardly got the support of the police before 1971 when the Act was amended, said Antony. Once the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act  was amended in 1971, the police, had to support the organisers of temple-entry campaigns.  They could no longer connive with the upper caste or remain inactive. Superintendent of Police, Jaffna, rendered his fullest cooperation to us.  Assistant Superintendent of Police, Kankesanthurai, ordered the trustees of the Variyavalavu Pillayar Kovil in Thunnalai to open the temple to minority Tamils in the presence of some members of the Maha Sabha recalled Antony.  ( continued)

කන ඇතුළේ රාජධානිය

January 23rd, 2019

පරිවර්තනය කළේ ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

චං ත්සුවෝ කියලා කියන්නේ කුං ගුරුතුමා ගේ ගුරුකුලයට අයිති පඬිවරයෙක්. පරිපාලන කටයුතුවලට නිලධාරීන් බඳවාගන්න අධිරාජ්‍යය විභාගයත් ඔහු සමත්වුනා. විභාගයේ ප‍්‍රතිඵල ලබාගත්තට පස්සේ දවසක ඔහු අගනුවරට දකුණින් තිබුණු පළාතක පාරක් දිගේ අශ්වයෙක් පිටින් යමින් හිටියා. එහෙම යන අතරමග දී ඔහු වයස්ගත පුද්ගලයෙක්ව දැක්කා. ඒ පුද්ගලයා හිටියේ සුදු කකුල් තියෙන අළු පාට බූරුවෙක්ගේ පිටේ නැගලා. මුව හමින් හදපු කර මල්ලක් ඒ මහල්ලා එල්ලගෙන හිටියා. ඒ මහල්ලා බොහොම සරල ඇඳුමක් ඇඳගෙනයි හිටියේ. හැබැයි ඒ පුද්ගලයා තමන්ගේ ජීවිතයෙන් තෘප්තියට පැමිණිච්ච බවක් තමයි පෙන්නුම් කළේ.

චං පඬිවරයාට ඒ මහල්ලා ගැන ලොකු පැහැදීමක් ඇති වුනා. මහල්ලත් එක්ක කතා කළා නම් හොඳයි කියලා ඔහුට හිතුනා. ඒ හින්දා ඔහු මහල්ලාගෙන් ඇහුවා ”ඔබතුමා කොහේ ඉඳලා ද එන්නේ?” කියලා. චං පඬිවරයා දිහා බලලා හිනාවක් පෑවත් මහල්ලා උත්තරයක් දුන්නේ නෑ. ඒ හින්දා පඬිවරයා තව වතාවක් කලින් ප්‍රශ්නය ම ඇහුවා. ඒක අහපු ගමන් තමන්ට හුඟක් තරහ ගිය බවක් මහල්ලා පෙන්නුවා. ”උඹ මොන තරම් වැඩකට නැති මිනිහෙක් ද? උඹ කොහොම ද මගෙන් ඔය විදිහට ප‍්‍රශ්න අහන්නේ? කාගේ හරි සල්ලි හොරකම් කරගෙන පැනලා යන හොරෙක් කියලා හිතාගෙන ද උඹ ඔහොම මගෙන් අහන්නේ? එහෙම නැතිනම්, උඹේ රාජකාරිය පාරේ යන එවුන්ගෙන් කොහෙද යන්නේ, කොහේ ඉඳල ද එන්නේ කියලා අහන එක ද?” කියලා මහල්ලා තරහෙන් කියාගෙන කියාගෙන ගියා.

”නෑ. නෑ… බැලූ බැල්මට මට හිතෙන්නේ ඔබතුමා බොහොම දැනුම් තේරුම් තියෙන කෙනෙක් කියලා. මම කැමැතියි ඔබතුමාගේ ශිෂ්‍යයෙක් වෙන්න. ඒ හින්දයි මම එහෙම ඇහුවේ. මට සමාවෙන්න” කියලා චං බොහොම බැගෑපත් විදිහට කිව්වා.

”මම හිතන්නේ නෑ උඹට උගන්නන්න තරම් දෙයක් මම දන්නවා කියලා. මම ගොඩක් කල් ජීවත් වෙච්ච නිකම් ම නිකම් නාකි මිනිහෙක් විතරයි. මට හිතන්නේ මගේ වැරහැලි දිහා බලලා, මගේ වැදගම්මකට නැතිකම දැකලා උඹ මට ඔච්චම් කරනවා කියලා.” එහෙම කියපු මහල්ලා බූරුවට කසයෙන් පාරක් ගැහුවා. බූරුවා හැල්මේ දුවන්න පටන්ගත්තා.

චං පඬිවරයත් තමන්ගේ අශ්වයාට කකුලෙන් ඇනලා මහල්ලා පස්සෙන් යන්න පටන්ගත්තා. එදා රෑ ඒ දෙන්න ම එක ම නවාතැනක ලැඟුම්ගත්තා. මහල්ලා ඉක්මනින් ම නිදාගන්න ලෑස්තිවුනා. ඔහු තමන්ගේ මුව හම් කරමල්ල කොට්ටයක් විදිහට ඔලූවට යටින් තියාගත්තා. ඒත් චං පඬිවරයාට හිතුනා දවසේ මහන්සිය යන්නත් එක්ක පොඩි අඩියක් ගැහුවා නම් හොඳයි කියලා. ඔහු ටිකක් චකිතයෙන් වගේ මහල්ලාටත් ආරාධනා කරලා ඇහුවා තමන් එක්ක හවුල් වෙන්න පුළුවන් ද කියලා. ඒ කියන පමාවෙන් මහල්ලා නැගිට්ටා. සද්දෙන් හිනාවුනා. ”ඔන්න ඕක තමයි මම වැඩියෙන් ම කැමැති දේ. මට පුදුමයි. උඹ කොහොම ද ඒක දැනගත්තේ?” කියලා කියාගෙන මහල්ලා චං පඬිවරයා ළඟට කිට්ටුවුනා.

රහමෙර කටගාන්න, කටගාන්න මහල්ලාගේ දරදඬුකමත් ටිකෙන් ටික නැතිවෙලා යන්න පටන්ගත්තා. ඒ වග චං පඬිවරයටත් තේරුණා. ඉතින් අවස්ථාවෙන් ප‍්‍රයෝජනයක් ඇරගෙන ඔහු මෙහෙම කිව්වා. ”මම තරුණයි. මෝඩයි. ඔබතුමාට පුළුවන් ද මගේ මොළේ ටිකක් පාදන්න? මම කැමැතියි ලෝකෙ ගැන මොනවා හරි ටිකක් දැනගන්න.”

”මම දැකලා තියෙන්නේ ලියං, ඡන්, සුයි, ථං රාජ වංශ බලයට එන එකයි ඒවා පිරිහෙන එකයි විතරයි. ඒ හැම එකක් ම දැන් ඉතිහාස පොත්වලට එකතුවෙලා. මං ගැන විතරක් යමක් කියන්න මට පුළුවන්. ඒ කතාව උඹට වැඩක් වෙයි ද කියලා කියන්න බෑ” කියලා මහල්ලා උත්තර දුන්නා.

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(පාඨකයන්ගේ දැනුමට සටහනක්: චීනයේ ලියං යුගය තිබුණේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 502 ඉඳලා ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 557 වෙන කල්. ඊට පස්සේ ආවේ ඡන් යුගය. ඒ, ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 557 ඉඳලා ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 589 වෙන කල්. සුයි යුගය පැවැතුනේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 581 ඉඳලා ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 618 වෙන කල්. ථං යුගය පැවැතුනේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 618 ඉඳලා ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 907 වෙන කල්. ඒ කියන්නේ, මේ මහල්ලා කියන විදිහට එයා අවුරුදු 400 කට වැඩි කාලයක් තිස්සේ වෙච්ච දේවල් දැකලා තියෙනවා. මේ කතාවට අදාළ හින්දා තව කාරණයක් දෙකක් කියන්න ඕන. එකක් තමයි උතුරු චෝ වංශ පාලන කාලය. ඒ පාලනය තිබුණේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 557 ඉඳලා ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 581 වෙන කල්. උතුරු චෝ, ලියං, ඡන් කියන පාලන අයිති වුනේ චීනයේ තිබුණු උතුරු සහ දකුණු කියන රාජ්‍ය යුග කාලයට. ඒ, චීන මිනිස්සු වෙන වෙනම පාලන ප්‍රදේශ හදාගෙන කා කොටාගත්ත කාලයක්. සුයි අධිරාජ්‍යය පිහිටුවලා චීනය නැවතත් එක්සේසත් කළා. ථං යුගය කියලා කියන්නේ චීන ඉතිහාසයේ ස්වර්ණමය පාලන කාලය කියලා කියන්න පුළුවන්).

අපි ආයෙත් මහල්ලාට සවන්දෙමු.

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උතුරු චෝ වංශ පාලනේ තියෙන කාලේ මම ජීවත්වුනේ ඡී කෝරළේ. මගේ නම ශන් ත්සුං. වයස අවුරුදු 18 ක් වෙද්දි මම හමුදාවට බැඳුනා. ලියං වංශයේ යුවාන් අධිරාජ්‍යයා අල්ලගෙන හිටපු චිංචෝ නගරයට අපේ හමුදාව පහරදුන්නා. අපි ඒ නගරය අල්ලගත්තා. ඊට පස්සේ මගේ සෙන්පතිතුමාට පැවරුනේ අපේ ජයග‍්‍රාහී හමුදාව උතුරට මෙහෙයවන වැඩේ.

එදා රෑ මම හීනයක් දැක්කා. නිල් පාට ලෝගු ඇඳගත්ත මිනිස්සු දෙන්නෙක් මට ඇහෙන්න පද තේරවිල්ලක් කිව්වා. ඒ දෙන්නා කිව්වේ මොන හරුපයක් ද කියලා මට තේරුණේ නෑ. මම උදේ පාන්දරින් ම නැගිටලා හීන තෝරන්නෙක් හොයාගෙන ගියා. ඒ මනුස්සයා කියපු විදිහට හුඟක් කල් ජීවත්වෙන්න ඕනකමක් මට තියෙනවා නම් මම ඒ නගරයේ ම නැවතිලා ඉන්න ඕන. ඉක්මනින් මැරෙන්න මොකාද කැමැති? ඉතින් මම ඒ උපදේශය පිළි ඇරගෙන මගේ අණදෙන නිලධාරියාට කන්නලව් කරලා ඒ නගරයේ ම නවතින්න අවසර ඉල්ලුවා. ඉතින් ඒ නගරයේ ම නවතින්න කියලා මගේ අණදෙන නිලධාරියා මට අවසර දුන්නා. එතුමා මාව නගරාරක්ෂක බල ඇණියට අනුයුක්ත කළා.

මම ආයෙත් හීන තෝරන්නා හම්බවෙන්න ගියා. නගරයේ ම ඉන්න අවසර ගත්තා කියලා මම ඒ මනුස්සයාට කිව්වා. ඒත් හුඟක් කල් ජීවත්වෙන්න ඒක උදව් වෙයි කියලා විශ්වාසයක් නම් මට තිබුණේ නෑ.

මම කියපු කතාව අහපු හීන තෝරන්නා මට මගේ කලින් ආත්මේ ගැන විස්තරයක් කියන්න පටන්ගත්තා. මම ඊට කලින් ජීවත්වෙලා ඉඳලා තියෙන්නේ ත්ස-ථුං කෝරළේ. ඒ කාලේ මගේ නම ෂ්‍යුඑ චුන්චෝ.

ඒ දවස්වල මම බෙහෙත් ඖෂධයක් පාවිච්චි කරන්නත් තාඕ සූත‍්‍ර, පොත්පත් කියවන්නත් පුරුදුවෙලා ඉඳලා තියෙනවා. පස්සේ කාලෙක මම හුන්-කිං කියන පර්වතය පාමුල ජීවත්වෙන්න ගිහිල්ලා. ඒක කොක්කු ලගින පර්වතයක්. වසන්ත කාලේ දී මම ඒ පර්වතය පාමුල අතු පැලක් අටවගත්තා. ගේ වටේට මල් වැව්වා. වත්ත වටේට උණ ගස් හිටෙව්වා.

අටවැනි චන්ද්‍ර මාසේ පුර පසලොස්වක දවසේ රෑ මම බෙහෙත් ඖෂධය බීලා එළිමහනේ වැතිරිලා හිටියා. මම හුඟක් සංතෝෂෙන් හිටියේ. ඒක හරි ම සුන්දර රාත‍්‍රියක්. මම සිවුරුහන් බෑවා. හඬ නගා සද්ද කළා. මම මගේ හිතේ තිබුණු දේවල් කියාගෙන යන්න පටන්ගත්තා. ”ගිහි ජීවිතේ අත ඇරියාට පස්සේ මම කොච්චර නම් කැපකිරීම් කරලා තියෙනවා ද? මම උත්තරීතර බලාපොරොත්තු ගොඩාක් තියාගෙන මේ ජීවිතේ පටන්ගත්තේ. ඒත් මාත් එක්ක ගැවසෙන්න පුළුවන් උත්තරීතර කෙනෙක් අද වෙනකල් මං ළඟට ඇවිල්ලා නෑ. ඇයි ඇත්තට ම මෙහෙම වෙන්නේ?” කියලා මම සද්දෙන් ඇහුවා.

ඒ එක්කම එක සැරේ ම මට සද්දයක් ඇහෙන්න පටන්ගත්තා. ඒ මොකක් හරි රථයක් එන සද්දයක්. හැබැයි ඒ සද්දේ ඇහුණේ මගේ කන අස්සෙන්. කිසිම හේතුවක් නැතුව එහෙම සද්දයක් ඇහුනා. ඒත් එක්කම මට නිදිමතකුත් ඇතිවුනා. මම පැදුරේ ඇලවුනා.

මගේ ඔළුව පැදුරේ ගෑවෙන කොට ම සිද්ද වුනේ හරිම පුදුමාකාර දෙයක්. පුංචි කරත්තයක්. ඔව්, අඟල් දෙකක් විතර උස ඇති පුංචි කරත්තයක්, රතුපාට රෝද තියෙන, කළුපාට අඹරාවක් තියෙන, කුරුඳු පොතුවල පාට වස්සෙක් ඇද ගෙන ආපු පුංචි කරත්තයක් මගේ කනින් එළියට ආවා. කියන්නත් පුදුමයි. මගේ කනින් එළියට එන්න කරත්තෙට කිසිම අමාරුවක් තිබුණේ නෑ. ඒක හරිම ලේසියෙන් මගේ කනින් එළියට ආවා. හරියට මහ පාරක යනවා වගේ.

ඒ කරත්තේ උඩ පුංචි මිනිස්සු දෙන්නෙක් හිටියා. ඒ දෙන්නා ඇඳගෙන හිටියේ නිල් පාට ලෝගු දෙකක්. ඔළුවේ කොළ පාට තලප්පාවක් බැඳගෙන හිටියා. ආ … ඔව්. රියැදුරෙකුත් හිටියා. අර දෙන්නා හිටියේ අත් වැටට හේත්තු වෙලා. කරත්තේ කනෙන් එළියට ආවාට පස්සේ ඒක නවත්තන්න කියලා ඒ දෙන්නා රියැදුරාට කිව්වා.

දෙන්නා ම කරත්තෙන් බැස්සා. තමන් දෙව් ලෝ රාජධානියේ නියෝජිතයෝ කියලා ඒ දෙන්නා තමන්ව අඳුන්නලා දුන්නා. ඒ ගොල්ලෝ ඇවිල්ලා හිටියේ මගේ සිවුරුහන් හඬ ඇහිච්ච හින්දා. හඳ එළියේ ඉඳගෙන නගපු හඬ ඒ අය හුඟක් ඉහළින් අගය කළා. ඒ අයට ඕන වුනා මාත් එක්ක කතාකරන්න.

”ඔය දෙන්නා ආවේ මගේ කන ඇතුළේ ඉඳලා. එහෙම නම් කොහොම ද දෙව් ලෝ රාජධානියේ ඉඳලා ආවා කියලා කියන්නේ?” කියලා මම පුදුමයෙන් වගේ ඇහුවා. ඇත්තෙන් ම පුදුම නො වී ඉන්න තරම් හේතුවක් මට තිබුණේ නෑ.

”දෙව් ලෝ රාජධානිය තියෙන්නේ අපේ කනේ. කවුද කිව්වේ ඒක ඔබේ කනේ තියෙනවා කියලා?” ඒ දෙන්නා උත්තර දුන්නා.

”ඔය දෙන්නාගේ උස අඟලක් තරම්වත් නෑ. එහෙව් එකේ ඕගොල්ලන්ගේ කන ඇතුළේ රාජධානියක් තියෙන්න ඉඩක් කොහෙද තියෙන්නේ? හොඳයි අපි කියමු කියපු දේ ඇත්ත කියලා. එහෙම නම් ඒ ලෝකේ මිනිස්සු මැක්කන්ටත් වඩා පුංචි එවුන් වෙන්න ඕන” කියලා මම සරදමට වගේ හිනාවුනා.

”ඇත්තම කියනවා නම් අපේ ලෝක දෙකේ ඔය කියන තරම් වෙනසක් නෑ. ඔබට අපිව විශ්වාස නැතිනම් ඇවිල්ලා බලන්න. ඔබේ ඇස් දෙකෙන් ම බලාගන්න. වාසනාව තියෙනවා නම් ඔබට පුළුවන් අපේ රාජධානියේ සදාකාලිකව ම ඉන්න. එතකොට ඔබට පුළුවන් මේ ඉපදෙන මැරෙන චක‍්‍රයෙන් මිදෙන්න” කියලා එතකොට ඒ දෙන්නා කිව්වා.

ඊට පස්සේ ඒ දෙන්නගෙන් කෙනෙක් තමන්ගේ කන මගේ පැත්තට ඇල කළා. මම එබිලා බැලූවා. මම දැක්කා ගස්. මම දැක්කා මල්. මම දැක්කා ගෙවල්. එකක් දෙකක් නෙවෙයි. මහ ගොඩක්. දඟර ගැහිච්ච ගංගා, මහ විශාල කඳු පංති ඈතට විහිදිලා තිබුණා. මම හුඟක් ළං වෙලා ඒවා දිහා බැලූවා. හුඟාක් ළං වුනා. මට මාව ම පාලනය කරගන්න බැරිවුනා. මම ඒ කන ඇතුළට වැටුණා.

මම හිටියේ මහා නගරයක් මැද්දේ. නගරයේ ප‍්‍රාකාරය හුඟක් උසයි. වීදි පළලයි. ඉද්ද ගැහුවා වගේ කෙළින්. මොන පැත්තට යන්න ද කියලා හිතාගන්න බැරිව ඉන්න කොට අර දෙන්නා මගේ දෙපැත්තෙන් හිටගත්තා. ඒ ගොල්ලො කිව්වා තමන්ගේ රට මගේ රට තරම් ම විශාලයි කියලා. ඒක බොරුවක් නෙවෙයි. මම ඒක මගේ ඇස් දෙකින් ම දැක්කා!

ඒ අයගේ රටට ආපු හින්දා මට මහා ෂුවන්චන් රජතුමාව හම්බවෙන්න වෙනවා කියලා ඒ දෙන්නා මට කිව්වා. ෂුවන්චන් රජතුමා ජීවත්වුනේ රත්තරන් මාළිගාවක. දොරවල්වලටයි ජනෙල්වලටයි දාලා තිබුණේ මුතු වැල්වලින් වියපු තිර. මහා ශාලාවක් මැද්දේ එතුමා වාඩිවෙලා හිටියා. රෝස පාට වළාකුළුවලට උඩින් පායලා තියෙන ඉර හඳ රූපවලින් එතුමාගේ ලෝගුව ගෙත්තම් කරලා සරසලා තිබුණා. පැළඳගෙන හිටපු ඔටුන්න හුඟක් උස එකක්. හරිතමිණිවලින් කරවපු පබලූවලින් ඒක වටේට ම සරසලා තිබුණා. නෑඹුල් පිරිමි ළමයි හතර දෙනෙක් උන්වහන්සේගේ දෙපැත්තෙන් හිටගෙන හිටියා.

මාව එක්කර ගෙන ගිය දෙන්න රජතුමා ඉස්සරහා දණ නමස්කාර කළා. ඇස් බිමට කරගත්තා.

උස හිස්වැස්මක් පැළඳගත්ත, කොළ පාට ලෝගුවක් ඇඳගෙන හිටිය නිලධාරියෙක් ලේඛනයක් අතේ තියාගෙන හිටියා. අර දෙන්න කරපු විදිහට ම මමත් රජතුමාට දණ නමස්කාර කළා ම ඒ නිලධාරියා තමන් අතේ තිබුණු ආඥාව කියවන්න පටන්ගත්තා. ඒ කියපු විදිහට මාව ලේකම් මිටිය භාර මහ ලේකම් විදිහට පත් කරලා!

කහ පාට කබා ඇඳගෙන හිටපු මිනිස්සු හතර දෙනෙක් මාව මගේ කාර්යාලයට එක්කර ගෙන ගියා. ඒත් එතෙන්ට ගිය ගමන් ම මට තේරුණා ඒ ලේකම් මිටි ලියලා තියෙන්නේ මහ අමුතු ම භාෂාවකින් කියලා. ඒ එක අකුරක්වත් මට තේරුණේ නෑ. මම මාසයක් ම එතෙන්ට ආවා ගියා. ඒත් කවුරුවත් මාව හම්බවෙන්න ආවේ නෑ. මට කරන්න වැඩක් තිබුණෙත් නෑ.

හැබැයි මට හිතෙන්නේ මොකක් ද, ඒක හිතුණු ගමන් ම මගේ සේවකයෝ ඒ දේ මගේ ළඟට ම ගෙනැල්ලා දුන්නා. මට ඒ ගැන වචනයක්වත් කියන්න ඉඩක් ලැබුණේ නෑ. මට ඕන හැම දෙයක් ම අඩුවක් නැතුව මට ලැබුණා. මට උවමනා දේ ගැන හිතන එක විතරයි මම කළේ.

දවස ගානේ මෙහෙම නිකම් ඉන්න කොට මට මහා කම්මැලිකමක් දැනුණා. කම්මැලිකම යන්නත් එක්ක නගරයේ තිබුණු උස කුළුණකට නගින්න ඕන කියලා මම තීරණය කළා. ඒකට නගින්න පඩිපෙළකුත් තිබුණා. මම ඒ කුළුණ උඩට ම නැග්ගා. ඒක මහ විශාල නගරයක්. හරිම සජීවියි. මිනිස්සු උද්‍යෝගයෙන් එදිනෙදා වැඩවල නිරතවෙනවා. එක එක විදිහේ රථ වාහන වීදි දිගේ දුවනවා. පොඩි එවුන් සෙල්ලම් කරනවා. හරිම උණුසුම් දර්ශනයක්. මට මගේ ගෙදර මතක්වුනා. ඒ හැඟීම මගේ හිතට කවියක් ගෙන එන්න තරම් ප‍්‍රබල එකක් වුනා.

බිම් තලය හමා එන මදනළ

රැගෙන එයි සුවඳ – වනය හා ශිඛර පිසගෙන

මේ තුඟු කුළුණ මත සිට – නෙත් හෙළන මා හට

හැ‍ඟෙයි – මේ මගේ නිවහන නොවන වග!

කඩදාසියක කුරුටු ගාපු ඒ කවිය පස්සේ වෙලාවක අර දෙන්නට – ඒ කියන්නේ මාව මේ රාජධානියට එක්කර ගෙන ආපු දෙන්නට; මම පෙන්නුවා. ඒක දැක්කම ඒ දෙන්නා කෝපයෙන් උමතු වුනා. ස්වභාවයෙන් ම මගේ හිත අශුද්ධ අශෝභන දේවල්වලින් කෙලෙසිලා කියලා ඒ දෙන්නා මොර දුන්නා. මාව තමන්ගේ රාජධානියට ගෙනාපු එක ඒ අය කරපු වැරැද්දක් කියලාත් ඒ දෙන්නා කිව්වා. මම ලෞකික ආශාවලින් මිදිච්ච මිනිහෙක් කියලා හිතපු එකේ වැරැද්ද ගැන ඒ දෙන්නා කම්පා වුනා. මම තාමත් ලෞකික දේවල් ගැන හිතන පහත් මිනිහෙක්!

ඒ දෙන්නා මාව ඒ අයගේ ලෝකෙන් එලෙව්වා. එතකොට ම, මට තේරුනා මගේ කකුල් දෙක පොළොවේ වදින බවක්. මම ඉක්මනින් හැරිලා බැලූවා. එතකොට තමයි දැක්කේ මම ඒ පුද්ගලයාගේ කනින් එළියට වැටිච්ච බව. මම ආයෙත් මගේ අතු පැළ ඉස්සරහ මිදුලේ ඉන්න බව. මම ආයෙත් බැලූවා. ඒ දෙන්නා අතුරුදහන් වෙලා. යන්න ගිහිල්ලා.

මම ඉක්මනින් ගමට ගිහින් මිනිස්සුන්ට කතා කළා. ඒ අය පුදුමවෙලා වගේ මගේ දිහා බැලූවා. මම ෂුඑ චුන්චෝ කියලා ඒ අයට කිව්වා. ඒ අය කිව්වා මම ගමෙන් යන්න ගිහිල්ලා අවුරුදු හත – අටකටත් වැඩියි කියලා. ඒත් මට නම් හිතුනේ මම ගමෙන් ගිහිල්ලා මාසෙකට දෙකකට වැඩිය නෑ කියලා. මම මගේ ගමට ආගන්තුකයෙක්. මට එතැන තැනක් නෑ. ඉතින් මොහොතකට පස්සේ මම මියගියා. ශන් ත්සුං විදිහට මම ආයෙත් ඉපැදුනා.

ඊට පස්සේ හීන තෝරන්නා තමන් ගැන මාත් එක්ක කිව්වා. එතුමා කියපු විදිහට එයා වෙන කවුරුවත් නෙවෙයි. එතුමා මගේ කනින් ආපු අර දෙන්නගෙන් එක්කෙනෙක්!

මම මගේ කලින් ජීවිතයේ දී තාඕ හොයාගන්න සෑහෙන්න කැපවෙච්ච හින්දා තමයි දෙව් ලෝ රාජධානියට යන්න අවස්ථාවක් මට ලැබිලා තියෙන්නේ. ඒත් ලෞකික ආශාවල්, ලෞකික මුල් මුළුමනින් ම උගුල්ලලා තිබ්බ නැති හින්දා මට අමරණීය වෙන්න බැරිවෙලා. ඒත් මම කරපු කැපකිරීම් හින්දා, දරපු උත්සාහය අසීමිත හින්දා අවුරුදු දාහක කාලයක් සාමයෙන් ජීවත්වෙන වාසනාව මට උරුමවෙලා තියෙනවා කියලා එතුමා මට කිව්වා.

මේ විස්තරේ කියපු හීන තෝරන්නා එයා ගේ කට ඇතුළෙන් අඩියක් විතර දිග සේද පටියක් ඇදලා ගත්තා. ඒකේ මොනවා හරි අකුරු ගොඩක්, රූප ගොඩක් ලියලා තිබ්බා. එයා ඒක මට දුන්නා. ඒක දීලා එයා මට කිව්වා ඒක ගිලින්න කියලා. එතුමා කියපු විදිහට මම ඒක ගිල්ලා. ඊට පස්සේ තමයි එයා තමන් කවුද කියලා මට කිව්වේ.

ඊට පස්සේ ඒ හීන තෝරන්නා අතුරුදහන් වුනා.

එදා ඉඳලා මේ වෙනකොට අවුරුද හාරසීයකටත් වඩා ගතවෙලා. මට කවදාවත් ලෙඩක් හැදිලා නෑ. මම කොච්චර නම් දුර ඇවිදලා තියෙනවා ද. හැම පූජනීය කන්දකට ම මම ගිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා. හුඟක් පුදුම දේවල් මම දැකලා තියෙනවා. ඒ හැම එකක් ගැන ම මම ලියලාත් තියෙනවා. ඒ ලියපු ඒවා තමයි මගේ මේ මල්ලේ තියෙන්නේ.

මහල්ලා මුව හම් මල්ල ඇරියා. ඒකෙන් ඇරගෙන බොහොම තදට ඔතලා තිබ්බ සේද ලූලි දෙකක් චං පඬිවරයාට පෙන්නුවා. ඒවගේ ලියලා තිබ්බ අකුරු හරි ම පුංචියි. කියවන්න අමාරුයි. ඒකෙන් පාඨයක් දෙකක් කියවන්න කියලා පඬිවරයා මහල්ලගෙන් ඉල්ලූවා. මහල්ලා කියවන්න පටන්ගත්තා. හරි පුදුමාකාර විස්තර!

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ඒ විස්තර අහපු චං පඬිතුමා බොහොම සතුටින් නින්දට ගියා. පහුවදා උදේ පාන්දරින් ම එතුමා නැගිට්ටා. ඒත් ඒ වෙනකොට මහල්ලා යන්න ගිහින්!

එයින් දවස් කීපයකට පස්සේ භෂ්ම නිම්නයේ දී කෙනෙක්ට මහල්ලා හම්බවෙලා තියෙනවා. චං පඬිවරයා මතක් කරපු බවකුත් මහල්ලා ඒ පුද්ගලයාට කියලා තියෙනවා. ඒ ආරංචිය ලැබිච්ච ගමන් ම තමන්ගේ අශ්වයා පිටට නැග්ග චං පඬිවරයා භෂ්ම නිම්නය පැත්තට පිම්මේ යන්න පටන්ගත්තා. එතුමා මොහොතක්වත් පමා වුනේ නෑ. ඒත්, ඔහුට මහල්ලා ව හම්බවුනේ නෑ.

පරිවර්තනය කළේ

ආචාර්ය වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

(මේ කතාව උපුටාගත්තේ ”ථැයි පිං යුගයේ වාර්තාවලින් උපුටාගත් කතා සංග‍්‍රහය” කියන චීන පොතෙන්. ථැයි පිං කියලා කියන්නේ උතුරු සුං අධිරාජ්‍ය යුගයට අයිති කාලයක්. හරියටම කියනවා නම් ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 976 ඉඳලා 984 දක්වා වූ කාලය. ඒ වාර්තාවල මේ විදිහේ කතා හත්දාහක් විතර ඇතුළත් වෙලා තියෙනවා. ඉඩ ලැබෙන විදිහට ඉදිරියේ දී ඒ පොතින් උපුටාගත්ත තවත් කතාවක් දෙකක් කියන්න උත්සාහ කරන්නම්)

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව විනාශ කිරීමට ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත

January 23rd, 2019

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ විපක්‍ෂ නායක

පසුගියදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක සභාව ඉදිරියේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවක කෙටුම්පතක් හැටියට සකස් කර තිබූ පිටු 187ක වර්ථාවක් අගමැතිවරයා සභාගත කළේය. ඉන් පසු ‘ව්‍යවස්ථාවකුත් නෑ ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතකුත් නෑ’ කියමින් ඔහු රට වටේ යන ආකාරය අපි දුටුවෙමු. එවැන්නක් කියන අතරම අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් යටතේ ලංකාව බෙදිය නොහැකි එක්සත් රටක් හැටියට පවතින බවත්,  බුදු දහමට තිබුණු තැන වෙනස් නොවන බවත්, අගමැතිවරයාත්, එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ වෙනත් ඇමතිවරුත් කියයි. රටේ පවතින කෘෂිකාර්මික පළිබෝධ උවදුරත්, ණය උගුල ඇතුලු අනේකවිධ අර්බුධ මධ්‍යයේ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් කෙරෙන මේ හොරගල් ඇහිලීම ගැන අපි කවුරුත් අවධානයෙන් සිටිය යුතුය.

වර්ථමාන පාලකයන් 2015 බලයට පැමිණෙන විට ජනතාවට දුන් ව්‍යවස්ථාමය පොරොන්දු දෙක වූයේ විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීමත්, ස්ථාවර පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආණ්ඩු පිහිටුවීමට හැකිවෙන ආකාරයට මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය සංශෝධනය කිරීමත් පමණි. විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීමට මේ කෙටුම්තේ විධිවිධාන තිබේ.  අපි එයට විරුද්ධ නොවෙමු. නමුත් මෙහි යෝජනා කර තිබෙන නව මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය 2017 දී පලාත් පාලන ආයතන හා පලාත්සභා වලට හඳුන්වාදුන් ආකාරයේ ‘පූර්ණ සමානුපාතික’ මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයකි. ඒ මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය ගෙන ඒමට 2017 කටයුතු කළ අයම දැන් එය ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කර ඇත. ස්ථාවර ආණ්ඩු ඇතිවෙන ආකාරයට මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කිරීමට  නම් හඳුන්වා දිය යුත්තේ දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතාගේ නායකත්වයෙන් පිහිටවනු ලැබූ පාර්ලිමේන්තු තේරීම් කාරක සභාවෙන් යෝජනා කළ 70% ක් කේවල ආසන හා 30% ක් සමානුපාතික ක්‍රමයට මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් තෝරා පත් කෙරෙන ‘දෙමුහුන්’ ඡන්ද ක්‍රමයයි. එම පාර්ලිමේන්තු තේරීම් කාරක සභාව ඒ දෙමුහුන් මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය යෝජනා කලේ, 2002 සිට 2007 දක්වා එජාප සහ එජනිස ආණ්ඩු දෙකක් යටතේ අවුරුදු ගණනාවක් මුලුල්ලේ කරනු ලැබූ  අධ්‍යනයකින් පසුවය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව දරුණු ලෙස දුර්වල කර පලාත් ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයන් විශාල වශයෙන් බලවත් කිරීමට අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ යෝජනා ඇත. පලාත් සභා වලට අයිති විශයන් ගැන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් නීති සෑදීමට  නම් හැම පලාත් සභාවක්ම එයට එකඟ විය යුතු වේ. එක පළාත් සභාවක් හෝ එම නීතියට  විරුද්ධ වුවහොත් එය සම්මත කිරීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලය මෙන්ම ජනමතවිචාරණයක්ද අවශ්‍ය වේ. නමුත් ඒ ආකාරයට සම්මත කරනු ලැබූ නීතියක් වුවද ඕනෑම පලාත් සභාවකට ඕනෑම වෙලාවක සරළ බහුතරයකින් සම්මත කරන පනතකින් අහෝසි කර දැමිය හැක (කෙටුම්පතේ 132 ඡේදය). පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බලය ඒ ආකාරයට සීමා කළ විට ඒකීය රාජ්‍ය ෆෙඩරල් රාජ්‍යයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය  වේ. අපි එයට සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම විරුද්ධ  වෙමු.

සමගාමී ලැයිස්තුවට අයිති විෂයන් ගැන පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නීති සෑදීමට නම්  සියලුම පළාත් සභාවල එකඟත්වය ලබාගත යුතු වේ (134 ඡන්දය). එවන් එකඟතාවයක් ලබාගන්නවාද නැද්ද යන්න ගැන තීරණය කිරීමට වත්මන් ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හිමි බලය එයින් අහෝසි වෙනු ඇත. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් නීතියක් සම්මත කළ පසුත් අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් පිහිටු වීමට යෝජනා කර තිබෙන ව්‍යවස්ථාමය උසාවියට ඒ නීතිය අවලංගු කළ හැක. එයින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බලය තවත් හීන වේ (182-ඇ සහ 185 ඡේද). මේ ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබෙන ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ පලාත් සභා බලතල ලැයිස්තුවක් ගැනත් සමගාමී බලතල ලැයිස්තුවක් ගැනත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ බලතල ලැයිතුවක් ගැනත් සඳහන් වුවද ඒ ලැයිස්තු අපේ වර්ථමාන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ තිබෙන ලැයිස්තුද නැත්නම් වෙනස් ඒවාද යන්න සඳහන් කර නැත.

මේ අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතත් සමඟ කිසිඳු ප්‍රයෝජනයක් නැති තොරතුරු අඩංගු ලියවිලි මිටි ගණන් සභාගත කෙරුවද වැදගත්ම කාරණයක් වන මේ බලතල ලැයිස්තු ඉදිරිපත් කර නැත. අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා යෝජනා වලට අනුව, මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ නියෝජිතයා වන ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයාට පලාතේ මහ ඇමති යටතේ කටයුතු කිරීමට සිදුවේ. වත්මන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධිවිධාන වලට හාත්පසින්ම වෙනස්ව පළාතේ විධායක බලය ඇත්තේ මහ ඇමතිවරයාට මිස ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයාට නොවන බවට සඳහන්ව තිබීමෙන්ද මේ යෝජනාවල ෆෙඩරල්වාදී නැඹුරුව තවත් පැහැදිලි වේ (242 ඡේදය).

පොලිස් සේවය ජාතික පොලිස් සේවයක් සහ පලාත්බද  පොලිස් සේවාවන් 09 කට කඩා ඒ හැම එකටම වෙන වෙනම පොලිස් කොමිසම් ඇති කිරීමටත් මෙහි විධි විධාන ඇත. ජාතික පොලිස් සේවයට අයිති වන්නේ රාජ්‍ය විරෝධී කටයුතු,  මැතිවරණ සම්බන්ධ වැරදි, හොර මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම වැනි නම්කරනු ලැබු කාරණා  කිහිපයක් පමණි.  අනෙක් සියලුම එදිනෙදා පොලිස් කටයුතු, එනම්  අපරාධ, වංචා, මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය, රථ වාහන, මහජන සාමය වැනි කරුණු අයිති වන්නේ පලාත්බද පොලීසි වලටය. (254, 259, හා 284 වෙනි ඡේද) මේ ආකාරයට පොලීසිය කොටස් කිහිපයකට  කැඩීමෙන්පමණක් මේ රට ඉවර කර දැමිය හැක. 13 වෙනි සංශෝධනයේ කුමක්  තිබුණත් අවුරුදු 30ක් මුලුල්ලේ කිසිම ආණ්ඩුවක් පොලීසිය කෑලි දහයකට වෙන් නොකලේ ඒ නිසාය.

අලුත් යෝජනා යටතේ, වර්ථමානයේ මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට අයත් විෂයන් සඳහා භාවිතා වෙන ඉඩම් හැරුණු විට සෙසු සියලුම රජයේ ඉඩම් අයත් වන්නේ පලාත් සභාවලටය. මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට එවන් රජයේ ඉඩමක් අවශ්‍ය වුවහොත්, එය අදාළ පළාත් සභාවෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිය හැක. පලාත් සභාව ඒ ඉඩම නොදී සිටියහොත් එම දුක් ගැනවිල්ල ත්‍රිපුද්ගල බේරුම් කරන කමිටුවකට යොමු වේ. එම කමිටුවේ තීන්දුව ගැන සෑහීමකට පත්නොවන්නේ නම් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට ව්‍යවස්ථාමය උසාවියට ඒ ඉඩම ඉල්ලා පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැක.  ජාතික ආරක්‍ෂාවට සම්බන්ධ කාරණයකට මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුව රජයේ ඉඩමක් පවරාගත්තත් අදාල පලාත් සභාවට ව්‍යවස්ථාමය අධිකරණය වෙත ඒ පවරා ගැනීමට විරුද්ධව පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැක (302, 307 සහ 308 ඡේද).

අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා යෝජනා වලට අනුව මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවෙන් හදිසි නීතිය ප්‍රකාශ කළත් එයට විරුද්ධව අධිකරණයට පෙත්සම් ඉදිරිපත් කර වාරණයක් ලබාගත හැක. මාස තුනකට වැඩි කාලයකට නැත්නම් දින 180 ක කාලයක් ඇතුළත දින 90 කට වඩා හදිසි නීති තත්වයක් පවත්වාගෙන යෑමට නම් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලයක් අවශ්‍ය වේ (290-5, 291- ඈ, 292 ඡේද). එයින් ප්‍රායෝගිකව සිද්ධවන්නේ හදිසි තත්වයකටවත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට සුදුසු ආකාරයට ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්වීමට නොහැකි වීමයි. හදිසි නීතිය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමක් යනු විධායකයේ ක්‍රියාවකි. එවන් කාරණා සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයට කටයුතු කිරීමට නොහැක. හදිසි නීතිය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට එරෙහිව වාරණයක් ලබාගත හැකිනම්, හදිසි නීතිය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමෙන්ද පලක් නැත.

උතුරු නැගෙනහිර පළාත් ඒකාබද්ධ කිරීමට හඳුන්වා දී ඇති විධිවිධාන (237-3 ඡේදය), වර්ථමානයේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට හිමි ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්බන්ධ අධිකරණ බලය වෙනම ව්‍යවස්ථාමය අධිකරණයකට පැවරීම (181 සිට 191 දක්වා ඡේද) ඇතුලු තවත් ගැටලු ගණනාවක්ම ඇත. 1983 හයවන සංශෝධනයෙන් වත්මන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 7 වෙනි උපලේඛණය හැටියට ඇතුළත් කරන ලද බෙඳුම්වාදයට එරෙහි විශේෂ ප්‍රතිඥාව අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ පෙනෙන්නට නැත. මෙහිදී අප සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ අපට එකඟ විය නොහැකි විධිවිධාන කිහිපයක් පමණක් බව සැලකිය යුතුය.

මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ පැහැදිලි රටාවක් පෙනෙන්ට තිබේ. එමඟින්  පාර්ලිමේන්තුවත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවත් හැකි තරම් දුර්වල කරනු ලැබේ. පලාත් සභා හැකි තරම් බල සම්පන්න කරනු ලැබේ. ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් මහ ඇමතිවරුන්ට යටත්කරනු ලැබේ. සෑම පලාත් සභාවකටම වෙන වෙනම සන්නද්ධ පොලිස් සේවාවන් ඇති කරනු ලැබේ. පලාත් සභා වලට අයත් බලතල මොනවාද, මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට අයත් බලතල මොනවාද යන්න දැන්මම ප්‍රකාශයට පත් නොකර, පසුව නියම කර ගැනීමට  ඉඩ ඉතුරු කරනු ලැබේ. අවශ්‍ය අවස්ථාවල හදිසි නීතියවත් ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට බැරි තත්වයක් ඇති කරනු ලැබේ. මේ සියල්ලම කුමණ අරමුණකින් කරනවාද යන්න කාටත් පැහැදිලි විය යුතුය.

අද රට පාලනය කරන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය, ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ හා දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ඇතුලු හවුල නීති සම්පාදනය කිරීමේදී දක්වා ඇති වංචා සහගත ප්‍රවේශය නිසා ආණ්ඩුව කෙරෙහි ජනතා විශ්වාසය බරපතල ලෙස පලුදු වී ඇත. ඔවුන් ජනතාවත් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයත් නොමඟ හැරීම සඳහාම 19 වන සංශෝධනය තුළින් හිස් වගන්ති ව්‍යවස්ථාවට ඇතුළත් කළ ආකාරය කවුරුත් දනී.  සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වෙනත් කාරණා සඳහා ඉදිරිපත් කර  තිබුණු පනත් කෙටුම්පත් දෙකකට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කාරක සභා අවස්ථාවේදී ගෙන එනු ලැබූ සංශෝධන වලින් පලාත් පාලන මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයත් පලාත් සභා මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයත් පස්සා දොරින් වෙනස් කළ ආකාරය කවුරුත් දනී. 2016 අගෝස්තු මාසයේදී විවාදයක්වත්, හරිහමන් ඡන්දයක්වත් නොපවත්වා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගාලගෝට්ටියක් මැද මේ ආණ්ඩුව අතුරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ කාර්යාල පනත සම්මත කරගත්හැටි කවුරුත් දනී.

මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ  කපටිකම් වලට සීමාවක් නැත. ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත ඉදිරිපත් කළ පසු ඔවුන්  කතා කරන්නේ බුද්ධාගමට හිමි තැන ගැනත් ‘ඒකීය’ යන වචනය ගැනත් පමණය. අපට ලබා දී ඇති කෙටුම්පතේ මේ කාරණා දෙකම සම්බන්ධයෙන් විකල්ප වගන්ති යෝජනා කර ඇත. අප මෙතනදී පරීක්‍ෂාකාරී විය යුතුය. බෙදුම්වාදීන්ටයි ෆෙඩරල්වාදීන්ටයි වැදගත් වන්නේ නමවත්, වචනයවත් නොවේ. ඔවුනට අවශ්‍ය දේ ලැබෙනවා නම්, නම කුමක් වුවත් ඔවුනට ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැත. මේ පිරිස සැබවින්ම ඉලක්ක කරගෙන සිටින්නේ ඒකීය කියන වචනයවත් බුදු දහමවත් නොවේය. රටේ ඒකීය භාවය ගැනත් බුදු දහම ගැනත් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබෙන විකල්ප වගන්ති කේවල් කිරීමේ උපක්‍රමයක් ලෙස ඔවුන් විසින්ම  ඉල්ලා අස් කරගෙන බොරු නම්‍යශීලී බවක් පෙන්වා මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතේ හරය වෙන ෆෙඩරල් පාලන ක්‍රමය දිනා ගැනීමට ඔවුන්  උත්සාහ කිරීමට ඉඩ ඇත.

විශේෂයෙන්ම මහා සංඝරත්නය මේ උප්පරවැට්ටි ගැන අවබෝධයෙන් සිටිය යුතු යැයි මම ගෞරවයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිමි. වර්ථමාන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ බුද්ධාගමට මුල් තැන දී තිබියදීත්, මේ ආණ්ඩුව භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලාව මර්ධනය කළ ආකාරය අපි දුටුවෙමු. මේ නිසා ඒකීය ලේබලය එළෙසම තිබියදී ඔවුන්ට රට ෆෙඩරල් කළ හැක. මේ රටේ දමිළ ජනතාවගෙන් බහුතරය ජීවත් වන්නේ උතුරු නැගෙනහිර පලාත් වලින් පිටය. මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවගෙන් අති බහුතරය ජීවත් වන්නේ නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙන් පිටය. මේ වගේ රටකට අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සෑදිය යුත්තේ ඒ යතාර්ථයත් හිතේ තබාගෙනය.

වර්ථමාන ආණ්ඩුව ගෙනවිත් තිබෙන මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතට විරුද්ධ වීම යනු සියලුම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන වලට විරුද්ධ වීම නොවන බවද අපි පැහැදිලිව කිව යුතුය. වර්තමාන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පුලුල් වෙනස්කම් සිඳු විය යුතු බව අපි පිළිගනිමු. 19 වෙනි සංශෝධනය නිසා පමණක් මොන තරම් අවුලක් ඇති වී තිබෙනවාද? ඇතැම් දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂවලට තිබෙන බෙදුම්වාදී නැත්නම් ෆෙඩරල්වාදී අදහස් අපි ප්‍රතික්‍ෂේප කරන අතරම ඒ ඒ ප්‍රාදේශීය ජන සමාජයන් වලට යම් කිසි ජාතික රාමුවක් තුළ තමන්ගේ කටයුතු සම්බන්ධයෙන් ක්‍රියා කිරීමට හැකියාවක් තිබිය යුතු බවත් අපි පිළිගනිමු. ඊලඟ ජාතික ඡන්දයේදී ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන සම්බන්ධයෙන් අපේම යෝජනා ඉදිරිපත් කර ඒ වෙනුවෙන් ජනතාවගෙන් වරමක් ලබාගැනීමට අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමු. අපගේ එම උත්සාහයට සහයෝගය දෙන මෙන් මම ජනතාවගෙන් මෙන්ම සියලුම දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ වලින්ද මේ අවස්ථාවේදී ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ

විපක්‍ෂ නායක

A draft constitution to destroy Sri Lanka

January 23rd, 2019

MEDIA RELEASE  Mahinda Rajapaksa Leader of the Opposition

At the recent meeting of the Constitutional Assembly, the Prime Minister tabled a 187 page report prepared in the form of a draft constitution. Thereafter the PM has been going around the country claiming that there is no constitution or even the draft of a constitution. At the same time we also hear the Prime Minister and other members of the UNP stating that under the proposed new constitution, Sri Lanka will remain an ‘indivisible’ and ‘united’ country and that Buddhism will not be denied the special place it has hitherto had. The people should be mindful about  these moves being made to promote a new constitution in the midst of multiple crises including an unprecedented pest invasion in the agricultural sector and a looming debt crisis.

When the present rulers came into power in 2015, the only constitutional agenda they had was to abolish the executive presidency and to change the system of elections so as to ensure stable parliamentary governments. The draft constitution does have provisions to abolish the executive presidency, which we will not oppose. However, the new system of elections that has been proposed is another ‘pure proportional representation’ system like the systems that were introduced at the local government and provincial council levels in 2017 with disastrous results. Even those who voted for that elections system in 2017 now want it scrapped. If the system of elections is to be changed so as to ensure stable governments, what should be introduced is the hybrid 70%-30% ‘first past the post/proportional representation’ system proposed by the Parliamentary Select Committee headed by Mr. Dinesh Gunawardene after years of careful study from 2002 to 2007 under both UNP and UPFA governments.

The draft constitution seeks to weaken Parliament and immeasurably strengthen the provincial legislatures. If Parliament is to enact a law on a matter on the provincial councils list without the express agreement of each and every provincial council, that law would have to be passed with a two thirds majority by Parliament and also approved at a referendum. Even a law on a provincial council subject passed in this manner can be vitiated by a statute passed by a provincial council with a simple majority (Clause 132 in the draft constitution). Such limitations imposed on the legislative power of Parliament is the turning point at which the unitary state becomes a federal state. We are resolutely opposed to such a change. Parliament can make laws on matters coming under the concurrent list only with the approval of all provincial councils (Clause 134). Thus the discretion that Parliament has under the present Constitution to decide whether to consult the provincial councils or not, is to be done away with.  The legislative power of Parliament is to be further weakened by giving the proposed constitutional court the power to review laws that have been passed by Parliament (Clauses 182-c and 185).

Even though the draft constitution refers to a provincial council list, a concurrent list and a reserved list it has not been stated anywhere whether these lists are the same as those in the present Constitution or not. Although reams of useless information are being tabled in the Constitutional Assembly, some of the most essential information such as the content of these lists, is missing. The federalist tilt in the proposed draft becomes obvious when the Governor – the main representative of the central government in the provinces is placed under the chief minister. The executive power of the province is to be vested in the Chief Minister and not the Governor in complete contradiction to the provisions of the present Constitution (Clause 242).

The police force will be broken up into a national police force and nine separate provincial police forces each with its own Police Commission. The national police force is to have jurisdiction only over a limited number of specified offences, such as offences against the state, election offences and currency related offences etc. The provincial police will have effective charge of all day to day police work pertaining to crime, fraud, narcotics, traffic, public order etc. (Clauses 254, 259, and 284). This country can be destroyed simply by breaking up the police force into 10 separate police forces in the manner proposed. This is why no government in the past 30 years, broke up the police force regardless of the provisions in the 13thAmendment.

Under the new constitutional proposals, the central government will have control over state land used for subjects pertaining to the national list or the concurrent list at the commencement of the Constitution. The provincial councils are to have authority over all other state land within their borders. If the central government requires state land in a province for any purpose, they may address a request to the provincial administration and if the latter does not comply, the dispute will be referred for arbitration to a three member tribunal. If the central government is not satisfied with the arbitration ruling, they can petition the constitutional court. The central government cannot unilaterally acquire state land in a province even for a national security related purpose as the provincial council can petition the constitutional court against such an acquisition (Clauses 302, 307 and 308).

Under the proposed new constitution the declaration of a state of emergency by the central government is to be made subject to judicial review by the constitutional court. A state of emergency may continue in excess of three months or a period of more than 90 days within a 180 day period only if it is approved by two-thirds of the Members of Parliament (Clauses 290-5, 291-d and 292). What this means in practice is that the central government will not be able to respond adequately to an emergency. The declaration of an emergency is an executive action and the judiciary is not competent to deal with such matters. In any case, if a stay order can be obtained against a declaration of emergency, there will be little point in declaring a state of emergency. There are many other issues as well such as the provision to merge the northern and eastern provinces (Clause 237-3) and the creation of a constitutional court to exercise the constitutional jurisdiction currently exercised by the Supreme Court (Clauses 181 to 191).

The special oath against separatism in the present Seventh Schedule introduced by the 6th Amendment of 1983 is not to be seen in the draft constitution.  It should be noted that what has been mentioned here are only a few of the provisions in the proposed draft constitution that we are unable to agree to. A certain pattern can be discerned here. The Parliament and the central government is to be weakened and the provincial councils strengthened immeasurably, the governors are to be made subordinate to the chief ministers, separate armed police forces are to be established for each province and the question of subjects allocated to the provinces and the central government is to be kept open to be filled in later. The declaration of a state of emergency when necessary is also to be made virtually impossible. Where all this is leading should be obvious to everybody.

The UNP, TNA and JVP have forfeited the trust of the people due to the manner in which they practiced dissimulation and deception in the law making process. The way the 19th Amendment was passed with dummy provisions inserted solely to mislead the public and the Supreme Court, the way they changed the local government and provincial councils election laws through the back door by introducing committee stage amendments to Bills gazetted for completely different purposes, and the manner in which the Office of Missing Persons Act was bulldozed through in August 2016 without a debate or a proper vote in the midst of a melee in Parliament are all cases in point.

There is no limit to the perfidy of this government. After putting forward the draft constitution, members of the government have been speaking only of two issues – the place accorded to Buddhism and the term ‘unitary’. In the draft that has been circulated to all MPs, there are several alternative formulations proposed for the provisions relating to the place accorded to Buddhism and the question of the unitary state. The separatists and federalists have no interest in names or words. So long as they get what they want, they do not care by what name it is called. Their real target is not the status of Buddhism or the word ‘unitary’. There is a very real possibility that they will back down from the alternative formulations they have proposed with regard to the status of Buddhism and the term ‘unitary’ as a bargaining strategy in order to win the real federalist demands which is the essence of the new draft constitution.

The venerable Maha Sangha in particular should be mindful of the possibility of such manoeuvres. Even though the present Constitution accords the foremost place to Buddhism, we have seen the manner in which the present government persecuted the Maha Sangha. So there is a very real possibility that this country will be turned into a federal state while still retaining the unitary label. The majority of the Tamil people in this country permanently reside outside the northern and eastern provinces. The vast majority of the Muslims reside permanently outside the eastern province. Such realities should be kept in mind when promulgating a new constitution.

Opposing the draft constitution put forward by the present government does not mean that we as the opposition are slamming the door shut on constitutional reform. We acknowledge that extensive reform of the present constitution is necessary. The 19th Amendment alone has created a great deal of confusion that needs to be put right. Though we reject the separatist/federalist aspirations of some political parties, we acknowledge that local communities need to be empowered to look after their own affairs within a certain national framework. We will be putting forward our own proposals at the next national election to seek a direct mandate from the people for constitutional reform. I call upon the people and all political parties to support our endeavor because that will be the only real opportunity available to effect constitutional reform in this country.

Mahinda Rajapaksa

Leader of the Opposition

රණවිරුවන්ට දුන් හේමසිරි ප‍්‍රනාන්දුගේ නඩු තීන්දුව

January 23rd, 2019

සමන් ගමගේ

බල්ලගේ වැඬේ බූරුවා කරනවා යැයි ලෙසින් වූ වටිනා උපමා කතාවක් අපේ ජනවහරේ තිබේ. යමෙකු කළ යුතු සහ එසේ කරන්නට හැකියාව ඇති කාර්යයක් කිසිදු වගකීමක් සහ හැකියාවක් නැති තවෙකකු ඉදිරිපත්වී කරන්නට යන කල සහ වගකීම් විරහිතව වහසිබස් රකාශ කරනවිට අපේ ජනතාව අතීතයේ මෙන්ම අදත් මේ කතාව සිහිපත් කළේ උපහාසය මුසු පිළිකුලෙන් යුතුවය.
 
 
ශී ලාංකීය ජනවහරේ දකින්නට ඇති අපේ මුතුන් මිත්තන්ගේ නිර්මාණාත්මක හැකියාව එසේ වෙද්දී ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතා කොළඹ නාලන්දා විද්යාලයේ පැවති උත්සවයකට සහභාගි වෙමින් වගකීම් විරහිත අලජ්ජී රකාශයක්කර කරන අයුරු පෙරේදා (21 වැනිදා* විකාශය වූ විද්යුත් මාධ් රවෘත්ති තුළින් අපි දුටුවෙමු.
 
 
එය මෙරට රධානතම බෞද්ධ පාසලක් වන කොළඹ නාලන්ද විද්යාලයේ උත්සවයක පැවති වැදගත් සභාවකි. එම සභාව ඉදිරියට පැමිණ ඉතාම නොවැදගත් ලෙස හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මේ කතාව කරද්දී ඔහු ඇත්තටම මේ රටේ ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්දැයි බරපතළ ගැටලූවක් අපට ඉබේටම මතුවිය
 
 
අප දන්නා තරමින් නම් හේමසිරි රනාන්දු යනු ශී ලංකා රජාතාන්තිරක සමාජවාදී ජනරජයේ ආරක්ෂක අමාත්යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයාය. එහෙත් ඔහු මෙහිදී සභාව අමතා කතා කරද්දී වේලූපිල්ලේ රභාකරන්ගේ අවසානයෙන් පසු රුද්රකුමාරන්ලා, එම්මානුවෙල්ලා ඇතුළු කොටි ඩයස්පෝරවේ කෙරුමන් එකතුවී රටින් පිටත පිහිටුවාගත් ඡුායා ඊළාම් රාජ්යයේ කෙරුමන්ට ආවඩන අයුරුක්ද පෙනෙන්නට තිබිණි.
 
 
හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතා මෙහිදී කළ කතාව වූයේ කුමක්ද? එය දැන් මුළු රටේම ජනතාව දැන සිටිති. එහෙත් හේමසිරි රනාන්දුට කරන උපහාරයක් ලෙස කතාවෙන් වැදගත්ම කොටස ගෙන අපි එය මෙහි පළ කරන්නෙමු. ඔහු කොටස කීවේ මෙසේය.
 
 ‘
කවුරුහරි යුද්දෙට සම්බන්ධ වෙලා `දලා ගමට ඇවිත් මිනී මැරුවා නම් එයාට රණවිරුවා කියන්න බැහැ. එයාට කියන්නේ මිනීමරුවා කියලා. එයාව අපි ලංකාවේ වලංගු නීතිය යටතේ අධිකරණයට ගෙනැල්ලා උපරිම `ඩුවම් දියයුතුයි. අපි දැන් ඒවගේ කිරයාමාර්ග ගනිමින් යනවා. විශේෂයෙන්ම තව සුමාන දෙකකින් ලංකාවේ සිදුවෙච්ච ඉතාම භිහිසුණු ම්ලේච්ඡු මිනිමරුමකට සම්බන්ධ හමුදා පුද්ගලයන් එකොළොස් දෙනකුට අපි නඩු පවරනවා
 
 
වගේම අපි එදාට අභියෝග කරනවා ඩයස්පෝරා එකට, උඹලට තිබෙනවා නම් මේ වගේ ඔප්පු කරන්න පුළුවන් සාධක ඇති තව මිනීමැරුම් අපට දෙන්න කියල. අපි ඒවත් විභාග කරලා `ඩුවම් දෙනවා..’
 
 
හේමසිරි රනාන්දු කියන මේ කතාව අනුව අපට පමණක් නොව මුළු රටටම මතුවන තවත් රශ්න ගණනාවක්ම ඇත. අතරින් මුලින්ම අවධානය යොමු කළ යුතුව ඇත්තේ ඔහු කියන මේ ඔප්පු කරන්නට පුළුවන් හමුදා පුද්ගලයන් එකොළොස්දෙනකු සම්බන්ධ මිනීමැරුම කුමක්ද යන්නය
 
 
හේමසිරි රනාන්දු යනු විශරාමික විනිසුරුවරයකු නොවේ. එවැන්නකුට වුවද නඩුවක් විභාග කරන්නට පෙර එය ඔප්පු කළ හැකිද නැතිද යන්න රකාශ කිරීම ඉතා අසීරු කාර්යයකි. තත්ත්වය තුළ ඔහු ඔප්පු කරන්නට පුළුවන් නඩුවක් ගැන කීමෙන් අපට නම් ඇතිවූයේ ඉස්සර විනෝද සමයේ සිටි ඇනස්ලි, බර්ටි, සැමුවෙල් අතරින් නිතර පව්ඩර් නාගෙන `ගපෑ සුපිරි විහිළුකාරයකු වූ බර්ටි ගුණතිලක කොට කලිසම පිටින් මගදී හමුවූවාක් වැනි හැ`ගීමකි.
 
 
අනේ හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහත්තයෝ. ඔබ කියන පරිදි විභාග කිරීමට පෙර ඔප්පුකරන්නට පුළුවන් යැයි පූර්ව නිගමනයකට හැකි නඩු තිබෙන්නේ කොහිද? වගකිවයුතු රාජ් නිලධාරියකු ලෙස රටට සාමය ගෙන දෙන්නට දිවිහිමියෙන් කැපවූ රණවිරුවන් එකොළොස් දෙනකු පිළිබද ඔබ මෙවන් බොළද රකාශයක් කරනු ලැබුවේ කාගේ වුවමනාවටද?
 
 
මේ කතාව ඇසූ කල අපිට දැනුණේ කලකට පෙර පොලිස්පතිවරයා නීතිය නවන්නට සැරසුනාක් මෙන් දැන් ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් හේමසිරි රනාන්දුත් නීතිය නවන්නට යන්නේදැයි කියාය. ඇතැම්විට ලබන මාර්තු මාසයේ ස්විට්සර්ලන්තයේදී ජිනීවා කෝළම යළි ඇරඹීමට නියමිත නිසා හේමසිරි රනාන්දු ජාත්යන්තරය පිනවීම පිණිස එකී රණවිරුවන් දංගෙඩියට යැවීමේ සැලසුමකට අනුව මේ රකාශය කළාදැයි අපි නොදනිමු. එය අපට නොවැටහෙන්නකි. මේ රකාශයේ ඇති සැගවුණ අරුත දන්නේද හේමසිරි රනාන්දුමය.
 
 
ඔප්පු කරන්නට හැකියැයි ඔහු කියන මේ නඩුව වන්නේ වැල්ලවත්තේදී තරුණයන් පස්දෙනකු දෙනකු ඇතුළු පුද්ගලයන් එකොළොස් දෙනකු පැහැරගත්තේ යැයි කියමින් නාවික හමුදා බුද්ධි බළකායේ රණවිරුවන් පිරිසකට එරෙහිව චෝදනා එල්ලවී තිබෙන සිද්ධිය . හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතා මෙන් නොව, අප එසේ පූර්ව නිගමනයකට පැමිණියේ සාධක ඇතිවය. හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතා නාලන්ද විදුහලේදී මෙකී රකාශය කිරීමෙන් පසු ඊයේ (22 වැනිදා* අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව නොහොත් සීඅයිඞීය තුළින් ලබාගත් පුවතක් ලෙස ඇතැම් මාධ් බව වාර්තා කර තිබෙනු අපි දුටුවෙමු
 
 
මෙකී පුද්ගලයක් එකොළොස් දෙනකු පැහැරගෙන ගියේ යැයි කියන සිද්ධියේ මූලික නඩු විභාගය සිදු කෙරුණේ කොළඹ කොටුව මහෙස්තරාත්වරයා ඉදිරියේදීය. එය මුල සිටම අපේ අවධානයට ලක්වූවක්ද විය. මේ විමර්ශනය කරනු ලැබුවේ 2015 යහපාලන දේදුණු විප්ලවයෙන් පසු කූඨප්පරාප්තියට පැමිණි සීඅයිඞීයේ සමූහ මංකොල්ල විමර්ශන අංශය මගිනි. එහිදී සිදුවූ දේද බොහෝය.
 
 
වරක් අධිකරණය වෙත පැමිණ පැමිණිල්ලේ සාක්ෂිකරුවකු බවට සීඅයිඞීය කී විජයකාන්තන් නමැති පුනරුත්ථාපනය වූ හිටපු එල්ටීටීඊ රස්තවාදියකු සීඅයිඞීයේ සමුහ මංකොල්ල විමර්ශන අංශයේ නිලධාරීන් තමන් නොමග යවා බලෙන් සාක්ෂි ගත්තේ යැයි අධීකරණය හමුවේ පැවසීය
 
 
එය ඉතාම බරපතළ කරුණක් වුවද මේ දක්වාම පිළිබද විමර්ශනයක් නම් සිදුවූයේ නැත. අතරේ මේ සිද්ධියේ තවත් චූදිතයකු වූ නාවික හමුදා බුද්ධි බළකායේ ලූතිනන් කමාණ්ඩර් රසාද් චන්ද හෙට්ටිආරච්චි තුළින් නේවි සම්පත් කෙනකු මවන්නටද සීඅයිඞීය දැඩි උත්සාහයක් ගත්තේය. එහෙත් ඇතැම් සත්යවාදී මාධ් අවදියෙන් සිටි නිසා සීඅයිඞීයේ උත්සාහය ව්යර්ථ විය
 
 
එකී මූලික විභාගයට අදාළ වැල්වත්තේදී තරුණයන් පස්දෙනකු පැහැරගත්තේ යැයි කියන සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් හිටපු නාවික හමුදාපති අද්මිරාල් වසන්ත කරන්නාගොඩ කළ පැමිණිල්ලකට අනුව මුලින්ම චෝදනා එල්ල වූයේ හිටපු නාවික හමුදා නිලධාරී නිලන්ත සම්පත් මුණසිංහ ඇතුළු පුද්ගලයන් සිව්දෙනකුට එරෙහිවය. අපේ මතකයේ හැටියට ඉකුත් 2008 වසරේදී පමණය.
 
 
අනුව සීඅයිඞීය සිදු කළ මේ විමර්ශනයට දැනට ගතවී ඇති කාලය වසර දහයකි. වසර දහයක් පුරා සිදු කෙරුණු මෙය ආරම්භයේදී නිලන්ත සම්පත් මුණසිංහ ඇතුළු සිව්දෙනා සිද්ධියට සම්බන්ධ බවට අධිකරණයට කරුණු වාර්තා කිරීමටද සිඅයිඞීය කටයුතු කර තිබිණි
 
 
එසේ තිබියදී රට වෙනුවෙන් උපරිමය සිදුකළ තවත් නාවික බුද්ධි නිලධාරීන් හත්දෙනකුට චෝදනා එල්ල කරමින් සීඅයීඞීය මෙකී විමර්ශනයට නව මුහුණුවරක් දෙන්නේ ඉකුත් 2015 වසරේ සිදුවූ දේදුණු විප්ලවයත් සමගිනි. එහිදී එකී බුද්ධි නිලධාරීන් හත්දෙනාට චෝදනා එල්ල වන්නේ සම්පත් මුණසිංහ ඇතුළු මුල් චූදිතයන් සහ වෙළගෙදර නමැති නාවික නිලධාරියකු කියන රකාශ මත පදනම්වය.
 
 
එසේ කරන්නට යෑමේදී මේ විමර්ශනය පුරා සීඅයිඞීය සිදු කළ උපහාසාත්මක දේද බොහෝ විය. නාලන්දයේදී කී පරිදි හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතා රණවිරුවන් පිරිසකට මිනීමරුවන් කියමින් නඩු පවරා ඔප්පු කරන්නට යන්නේ මේ කියන සිද්ධිය .
 
 
මේ වන විට මෙකී විමර්ශනයේ සියලූ වාර්තා නීතිපතිවරයා වෙත යොමුකර අවසන්ව ඇත. අනුව සහ රටේ සම්මත කිරයාදාමය පරිදි දැන් මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් චූදිතයන්ට එරෙහිව මහාධිකරණය හමුවේ නඩු පවරන්නේ නම් එය සිදු කළ යුතුව ඇත්තේ නීතිපතිවරයා විසිනි
 
 
එසේ නම් තව සති දෙකකින් ම්ලේච්ඡු සහ බිහිසුණු ඝාතනයකට සම්බන්ධ වූ හමුදා පුද්ගලයන් එකොළොස් දෙනකුට නඩු පවරන්නේ යැයි කියමින් මෙකී රණවිරුවන්ට නඩු විභාගයකටත් පෙර රසිද්ධියේ මිනීමරු ලේබලය අලවන්නට හේමසිරි රනාන්දුට ඇති අයිතිය කුමක්ද? එසේම නඩු පැවරිය යුත්තේ නීතිපතිවරයා නම් හේමසිරි රනාන්දු තව සති දෙකකින් නඩු පවරන බව කියන්නේ මොන පදනමකින්ද
 
 
ඔහුගේ අලජ්ජී රකාශය ඇසෙන කල්හි අපට බලූ බූරු කතාව මතක් වූයේ මේ නිසාය. ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා ලෙස හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතාට පැවරී ඇති වගකීම වන්නේ තිරවිධ හමුදාව ඇතුළු පොලිසියේ ඉහළ පරිපාලනය අධීක්ෂණය කරමින් ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් සාකච්ඡුා පැවත්වෙන ආරක්ෂක මණ්ඩල රැුස්වීම වැනිදේට දායකත්වය ලබාදී රටේ ආරක්ෂක ඇමැතිවරයා වන සේනාධිනායක ජනාධිපති මෛතිරපාල සිරිසේන මහතාට අමාත්යාංශයේ කටයුතු කරගෙන යෑම සදහා සහාය දැක්වීමය
 
 
එසේ නොමැතිව නීතිපතිවරයාගේ කටයුතුවලට මැදිහත්වී රූලෙන් පිට යෑමට හේමසිරි රනාන්දු මහතාට වෘත්තීයමය වගකීමක් නැත. ඔහු එසේ කිරීම සදාචාරාත්මකද නැත
 
 
නාලන්ද විදුහලේදී කළ කතාවේදී ඔප්පු කරන්නට පුළුවන් තවත් මිනීමරුම් තිබේනම් ලබාදෙන ලෙස ඩයස්පෝරාවෙන් කාරුණික ඉල්ලීමක් කරමින් අන්තිම දීන තත්ත්වයට ඇද වැටෙන්නටද ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් හේමසිරි රනාන්දු කිරයා කළේය. මේ හමුවේ ඔහුගෙන් අවසන් වශයෙන් අහන්නට අපට එකම එක රශ්නයක් ඇත.
 
 
අනේ මහත්තයෝ, ඇත්තටම ඔබ වැඩකරන්නේ ශී ලංකාවේ හයවන විධායක ජනාධිපති වූ මෛතිරපාල සිරිසේන මහතාට සහ මේ රටට ? නැතහොත් රුද්රකුමාරන් රජකරන එල්ටීටීඊයේ ඡායා ඊළමටද
 
 
සමන් ගමගේ

7 university students arrested for taking photos on Kiralagala stupa

January 23rd, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

Seven students from South Eastern University have been arrested for posting photographs of themselves standing on the ruins if ancient Kiralagala stupa, the Police Spokesperson stated.

A group of youths had recently taken photographs of themselves while standing on the ruins of Kiralagala stupa in Horowpathana and posted them on social media.

The Buddhist Information Centre had, yesterday (22), lodged a complaint at the Police Headquarters seeking an investigation into the incident and penalization of the youths responsible for behaving in this manner at an archaeological site.

Speaking to Ada Derana, the Director General of Archaeology P. B. Mandawala stated that the subject minister has given instructions to strictly enforce the law on the suspects.

The Kiralagala stupa, located in Horowpathana on the Anuradhapura-Trincomalee road, is said to have been built during 4th or 5th century AD.

In an inscription by King Bhatikabhaya Tissa, this stupa is referred to as ‘Dapathakara Vehera’.

The “Senaa” Caterpillar invades the “Toxin-Free” nation!

January 23rd, 2019

Chandre Dharmawardana, Canada

Sri Lanka has now woken up to the fact that the armyworm caterpillar, known locally as the Senaa caterpillar, has arrived in Sri Lanka and begun its march of devastation. This is what is known as a Grey Rhino” event – that is, an event whose coming  is  obvious but totally ignored because the attention is directed elsewhere. The armyworm arrived in Africa  by 2015-16  and  landed in India in 2016-17. It was obvious that  other neighbouring countries will follow suite.

However, in Sri Lanka scientific agriculture had been hijacked out of the agricultural and environmental scientists, and taken into the hands of  NGOs  and political ideologues.  They usually begin their Manthra by quoting what Rachel Carson wrote in the early 1970s in regard to the  consequences of the overuse of DDT in USA. They push for traditional agriculture” without any pesticides or even fertilizers.  They want traditional” gourmet seeds that yield only one tonne per hectare in six months, instead of the  hybrid seeds  popular with the common farmer that yield 5 tons per hectare in  four months!

Cutting out pesticides  is as naive as claiming that the nation does not need an army or police because we have universal Compassion” to all being and this should protect us from all evil. In reality, such extremes do not work, and the practicable alternative is the middle path”. Instead, an extreme position was thrust on the Sri Lankan Government. It adopted a toxin-Free Nation” policy and banned the well-known herbicide, glyphoste in 2015. Even a few parts of it per billion parts of water (or soil) was claimed to cause chronic kidney disease – a claim with no scientific support. Today we know, thanks to the work of scientists in Peradeniya and the Kidney specialists of the Kandy Hospital, that the disease is cause by consuming hard (kivul”) well water contaminated by fluoride of geological origin.

Once such a climate of opinion is created by powerful political monks and organs of the Presidential secretariat like the SEMA (“Strategic Enterprise Management Agency”) no agricultural scientists can have the courage  to ask for stocking up  the necessary pesticides and propose a program of anticipatory pest control. The political  thrust  is to get rid of all toxins (agrochemicals)  and use traditional solutions. Those invoke Kema”, Manthra”, traditional herbs like Madurutalaa”, plants like  Kohomba (Azadirachta indica) , and using   biodynamic and telluric forces” to fight pests. Rudof Steiner, the father of Western-style  organic Farming” was a great believer in telluric forces”. Our  Colombo elites have uncritically lapped it all up and become warriors of the local  Green movement”.

The attitude that prevails today, and the attempt to link all this with a moral imperative is seen in the propaganda put out by the SEMA project where toxin-free farming is attached to morality (the project has now been abandoned, after much damage).  One may find in the social media  (e.g.,facebook), a short film by Nalaka Wijerathne, and other similar clips. It may or may not be connected with SEMA, but it displays the level of public mis-information and naivety that drives the vasha-visha nathi ratak (toxin-free nation)” type of campaigns.

https://www.facebook.com/1580534728845852/videos/504838610005991/UzpfSTEwMDAwNDU3NjkyMDE5MDpWSzo1NjUyMDA1NTA2MjQwNDI/

An elderly  farmer is shown to go to a stream, where he encounters a little boy fishing. He condemns the boy as a sinner”,  and washes out a 5-litre container that may be used for spraying pesticides.  The farmer returns to his home. A short while later the boy passes by the farmer’s house and gives him some fish. The farmer asks, do you want some money for the fish”? The boy says, No, it was you who killed them”.

The implications and messages conveyed here are multiple.  (i) Farmers are uneducated and do not know how to handle agrochemicals. (ii) The small amount of agrochemical residues that were in the container when added to the  river water were enough to kill the fish. (iii) So, if the fish are killed, you too will get sick by using this stuff in growing food.  All three items are actually grossly incorrect. Another subtle put down is the suggestion that farmers, having to  kill pests (be they Kapra Beetles or Army worms) are adharmishta” sinners.

Farmers have a fair understanding of agrochemicals, but they may misuse them, just as people misuse  medication  The release of agrochemicals should be done as with  pharmacy products, with an agricultural technician  writing the prescription” for each farm. Farmers do not wash their pesticide containers  in streams. Even if they did, a small amount of  glyphosate  in the tank (say 10 millilitres), when added to the river, gets diluted extensively, and also rapidly react with the green plants and algae and get  destroyed. To claim that fish would be killed within a short time, as depicted by the film is complete nonsense. Claims of increased deformed births, mutations etc., in the NCP made by Ven. Ratana in a TV interview (AdaDerana, April 2018)  are totally unsubstantiated and agree with the level of  mutations expected from cosmic and other radiation falling naturally on the earth.  A truly large chemical spill  is needed for killing the fish. However, small amounts added regularly over a long time need  to be tightly controlled, and this is why  the sale of agrochemicals should be monitored just as with pharmaceuticals. The precautionary principle consists in control and constraint, and not in banning and banishing.

Similarly, a recent press scare claimed that   common herbs like Gotukola”, Mukunuwenna” are laced with traces of insecticides and are too dangerous to eat. This  was  entirely unfounded as the writer confused maximum allowed  levels for good farming practice  with thresholds for health risks (see:

Toxic cocktail of myth and truth

http://www.dailynews.lk/2018/11/07/features/167704/toxic-cocktail-myth-and-truth

 

Toxic cocktail of myth and truth

According to a news report, a scientific meeting of the Department of Agriculture (DOA) was held in Peradeniya o…

.  The amounts found are so small that you have to eat several kilograms of the herbs everyday, perhaps for a decade, for any type of chronic illness to set in.

Today, even DDT has been re-approved by the WHO (since 2006, after much research) for domestic use.  Far more advanced knowledge of pesticides, sustainable agriculture, and biotechnology  at the molecular level are in our hands. Minimal but optimal  use of fertilizers and herbicides by using crop rotation, no-tillage farming to cut down erosion,  and soil analysis to control agrochemical inputs etc ., are routine.     Instead, in Sri Lanka we have wealthy  Colombo-based groups who push for traditional agriculture devoid of any pesticides and even discourage the use of fertilizers. Their justification is multi-pronged:  heroic opposition to multinationals”,  unfounded fear of toxins in the food , and grand claims of  Sri Lanka being the  granary of the East” when it used  traditional agriculture. So,  we should revert back to traditional agriculture!.  They  are simple solution to a complex problem, like the five lessons of the JVP of the 1970s.

According to the Bible, Egypt was the granary of the world (Genesis 41), and  most ancient nations have such claims. Mesopotamia was claimed to be the granary of the world known to the Romans.  Sanskrit texts claim that Saptha Sindhu (today’s Panjab) was the granary of  Jambu Dveepa.  According to our Chronicles, Lanka exported rice on a number of occasions. But the Chronicles themselves,  and the records of rings in old tree trunks reveal a series of famines, pestilences  etc., that ravaged S-E Asia regularly. However,  most people have only heard of the Baeminitiyaa  Saaya”, a historic famine so severe that even the upper classes and monks had no food, and began to perish. Hence the surviving monks decided to write down the Buddha’s word, held by oral tradition up till then, on ola leaves at the Alu Vihara temple (1st Century BCE)..

Prof. Siriweera of the Rajarata University has researched and written about the precarious nature of food availability in Sri Lanka in medieval and ancient times. Even if traditional agriculture  sustained a small population (less than that of Colombo today), it  cannot even marginally meet  today’s  needs. The world’s output of organic” agriculture remains below 2% and increasing it even by 10-fold is a challenge and creates a two-tier food system.
(https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/moving-from-conventional-farming-to-organic-farming-jumping-from-the-frying-pan-into-the-fire)

We should remember that in recent times, the Soviet Union and also China tried out ideologically driven Marxist” agriculture, and produced record famines and much human suffering. China exported rice to Sri Lanka in the middle of a famine in China, hoping to be noted when China was just an international underdog. So, the occasional export of grain does not make a country a granary of the region even for that period!

ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාව

January 23rd, 2019

අද (23) දින මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවට සහභාගි වූ නියෝජිතයින්

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර මොහාන් සිල්වා මහතා
• හිටපු මධ්‍යම පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍ර ප්‍රමිත බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා

අම්පාර දිස්තී්‍රක්කයේ කල්මුනේට මුලික රෝහල් හයක් තියෙනවා. මොනරාගලට තියෙන්නේ තුනයි. පහුගිය දවසක සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමැතිතුමා ගිලන් රථ ඛෙදාහැරීමක් කළා. එයින් ගිලන් රථ දෙකක් සෞඛ්‍ය සේවා අධ්‍යක්ෂවරයාගේ කොට්ඨාශය වුනු අම්පාරේ නින්දවූර් රෝහලට දුන්නා. දිස්ති්‍රක් රෝහල හා මූලික රෝහල කියලා එකම රෝහල වර්ගීකරණ දෙකක් යටතේ සදහන් කරලා තමයි මේ ගිලන් රථ දෙක අරන් තියෙන්නේ. මිට පෙර ඕස්ටේ්‍රලියෙන් ඛෙන්ස් ගිලන් රථයක් මේ රෝහලට දීලා තියෙනවා. නමුත් අම්පාරේ තොට්ටම, අඹගහවෙල රෝහල් සහ ඈත එපිට පිටිසර රෝහල්වල ගිලන් රථ නැහැ. මේ අය තමන්ගේ තැන්වලට ගිලන් රථ ඛෙදා ගන්නවා. නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ මඩකලපුව, කල්මුනේ , අම්පාර මහ රෝහල්වලට එම්. ආර්. අයි. ස්කෑන් යන්ත්‍රයක් නැහැ. 2014 ස්කෑන් යන්ත්‍රයක් තිබුණා. දැන් නුවරට ගේන්න ඕනේ. නුවරට ඇවිත් මාස දෙකක් විතර ඉන්න ඕනේ ස්කෑන් එක කරගන්න. රටට සෞඛ්‍ය ගැන මහා පම්පොරි ගහන සෞඛ්‍ය ඇමැතිතුමාට නැගෙනහිර මහරෝහල් ගණනාවකට එම්. ආර්. අයි ස්කෑනර් යන්ත්‍රයක් දි ගන්න බැරිවුනා. අපේ මිනිස්සු හුන්නස්ගිරි කන්දේ , මුතියංගනයේදී, බිබිලේදී මැරෙනවා. එහෙම වෙන්නේ ස්කැනර් යන්ත්‍රයක් නැති නිසා. ඒ වුනාට සුවපති.

සේනා දළඹුවා හොයා ගත්තේ අම්පාරේ මගේ කොට්ඨාශය වන දමන කොට්ඨාශයෙන්. එක දිගට කන්න තුනක් නියගයෙන් විනාශවුනු මිනිස්සු තමන්ගේ කණකර උගස් තියලා මේ පාර කන්නය වගා කළා. දැන් සේනා ඇවිත් වගාව විනාශ කළා. නිය`ගයෙන් වගා විනාශ වෙන වෙලාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී මේ ගැන ඇහුවම අගමැතිතුමා නැගිටලා කෝට්බෑයේ අත් දෙක දාගෙන කිව්වා රාජපක්ෂ කාලේ වගේ නෙවෙයි එක්කෙනෙකුට රුපියල් 8000 ගානේ දෙනවා කියලා. සත පහක් දුන්නේ නැහැ. තවත් කෘෂිකර්ම ඇමැති කෙනෙක් කිව්වා කෝටි පහකට ලංකාවේ වගාබිම් රක්ෂණය කරලා තියෙන නිසා රුපියල් 40000 රක්ෂණයක් දෙන බවක්. ෂත පහක් නොලැබුණු ගොවියෝ ඉන්නවා. මේ පාර වැස්ස ලැබුනට සේනා දළඹුවා ඇවිත් වගාව විනාශ කරලා. මේ මිනිස්සු ජිවත් වෙන්නේ කොහොමද? දුර්භික්ෂයක් ඇති වෙනවා. අපේ ආණAඩුව කාලයේ මේ ගොවින් ගෙවල් දොරවල් හදාගෙන ට්‍රැක්ටරයක් ගත්තා. බයිසිකලයක් ගත්ත දියුණු වුනා. දැන් ඒ හැම දෙයක්ම විකුණගෙන කන තත්ත්වයකට පත්වෙලා. පොළොන්නරුවේ, අම්පාරේ, මොනරාගල ජාතියේ බඩගින්න නිවපු ගොවියා අද බඩගින්නේ. ඊයෙත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදි කිව්වා එක්කෙනෙකුට රුපියල් 40000ක් දෙනවා කියලා. ගල් බැලෙන බින්න ඔය කියන්නේ. මේ තරම් ප්‍රශ්න මැද්දේ ආණAඩුව ආනAඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව කියන වචන ගොඩක් දෙනවා. මේ රටේ සංස්කෘතියේ ගොවිතැන විනාශ වුනාම රටම බඩගින්නේ. ඒ මිනිස්සුන්ගේ ඡ්න්දයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු ආපු ගොවියෙක් විදියට මං ඒ මිනිස්සුන්ගේ දුක ස්පර්ශ කරනවා. ඒ දුක් අදෝනාව මේආන්ඩුවට ඇහෙන්නේ නැහැ කටේ බුලත්විට තියෙන අපි කතා කළාට මේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට ඒවා ඇහෙන්නේ නැහැ. එයාලාට ඇහෙන්නේ සුදුනෝනලා මහත්තුරු කියන දේවල්. මේක ඛේදවාචකයක්. අසරණ මිනිස්සු වෙනුවෙන් හඩක් නැහැ. මම ඔට්ටු තියනවා ශය කියන 40000 නම් ගොවියාට දෙන්නේ නැහැ. ගොවි ජනතාවයි අපියි රවට්ටන එකයි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කියන පච සාප්පුවේ කෙරෙන්නේ. ලිච්චවී රජදරුවෝ පච සාප්පුවේ කියන ගජබින්නාලංකාර අපි ඕනේ තරම් අහලා තියෙනවා.

හිටපු පලාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර ප්‍රමිත බණAඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා

13 වැනි ආණAඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයේ 154 ඊ අනුව මේ වනවිට පළාත් සභා හයක කාලය අවසන් . ආණ්ඩුකාරවරු ලේකම්වරු ඇතුලූ නිලධාරින් තමයි පළාත් සබා වල වැඩ කරන්නේ. පළාත් සභාවේ මුල්‍ය පාලනය වියයුත්තේ 1947 අංක 2 දරන පනතට යටත්වයි. කවදාහරි දවසක ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන්ටත් ප්‍රධාන ලේකම්වරුන්ටත් එෆ්. සී. අයි. ඩි යන්න වෙනවා ඒක වළක්වන්න බැහැ. පළාත් සබාවේමුදල් පළාත් ෂාබ අරමුදලට බැර වෙන්න ඕනේ. මේ මුදල් වියදම් කරන්න පළාත් ප්‍රධාන ඇමැතිවරයා යටතේ අධිකාරී බලපතක් නිකුත් කළ යුතුයි. මහ ඇමැතිවරයාට මේ අධිකාරි බලපත්‍රය නිකුත් කළ හැක්කේ විසර්ජන පනත් කෙටුම්පත අනුවයි.පළාත් සභාවේ අනුමැතිය නොමැතිව පොදු කාරණා සදහා පළාත් සභාවේ මුදල් වියදම් කිරිම නිතියට පටහැනියි. ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූල නොවන විදියට නිති විරෝධිවෙ කරෙන මේ පළාත් සභා පරිපාලනයට කවදා හරි කාට හරි වගකියන්න සිද්ධ වෙනවා.
නලින් බන්ඩාර ළගදි කිව්වා ජනාධිපතිවරණය පළමුව තියන්න ඕනේ කියලා. පළාත් සභා හයේ පරිපාලනය කඩා වැටිලා ආණAඩුකාරවරුන්ට හිතු මතේ තීරණ ගන්න බලයක් ව්‍යවස්ථාවවෙන් දිලා නැහැ. ඉදිරි ෂතියේදී අපි පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධිකරණයේ පිහිට පතනවා. දඹුල්ලේ කන්න තුනක් වැස්ස නැතිව හිටපු ගොවියා අද තවත් අසරණ වොල. ගොවියාට ගොවිකම එපා කරන වැඩපිළීවෙලක් ආණAඩුව ගත්ත දවසේ ඉදන් කි්‍රයාත්මක කරපු මේ ආණAඩුව වෙලාවට පොහොරටිකවත් දුන්නේ නැහැ. ගොවියා ගොවිතැන එපා වෙලා ගොවිතැන අතඅරින තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වෙලා. අලූත් පරම්පරාවේ අය දුක් විදලා ගොවිතැන් කරන්න කැමැති නැහැ. මේ රජය ගොවිතැනි්න් මිනිස්සු දුරස් කරලා. උග්‍ර ධනවාදී දක්ෂීණාංශික ආර්ථීක ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ගෙනියන මේ ආණ්ඩුව ඔවුන්ගේ පරමාර්ථය ඉෂ්ඨ කරගන්න ගොවියාට මේ විදියට ගොවිතැන එපා කරවන්නේ.

ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ පාලන ලේකම්, හිටපු පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍ර රේණුක පෙරේරා මහතා

රට දැවැන්ත අර්බුදයකට මුහුණදී ඇති අවස්ථාවක මාධ්‍යවේදින් රටේ ජනතාව නිවැරදි දිසාවට ගෙනියන්න කැපවෙමින් සිටීම අපි අගය කරනවා. පහුගිය වකවානුවල සිද්ධවුනු හැමදේකදීම, රටේ ජනතාවට මොකක්හෝ බොරුවක් කියලා ම`ග හරින්න ආණAඩුව සූක්ෂ්මව කටයුතු කළා. මහබැංකු වංචාව ගැන දැන් කතාවක් ඇත්තේම නැහැ. ජනාධිපතිතුමා කිව්වා මහබැංකු වංචාව පිළිබ`ද වාර්තාවේ භාෂා පරිවර්ථනය කරලා නැති කොටස් පරිවර්තනය කරලා එළිදක්වනවා කිව්වා. අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා ජනවාරි වෙන්න කළින් මහ බැංකු වාර්තාව එළියට එයි කියලා. ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්, සේනා දැළඹුවාගෙන් වෙන්නේ මේ දේවල් යට වෙන එක. නමුත් ජනතාවගේ මුලික ප්‍රශ්න ගැන කිසිම කතාවක් නැහැ. හාල් කිලෝව රුපියල් 100ට ඉහළ ගිහින්. එළවලූ මිල වැඩිවෙලා. කිරිපිටි රුපියල් 170කින් වැඩි කරන්න ඉල්ලීම් කරනවා. වරායට ගෙනාපු කිරිපිටි ටික රේගුවෙන් නිදහස් කර ගන්නේ නැහැ. මේ නිසා කොයි මොහොතක හෝ කිරිපිටි හි`ගයකට මුහුණ දෙන්න සිද්ධ වෙනවා. රජයට කැමැත්තෙන් හෝ අකමැත්තෙන් කිරිපිටි රුපියල් 170කින් වැඩි කරන්න සිද්ධ වෙනවා. නැත්නම් රජය බද් ධඉවත් කරලා කිරිපිටි මිල වැඩිවිම පාලනය කරන්න වෙනවා.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිවරයාගේ මන්තී්‍රධූරය අධිකරණ ඉදිරියේ අභියෝගයට ලක්වෙලා තියෙනවා. අධීකරණය මුලික විභාගය ස`දහා 31 වැනිදා දක්වා අධීකරණයකල් තිබ්බා. රාජිත සේනාරත්න ඇමැතිවරයාගේ මන්තී්‍රධූරය අහෝසිකරන්න එදා දුන්න අධිකරණ තීන්දුවට අනුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිවරයාට මේ මන්ත්‍රීධූරය දරන්න පුලූවන්කමක් නැති බවයි නිතීඥවරු විශAවාස කරන්නේ. රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතා මන්තී්‍රවරයෙක් විදියට සිටියදී එතුමා කොටස්කරුවෙක් වෙන සමාගමකින් ගුවන් හමුදාවට භාණ්ඩ සැපයිම කියන චෝදනාව මත අධිකරණය රාජිත සේනාරත්න පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍රධූරයට නුසුදුස්සෙක් කියලා නම් කලේ. ඒ පදනමින්ම ලංකා බැංකුව මහජන බැංකව කියන රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවලට ලේක්හවුස් පි්‍රන්ටර්ස් කියන ආයතතනයෙන් චෙක්පත් මුද්‍රණය කර තිඛෙන්නේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ඒ සමාගමේ කොටස්කරුවෙක්ව සිටියදියි. ලාභ ඉපයීමේ චේතනාවෙන් රජයේ අගමැතිවරයා ලෙස සිටිමින් කළ මේ කි්‍රයාව ගැනයි නිතිඥවරු එදාට අධිකරණයේ කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා පිළිබදව තියෙන කිසිදු වංචාවක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් මෙතෙක් ඉදිරි පියවර අරන් නැහැ. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහ බැංකු වංචාවට සෘජුව සම්බන්ධ බව කවුරුත් පිළිගන්නවා. මේ සිද්ධීය වි ෂතියක් යන්න කළින් කොළඹ මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධීකරණයේ නඩුපැවරුනේ මම. ඒ නඩුව විභාග ඛරන්න තින්දු කරලා සිතාසි නිකුත් කරන්න අධිකරණය තින්දු කළා. ඒ අවස්ථාවේ අල්ලස් දෙපාර්ත මේන්තුව මෝසමක් මගින් අධිකරණයට කිව්වා, අල්ලස් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව පැමිණිල්ල ගැන 80% විභාග කර අවසන්. නඩු පැවරීමට සියල්ල සූදානම් කර තියෙන අවස්ථාවක මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විවෘත අධිකරණයේ විභාගයක් පැවැත්වීම බාධාවක් බවත් කිව්වා. මහ බැංකු නියෝජ්‍ය අධීපති (නීති) ඒ වෙලාවේ ඉදිරිපත් වෙලා කිව්වා මේ සිද්ධිය විවෘථ අධිකරණ්‍යක විභාග විම රටේ ආර්ථීකයට බලපාන බව. මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් විවෘත අධීකරණයේ කටයුතු නොකරන ලෙෂ අධිකරණයෙන් ඔවුන් ඉල්ලා සිටි නිසා මම පැමිණිල්ල ඉල්ලා අස්කරගත්තා. අල්ලස් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව 80% පැමිණිල්ල විභාග කර අවසන් කියලා සදහන් කරලා අවුරුදු 4ක් වෙනවා. මෙතෙක් නඩු පවරලා නැහැ.ජනාධිපති කොමිෂන් සභා වාර්තාවක් තිබුණා කියලා නඩු පැවරිමම් වෙන්නේ නැහැ. මේ රටේ ආර්ථීකය විනාශ කරපු මහ බැංකු වංචාව ගැන අවශ්‍ය කඩිනම් කි්‍රයාමාර්ග ගන්න කියලා අපි රජයට බලකරනවා. එදා ඩොලරයට අපි ගෙව්වේ රුපියල් 131යි. අද අපි රුපියල් 185ක් ගෙවනවා. රජය ලබා ගෙන ඇති ණය මුදල්වල සෑම රුපියල් 100ටම රුපියල් 54 බැගින් එකතු වෙලා ණය ඉහළ යනවා. මේ රටේ ආර්ථීකයට වුනු හානියේ ප්‍රතිඵල තමයි කිරිපිටි, ගෑස් මිල, වගේ දේවල් වැඩිවීම.අද ජනතාවගේ කරමත සියලූ බර වැටෙමින් තිඛෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – ණය අරන් තියෙන්නේ පහුගිය ආණ්ඩුවෙන් කියලා තමයි රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැතිවරයා කියන්නේ.

හැමදාම ඔහො කියනවා.සියලූ රාජ්‍ය නායකයෝ රටේ අවශ්‍යතාවය අනුව ණය අරන් තියෙනවා. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා රට භාර ගෙන නික්ම යනතෙක් ඊට පෙර රජයන් ගත් සියලූ ණය ගෙවන්න අදෝනා තිබ්බේ නැහැ.රාජ්‍ය නායකයෝ ණය අරන් තියෙන්නේ රටේ සංවර්ධනයට. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ පාලන කාලයේ ගත්ත ටි්‍රලියන 5ට කරපු දෙයක් නැහැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා ගත්ත දේවල් අත දිග ඇරලා පෙන්නන්න පුලූවන්. ඩොලරය තවම නතර වෙන බවක් පෙන්නේ නැහැ. වැරදි කළමණාකරණය නිසා මේ සියල්ල වුනු බවයි මහ බැංකු අධිපති කිව්වේ. සැබැ පිළිතුරු හොයන්න ඕනේ. නැත්නම් තමන්ට කරන්න බැරිනම් ජනතාවට කැමැති ආණAඩුවක් පිහිටුවා ගන්න අවස්ථාව දෙන්න ඕනේ.

මාධ්‍ය – ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් නැතිකමින් නේද මේ සියල්ල සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ?

රේණුක පෙරේරා – ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෙවෙයි මේ තියෙන්නේ.මේ රජය ණය ගත්තේ මොකටද? වෙන රජයන් ණය ගත්තේ ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් යටතේ අධ්‍යාපනයට, ප5වාහනයට, මහාමාර්ගවලට.

මාධ්‍ය – ආණAඩු වෙනස් වෙද්දි ක්‍රමවේදයන් වෙනස් වෙනවා.

රේණුක පෙරේරා- හැමෝම එහෙම කරන්නේ නැහැ.වෙනත් රජයන් අධිවේගී මාර්ග සැළසුම් කළා. නමුත් කි්‍රයාත්මක වුනේ නැහැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා ඊළ`ග පියවර විදියට අධිවේගී මාර්ග ඉදිකළා. මේ ආණAඩුව ආපු ගමන් කලේ පෝර්ට් සිටි නතර කළා. වෙන නම්දාලා ඒ පොර්ට් සිටියම කළා. කැළනි පාලමේ මාර්ග හයක අලූත් පාලමක් ඉදිවෙනවා. ඒක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය සමයේ සැලසුම් කරලා නිර්මාණය කලේ. ඒක තමයි ඔය පා. ච රණවක කිව්වේ මහා ලොකු පාරවල් දෙකක් පෝර්ට් සිටියට එනවා කියාලා. තමන් ඇමැතිවරයා නිසා උප්පැන්න දෙන්න හැදුවට ඒක එයාගේ පාලමක් නෙවෙයි. ඔරුගොඩවත්තේ නිවාසවල පදිංචිකරුවන් ඉවත් කිරීමේ, වන්දි දීම් සාකච්ඡාවලට පවා මම සම්බන්ධවුනා. මේක දවසින් දෙකෙක් වුන දෙයක් නෙවෙයි. කුමන රජයක් කළත් රජයේ කාලය අවසන් වුනාම ඊළ`ගට පත්වෙන රජය ඉතිරි වැඩටික ඉදිරියට කරගෙන යන්න ඕනේ. මාලඹේ ඉදලා මොනෝරේල් යන්න තිබුණා. ඒක නොකර වැලිකඩ හන්දියේ ගුවන් පාලමක් ගැහුවා. මාර්ග තදබදයවත් අවසන් වෙලා නැහැ. දැන් ආයේ වෙනත් මාර්ගයක් සැලසුම් කරනවා. කොළඹ නගරය, ශී්‍ර ජයවර්ධනපුර පරිපාලන නගරය සැලසුම් කරලා තිබුනේ. ඒවා කි්‍රයාත්මක නොකිරිමයි සිද්ධ වුනේ. හෝමාගම මාකුඹුරේ දැවැන්ත පර්යන්තයක් ඉදිවෙනවා. දුරගමන් සේවා බස් රථ සියල්ල එතනටයි එන්නේ. ඊළගට රාගමට දුම්රියත් එක්ක බද්ධ කරපු මාර්ගයක් හදන්න තිබුණා. අනික මොරටුව.මේ විදියේ දැවැන්ත සැලසුමක් තියෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – කාගෙද සැලැස්ම

රේණුක පෙරේරා – ජේ. ආර් ජයවර්ධන මහත්තයා තමයි කොළම නගරය වාණ්ජ නගරයකරලා ශී්‍ර ජයවර්ධනපුර පරිපාලන නගරය කලේ.එතන ඉදන් රජයේ නිලධාරින් සියලූ සැළසුම් කරනවා. රජය ඒ සදහා ප්‍රතිපාදන සොයා දීලා කඩිනමින් ඉදිකිරිම් කරනවා. ඒ සදහා අවශ්‍ය සියලූ පහසුකම් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රජය සැපයුවා. මොනෝ රේල් එක කළානම් මේ වෙද්දි අවසානයි. චිනයද ජපානයද මේක කරන්නේ කියන ප්‍රශ්නය විතරයි තිබුනේ. ගාලූ පාරේ එන රාජ්‍ය සේවකයෝ සියලූ දෙනා කොල්ලූපිටියෙන් බැහැලා පෞද්ගලික වාහනවලින් එන්නේ. ඒ මිනිස්සු ප්‍රවාහනය ස`දහා සෑහෙන වියදමක් දරනවා. රටේ සංවර්ධනය අක්‍රමවත් කරලා හිතුවක්කාර පාලනයක් ගෙනයන මේ ආණ්ඩුව වෙනස් කළයුතුමයි.

මාධ්‍ය – මීළගට තියෙන්නේ මොන මැතිවරණයද?

රේනුක පෙරේරා – මැතිවරණ කොමිෂමේ සාකච්ඡාවේදි සභාපතිතුමා කිව්වා ඔක්තෝම්බර් 20 එතුමාට තියෙන අවසන් දිනය කිව්වා.

මාධ්‍ය – විමල් විරවංශ උයද ගම්මන්පිල වගේ අය කියන්නේ ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස ්පක්සයත් එක්ක එකතු වෙලා ගමනක් යන්න අවශය බවයි. ඔබේ මතය කුමක්ද?

රේණුක පෙරේරා – සියලූ බලවේග රට ගොඩනැ`ගීම ස`දහා එකතු වෙනවානම් අපි කැමැතියි. රටේ සමස්ත ප්‍රශ්න ස`දහා පිළිතුරු සොයන්න පුලූවන් පාලනයක් බිහිකිරීමයි පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ අරමුණ. අපි පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ආන්ඩුව හදන්නේ ඡන්දය දිනන්න විතරක් නෙවෙයි ඡන්දෙ දිනලා ඊට පස්සේ රට දියුණු කිරිමටත් එක්කයි. පුද්ගල සාධනය මත ප්‍රතිපත්ති යට ගහන්න බැහැ. ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ නිර්මාණය කලේම සාර්ථක මිනිසුන් ලවා සාර්ථක ගමනක් ඉදිරි අවුරුදු 10 යන්නයි. මැතිවරන වෙලාවට අපි ඒ සියලූ දේ ඉදිරිපත් කරනවා. ලබන මාසේ අපි ජනතාව අතරට යමින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගමත් සමග කතා කරලා ගම්වල පොදුප්‍රශ්න විමසලා ඒ සදහා ප්‍රතිපත්ති සකස් කරන්න. ජනාධිපතිවරණයට අපිට තව මාස අටක් තියෙනවා. අපි ඊට කළින් පළාත්සභා මැතිවරණය බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. බලයඛෙදන්න කතා කරන මේ මිනිස්සු ඛෙදලා තියෙන බලය ජනතාවට දෙන්නේ නැහැ. තව බලතල ඉල්ලන්නේ මොනවා කරන්නද? ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන්ද මේ කතා කරන්නේ.

මාධ්‍ය – සන්ධානගත වුනොත් මෛතී්‍රපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයාද ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා වෙන්නේ

රේණුක පෙරේරා – ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කළාම අපේ සහෝදර දේශපාලන පක්ෂත් එක්ක සාකච්ඡා කරලා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා රටට ප්‍රකාශයක් කරනවා කවුද අපේක්ෂකයා කියන දේ. රට ගොඩගන්න පුලූවන්රට සංවර්ධනය කරන්න පුලූවන් නායකයෙක් මිසක් අසාර්ථක පුද්ගලයෝ කාවවත් අපි බලයට ගේන්නේ නැහැ.

මාධ්‍ය – සේනා දළඹු හානිය මොනවගේද ඔබේ පළාතේ?

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – අම්පාරේ බඩඉරිගුවලට තමයි මේ වුවදුර වැඩි. බඩ ඉරිගු කරල එන්න කළින් කරටියේ ඉන්නවා. කිරි වදින කරටියටත් යනවා. බිත්තර දහස් ගානක් දානවා. දවසකට දාන බිත්තර ගාන බැලූවම සේනා දළඹුවා පරදන වේගයක් තාක්ෂණයක් තවම තිරණය වෙලා නැහැ. දැන් බඩ ඉරිගු නෙළලා අවසන් වෙන්න ළගයි. තක්සේරු කරලා වන්දි දෙන්නේ කොහොමද? වැව්වල වතුර තියෙන නිසා ඊළග කන්නය වගා කරන්න වතුර දීලා වගා කරන්න ධෛර්යයක් දෙන්න ඕනේ. ණයගත්ත මිනිස්සුන්ගේ ජිවිත ඒ ණයෙන් වෙලා ගෙන. මිනිස්සු මේ ඉන්නවා මේ අතුරුදහන් වෙනවා. ණය ගෙවන්න බැරිව පැනලා යනවා. අපේ තරුණ පරම්පරාව කී දාහක් රටින් යනවාද?

මාධ්‍ය – දයාගමගේ ඇමැතිවරයා ඉන්නෙත් ඔබේ දිස්ති්‍රක්කයේ නේද?

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – දයා ගමගේ මහත්තයා එක්ක පුද්ගලික ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැහැ. අයවැය ලේඛණයෙන් මහඔය ආර්ථීක කළාපයක් හදනවා කියලා බුලත් විට කඩයක්වත් දැම්මේ නැහැ. 2014 කොටස් වෙලෙද පොලේ දෛනික පිරිවැටුප මිලියන 1468යි. දැන් මිලියන 68යි’. ආර්ථීක වර්ධන වේගය 3. 1ට බැහැලා. ලෝකයේ ආයෝජනයට අනතුරුදායකම රට ලංකාව කියලා කියනවා. මොකක්ද ආර්ථීකයේ වර්ධනය වුනේ.වි නි්සාපදනය 46%කින් අඩුවුනා.

මාධ්‍ය – සේනා දළඹුවා බඩ ඉරිගුවලින් ආවා කියන්නේ ලංකාවට ඉඩ ඉරිගු ගෙන්වනවා කියන එකනේ?

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – 2005 ලංකාවේ බඩඉරිගු නිෂ්පාදනය වාර්ෂිකව මෙටි්‍රක් ටොන් 34000යි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා යනකොට වාර්ෂිකව මෙටි්‍රක් ටොන් 264000යි. රටේ බීජ නිෂ්පාදනය කළා. බටහිර වාණිජ නිෂAපාදනයක් කළා. පොහොර නියගය ආණAඩුවේ අනුග්‍රහය පිළිබද ප්‍රශ්න නිසා ජනතාව වගාවෙන් ඉවත් වුනා. වගාවෙන් 30%ක් සත්තුන්ගෙන් හානි වෙනවා. මගේ ඉඩමේ මෑ කරලක් තියාගන්න බැහැ මොනරු ඇවිත් කනවා. රටක් ගොඩ නගන්නේ කෙසේද? දැන් රටේ දුර්භික්ෂයක්. මොන තාක්ෂනික විප්ලවයක් තිබුණත් අපේ මිනිස්සු ජිවත් වෙන්නේ කෘෂිකර්මය හරහා. දෙහි වගාව තිබුණ කියලා දෙහි කෑල්ලක් රට යනවවාද? නැගෙනහිර ගව සම්පතක් හිටියට කිරිපිටි කම්හලක් හැදුවද? පහුගිය කාලයේ ආර්ථීකයේ තියෙන්නේ පහලට ඒමක්. ව්‍යාපාරිකයෝ 2015 නතර කරපු බුල්ඩෝසරය තවම පණ ගන්වලා නැහැ. එහෙමනම් මොනවාද වඑර්ධනය වුනේ. හොරකම , දූෂණය,

මාධ්‍ය – ලංකාවේ ශාඛ නිරෝධායන පනත් තිබුණත් මේවා වෙන්නේ කොහොමද?

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – කෘෂිකර්ම දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව හුළගින් කියනාව. බහුජාතික සමාගම් බෝ කළා කියනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – දැන් එළවලූ වලටත් දළඹු හානිය ඇවිත්’.

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – මම මෙය දකින්නේ ජාතික විපතක් විදියට. අපේ සහාය දෙන්න සම්පූර්ණ සහාය දෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය – පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කළඹල වුන අවස්ථාවේ සුමන්දිරන්ගේ කි්‍රයාකළාපය ගැන මොකද හිතෙන්නේ.

විමලවීර දිසානායක මහතා – මන්තී්‍රවරයෙකුට ලඝු කරන්න එපා. නිල නොවන අගමැතිවරයා. විනිසුරන් පිරිසක් එක්ක පින්තූරයක් ගත්ත එකකුත් තිබුණා. එලෙෂ පෙනි සිටියා නම් අහෝ ඛේදයකි. ඉරකි. තිතකි. හුගක් දේවල ප්‍රධාන නලූවා සුමන්දිරන්. ආණAඩුවේපැවැත්ම තීරණය කරන සර්ව බලධාරියා. සියල්ල හසුරුවන්න එහෙට මෙහෙට යනවා. ඉගි කරනවා. එතුමා හැම තැනම ඉන්නවා.හුළ`ග වගේ.

• ආ
හිටපු මධ්‍යම පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍ර ප්‍රමිත බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා

Sri Lanka’s Opposition Leader – Defend Our National Army

January 23rd, 2019

 

 

We finally have an opposition that doesn’t support the government in power. However, this Opposition has a major role to play. Sadly, 10 years after the victory over terrorism, that too Sri Lanka being the only military to defeat an internationally banned terrorist movement, we are still struggling to sift the lies from the truth & propaganda. Some hard questions need to now be put on the table for those making the allegations to answer.

 

Pre-LTTE defeat

  • Sri Lanka’s conflict is TERRORIST not ETHNIC and this needs to be clearly articulated across the international community & UN

 

  • Sri Lanka’s military defeated LTTE Terrorists & not Tamils. LTTE terrorists were all Tamil but ALL Tamils were not LTTE Terrorists. Those that materially supported LTTE included Tamils, Muslims, Sinhalese, foreigners, UN, INGOs/NGOs & even diplomats.

 

  • LTTE began its killing spree in 1975 when it assassinated the Mayor of Jaffna – Alfred Duraiappah (a Tamil) LTTE next targeted Tamil policemen on duty to scare them from joining the public service. LTTE thereafter began attacking Sri Lanka Army & then civilians, politicians, public servants, clergy, principals – anyone who went against them including Tamils & including own combatants.

 

  • LTTE did not take up arms because of 1983 July riots because Prabakaran first formed Tamil New Tigers in 1972 which later was rechristened LTTE in 1976 (Prabakaran took up arms a decade before 1983 riots)

 

  • Another false propaganda is that July 1983 riots was an ‘ethnic’ riot by Sinhalese against Tamils – this is totally wrong as Sinhalese saved their Tamil friends & neighbors. The attacks were committed by the then UNP Govt using their thugs that comprised Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims who were only bothered to attack & loot homes. Moreover, the then UNP Govt ensured their rich Tamil friends were free from any attack.

 

  • When LTTE began attacking villages, killing villagers, chasing them from their homes, shooting at unarmed civilians worshipping, cutting pregnant mothers & babies, planting bombs on roads to kill innocent civilian passengers – where were the entities screaming ‘accountability’ when LTTE was getting defeated. Why did they not stop LTTE terror that raged for 30 years unabated?

 

  • What did the international community do against LTTE for kidnapping Tamil children & turning them into child soldiers apart from writing reports & issuing statistics? Were any resolutions passed to take action for these crimes that denied children their right to be with their parents, right to education, right to peace & more over why did the international authorities not take action against the very foreign woman now living happily in UK who trained these children to kill & to also commit suicide by biting a cyanide capsule? Many have logged complaints against her with the UK Metropolitan Police – why is there no investigation launched against her even? LTTE remains banned in the UK?

 

 

  • LTTE is banned in the very countries that LTTE fronts are openly operating in. The bans by these countries specifically mentions material support & when Sri Lanka banned 16 LTTE fronts incorporating UNSC Resolution 1373 in April 2014 why have these foreign countries not even launched their own investigations as they have ample evidence when TRO was banned for channeling funds to LTTE & many of the Tamils involved in this operation are connected to the LTTE fronts that have been named & banned. How is it that these very entities are now openly holding events even inside UK Parliament and are frequent visitors to the UN & UNHRC?

 

During military / humanitarian operations

  • The decision to militarily defeat the LTTE came not suddenly or impulsively. Sri Lanka suffered 30 years of gruesome terror – all that the international community gave was an official statement of condolence after each LTTE suicide/assassination attack. Over 5 peace talks, ceasefires, negotiations in Sri Lanka & overseas were held since 1985 and each of these occasions was used by LTTE to regroup, rearm & re-strategize. It was the LTTE that prevented water supply to farmers in the East (Mavil Aru) that led to LTTE’s demise by committing a war crime in denial of water.

 

  • From the liberation of the East to the eventual Wanni operation, the Sri Lankan Government, Armed Forces heads & all others regularly kept the foreign governments/envoys briefed through Consultative Committee meetings held twice a week. If any alarming news had reached the foreign envoys/NGO heads etc this was the forum to bring questions to & seek answers from the Sri Lankan top level heads who were attending these sessions. Minutes of these meetings did not disclose any such concerns regarding violations of IHL or even human rights abuses. These sessions even provided details of food, medicines etc sent to the conflict areas by the Govt. There are even records of Sri Lankan Forces being praised for their conduct. These are all evidence to completely negate the false allegations that have leveled against Sri Lanka’s troops.

 

  • From the food convoys sent with the knowledge of ICRC, WFP and others – it was very clear & visible that Sri Lanka was engaged in a military operation while also taking the greatest of care to send essentials to the People knowing the LTTE was keeping them as hostages/human shields and were taking these provisions to be given to LTTE combatants & their families.

 

  • That Sri Lanka Armed Forces rescued close to 300,000 Tamils is evidence enough that people who did not wish to be with LTTE were saved & brought to safety by the armed forces. There are enough evidence including UN & foreign envoy statements pleading LTTE not to shoot unarmed civilians & to release them and some of the rescued themselves declared LTTE were firing at them.

 

  • That close to 12,000 LTTE combatants in civilian clothing surrendered to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces is another proof that none of these combatants ‘disappeared’ as is being alleged. Of this 584 child soldiers were even given a Presidential amnesty & thereafter these children studied & are now in some form of livelihood. We recall fondly the singing sensation Gokulan. Would these children have this new lease on life if they remained in LTTE.

 

  • Let the Opposition point out clearly at NO POINT since the military onslaught against LTTE did the present Govt including the TNA take the side of the Tamil people held by LTTE. No statements were issued to release them & not a single relief item was even collected to be sent to these people even as a humanitarian gesture by TNA & their supporters either. Not a single humanitarian relief item even came from LTTE fronts to these Tamil civilians.

 

  • Every IDP acceptance unit set up had female soldiers & soldiers competent in speaking in Tamil. IDP centres given the scale & magnitude of the relief operations were well within reasonable acceptance and with time government facilitated with state banks, training for children, play set up for kids etc.

 

Post-LTTE defeat

 

  • On 19 May 2009 LTTE ground fighting leadership was defeated & the country was rid of bombs, suicide missions and assassinations that was part & parcel of life for 30 years.

 

  • LTTE kitty was such that it could afford to relay propaganda presenting a false notion that told enough became accepted as truth as the Sri Lankan Government lacked the will to counter & nip the lies in the bud.

 

  • The themes that had been promoted since 1980s have been discrimination by Sinhalese against Tamils, examples of 3 riots, a Tamil homeland, genocide & war crimes – all of which are now blowing up in their face given the challenges that are surfacing

 

  • Discrimination allegation – while empty allegations have been made there is stoic silence when hard facts with names are presented on the numbers of Tamils holding public & private sector positions, the ownership of private enterprises, the businesses etc that the Tamils operate in Sri Lanka. Question that those making allegations cannot answer is what are the discriminations that are exclusive to ONLY Tamils that other citizens do not suffer

 

  • Tamil Homeland – when self-determination claims first started in Tamil Nadu the question never answered is did Tamils evolve in Sri Lanka or Tamil Nadu, without answering this the same ethnic group cannot claim 2 separate states in 2 different countries.

 

  • Ethnic cleansing / Genocide/War Crimes – ethnic cleansing was when LTTE chased out Sinhalese & Muslims from North to claim Tamil Only territory – no one has helped these people return to their original habitats. Genocide claims fall flat when statistics showcase Tamil population increase – how can there be genocide if Tamil population is increasing (fundamental fact) / war crimes – the international terrorist experts in their reports clearly reveal that LTTE was at fault for using Tamil civilians as hostage/human shields and firing at the enemy from civilian enclosure. No conflict is without some form of irregularities – no soldier can defend himself while engaging in hostilities keeping Geneva Convention book and referring how to fire! He would be dead meat by then! Anyone plucking laws from these international laws must be a little practical. It is not that LTTE has ever fought a clean war – how about the innumerable crimes LTTE has committed since 1980s – why is there no international attention or accountability for these? There cannot be RESTORATIVE JUSTICE for LTTE and RETRIBUTIVE JUSTICE for a National Army that was ONLY doing its duty by the Nation & its citizens.

 

  • 3 days after the conclusion of the conflict the UNSG arrived in Sri Lanka & toured the conflict areas – had their been mass graves newly dug he & everyone on that helicopter ride should have seen it as the final battle was fought in open terrain. They did not report any such newly dug graves. The US satellite pictures also revealed 3 graves none of which could even hold 40,000 the minimum figure that has been flogged over the years.

 

  • Let us presume the allegation of 40,000 – but then where are their names, why have families not logged police complaints at least declaring them missing? Why have families not logged their names with the Presidential Commission appointed – only 5000 missing soldier names were given out of a total 19,000.

 

  • As for the allegations – anyone making allegations need to show how many Tamils LTTE killed, how many Tamils Sri Lankan Armed Forces killed, how many were actually ‘civilians’ how many ‘civilians’ died engaged in hostilities, how many of these civilians belonged to LTTE’s civilian armed force, how many LTTE combatants died in civilian clothing… without answering any of the above questions how can every death be credited to only the Sri Lankan Army?

 

  • Who are bringing the allegations – the allegations are being made by 3rd parties / 4th parties or LTTE connected groups & individuals. The foreigners making the allegations too are regular attendees to these pro-LTTE events – this showcases their bias. Similar foreign MPs making the allegations are also regular visitors to pro-LTTE events and rely on Tamil vote banks & funding for their election propaganda. All these should be investigated by these foreign countries as LTTE remains banned in their countries – let us not forget that it is their citizens who are victims of various illegal acts that pro-LTTE sources are engaged in – credit card scams, human smuggling, prostitution, money laundering etc

 

Questioning the legality of the UNHRC Resolutions

 

  • When the National Army defeated LTTE on 19 May 2009, 17 nations led by Germany asked for a special session in the UNHRC to discuss whether GOSL committed crimes during the last phase of the war. However, a counter resolution was presented congratulating Sri Lanka for ending terror and it was adopted as more nations supported it than the earlier resolution chiding Sri Lanka.

 

  • It was after this resolution that UNSG chose to appoint a personally commissioned panel

 

  • All of the UN Resolutions, UNHRC Investigations and every demarche issued against Sri Lanka has used as a basis the 3 member panel report that Ban Ki Moon assigned as a personal initiative to brief him of the final phase of Sri Lanka’s conflict. This personally assigned report, packed in questionable statements & conclusions was never tabled in the UNHRC for the GOSL to officially reply, it was never officially tabled in the UNGA or UNSC – the report was only leaked to public and thereafter everyone is using this as a basis to level unsubstantiated allegations against a country & its national army.

 

  • The personally commissioned Ban Ki Moon report was INDIRECTLY submitted to the UNHRC in 2011 and this became the basis for the first Resolution against Sri Lanka in February 2012 & passed in March 2012. Every March has been a month for resolutions against Sri Lanka annually (2012. 2013, 2014, 2015 with the bizarre co-sponsoring)

 

  • In 2014 Resolution 25/1 authorized an investigation by the UNHRC (OISL) which ended in March 2015. Citizens of Sri Lanka never had a chance to counter the allegations made. It was obvious that the objective was to present a case that system crimes via chain of command was committed. They were not interested in individual crimes. The report covered 4 IHL crimes and 4 human rights charges – the GOSL without assessing its credibility or truth went & co-sponsored the controversial resolution (30/1). Was the co-sponsorship with the mandate of the President & with the knowledge of Parliament or was it simply on the acceptance by the then foreign minister. The Opposition should officially demand an investigation into the legality of co-sponsoring 301/ as a priority.

 

  • What about the 6 reports by the International Terrorist experts led by late Sir Desmond de Silva? These were individuals who were experts in terrorist laws & had stood on various tribunals. Their reports concluded that the Sri Lankan Armed Forces did not commit war crimes as was alleged. Sri Lanka’s Opposition must renew calls for the UN to take up these reports & insist that the GOSL table them officially.

 

  • The procedural lapses & violations committed by the UNHRC needs to be taken up at diplomatic level by the Opposition appraising diplomats & Sri Lanka-friendly nations of the violations & illegalities that have taken place. These are precedents that are likely to affect other nations as well. Therefore, Sri Lanka must rally nations against the interference by UN & UNHRC on internal affairs of sovereign states violating the UN Charter & mandates of bodies in the UN. It is noteworthy that a procedural complaint petition has been filed in the UNHRC and thus far over 6 months now it has not been dismissed giving hope that the UNHRC is perhaps worried about the validity of the legally raised questions against its handling of resolutions and allegations against a UN member state.

 

  • Let us also not forget that the main sponsor of the 3 UNHRC Resolutions against Sri Lanka – the US left the UNHRC accusing it of being a ‘cesspool of political bias’. The allegation adds meat to our claims that UNHRC has been treating Sri Lanka unfairly & with bias. The very country that calls UNHRC a cesspool of political bias has brought 3 resolutions against Sri Lanka & that should reveal the status of these resolutions so why would Sri Lanka wish to co-sponsor it?

 

Therefore, Mahinda Rajapakse as Opposition Leader must lead the crusade to champion the truth and defend Sri Lanka’s National Army from a biased & compromised international mechanism out to safeguard the terror entity that they used for geopolitical gain by insisting on retributive justice for the National Army & restorative justice for LTTE.

 

The Opposition must demand a fresh look at all allegations made since 2009 and all crimes committed since 1970s from the emergence of terror in Sri Lanka, who funded & who provided material support & every crime committed since.

 

 

 

Shenali D Waduge

 

Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu – Ranil’s new name for old Eelam !

January 23rd, 2019

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s  biggest ever deal in his entire political career, with which he hoped to win the Nobel Peace Prize, was his Cease-fire Agreement (CFA) with Velupillai Prabhakaran. Irrespective of the disastrous consequences of his delusional peace deal, he signed it guaranteeing the handing over of powers and institutions of the Centre to make Prabhakaran the king of his Eelam state, which has been renamed now as Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu”.  (Please note, Ranil and Sampanthan of TNA have dropped Eelam, for the moment, to market Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” as a toothless, powerless, non-federal provincial council in the new Draft Constitution drawn up by Ranil’s expert nominee Jayampathy Wickremaratne and R. Sampanthan’s expert nominee, Abraham Sumanthiram). If Ranil’s deal with Prabhakaran went through, with the full blessings of the international community, Sri Lanka would have been divided into two by now. Fortunately for Sri Lankans, Prabhakaran scuttled it by running rings round Ranil and throwing  him like a rotten banana under the wheels of a ten on truck.

Now he is at it again. What Ranil failed to achieve in the CFA he is now hoping to achieve through the new Draft Constitution by creating Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu”. In the CFA, thanks to Prabhakaran,  he failed to give all the powers and institutions contained in the Constitution to the Eelamists. Now he proposes to create Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu consisting of the institutions of the Centre and of the provinces which shall exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution’’.  This is worse than exchanging hotu ghani” with kahi ghani”.

His pathetic attempts at constitution-making, has confirmed that he has  neither the vision nor the political nous to find a way out of the mess in which he is in. The creation of Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu is a move which no one except the reincarnated avatars of Prabhakaran, the neo-colonial NGOs, and Ranil want. Of late, the Jaathiya Vanasana Peramuna (JVP) too has joined them. That is another story for another day.  But Ranil’s constitution-making is not a strategic move to save the nation. It is patently a desperate move to keep the TNA votes in Parliament on his side to fill the numerical gap that props him up as Prime Minister. The TNA has the numbers to pull the rug under him and topple him. So he has no compunction in selling the nation and its heritage for a fistful of votes.

His Draft Constitution, drawn up to appease his Tamil vote bank, has all the hall marks of his failed CFA written by anti-national agents abroad.  The CFA was drafted to appease the insatiable political appetites of Tamil extremism. The latest constitutional draft is a rewrite of the CFA aimed at dismantling the nation. Take for instance Article 2 which is a straightforward, well- defined statement, with no ambiguity leading to controversial interpretations. It states: “The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State”. Period. The operative phrase is Unitary State”. In a Unitary State” there can be no division of power. Or devolution of powers from the Centre.  In a unitary state” there is only one source of power and that is the Centre. Power allocated to all three branches of the state – the legislature, executive and the judiciary — flows from this definition.

In political science unitary state” is the antithesis of devolution of power in any form, starting from federalism. This explains why the powers devolved to the provinces under Indo-Ceylon Agreement are under the supervision and control of the Centre. For instance, the Governor, the judiciary and the Police derive their power from the Centre. Centralizing powers of the state is the fundamental requirement of a unitary state. This is the essence of a unitary state”.

In the Draft Constitution presented to Parliament by Ranil the supremacy of the Centre encapsulated in the English phrase Unitary State” is taken away and replaced with a vernacular terminology purporting to be same. This is a deliberate attempt by Ranil and his ministers to deceive and lie to make the people believe that it has the same meaning as the Unitary State”. Incidentally, he and his deceiving ministers dodge responsibility by attributing the making of the Draft Constitution to a committee of experts and proclaim that nothing has been changed. Then what made his experts remove the phrase Unitary State” and decide to vest the institutions and powers of the Constitution / Centre in the proposed Orumitta (Tamil ) Nadu?  Though they say that nothing has changed the critical phrase unitary state” has been removed and substituted with aekiya rajyaya/orumitta nadu” with one aim: to hand over powers of the Centre to Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu”.  There are also two other reasons for using the vernacular: 1.there is no synonym in English to replace the term unitary state” and (2) to anesthetize the electorate with lies and lull them into a sense of security in the hope of winning their votes in the coming elections.

The original text was simple and short. It said: “The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State”. But Ranil’s draft says that Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu ….. shall exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution / (Centre)’’. Well, if Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu can exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution (i.e., the Centre) ’’ what more do the mono-ethnic extremists of the North need to run their separate state? As usual Ranil’s smart tactics have pushed him into a corner from which he cannot get out. The experts’ report reflect his hidden political agenda. In his heart of hearts he is for handing over the institutions and powers of the Centre to Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu”. But that is a suicidal course of action that will guarantee his defeat in the coming elections. For his survival in Parliament he has to offer R. Sampanthan and Abraham Sumanthiram what Prabhakaran could not get with his entire might. So he is struggling to market  Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” as the benign alternative to Unitary State. This. in short, is verbal gimmicry to mislead the people.  To make it worse,  Ranil and his parroting ministers go round saying that the unitary state” remains unchanged. If he knows his political science Ranil  should know that in a unitary state” the provinces cannot exercise the powers of the Constitution” which is the Centre of the nation.

By definition, it would be ultra vires in a unitary state” for the provinces to exercise the powers of the Centre. It is also a legal and political contradiction for the provinces to be on par with the centre in a unitary state. It is the incontrovertible logic contained in the meaning of unitary state” that forced Abraham Sumanthiram and Jayamapthy Wickremaratne, the UNP nominee in the Expert Committee,  to drop the all-important phrase of unitary state”. Only by targeting unitary state” can they devolve powers and allow the provinces to exercise the powers of the Centre”. Not knowing how to overcome the restraining definition in the English term unitary state” the experts were aiming to get round it by substituting the vernacular aekiya rajyaya/orumitta nadu”. So they decided to hide behind the vernacular  which can be left vague without the same connotation as the unitary state”.

What is more, the Draft Constitution goes further to define its ultimate political goal by defining orumitta nadu” as a political instrument consisting of the institutions of the Centre and of the provinces which shall exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution’’. This opens up legal space for the Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu to exercise powers of running institutions like the police, judiciary, gubernatorial, and other administrative units which can defy the Centre by asserting its own rights as an independent state. The cutting and chopping in the new Draft is to provide legal space for Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu to run a state within a state, before it moves to the next level of a separate state.

The new phraseology legitimises the foundations for federalism/separatism by another name: Orumitta Nadu”.  Ironically, Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” will be a mono-ethnic unitary state which shall exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution – i.e., the Centre. The overall objective of peninsular politics historically has been to establish a Tamil unitary state. This will be achieved if Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” is established. It will reign supreme in the North and the East with untrammelled powers embedded in the critical administrative institutions, free from any interventions from the Centre.  Arming the Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu with the institutions and powers of the Centre will enable it to go as far as the border of having a considerable degree of legitimacy and power to sever links with the Centre and declare unilateral independence at a time of their choosing. All what they will have to do is sever links and ask India recognise the Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” as an independent state. And if at that time Ranil happens to be the President he will fold his arms and announce on TV that it is perfectly acceptable because that Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” is only stretch of useless sea sand covering only two thirds of the nation’s coastline! Remember how he pooh-poohed the capture of Toppigala as the acquisition of a useless piece of rock!

The removal of the phrase unitary state” and replacing it with orumitta nadu” is the most divisive move to break-up the nation not only on ethnic lines but also on regional lines in the south. The right to exercise powers of the Centre can split the south into independent political units. Demarcating and devolving the powers of the Centre to the periphery is like scooping the innards of a wood apple and devouring it, until there is nothing left in the empty, outer shell.  This would be the beginning of legalising the borders that would separate the north from the south as two separate entities. It is like sitting on the branch and severing it from the main tree. Or to be more realistic, imagine, for instance, the Centre run by Mahinda Rajapakse  and eight other independent provinces run by Ranil Wickremesinghe! This is a recipe for chaos, not for peace and progress.

From the time S. J. V.  Chelvanayakam launched his separatist politics, disguised as federalism, the sole aim of separatists / federalists has been to dismantle the unitary State” for them to grab as much power as they can from the Centre. The North-South inter-ethnic relations had gone from bad to worse fundamentally on this issue of power-sharing. Therefore, removing the phrase unitary state” is in effect to remove Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” from the Centre. This is the meaning and purpose of the Draft Constitution. The new draft is a decisive victory for Chelvanayakam. Ranil has made his dream come true. It has given in to all of Chelvanayakam’s demands. If implemented it can  exercise (all) powers as laid down in the Constitution’’. And since the Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu is due to inherit the institutions and the powers of the Centre under the Draft Constitution it would facilitate the laying the foundations for separate units of power which can act independently of the Centre as in a federated structure. In other words, the Draft Constitution defines and legitimises the division and the handing over of powers from the ”indivisible” Centre to the peripheral provinces which is the basic meaning of federalism.

It should also be noted that all power in a state is exercised through institutions. So when the Centre which was vested with all powers hands over power to institutions in Orimuttu (Tamil) Nadu it surrenders the unitary powers it had earlier, thereby dividing the nation into separate and independent centres of power. Geographical boundaries of the provinces are merely a peripheral delineation of the territorial limits of power of each province. What is most material is the power vested in the institutions through which the provinces can defy the Centre and assert its independence.

The decisive means of dividing the nation is by derogating the power vested in the Centre and handing it over to provinces. The revised Article 2 does just that: divide the nation into nine centres of power which the Centre cannot oversee or control. The critical legal and political force will be with the institutions of the provinces which shall exercise powers as laid down in the Constitution’’(meaning the Centre).   And once Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu inherits the powers and the institutions in the Constitution not even the judiciary can change those powers. The next step will be for Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu to break away under one or the other pretext.

The removal of the phrase the Unitary State”, therefore, is a legal and political necessity to provide Orumitta (Tamil) Nadu” with powers to act independently of the Centre. Ranil proclaims that as Buddhists the Opposition should not go round temples telling lies about the proposed Draft. But, as shown above, his Draft Constitution is wrapped in deception and lies.

As they say in Sinhalese: Miniha, kolay wahala gahan-die hadan-nay, nay-the?”

 

Workers left in the lurch as military farms are returned to civilians in North Lanka

January 23rd, 2019

On Monday(21), the Sri Lanka Army released 1,201.88 acres of Army-used state and private lands in the North with no impact for national security, in a ceremony in Mullaitivu presided over by Maithripala Sirisena.

The release of this acreage of land includes 972 acres of state land in Kilinochchi, 120 acres of state land in Mullaitivu where the Army has been running farms, 46.11 acres of state land in Jaffna and the Vanni and 63.77 acres of private land in Jaffna and the Vanni.

Workers left in the lurch as military farms are returned to civilians in North Lanka

The ceremony to release the scheduled total of 1201.88 acreages, including Nachchikuda, Vellankulam and Udayarkattukulam Army farms was coordinated by the Security Force Headquarters – Mullaitivu, Northern Governor’s Office, District Secretariat, respective Divisional Secretariats and the Army Directorate of Quartering and Real Estate.

The Army, in a media release, said the release of lands in the North with no impact for national security was part of its continuing effort to honor the pledge it has given to the Presidential Task Force.

The process to release Northern and Eastern lands, belonging to civilians and the state that bear no impact on national security needs, began last year in earnest, following a Presidential direction. Army Commander, Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake, promptly responded and instructed his officers accordingly to abide by the Presidential directive with the objective of further promoting gestures of goodwill and reconciliation

Releasing of land is one of the main areas in the reconciliation process and the military is in the process of releasing the lands held under them since the end of the war.

However, some of these lands which have been converted to farms, providing employment to many rehabilitated ex-LTTE members and civilians alike, pose an array of other issues if released without a proper plan.

During a visit to Jaffna, Killinochchi and Mullaitivu last week, the Daily News visited several of these farms and spoke to these workers. One might expect to see them elated regarding the releasing of lands held by the military, as it is a demand that Tamils have been wanting over the past 10 years. But, on the contrary, almost all of the Tamil workers employed at these farms were worried and unhappy about these farmlands being released as these farms are their bread and butter.

No farm, no income

As for 26-year-old S. Damayanthi, a resident of Ganesapuram, Vellankulam, she has been working on the farm for the past four-and-a-half years. She had joined the farm with the first 25 recruits and has been working there to date.

When we joined, there were only a few females, but today there are 10 females and 21 males. We have to tend to the vegetables, and during the cashew season, we have to pick the cashew. We pick over 300 kg of cashew per day during the season. Each of us is given different duties. We grow pumpkin, beans and other vegetables here too. The farm spans around 600 acres. For me, I live nearly two kilometres away from the farm and it is easy for me to travel here.”

However, when asked what she would do once the farm was handed over, she simply looked at us blankly and added, I don’t know what we would do if we don’t have work at the farm. I earn around Rs. 52,000 per month and this is a very good salary for us. I don’t think anyone else would pay us this salary if we were to seek employment elsewhere.”

Niluka, who is an injured ex-LTTE member, had lost a leg during the war and now, an artificial leg supports her as she gets about her work. Most of us employed here are recruited by the Army to work in these farms and are paid by the Army. I was in Kandy during the war and I came to Killinochchi to see my sister when the LTTE took me away. After the war, I was rehabilitated and thereafter I started my life. Now, both my husband and I are employed at this farm and we take home a good salary.”

For many of these workers employed at the Vellankulam farm, the war had devastated their lives and they had nothing but the clothes on their back when it was over. Hence, while for the rest of the country, the end of the war meant they could get back to their lives, for those directly affected, it is a long struggle to rebuild their lives once again from scratch.

Therefore, many of these farm workers have obtained loans for constructing their houses and purchasing necessities to get their lives back on track. According to some of these workers, they have to pay as much as Rs. 25,000 as repayment for their loans. With the salaries they receive by working in these farms, they are able to manage their loans and they are quite content as they no longer have to beg or be dependent on anyone for their survival. Moreover, many of these farm workers live in the vicinity of the farms making it easier for them to work in the farms and keep an eye on their children as well.

Why hand over the farms?

According to the Army’s Agriculture Director Brigadier Gunaratne, the Army had three farms operating under them, providing employment to around 117 Tamil workers, both rehabilitated ex-LTTE members and civilians. The farms are in Vellankulam, Udayarkattukulam and Nachcchikuda. However, with the handing over of these farmlands, the Army had retained 100 acres at the Vellankulam farm, handing over the balance 500 acres. Now all 117 workers are accommodated at the Vellankulam farm of 100 acres.

The farm administrators revealed that this farm generates around Rs. 20 million in profit, which in turn is used for the welfare of the workers. However, now, with the absorbing of the additional displaced workers on the farm which has shrunk from 600 acres to a mere 100 acres, it is natural that these workers are worried about their future and financial security.

Many of them are also disgruntled that the government and their Tamil politicians had not consulted them and found out their views regarding the handing over of these farms. Many of them claim that the Tamil politicians keep harping on specific areas like a ‘beggar’s wound’ in order to please the international community and keep the Tamils in the North in a pathetic state for their own advantage. For the Army, these farmlands are part of their assigned duties and once their term is done, they move on and they do not depend on them. But, for those who are employed here, it is a matter of life and death.

If this farm is given up, we might have to move to the Kandakadu farm and if that happens, I might have to leave just like many of us, and then we don’t know what to do. We can’t travel far because our children are here. Our politicians should have thought of these problems that we face before this decision was taken,” said Niluka.

Vijendran Geethika (27) had been a child soldier in the LTTE and was thereafter rehabilitated. She had married and after having three children, found out that her husband was married previously. His wife came and fought with us and took him away. Now I take care of my children and my mother with the wages I earn by working on the farm. It is easier for me to work here as I can also keep an eye on my children. But, if I have to move to another farm far from here, it will be difficult for me to manage my work and my family. Even if I find other work, I will never be able to find a job that would pay me this salary. For many of us, we are even contemplating committing suicide if we cannot pay our debts and we can’t find work. My children are seven and three years and the first are twins. How can I leave them and move? We don’t know what the politicians and other higher-ups have decided, but eventually all we know is that we are the ones who would have to suffer,” she said.

Rajive Ghandi, Jeromeson, Manivanan, Sri Kala, Padmajayanthini and Maniwanan work at the Udayarkattukulam farm, which is also scheduled to be handed over by the Army. They too have the same fear and uncertainty as those in the Vellankulam farm and fear the loss of their source of income. All these farm workers were recruited to work on these farms on the promise that they would have their jobs throughout their service period. However, now they face an uncertain future, as they do not know what would happen once they lose these farms. However, there is no clear decision as to what the land would be used for thereafter.

Future of thefarms uncertain

The Udayarkattukulam farm is around 120 acres in extent, and there are around 50 Tamil farm workers employed here, who claim that they have worked happily at the farm all these years, but now their entire future is again shrouded in uncertainty.

The Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake said these farms would be released as per the government direction, but would do his best to address the grievances of these workers and continue to provide them employment. We will not put any of them out of work and will take all measures to keep them employed,” he assured.

Governor’s Assurance

Having met most of the farm hands, the Governor of the Northern Province Dr.Suren Raghavan had got a firsthand account of the grievances faced by these farm workers. He assured that he would look into all legalities and ensure they continue to work at their current farms and take all measures to ensure their lives are not disrupted.

My proposal is that these farmlands could be converted into cooperative societies and I need to look at the legalities in either the short-term or long-term leasing of these farms to the same people who were operating it thus far. Then these workers can continue the farms and their lifestyle, but with some measure of government supervision and control. That supervision can either be done by the Agriculture Ministry of the Northern Province or some of these workers who are there. Some of these workers have close ties with the state as they have been rehabilitated. But, I intend to look into each of these cases individually and tailor-make the mechanism within the Constitution and the applicable laws. My proposal most probably would be to have them work their farmer-owned cooperative farmlands. This way they would not have to be moved elsewhere and their lives would not be disrupted. However, they need to have a reporting mechanism,” he said.

Sri Lankan President reiterates decision to impose death penalty on drug traffickers

January 23rd, 2019

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, Jan 23 (newsin.asia) – Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena has reiterated his government’s decision to impose the death penalty on drug traffickers including those who are already facing the death sentence in prisons, a statement from his office said here Wednesday.

President Sirisena said that although certain organizations had raised their voices against the severe decisions taken against drug dealers, these organizations had failed to assess the damage and trauma caused to the nation if drug traffickers were left to continue their illegal activities.
He said he would soon release information to the country on the drug dealers and the parties behind them in order to shed light on those responsible behind this issue.
Sri Lanka’s cabinet of ministers had taken a collective decision in July last year, to impose the death sentence considering the recent rise in drug related murders and a large amount of drug imports planned by drug traffickers who were already in prison custody.
The government had said the island country had become a transit point for major drug cartels as a consequence of the prolonged illicit activities of the Tamil Tiger rebels who were militarily defeated by government troops in May 2009 following a 30 year civil conflict.
On Tuesday, the Police Special Task Force and Anti Narcotics Unit busted an international drug smuggling ring in capital Colombo, arresting five suspects along with 90 kilograms of heroin.
Those arrested included two Americans and an Afghan national.
The consignment of heroin was valued at Rs.1.1 billion, an estimated 6 million US dollars.

China’s Colombo Port City project gains acceptance among Lankans

January 23rd, 2019

Colombo, January 23 (Xinhua): For Sri Lankan engineer Sanjeewa Alwis, a veteran of the Colombo Port City project, the four state-of-the-art Chinese dredging vessels pumping yellow sea sand was an endearing spectacle.

With the reclamation of land completed, the Chinese-funded Port City under construction near the Colombo Harbor is beginning to take shape.

China’s Colombo Port City project gains acceptance among Lankans

(190123) — BEIJING, Jan. 23, 2019 (Xinhua) — Aerial photo taken on Jan. 9, 2019 shows the construction site of the Colombo Port City project in Colombo Port City, Colombo, Sri Lanka. (Xinhua)

It will soon be ready to host maritime structures and other infrastructural construction.

A mechanical, electrical and plumbing manager of the project, Sanjeewa said it was not easy to push forward the development in the beginning.

Sanjeewa still vividly remembers that at a Belt and Road forum in Beijing in May 2017, he had asked the Sri Lankan government for a backup water supply inlet for the project site.

The Colombo Port City has gradually but increasingly gained popularity in the island country, with many looking forward to making use of the facilities.

We need to understand each other first, and bond our hearts together. Luckily, Sri Lanka and China have achieved that in the Port City project,” Sanjeewa said.

Land Reclamation Completed

On reclaimed land adjacent to the commercial district of Colombo, the Port City is being co-developed by the Sri Lankan government and China’s CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd, a subsidiary of China Communications Construction Company Limited (CCCC).

The project aims to be a commercial, financial, residential and international entertainment hub in South Asia.

At a ceremony held earlier this month marking the completion of land reclamation, officials said that 269 hectares of land were reclaimed from the sea.

The project is a technological marvel and one of the most spectacular development projects Sri Lanka has ever had, said Minister of Megapolis and Western Development Patali Champika Ranawaka.

Sri Lanka is going to be the center of change in the next few years and the Port City is going to be one of the most vital projects in getting us there. The city is going to make Sri Lanka the center of South Asia,” the minister said at the event.

Construction of the Port City started in September 2014 and is expected to take 25 years to complete.

The project is part of the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), put forward in 2013 with the aim of building a trade and infrastructure network connecting Asia with Europe and Africa.

The project symbolizes friendship between China and Sri Lanka that has a long history and which is worth more than the value of the investment,” Chinese Ambassador Cheng Xueyuan said at the ceremony.

With advanced concepts, rigorous technology, and a corporate culture of teamwork, the Port City project will boost Sri Lanka’s socio-economic development and improve local living standards, said the Chinese envoy.

Largest Foreign Investment

The 1.4-billion U.S. dollar Port City is Sri Lanka’s largest foreign direct investment, and the largest Belt and Road project in Sri Lanka.

It has already created more than 4,000 local jobs. In the next 20 years, a total of 83,000 jobs are expected to be created, according to the Chinese ambassador.

Local employees said the project has provided not only jobs but higher salaries and a better life.

The total Gross Floor Area will be up to 5.73 million square meters, comprising residences, hotels, offices, retail space, and iconic developments such as a theme park, a yacht marina, a central park, a medical center, an international school and a sand beach, according to CCCC Chairman Liu Qitao.

These will attract a further 13 billion dollars in investment in property development within the city,” Liu said.

He believes the Port City will help Sri Lanka attract not only foreign investment, but also international talent and advanced technology.

Regulations Approved

In April last year, the Sri Lankan government approved the Port City’s Development Control Regulations, allowing for further investments.

We have been to Southeast Asia, the Middle East and many regions in the world to attract investment for the Port City and about a dozen international enterprises have expressed interests in the project,” said Liang Thow Ming, chief sales and marketing officer at CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd.

Environmental Guidelines Observed

Environmental protection rules have been strictly observed during the sand mining operation, said Zhou Zhongpan, captain of Xin Hai Long, a trailing suction hopper dredger in the construction fleet.

A dredging area, or an excavation area, is usually located 7.5 km from coastline to minimize its impact on the local ecosystem, the marine creatures in particular, he explained.

In the pumping area, sediment barriers were put up to protect the environment before a breakwater was built.

Nearby residents were initially concerned about the possible impact of the mega-project on their communities, said Noorul Aleem, senior engineer of the Port City project’s Health, Safety and Environment (HSE).

However, the local authorities worked meticulously to ensure that all environmental requirements, such as air quality, noise, vibration and water quality, were properly met by the contractors.

Now local residents are convinced that the Port City will fully benefit the country’s economy without harming the environment,” the engineer said.

According to Minister Ranawaka, 26 government agencies and environmental monitoring teams were appointed to oversee the Port City project and its environmental impact.

Rawa, a vendor who sells kites at Colombo’s Galle Face Green park close to the Port City, has witnessed the Chinese dredgers pumping sand into the air almost every day since the reclamation started in October 2016.

He said he will miss” the scene, after learning that the dredgers will soon leave.

Anyway, the Port City will benefit my children in the future,” he added.

(The featured image at the top shows an aerial view of the reclaimed 269 hectares)

1971 දී පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙක් චේගුවේරා කල්ලියේ සාමාජිකයෙක් යයි කියමින් අත්අඩංගුව ගෙන මෛත‍්‍රිගේ හිස පිට තුවක්කුව තබයි.. අන්තිම මොහොතේ පණ බේරේ

January 22nd, 2019

1971 වසරේදී තමන් පොලිසියෙන් වෙඩි තබා මරා දැමීමට නියම කරන ලද්දෙක් බව ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා පවසයි.

චේගුවේරා කල්ලියේ සාමාජිකයන් යයි තමන් අත්අඩංගුව ගෙන දැඩි ලෙස වද දුන් බවත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා කීය.

පසුව පොලොන්නරුවේ කනත්තට ගෙන ගොස් වෙඩි තබා මරා දැමීමට ඔන්න මෙන්න තිබියදී ඉෂ්ඨ දේවතාවන් විසින් තමන් බේරාගත්තේ යයිද ජනාධිපතිවරයා සදහන් කලේය.

කොළඹදී පැවති උත්සව අවස්ථාවක් අමතමින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙම අදහස් පල කලේය.


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