KAMALIKA PIERIS

It is a wonder that the 1956 government was able to achieve anything at all, considering the obstacles the MEP government had to face, said analysts. First, there were natural disasters.  An unprecedented drought  in 1956  and   unprecedented floods    in 1957.

Then there were two ethnic riots, the Gal Oya riots of June 1956, and two years later the 1958 riots, starting in May 24 1958. Emergency rule was declared from May, 1958 to March 1959.  There was Press censorship and all night curfew.

There has been government meddling in these riots. Merril Gunaratne reported that the IGP Osmund de Silva had stormed into a cabinet meeting after 1958 riots and   submitted his letter of resignation, accusing government MPs of having interfered with the lawful actions of the police during the riots.

The MEP   itself was very unstable. Bandaranaike had cobbled together all sorts of disparate groups into one coalition. MEP was not a political party it was a Peramuna, consisting of an assorted group of parties and persons,   explained Meegama. MEP did not last long as a political party. It started in 1956 and was dissolved in 1959.

Meegama observed that VLSSP was a party of socialists. Its two ministers, Philip and William Silva were both veterans of the international socialist movement. They looked at problems in a systematic and scientific manner. The SLFP on the other hand     was a home grown populist party, muddling through crises as they came.

The 1956 Cabinet was also an impossible mixture of opposites. Philip Gunawardene, William Silva, and TB Ilangaratne were socialists who wished to make radical changes.  They were opposed by W.Dahanayake, CP de Silva, and Stanley de Zoysa.  CP de Silva has worked closely with DS Senanayake on his Minneriya project and had been persuaded to join the SLFP by H Sri Nissanka. Stanley de Zoysa was a business man. Stanley de Zoysa sported a monocle and wore stylish English cut clothes.   

Bandaranaike was also in the peculiar position of finding himself opposed by both the Left (LSSP) and the Right (UNP) simultaneously. This is probably quite rare.   From the day the MEP government was formed, the right mobilized all its forces to topple the MEP government, observed Meegama. By 1958, Dudley and JR were regrouping the UNP to comeback into power.

LSSP was equally active. There was a spate of   strikes organized by the LSSP and CP in the port, postal and telecommunication services and in the tea estates. Labor unions controlled by LSSP and CP and estate unions controlled by CWC and DWC   participated. These unions were restive. They had not received what they had hoped for.

Within the MEP, also there was similar dissatisfaction. Changes were not taking place fast enough. There was rising heat against Bandaranaike at the annual SLFP convention held in Kurunegala in 1959.  The Maha Sangha was also getting restive and impatient. They were exasperated with Bandaranaike‘s inability to deliver.

The Eksath Bhikshu Peramuna had a meeting at Punchi Borella In 1959   , presided over by Bandaranaike. Ven. Talapavila Seelawansa, Baddegama Wimalawamsa, Mirisse Gunasiri and Mapitigama Buddharakkita were present on the stage.   

Talapavila Seelawansa made a powerful speech. Three years have gone by        only two more left. The   government has not honored a single one of its pledges.  Work in government office is done in English. We have got him down day to teach him how to do his job properly, not to chant pirit. This government the lacks the strength to implement its policies, said Talapavila Seelawansa.

SWRD got up, interrupted the speech and asked angrily, Did you call me here to scold me.   Seelawansa   stopped speaking and sat down. SWRD was persuaded to stay, reported Evans Cooray.  If he had not stopped the discussion, Bandaranaike would have had to listen to a barrage of criticism.

SWRD found it impossible to get anywhere, due to the political storms he encountered every week, observed Tarzie Vittachi.  Particularly in the third quarter of 1958 things began to become very difficult for Bandaranaike. There were frequent convulsions in the cabinet, said Bradman Weerakoon.

The right wing members of the MEP were strongly opposed to Philip Gunawardene’s socialist reforms. Bandaranaike tried to pacify them, by taking away some subjects from Philip but this was not enough. They wanted Philip out, and it appears that they wanted him out before Bandaranaike was assassinated. Philip may have replaced SWRD as Prime Minister.

Philip Gunawardene’s policies were unpopular with the mercantile sector as well. Sunday Times May 17 1959 said that mudalalies, shop owners and others in trade circles are rejoicing over the removal of Food Department from Philip. 

Matters came to a head over the Cooperative Development Bank Bill present by Philip Gunawardene to Cabinet in November 1958.This Bill would set up a fund to assist the hundreds of MPCS that Philip’s ministry had set up throughout the country. For the first time a Left party would have a rural base.  There was mounting opposition, but Philip would permit no compromise.

 On 6th May 1959 there was a revolt in the Cabinet. 10 ministers led by Stanley de Zoysa said they would not attend Cabinet meetings until Philip was dismissed.  The Cabinet meeting scheduled for May 13 1959 was cancelled. Stanley de Zoysa and Dahanayake were threatening to resign unless Philip left.

Philip Gunawardene and William Silva resigned on May 19.1959. When Philip resigned, all 12 members of the VLSSP  left. This included Hela Havula .  Seven members of the SLFP also left. That was the end of the MEP.

A cabinet of 16 ministers consisting of only SLFP MPs was sworn in on June 9 .The Government continued with a slender majority. It lacked the power to rule effectively as it lacked the votes. Government could barely hold its own in Parliament and depended on 5 nominated members.  The Right though victorious was disturbed, said Meegama.  Bandaranaike also had to be eliminated. Bandaranaike was assassinated in September 1959.

Evans Cooray observed that Bandaranaike had one foot among the masses and the other foot among the bourgeoisie. [He made the mistake of] attempting to pacify both extremes. He should have taken a position between these two extremes, said Evans.

SWRD was  a man besieged, standing all alone, fighting with his back to the wall, with whatever resources he had which were miniscule, compare to the massive  forces of the right, the left and the English speaking westernized elite range against him,  said HLD Mahindapala. (Continued)