Ancient Sri Lanka was not just an island kingdom — It was one of the greatest maritime trading powers of the ancient world.
For over 2,000 years, Sri Lankan ships sailed across the Indian Ocean, connecting Rome, Arabia, India, Southeast Asia, and China. Ancient Chinese records describe Sinhalese manned Sri Lankan vessels as the largest ships to ever enter Chinese ports, towering above all others. Monks, traders, and imperial envoys wrote in awe of their size, engineering, and navigational skill.
This documentary explores Sri Lanka’s lost maritime empire — from its legendary ports like Mantai, Galle, and Trincomalee, to its mastery of monsoon winds, star navigation, and oceanic trade routes. We uncover how Sri Lanka became the central hub of the ancient Indian Ocean world, exporting spices, gemstones, elephants, and luxury goods across continents. Furthermore, Sri Lanka was respected as the seat of Theravada Buddhism. It still continues to have the longest unbroken record of Buddhist History (2300 years), more than any other country in the world. Drawing from archaeology, Chinese chronicles, Roman texts, and ancient travel accounts, this film reveals the forgotten naval dominance of one of history’s greatest maritime civilizations.
Sri Lanka’s media has reported on the application by the Muslim Left Front for registration with the Election Commission. A careful review of historical, regional, and global patterns shows that political parties — when built on religious identity fused with ideological activism — can become vehicles for external influence, social polarization, and long-term destabilization. This is not a path Sri Lanka should legally permit if it is serious about safeguarding national unity, electoral integrity, and long-term national security.
This analysis does not target Islam or Muslim communities. It examines political engineering models, not religious belief. Across history ethno-nationalist political movements have similarly been weaponized when identity-based mobilization is fused with ideological activism. The issue is political structuring, not faith.
This analysis must not be mischaracterized as Islamophobia or conspiracy theory; such labels are routinely used to silence legitimate debate on national security, governance, and sovereignty.
Democracies collapse not when debate occurs, but when legitimate concerns are silenced through ideological intimidation.
Identity Politics and Global Lessons
Across South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, the fusion of religious identity with political ideology has repeatedly been exploited to serve foreign or extremist agendas.
Historically, this transformation does not occur suddenly. It follows a predictable progression: community identity → political mobilization → ideological consolidation → foreign patronage → parallel power structures → eventual radicalization or external manipulation.
Many organizations that are today designated as extremist or terrorist began as legitimate social, religious, or political movements claiming to protect community rights. Their later proscription was not arbitrary — it was the outcome of documented ideological radicalization, political capture, external funding, and operational extremism
A textbook example of this political evolution is the trajectory of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood which began as a social and religious reform movement but evolved into a political powerhouse, later spawning militant offshoots and ideological affiliates, including Hamas.
Similarly, in Africa, movements like Boko Haram in Nigeria and AQIM in the Sahel used local grievances and religious identity as a launchpad for extremist activity.
In Southeast Asia, regions such as Aceh in Indonesia and Mindanao in the Philippines show how ethno-religious identity-based political movements can later provide cover for violent actors.
These cases demonstrate a recurring pattern: communities seeking political representation on the basis of religion or ethnicity, especially when organized under ideological frameworks, often become tools for foreign leverage or internal destabilization, even when initially presented as peaceful or rights-based movements.
The likely outcome in Sri Lanka is what this warning is about.
South Asia: The Historical Context
South Asia is particularly vulnerable to this phenomenon.
Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka have all witnessed the rise of Islamic political parties and community-based organizations. While some genuinely represent minority interests, many have been exploited by external networks to advance political, strategic, or economic influence.
Groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and splinter Taliban-affiliated networks in the region illustrate how extremist cells often emerge from communities mobilized under the guise of rights protection.
In Sri Lanka, Muslims constitute around 10% of the population, concentrated in the Eastern Province and urban centers. While their political participation is constitutionally guaranteed, forming a party explicitly built on religious identity can create vulnerabilities, especially when considering external funding sources and international advocacy networks that have historically been aligned with similar identity-based movements.
Particularly noteworthy is the strategic use of the leftist” ideological label — a framework historically used to mobilize grievance politics, generate international advocacy leverage, and attract NGO-driven political patronage, while simultaneously cultivating grassroots antagonism toward Western geopolitical structures.
Demographics and Strategic Leverage
Demographic trends amplify this risk. Globally, Muslim populations are among the fastest-growing groups in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and parts of Africa.
In Sri Lanka, the growth of urban and Eastern Province Muslim communities creates potentially influential electoral blocs. While demographic expansion is natural, history shows that small communities with concentrated populations and political mobilization can exert disproportionate influence on policy, governance, and national narratives — particularly when connected to external actors.
This is compounded by the fact that international organizations, foreign-funded NGOs, and diplomatic networks often legitimize minority-centric political movements, sometimes inadvertently shielding radical elements while projecting an image of minority empowerment.
This pattern has repeated in countries like Egypt, Nigeria, Indonesia, and the Philippines, where political recognition of identity-based movements created safe platforms for foreign interference and radicalization.
Patterns of Exploitation
These patterns are not speculative. They are documented across multiple geopolitical theatres through declassified intelligence records, international security assessments, UN counterterrorism reports, and academic conflict studies.
The recurrence of identical political structures across continents demonstrates systemic design rather than coincidence.
Historically, there are five key mechanisms through which identity-based political parties have been exploited:
Political identity framing:By positioning the party as a protector of a community, movements gain legitimacy, even for agendas that may ultimately undermine national cohesion.
Foreign funding channels:NGOs, religious foundations, and overseas donors often provide financial support, which can indirectly advance external interests.
Electoral participation as shield:Participation in elections creates a protective veneer, making intervention or scrutiny more difficult.
International advocacy leverage:Alignment with international bodies and human rights campaigns often provides narrative protection, even if the party engages in divisive or destabilizing activities.
Demographic leverage:Concentrated populations can translate into strong voting blocs, policy influence, and social narrative shaping, giving parties outsized leverage relative to their numbers.
In Sri Lanka, introducing a religious identity-based political party, particularly one aligned with leftist ideological principles, risks embedding these mechanisms domestically.
The potential consequences include electoral fragmentation, weakening of national cohesion, and vulnerability to foreign influence in critical policy areas.
What many forget is that both minority groups (Tamils & Muslims) have voted not for political parties representing their ethnicity but the mainstream political parties. This clearly shows they prefer to be part of national consensus rather than exclusive. Therefore, registering ethno-religious parties is only inviting unwanted trouble and does not cater to their own people.
Historical electoral evidence shows that Muslim voters in Sri Lanka do not consistently back exclusively Muslim ethnic parties.
In the 2012 Eastern Provincial Council election, the SLMC secured only about 37% of the Muslim vote.
In the 2014 Western Provincial Council election, Muslim‑identified parties captured only about 17% of the vote, with the rest going to mainstream national parties.
At the national level, Muslim political parties have never come close to commanding a vote share proportional to the Muslim population, and no Muslim candidate has succeeded in winning the presidency on an exclusively ethnic ticket. These trends demonstrate that most Muslim voters favour inclusive, mainstream political participation rather than narrow ethno‑religious alignment.”
Ethical and National Security Considerations
Communities have legitimate rights to political representation, and Sri Lanka’s constitutional framework protects these rights. However, when parties are explicitly organized along religious lines and combined with ideological agendas, they introduce a risk of exploitation, as external actors and transnational networks can leverage these platforms for their own agendas.
Sri Lanka’s post-war context, with lingering vulnerabilities from past conflicts, makes the timing of such political developments particularly concerning.
The nation is strategically positioned in the Indian Ocean, a region of high geopolitical competition. Parties that can be influenced externally or that entrench communal identity in politics may provide leverage points for foreign actors, increasing long-term strategic risk especially following the failure of the Eelam – Ethno-terror project.
Global Context: Asia, Africa, and the Middle East
In the Middle East, identity politics has historically been a vehicle for both social reform and violent mobilization.
In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood’s political and charitable networks provided both social services and ideological influence, later branching into more radical agendas. Similarly, in Africa, Islamist groups in Nigeria, Mali, and Algeria exploited historical marginalization, religious identity, and foreign support to advance violent campaigns. In Asia, minority-focused movements in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Pakistan have demonstrated how localized identity demands can escalate into broader security challenges when combined with external ideology and resources.
The common thread is clear: identity-based political movements, if not carefully monitored, can serve as strategic platforms for extremism, foreign leverage, and domestic destabilization leading to terror (the kind we witnessed in 2019 – Easter Sunday).
Muslim Left & Sarwajana Ihkwaan- Dilith Jayaweera Factor: Unethical Exploitation of Identity Politics
While there is no claim of coordination between these initiatives, their simultaneous emergence reflects a broader and troubling shift toward the normalization of ethno-religious political structuring — a trajectory that historical evidence suffices to show how such can polarize society & be prone to external manipulation.
Dilith Jayaweera’s, recently commenced new venture leverages ethnic exclusivity within his political party – Sarwajana Ikhwaan (using the Arabic term for Brotherhood,” a phrase globally associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement, which has been designated extremist or terrorist by multiple states including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Russia, Bahrain, Jordan, Syria and Austria.
Muslim Brotherhood is banned in Egypt, Saudi, UAE, Jordan, Russia, Bahrain, Syria, Austria, while France, Germany view it as a threat. It has support of Qatar & Turkey.
If so, what due diligence was conducted before using term? If not, what does this reveal about the ideological vetting and geopolitical awareness shaping this political strategy?
This concern does not imply that the use of Arabic terminology itself is extremist, but rather highlights the responsibility of political leaders to ensure that terminology with globally politicized and securitized associations is not deployed carelessly in fragile multi-ethnic societies.
No political justification — however framed — can ethically or democratically legitimize the deliberate creation of an exclusive ethno-religious unit within a political party, because doing so institutionalizes division, violates the principle of national unity, and reduces governance to narrow identity politics rather than striving to serve all citizens equally.
By institutionalizing ethnic and religious identity in political mobilization, this approach invites international patterns of identity exploitation, raising ethical and national security concerns.
The strategy is deeply unethical because it prioritizes narrow identity agendas and personal power accumulation over national unity, democratic fairness, and social cohesion. By aligning with transnational ideological frameworks, it risks introducing foreign influence into domestic politics, further fragmenting Sri Lanka’s political landscape. The creation of a party along these lines is not simply a political exercise; it is a potential platform for strategic manipulation, with far-reaching consequences for the country’s security, social harmony, and governance integrity.
The application of the Muslim Left Front for registration should not be viewed in isolation. Historical and global patterns demonstrate the risks of identity-based, ideologically-driven political parties: they can become channels for foreign influence, platforms for extremist narratives, and instruments of societal division.
Sri Lanka’s demographic realities, strategic location, and post-war vulnerabilities amplify these risks when combined with a weak government.
In light of these concerns, it is imperative that the Election Commission apply strict constitutional scrutiny, national security risk assessment, and long-term societal impact evaluation, and reject registration of this party to prevent institutionalizing ethnic political fragmentation.
Beyond the specific case of the Muslim Left Front, the Election Commission itself carries a broader responsibility to the nation. It must ensure that its decisions do not institutionalize the creation of additional ethno-religious parties, which could fracture national cohesion, embolden exclusive identity politics, and create grounds for future conflict. Upholding constitutional principles, safeguarding electoral integrity, and preventing the formalization of communal divisions are obligations that rest squarely with the Commission.
Sri Lanka’s constitutional recognition of Sinhala and thereafter Tamil (from 1987 as a result of the Indo-Lanka Accord) as official languages, with English as the link language, already provides a balanced framework for inclusion, administrative efficiency, and national unity. There is no constitutional, governance, or national necessity for introducing a fourth official or administrative language. Governments & political parties should desist from encouraging such for votes.
Globally, the expansion of official language recognition has often been used as a tool of identity politics, institutional fragmentation, and long-term political segmentation. Language policy is not merely cultural; it shapes administrative power, identity alignment, and political leverage.
In Sri Lanka’s post-war and geopolitically sensitive context, any attempt to institutionalize additional official languages must be viewed as a strategic risk, capable of entrenching communal divisions and weakening national cohesion. Preserving a unified administrative framework is essential to safeguarding sovereignty, social harmony, and long-term stability.
Furthermore, domestic actors exploiting ethnic or religious identity for personal political gain must be held to account. Upholding national unity, ethical politics, and democratic fairness is paramount to preserving Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and social stability.
There can never be unity if ethno-religious exclusivity is formalized for personal political votes.
Political parties carry a responsibility to the nation. If their stated aim is to promote unity, peaceful coexistence, and inclusive governance, then organizing along exclusive ethno-religious lines directly contradicts that mandate.
While representing community interests is legitimate, institutionalizing identity-based exclusivity fosters division, weakens national cohesion, and undermines the very values of inclusivity and democracy that all parties claim to uphold.
Shenali D Waduge
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The Eelam wars (1983-2009) between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), arose over the issue of self-determination for Sri Lankan Tamils and the separation of the Northern and Eastern provinces from the rest of the country. The goal was a separate state.
The Eelam war was not a guerilla or terrorist war, it was a Civil War. Civil War takes place when a group of citizens take up arms against the government to obtain exclusive control of a part of the land. The fighting takes place inside the state, in the territory which is to be separated from the rest of the state. It is war between the state and a group of citizens who want to secede from the state, taking a slice of territory with them. A civil war is therefore an internal war. A civil war can become a high-intensity conflict if the state army faces a well equipped rebel army. Civil war could be caused by outside forces manipulating a separatist tendency within the targeted territory.
The Geneva Conventions do not provide a definition of Civil War. The Final Record of the Diplomatic Conference of Geneva of 1949 (Volume II-B, 121) instead introduced the concept “Non-international armed conflict” . Geneva Conference said that for “Non-international armed conflict” the party in revolt must be in possession of a part of the national territory. The insurgents must exercise de facto authority there .The insurgents must be belligerent and the legal government must conduct military action against the insurgents.
Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Convention also used the term “Non-international Armed conflict” instead of Civil War, when speaking of an armed conflict between the state and non-state groups .The term “non-international armed conflict” was widely used thereafter to refer to Civil War because it is the term used in Common Article 3 .
International Committee of the Red Cross, however, recognized ‘Civil War’ and said that for a civil war to take place, the party that is opposing the government must possess an organized military force, it must have a central authority ,it must be in possession of territory and be waging war from inside it.
Analysts and commentators studying the Eelam War use both Civil War” and “Non-international armed conflict” to describe the Eelam War. Legal commentators take the position that the Eelam war is a non –international armed conflict.” The conflict in Sri Lanka is a non –international armed conflict, they said.
Others call it a Civil War. S.I. Keethaponcalan in Post war dilemmas of Sri Lanka (2019) said Eelam war is a civil war it is between a sovereign state and a non-state armed group. It was a domestic war. Nithyani Anandakugan titled her essay in Harvard International Review . August, 2020 as The Sri Lankan Civil War and Its History Revisited”.
However, some commentators reject the notion that the Eelam War was Civil war. They argue that this was Non-International Armed Conflict certainly ,but not amounting to Civil War .The reason was that the LTTE killed its own kind. LTTE killed many Tamils. Does that qualify for the war to be called civil”, asked one observer. The answer is that LTTE killed in order to gain power and thereafter to retain power. There was no protracted internecine war.
This anti-Civil war attitude is based on the romantic notion that Civil War is between two deeply united factions spontaneously opposing each other. They are thinking of the American Civil War where the pro slavery ‘Union ‘ and the anti slavery ‘Confederacy ‘ fought each other, we imagine, in deep unity.
The separatist intention is clearly shown in Tamil politics. Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, established in 1949 ( ITAK) indicated through its name that it was set up for the creation of an independent state. IIllankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, means Lanka Tamil State Party.” The word ‘Arasu ‘ can be interpreted as ‘king,” “ruler,” “monarch,” or “sovereign”, said the dictionary. The word carries connotations of authority . Kadchi means ‘party’ . ITAK said that its name in English was ‘Federal Party’. That was to hide its separatist strategy. The Tamil word for federal is Kūṭṭāṭci” .
The militant groups formed in the north in the 1970s were also separatist . They all wanted Eelam. The names of the five leading groups were: Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP).Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS) Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO).
However, the Government of Sri Lanka did not officially declare the Eelam war as Civil war or Non international Armed Conflict. The Government called the war a ‘terrorist’ war. Government says there is no ethnic problem but only a terrorist problem, noted Ben Bavinck. [1]
The Military also spoke of the enemy as terrorists. Ours was a war waged against a terrorist outfit by a legitimate government, said Sarath Weerasekera.[2] The memoirs written by the miliary leaders, such as the memoir by Kamal Gunaratne, always spoke of ‘terrorists’. The soldiers were also told that they were fighting terrorists, whom they called ‘terra”.
When the War ended in 2009, President Mahinda Rajapaksa went to Jaffna, spoke in Tamil and said the war was against ‘Terrorism’ and not the ‘Tamil people.’ In 2019, Sri Lanka‘s High Commissioner for UK, said the conflict in Sri Lanka was not with the Tamil community, but against terrorism by the LTTE.[3]
In 2020, Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN, speaking at the Security Council Open Debate on Peace building, said that action by the Sri Lankan security forces during the conflict was against a group designated as a terrorist organization . It was not aimed at any community in the country.[4]
However, Shenali Waduge observed that the UN never officially designated the LTTE as a terrorist organization . UN declared Al Quaida and Taliban terrorist organizations through Resolutions 1267 and 1373,[5] but not LTTE .
There is no agreed definition of terrorism. Violent and criminal acts planned for a political or ideological purpose are considered ‘terrorism’. Terrorism thrives on the creation of fear and intimidating the public.
The Tamil Separatist Movement did not like the label of ‘terrorist.’ When Anne Abeysekera visited Jaffna in 1994 she was asked, Why does your President say there is no ethnic problem , only a terrorist one. [6] LTTE also objected. LTTE has said repeatedly that they were not terrorists. LTTE was not interested in merely frightening the public. LTTE never limited itself to hit and run tactics. LTTE‘s mission was Eelam, nothing less. They were fighting a separatist war.
LTTE has continued to say this. The European Political Sub division of the LTTE , based in Denmark, appealed in January 2019 to the European Union asking the EU to lift the proscription of the LTTE as an international terrorist organization.
LTTE stated that it had participated in a legitimate armed conflict with the aim of ensuring the right of the Tamil people to self-determination. They were not a terrorist organization . EU agreed. The way LTTE’s armed forces were organized and their manner of conducting operations, met all the requirements laid down by international law for recognition as ‘combatants’, said EU, while extending the proscription.
The Eelam war was never a terrorist war. LTTE engaged in regular military warfare using modern weapons. It had a trained army, dressed in uniform. It attacked the state army where ever it could and concentrated on taking territory. Dayan Jayatilleke observed that LTTE was not a terrorist cell, or a branch of an international terrorist network, It was a secessionist army. [7]
In his Heroes Day speech of November 2002, Prabhakaran said If self-determination is denied and the demand for self-rule is rejected, the Tamil people will have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state.
HL de Silva in his book Sri Lanka a Nation in conflict” , discussed the issue of secession. He stated that two UN declarations, Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations”(1970) and ‘World Conference on Human Rights,’ Vienna, 1993 confirmed that a state whose government represents the whole people, is entitled to the protection of its territorial integrity. Sri Lanka conforms to this and therefore Sri Lanka can resist secession, he said.
H.L. de Silva stated that Sri Lanka could not entertain secession in any form. Sovereignty of the people is inalienable. Any surrender of an inalienable right is an act that is legally null and void. The people of Sri Lanka do not have the freedom to decide on separation. They cannot consider secession either. A sovereign people cannot pass laws affecting sovereignty.
They cannot break up a country through a referendum either, they do not have that right, continued H.L .de Silva. Nor can they do so through Parliament or a Constituent assembly. These two bodies do not have the legal power to tamper with Sovereignty. They cannot support the truncation of a state.
H.L. de Silva stated that the Constitution of Sri Lanka does not permit separatism. The first five articles of the Constitution are basic political values which are not created or conferred by the Constitution. They are pre-existing values which precede and transcend the Constitution. The Constitution does not permit any ethnic group to declare that they no longer owed allegiance to state either , he said.
The five articles of the Constitution are: 1 Sri Lanka (Ceylon) is a Free, Sovereign, Independent and Democratic Socialist Republic 2 The Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State. 3 Sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. 4 Sovereignty of the People shall be exercised as follows legislative- Parliament, executive – President , judicial -courts. 5 The territory of the Republic of Sri Lanka shall consist of the 25 administrative districts set out in the First Schedule and its territorial waters.
HL de Silva said these matters are declared in the Constitution to enable the Constitution to be under stood as a legal document and to ensure that what follows does not violate these basic principles. And that they are interpreted in the light of these principles. They are eternal , they cannot be disputed and cannot be compromised by understanding reached by negotiators or anybody else.
H.L. de Silva stated that Section 27/3 of the Constitution says the State shall safeguard the independence, sovereignty, unity and the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka. Section 157A says (1) No person shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.(2) No political party or other association or organization shall have as one of its aims or objects the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.
Further, the 6th amendment to the Constitution expressly prohibits a person or political party from promoting a separate state within Sri Lanka . [8] The 6th amendment states (1) No person shall, directly or indirectly, in or outside Sri Lanka, support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.2) No political party or other association or organization shall have as one of its aims or objects the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka.
The Penal Code is also very clear on this matter. Whoever wages war against the Republic, shall be punished with death, or imprisonment said Section 114. It is an offense to deprive the People of the Republic of Sri Lanka of their Sovereignty or conspires to overawe by means of criminal force any of the organs of Government said Section 115 . It is an offense to collects men, arms, ammunition, or otherwise prepare to wage war against the Republic ( Section 116), to conceal the existence of a design to wage war against the Republic ( Section 117) or attempt to excite feelings of disaffection to the Government (Section 120).
LTTE was attempting to overthrow a legitimate government which had a strong presence in the north and east. An attempt to overthrow a government is considered ‘treason.’ Taking arms against the state is considered ‘high treason’, a criminal act of the highest order. The demand for the creation of a separate state should be treated as high treason with penal sanctions, said anti-Eelamists. The demand for self determination must also be made a criminal offence. It is intended to lay the foundation for a separate state they said. Tamil Separatist Movement ‘s declaration that it is also for an undivided Sri Lanka is made to avoid the charge of treason.
This brings us to the matter of Sedition. Any conduct orspeech inciting people to rebel against the authority of a state is considered sedition. Any party demanding self determination or separation can also be treated as sedition.
Critics wants to know why there is no law against sedition in Sri Lanka. In the west, countries have enacted laws against sedition. The government should pass a Sedition act to charge and prosecute any one supporting separatism, said Rohan Guneratne. [9] Sri Lanka Parliament must pass legislation spelling out what would constitute sedition.
On May 21, 1976 ITAK leader A. Amirthalingam, along with Federal Party MPs V.N.Navaratnam, K.P.Ratnam, K.Thurairatnam were delivering leaflets in Jaffna , regarding a political event, when they were arrested by the Jaffna police on the charge of possessing and distributing seditious literature. Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo to be tried for sedition.
When the case came up on December 10, 1976, Attorney General Siva Pasupati said that the Government will not be proceeding with the case against the four FP leaders relating to the possession and distribution of seditious literature. After retirement, Pasupati moved to Australia and served as a legal advisor for the LTTE .[10]
Separatism has to take into account the provisions of International law. International law does not support separatism. There is no legal right in international law for a sub national group of a sovereign state to achieve unilateral secession by wresting territory from the state, said HL de Silva.In the case of Quebec the law courts ruled that Quebec did not enjoy a right in international law to secede from Canada unilaterally.
But it is possible for the separatist state to obtain recognition if the government concerned does not fight the secessionists successfully, observed HL de Silva. Once a secessionist movement succeeds in defeating the armed forces of a state and is in occupation and control of territory, leaving no room for government to operate inside it, there comes into existence a de facto separate state , which can then advance to becoming a de jure state, with help of other countries.
UN is extremely reluctant to admit a seceding entity to membership against the wishes of the government of that state. But it can be achieved by a friendly country nominating the new state to the UN General Assembly, said analysts.
Since the first step toward the creation of statehood is control of territory by a rebel group, itis up to the government to make sure that that does not happen. It is up to the state to ensure that secession is not successful, said HL de Silva. Sri Lanka has a long tradition of achievement which would help provide enormous reserves of inner strength and moral courage to withstand Eelam, concluded HL de Silva. [11]
The Eelam wars were defeated by the government of Sri Lanka in May 2009. Nirmala Chandrahasan said that the Tamils must start all over again. I do not think that Tamil nationalism with secessionist aspirations, will die a natural death. Even if the LTTE is destroyed , it is possible that a new guerrilla war could emerge in a few years time. [12]
A.K. Ragavan, a Tamil activist now in UK stated in an interview in 2009 , we need to look at this differently. This nationalist framework will only alienate people further. Tamils constitute only 12 % of Sri Lanka population Without the support of the Sinhala progressives Tamils cannot take their struggle forward anymore. [13]
Sebastian Rasalingam said ‘Eelam program was doomed to failure within the confines of an island dominated by a majority which had always has a historic sense of its own identity, and ancient chronicles to give the needed patriotic cohesions. The Mahavamsa mind set. But the Eelam idea is too big and too potent to be confined to the shores of Sri Lanka. So it may be transferred to Tamilnadu.[14]
Sri Lanka is quite the last place in the world to strive for Eelam or an approximation because the game here is zero-sum due to the uniqueness of the Sinhala situation. Here Tamil globalism meets Sinhala exceptionalism, said Dayan Jayatilleke in 2018.[15]Sri Lanka is too small an island to have two separate governments, said Kanthar Balanathan in 2023. Jaffna has no river or water and 49% of Tamils live outside the North and East. [16]
Tamil diaspora should abandon its separatist ideas said Kumaran Pathmanathan in 2021. I have tried to explain to them that the era led by Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman is no more. It is impossible to formulate another armed struggle in this country. Pursuing such an ideology is a waste of time.[17] There will never be a separate state in Sri Lanka. Even the most vociferous Tamil politicians in Sri Lanka too have categorically rejected the idea said a Daily News editorial in 2021 .[18]
LTTE was engaging in civil war in a country with a strong central government , firm sovereign standing and strong historical recall. Sri Lanka, real name Sinhaladvipa, is a recognized sovereign state with clear boundaries, settled population, a seat in the UN and a well documented history. Sri Lanka is the oldest and longest running democracy in Asia, having had universal suffrage thrust on it, while it was still a British crown colony. The first election was held in 1931, l two decades before India. Sri Lanka is considered a resilient country.
In contrast to this, Eelamists argue, without any evidence, that ancient Sri Lanka consisted of two nations, Tamil and Sinhala .They argue that the sovereign state was a modern invention, introduced to Sri Lanka during western rule, due to the Westphalia treaty of 1648. That is incorrect , also it is a calculated distortion of the well documented history of Sri Lanka .( see note below)[19]
Sri Lanka enjoyed continuous monarchical rule for a long unbroken period ending in 1815. Monarchical states are sovereign states. They pre-date the democratic state, but they are nevertheless, sovereign states. This means Sri Lanka has been a sovereign state for many centuries. The general public are not familiar with the word ‘sovereignty,’ but they are very proud of ‘our ancient kings’ and ‘our ancient history’. They firmly oppose Tamil separatism and declare ‘rata beddana denna baha”.
A sovereign state has control over its airspace, and its territorial sea as well as its land. According to UN Resolution 3171(28) December 1973, Sri Lanka holds permanent sovereignty of all its natural resources, whether on land or on sea.
Further, International law places great importance on the ‘territorial integrity’ of sovereign states ‘Territorial integrity’ is a fundamental principle in international law which means the right of a state to protect its territorial boundaries and control the full territory ,without interference from anybody. ( continued)
[19] The treaty of Westphalia was very significant for Europe because it ended the Holy Roman Empire The Holy Roman empire, headed by Charles V of Spain was described as neither Holy, Roman nor Empire. Europe at the time was a hotch potch of kingdoms, bishoprics, dukedoms all fighting with each other. There was Thirty Years War, 1618–1648 and Eighty years War (1568–1648).These ended with the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648. This treaty created the sovereign states of Europe as we know them today. The modern states of Europe, with settled borders and an agreement to respect these borders and not fight with each other started from this time. Italy and Germany however unified only in 1848. This treaty has no relevance whatsoever to Sri Lanka .But Westphalia is used in Sri Lanka by Eelamists to argue that the present day sovereign state of Sri Lanka is a recent creation by western rulers,
[20] HL de Silva. Sri Lanka a Nation in conflict. p 247
[21] Nihal Jayawickrema. The myth of state sovereignty. Sunday Island .28.3.2010 p 10 .
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Anti Eelamists have tried sporadically to crush the Tamil Separatist Movement by taking the Tamil Separatist Movement to court. The first recorded instance is in 1976.
1976
On May 21, 1976 ITAK leader A. Amirthalingam, along with Federal Party MPs V.N.Navaratnam, K.P.Ratnam, K.Thurairatnam were delivering leaflets in Jaffna , regarding a political event, when they were arrested by the Jaffna police on the charge of possessing and distributing seditious literature. Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo to be tried for sedition.
When the case came up on December 10, 1976, Attorney General Siva Pasupati said that the Government will not be proceeding with the case against the four FP leaders relating to the possession and distribution of seditious literature. After retirement, Pasupati moved to Australia and served as a legal advisor for the LTTE .[1]
The Nallaratnam Singarasa v. The Attorney General case, popularly known as the Singarasa case. In 1995 Nallaratnam Singarasa was convicted by the High Court on five charges that he, between 1 May 1990 and 31 December 1991 together with LTTE leaders like Sornam and Pottu Amman, conspired to overthrow the lawfully elected government by attacking Army camps in Jaffna Fort, Palaly and Kankesanturai. Five Supreme Court judges heard the case. Singarasa was sentenced to 50 years rigorous imprisonment.
Singarasa appealed against his conviction to the Court of Appeal, which dismissed his case ,but they reduced his sentence to 35 years rigorous imprisonment. Singarasa then sought special leave to appeal from the judgment of the Court of Appeal .Supreme Court refused leave to appeal .
Then Singarasa went to the UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) in Geneva. Sri Lanka had acceded to Optional Protocol 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which permits individuals to submit communications to the UNHRC regarding violations of the Covenant by a State Party. Therefore he was eligible.
Singarasa claimed that Article 14(1) of the ICCPR which guarantees the right of persons facing criminal charges to a fair hearing had been infringed because he had been convicted on the sole basis of his alleged confession, which had not been made voluntarily. Singarasa also argued that reliance on his confession, amounts to a violation of his rights under Article 14(3)(g) of the ICCPR which said that accused must ‘not to be compelled to testify against himself or to confess guilt’.
On 30 July 2004 UNHRC held in favor of the petitioner and recommended that the Sri Lankan state should provide Singarasa with ‘an effective and appropriate remedy, including release or retrial and compensation’.
Armed with this ruling, Singarasa’s lawyers filed an application in the Supreme Court on 16 August 2005 for revision of the SC judgment of 28 January 2000 ,to dismiss the conviction and sentence imposed on him.
The case was heard in 2006 before a five-member bench consisting of Chief Justice Sarath N Silva , Justices Nihal Jayasinghe, N.K. Udalagama, N.E. Dissanayake and Gamini Amaratunga. The case was thrown out on the grounds that the laws of Sri Lanka did not recognize the authority of the UNHRC and also that the signing of the Optional Protocol was illegal.
Supreme Court said international treaties entered into by the Government of Sri Lanka, had to be passed into law by the Sri Lanka Parliament before they could come into effect. There is no automatic incorporation of UN declarations.
Court added that Article 2(2) of the ICCPR recognizes this and calls on the states joining the Covenant to pass laws in its legislature, to give effect to the rights recognized in the ICCPR. Sri Lanka has not passed such a law therefore rulings of the UNHRC have no legal standing in Sri Lanka.
Supreme Court observed that though President Chandrika Kumaratunga had signed the Optional Protocol of the ICCPR in 1997 , the President did not have the power to do so. That power was vested in Parliament and the people at a referendum.
When Sri Lanka signed the ICCPR in 1980, the government deliberately refrained from signing Optional Protocol No 1, said Sarath Silva. But President Chandrika signed the Optional Protocol in 1997 on the advice of a Human Rights Group. The Attorney General was not consulted. We should never have signed Optional Protocol, concluded Sarath Silva .[2]
The media reported In 2016 that the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) planned to file papers in the Supreme Court, seeking a revision of the judgment in Singarasa case. C.A. Chandraprema commented on this move. it is not possible to overturn the judgment delivered on 15 September 2006 in the Singarasa case without very serious and far reaching constitutional implications, he said.
Any attempt on the part of the BASL to move the Supreme Court to accept the ruling of the UNHRC will undermine the legislative authority of Parliament and also the authority of the Supreme Court as the highest court in the land.
Instead of asking the government to pass the necessary laws to give legal effect to the Optional Protocol of the ICCPR , why is the BASL trying to get the Supreme Court to overturn the judgment given in the Singarasa case, he asked. [3]
2013
In 2013 Five organizations, namely Patriotic National Movement, Patriotic Buddhist Forum, Swarna Hansa Foundation, Buddhist Way Organization and Jaffna Buddhist Association[4] went to court against Illankai Thamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) and Tamil National Alliance (TNA) election manifestos for the Northern Provincial Council election of 2013. [5]
The Patriotic National Movement filed a petition in Supreme Court seeking the annulment of the TNA manifesto. The manifesto said the Tamils were a distinct people who had been in Sri Lanka since time immemorial. They needed control over land, police and fiscal matters. The North and East must be merged.[6] There must be shared sovereignty . Ven Bengamuwe Nalaka and Gunadasa Amarasekera were associated with this petition.[7]
Swarnahansa padanama petitioned Supreme Court that the TNA, TULF, TELO and EPRF were all aimed at establishing a separate state within the territory of Sri Lanka. This is against the sovereignty of Sri Lanka.[8]
Petitioners said that during the NPC elections the ITAK and TNA distributed election manifestos among voters that said that ITAK and TNA are planning to form a separate state in Sri Lanka.[9]The manifesto spoke of the ‘Tamil speaking North-East’ , and the need for a merged north east province based on a federal structure. [10]
2014a
In 2014, Hikkadu Koralalage Don Chandrasoma, a resident of Kelaniya, filed a petition in the Supreme Court claiming that the “aims” and “objects” of ITAK was to establish a separate state. Hikkadu Koralalage Don Chandrasoma vs. Mawai S. Senathirajah (SC no. 03/2014)
The petitioners said that in the absence of an explicit statement in the ITAK constitution that it did not have the goal of carving out a separate state, it could be inferred that ITAK wanted a separate state. Supreme Court was asked to confirm this.[11] ITAK in reply said that they are not trying to set up a separate state in Sri Lanka. [12]They want a federal state. [13]
The three-Judge Bench, including Chief Justice Priyasath Dep, said in their determination that advocating for a federal form of government by devolving more powers to the provinces within the framework of a unitary state could not be seen as advocating separatism”. [14] These parties did not support, espouse, promote, finance, encourage or advocate the establishment of a separate State within the territory of Sri Lanka,” they said.[15]
The petitioner had focused on a section of the party’s constitution to build up his case. The petitioner pointed out that the English translation of the ITAK constitution reads: The objective of this party is to establish political, economic and cultural liberation among the Tamil speaking people by way of forming an autonomous Tamil Government as part of the united federal Sri Lanka in accordance with the principles of self – determination.”
In 2008 the word ‘federal’ was replaced with ‘confederation,’ which means an alliance between separate and sovereign states. ITAK said that the petitioner had misunderstood the Tamil word in question. In 2008, the Party had replace the Sanskritized samashdi” with the pure Tamil inaippadchi.” The Official Languages Commission agreed with this.
The petitioner acknowledged that the Tamil word did not meant confederation but stated that that the very act of advocating for self-determination in itself involved attaining an independent state.
The court sided with ITAK. It is clear that the right to self-determination has had an internal dimension, in that, it could be exercised within the country to the benefit of a ‘people,’ inside the country,” the judges said. The judges dismissed Chandrasoma’s petition .
Tamil Separatist Movement called this a landmark judgment. The court had no necessity to go so far in this particular case,” they said. But they did[16] . This landmark judgment has removed the suspicion that the very word federal seemed to evoke .It is, therefore, a fortuitous and welcome decision said Nirmala Chandrahasan .[17]
The significance of the judgement is that it says it is not illegal, unlawful or unconstitutional to claim to have a system of government based on a federal form, based on the principle of right to self-determination and shared sovereignty,” said M.A.Sumanthiran.[18]
Professor K. Guruparan, head of the Department of Law at the University of Jaffna, thought otherwise. He thought it is was humiliating for a political party to have to go to Supreme Court and say they are not advocating secession, instead of proudly asserting their right to self determination.Further Court had taken great pains to make sure the ITAK was promoting a federal” form of government, rather than a confederation.” We need to be careful,” he said.[19]
Rajan Philips observed that Appeal Court has reversed judgments of original court decisions . They did so in the case of citizenship of the Tamils of Indian origin (the Kodakan Pillai case of the early 1950s), and the linguistic status of Tamil public servants ( Kodeswaran case of the 1960s). There is also the dissenting Supreme Court judges in the 13th Amendment constitutional case, and the decision in the North-East merger case .[20]
Neville Ladduwahetty said that this judgment , should be scrutinized otherwise it may be used as a precedent. He observed that the section of the manifesto cited in the judgment does not contain the term “federal” to start with. Article 2 of the Sri Lankan Constitution states that Sri Lanka is a unitary state and Article 3 states that sovereignty is inalienable, If so, how could sovereignty be shared. Therefore it is a contradiction to speak of a federal form of government existing within a unitary state .[21]
2014b
In 2014, P G Ravindra Nirosha of Nugegoda went to courts regarding a letter sent by the Tamil Separatist Movement to Geneva. He filed a case in the Court of Appeal in September 2014, Polwatta Gallage Niroshan v. Inspector General of Police, Members of the Northern Provincial Council and others, CA/writ/332/2014.
The petitioner sought a writ of mandamus to compel the Attorney General to take action against members of the then Northern Provincial Council who had signed a letter, forwarded to the UN Human Rights High Commissioner, alleging genocide of Tamils in Sri Lanka..[22]
Petitioner said that on 17th August 2014 28 Members of the Northern Provincial Council and 5 members of the Eastern Provincial Council had sent a letter to Navaneethan Pillay, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights alleging ‘genocide’ and ‘colonization’ by the Sinhalese.
He said that The 3rd – 35th Respondents, 28 of whom are members of the Northern Provincial Council and five are members of the Eastern Provincial Council, are signatories to a letter sent to the former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navinetham Pillay, titled, Joint letter by members of the Northern Provincial Council and Eastern Provincial Council, 17 August 2014.
In the said letter the 3rd – 35th Respondents request the former UN Human Rights High Commissioner to acquaint her successor, as well as the investigating panel presently investigating Sri Lanka, with the matters contained in the letter.
The letter saidThe Tamil people strongly believe that they have been, and continue to be subject to Genocide by Sri Lanka. The Tamils were massacred in groups, their temples and churches were bombed. Systematic Sinhalese settlements and demographic changes with the intent to destroy the Tamil Nation are taking place. We request the OHCHR investigative team to look into the pattern of all the atrocities against the Tamil people and to determine if Genocide has taken place”.
Ravindra Nirosh has complained to Court of Appeal regarding this letter. He says that the IGP and the Attorney General have failed to enforce the provisions of the Penal Code against this group. He has filed a petition requesting a court to issue a Writ of Mandamus to compel action by the Sri Lankan authorities on this matter.
the Court declined to take up the case on technical grounds, namely, that the petitioner had failed to file a police complaint. The petitioner, a humble three-wheeler driver, did not have the financial wherewithal to pursue the matter further observed Darshan Weerasekera who was the counsel in the case..[23]
P G Ravindra Nirosha has come forward to bravely ask questions that the public want to ask but the media and international propagandists have made them to feel they are in the wrong. When the authorities do not take action on these false accusations of ‘genocide’ and ‘colonization’ the rest of the world will believe these lies. We must congratulate and commend Ravindra Nirosha for his brave action, said Shenali Waduge.[24]
2016
In 2016 five petitions were made to Supreme Court challenging the legality of the 2013 election manifesto present by ITAK and TNA during the previous North Provincial Councils elections. Petitioners also said that during the NPC elections the ITAK and TNA distributed election manifestos among voters indicating that ITAK and TNA are in the process of planning to form a separate state in Sri Lanka
ITAK and TNA have in reply said that they are not trying to set up a separate state in Sri Lanka. Both parties have publicly said that they want federalism. TNA has stated in the manifesto ’we as a people would thus be concerned about our historical habitats, our option to determine what is best for us to ensure self government in the Tamil speaking north and east of Sri Lanka within a united Sri Lanka . [25] ( continued)
Dr Gamini Goonetilleke at Elephant Pass, 11th August 1991
A Defining Moment in Sri Lanka’s Modern Military History
Elephant Pass—known locally as Alimankada—occupies one of the most strategically decisive locations in Sri Lanka’s geography and history. It is a narrow land corridor, barely a few kilometres wide at its most constricted point, yet it serves as the sole terrestrial gateway linking the Jaffna Peninsula to the Northern mainland. Whoever controls Elephant Pass controls access to Jaffna, its people, its economy, and its military lifelines. For centuries, invading armies, colonial powers, and modern militaries alike understood its value. In 1991, that understanding was tested in blood.
By mid-1991, Sri Lanka was deep into Eelam War II, a phase of the protracted conflict marked by increasing intensity and escalating ambitions. The Sri Lankan military’s footprint in the Jaffna Peninsula had shrunk dramatically following its withdrawal from Jaffna Fort in September 1990. After that retreat, the Army retained control over only two critical enclaves: The High Security Zone at Palaly and the Elephant Pass military complex. The latter was not merely a base; it was a linchpin. Its fall would have effectively severed the peninsula from the rest of the island and handed the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) a decisive psychological and strategic victory.
The Elephant Pass military base was a sprawling complex defensive system rather than a single installation. It consisted of one main camp supported by four satellite camps, spread across a vast area approximately 10 kilometres wide and 23 kilometres long. Trenches, bunkers, minefields, forward defence lines, and artillery positions formed concentric layers of defence, designed to withstand infiltration rather than a full-scale conventional assault.
Yet, by 1991, the LTTE had transformed. No longer content with guerrilla tactics alone, it sought to demonstrate its ability to fight and win conventional battles. Elephant Pass would become the proving ground for this ambition.
On 10th July 1991, the calm of the arid northern landscape was shattered. At dawn, the LTTE launched what would become the largest offensive operation in its history up to that point. Elephant Pass came under a coordinated, multi-directional siege. The base was commanded by Sanath Karunaratne, then a Major and later to rise to the rank of Major General. Under his command were approximately 800 Sri Lankan soldiers, who would soon find themselves completely encircled.
The LTTE leadership, under Velupillai Prabhakaran, had grand expectations. Prabhakaran publicly proclaimed the offensive as the Mother of All Battles”, confident that the fall of Elephant Pass was inevitable. It was not mere bravado; the LTTE had mobilised thousands of fighters—both male and female cadres—supported by heavy mortars, machine guns, rocket launchers, and a range of improvised armoured vehicles.
The initial assault came from the southern axis, advancing from Paranthan. The attack opened with intense mortar and artillery fire directed at the outer defence lines, followed by wave after wave of infantry assaults. In fact, on the very first day the LTTE captured a few bunkers held by the troops. Troops fell back to the second line of defence. What shocked defenders most, however, was the appearance of a massive armour-plated bulldozer advancing relentlessly toward the forward defences.
This bulldozer was thought to have been captured earlier from the cement factory at Kankesanthurai (KKS) and later modified in LTTE workshops in the Wanni. Thick iron plates had been welded onto its exterior, transforming it into a crude but formidable armoured vehicle. Inside were four LTTE cadres, protected from small arms fire and even anti-tank weapons to a remarkable degree.
Armour plated bulldozer used in the assault on the Elephant Pass (EPS) camp defences
Missiles and rocket-propelled grenades fired at the vehicle failed to halt its advance. As the ‘suicide’ vehicle crushed through obstacles and earthworks, the threat became existential. If the armoured vehicle breached the inner defences, it would have opened the camp to catastrophic assault by the advancing fighters of the LTTE.
At that critical moment, one soldier made a decision that would forever alter the course of the battle and Sri Lankan military history, an act of supreme sacrifice.
Gamini Kularatne, a Lance Corporal of the 6th Battalion, Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment, recognised the danger with chilling clarity. Acting entirely on his own initiative, and with full knowledge that it would almost certainly cost him his life, he ran toward the advancing bulldozer.
Under heavy enemy fire, he reached the rear of the vehicle, climbed the ladder affixed to its armoured body, and dropped a grenade into the interior compartment. The explosion killed all four LTTE cadres inside. The bulldozer veered off course, crashed into a structure within the camp perimeter, and came to a halt. In the fierce crossfire that followed, Lance Corporal Kularatne was killed.
His action saved Elephant Pass at its most vulnerable moment. Had the bulldozer broken through, the base might well have fallen within hours. From that day onward, he became immortalised as Hasalaka Gamini”, a symbol of self-sacrifice and courage beyond measure.
Later, he would be posthumously promoted and awarded the Parama Weera Vibhushanaya, the highest award for gallantry in Sri Lanka. He was the first recipient of this honour and was officially declared a National Hero.
Hasalaka Gamini
Almost simultaneously with the southern thrust, two smaller armoured vehicles attempted to breach the defences from the northern axis. This time, Sri Lankan soldiers managed to destroy them using rocket-propelled grenades, halting the advance at the forward defence line. Despite these setbacks, the LTTE intensified its assault. Mortar fire rained down relentlessly. Eventually, the Rest House camp in the southern sector fell to the LTTE. Sri Lankan troops were forced to withdraw to secondary defensive positions, sustaining heavy casualties in the process. The noose tightened.
LTTE armoured vehicles that advanced from the southern axis during the assault on
Elephant Pass camp
Attempts by the Sri Lanka Air Force to land helicopters inside the base were repeatedly aborted due to heavy anti-aircraft fire. Aerial resupply became the only lifeline, and even then, only about 60 percent of airdropped supplies landed within the camp perimeter. Food, ammunition, and medical supplies ran dangerously low. Wounded soldiers accumulated, and medical evacuation was sporadic at best. Yet, morale within the camp held—anchored by the knowledge that losing Elephant Pass was not an option.
By mid-July, the situation had become critical. The loss of Elephant Pass would have been disastrous—not only militarily, but politically and psychologically. The immediate priority was clear, the besieged garrison had to be relieved. The only feasible approach route lay from the East, through Vettilaikerni 12 km away from EPS, as all land routes were heavily mined or controlled by the LTTE. What followed was the most ambitious amphibious operation in the history of the Sri Lanka Army.
The rescue mission was codenamed Operation Balavegaya, literally, Operation Force of Strength.”. The operation was commanded by Denzil Kobbekaduwa, the General Officer Commanding the 2nd Division, with Vijaya Wimalaratne serving as the Amphibious Task Force Commander. Together, they coordinated a joint operation involving the Army, Navy, and Air Force, mobilising nearly 10,000 troops.
Participating units included seasoned battalions from the Sri Lanka Light Infantry, Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment, Gemunu Watch, Gajaba Regiment, supported by the Sri Lanka Armoured Corps and Sri Lanka Artillery. The Sri Lanka Navy assembled a flotilla of landing craft, gunboats, and fast attack vessels. The flagship SLNS Wickrama carried Major General Kobbekaduwa, while Brigadier Wimalaratne coordinated naval and air operations from SLNS Edithara.
Anticipating a sea- borne offensive the LTTE had already deployed a substantial fighting force consisting of male and female cadres along the beaches of Vettilaikerni and Kaddaikadu. Several fighting units engaged in the fighting at the Elephant Pass base were also despatched to the new front.
The first seaborne landing attempt at Vettilaikerni on 15 July 1991 at 14:30 hours met fierce resistance. Recognising the risk of unacceptable casualties, Brigadier Wimalaratne made the crucial decision to delay the landing. A second attempt was launched at 18:00 hours, under cover of darkness, with naval gunfire and close air support from SIAI-Marchetti SF-260 aircraft. This time, the first wave successfully established a beachhead, though at heavy cost. Within 24 hours, the remaining troops had landed.
12 Km stretch from Vettilaikerni to EPS
What followed was eighteen days of brutal, grinding combat. The terrain between Vettilaikerni and Elephant Pass—sand dunes, thorny scrub, and Palmyrah palms—offered little cover. Minefields, ambushes, and sniper fire slowed every advance. The LTTE employed deception tactics, including plaster-of-Paris dummy fighters positioned to draw fire and confuse advancing troops.
Plaster-of-Paris dummy figures used by the LTTE to confuse advancing military troops
Near Mulliyan Kovil, northwest of Vettilaikerni, fighting reached exceptional intensity. According to Sarath Munasinghe, the military spokesman at that time, who later documented the battle in A Soldier’s Version, the LTTE mounted repeated counterattacks to recover a hidden cache of gold near the temple—succeeding briefly before withdrawing with the valuables.
In the third week, armoured elements—including Alvis Saladin armoured cars, Saracen and Buffel APCs—finally broke through enemy lines despite suffering mine losses. On 4 August 1991, forward elements of the task force reached the beleaguered Elephant Pass garrison, singing Hela Jathika Abhimane.
The siege was broken.
By 9 August 1991, the LTTE had withdrawn tactically, having suffered devastating losses. According to multiple sources, including Australian born Adele Ann Balasingham, one-time leader of the Women Fighters of the LTTE, 573 LTTE cadres, including 123 women fighters, were killed. She praises the heroic role played by the The Women Fighters of the Liberation Tigers in her book published in Jaffna in 1993 and also mentions that over a thousand armed forces personnel died in battle, a claim denied by the Defence Forces. Sri Lanka Army lost 202 soldiers, including several senior officers as reported in A Soldiers Version” by Major General Munasinghe who later describes the moment of victory as the biggest defeat inflicted on the LTTE up to that time.” Across the country, civilians sent food, sweets, and messages of support to frontline troops. Banners praising the soldiers appeared in towns and villages nationwide.
At the time, I was one of the surgeons on duty at the hospital at the Palaly Military Base. Casualties arrived in relentless waves—blast injuries, gunshot wounds, traumatic amputations, burns, and bodies riddled with shrapnel driven deep into muscle and bone. The operating theatre in a resource limited hospital functioned without pause; exhaustion was constant, urgency absolute.
I vividly recall a phone call from the commanding officer, Sanath Karunaratne, seeking immediate advice. A soldier lay critically wounded in the field, his limb mangled beyond salvage. Massive bleeding threatened his life, yet evacuation was impossible—the skies were unsafe, and no aircraft could be deployed.
With time running out, I advised that an emergency field amputation be performed. It was a stark, last-resort decision, made not to save a limb, but to save a life. The limb was removed under the harshest conditions imaginable, haemorrhage was controlled, and the soldier survived. When conditions later permitted, he was transported to the base hospital, where a formal surgical revision was carried out under controlled conditions.
Some casualties were airlifted directly to Anuradhapura General Hospital when their injuries exceeded our capacity for care. In those moments, medicine was stripped to its essentials—decisions were immediate, imperfect, and irreversible, yet guided always by one overriding purpose: to keep the wounded alive long enough to give them a chance at recovery.
Remnants of a shell on the road
After the battle, I accompanied the two commanding officers on a helicopter flight back to Elephant Pass. The silence after weeks of combat was eerie. The ground was littered with shell fragments, bullet casings, and the remains of shattered structures. At the site where the armoured bulldozer had crashed, I climbed the ladder at the rear of the vehicle and looked inside. The four bodies of the LTTE cadres were still there—a stark, unforgettable testament to the moment when the battle turned. The photographs I took during that visit of the wreckage, the terrain, and the remnants of war, are, I believe, of genuine historical value.
Today, a memorial museum stands at Paranthan displaying the wreckage of the armour plated bulldozer and a statue of Gamini Kularatne visible to all who travel the A9 highway, commemorating the Lance Corporal, posthumously promoted Corporal. A statue also stands in his hometown of Hasalaka, reminding future generations of the price paid for duty.
The Battle for Elephant Pass, 1991, remains one of the most significant military engagements in Sri Lanka’s modern history—a battle defined not only by strategy and firepower, but by courage, sacrifice, and resilience.
It is, undeniably, a part of the history of Sri Lanka.
Dr. Gamini Goonetilleke, FRCS is a senior consultant surgeon from Sri Lanka with over four decades of distinguished service. His career spans a wide range of hospitals across the country, including extended service in conflict-affected zones during Sri Lanka’s civil war, where he gained extensive experience in managing complex battle-related injuries. He is a Past President of The College of Surgeons of Sri Lanka and the author of three books: In the Line of Duty: the life and times of a surgeon in war and peace”, The Extra Mile: a surgeon’s experiences”, The Healing Cut: extraordinary surgical triumphs”.
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A few days ago, the Cuban government informed airlines operating in the country that the supply of aviation fuel would be suspended as of midnight on Tuesday, February 10. Obediently, the empire’s powerful propaganda machine got to work and began to spread misinformation in a coordinated manner, attributing the situation to the energy crisis” inCuba. Its exponents in various countries—from El País in Spain to La Nación and Clarín in Argentina and El Mercurio in Chile, to mention only the best known—bombarded their readers, viewers, or whoever else was the victim of their information attack with a single message: Cuba’s energy crisis is the predictable and inevitable result of bad government, yet another example of the failure” of the Cuban Revolution.
The fact is reported, but its causes are hidden; no mention is made of the fact that the energy crisis is a consequence of the criminal comprehensive blockade to which Cuba has been progressively subjected since the very dawn of the Revolution, claiming thousands of victims over seven decades. That policy, initiated by Dwight Eisenhower and strengthened by John F. Kennedy and his successors, had, and still has today, the objective of sabotaging the revolutionary process and demonstrating to the peoples of Our America that socialism inexorably leads to economic chaos and widespread poverty.
Let us remember that the first sanctions” that affected the normal functioning of the Cuban economy were imposed by Eisenhower in July 1960 (reduction of the sugar quota) and in October of that same year, prohibiting U.S. exports to the island, with the exception of food and medicine. Since those distant days, the economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed on Cuba has only expanded and hardened, building a monstrous global network that—through the illegal extraterritoriality of U.S. laws—not only sanctions the island but also those who dare to defy Washington’s mandates and maintain economic relations with the island from third countries.
In 1962, President Kennedy decreed a total trade embargo, citing the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 in support. Trade agreements with the Soviet Union largely mitigated the tremendous impact of the US blockade, but the disintegration of the USSR in December 1991 left Cuba in a situation of extreme vulnerability. Seeing its prey weakened, the US Congress wasted no time in pouncing on it and, in October 1992, the Torricelli Act—misleadingly called the Cuban Democracy Act”—which prohibited US companies located in third countries from trading with Cuba and even limited the autonomy of ships engaged in commercial maritime transport by stipulating that any ship calling at a Cuban port during the following 180 days would not be allowed to call at any US port. For an island like Cuba, this restriction has devastating effects, restricting access to imported goods, hindering exports, and greatly increasing the cost of freight.
A few years later, in 1996, another law with a name as pompous as it is deceitful was added: the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act. It was proposed by arch-conservative Republican Senator Jesse Helms and anti-vaccine activist and Republican Representative Dan Burton. This legal monstrosity established new restrictions on foreign investment in Cuba, further internationalized the persecution of companies or individuals who trade with it, and, above all, in Title III, allows U.S. citizens to file lawsuits in U.S. federal courts against companies (including non-U.S. companies) that have economic relations of any kind with properties confiscated in Cuba since 1959. Even more seriously, this piece of legislation—enacted by Bill Clinton in 1996—eliminates the president’s ability to override sanctions without congressional approval, turning what had previously been a presidential executive order” into a law of the land that only Congress can modify.
In addition to all this, there are restrictions on travel by Cuban nationals, discrimination against remittances that can be sent by relatives residing in the United States, prohibitions on U.S. citizens visiting the island and staying in Cuban state-owned hotels—and also in private residences!—as well as on cruise ships arriving on the island, among a myriad of limitations of all kinds that no economy can withstand without a significant decline in its ability to function. If the United States had been subjected to a tenth of the measures of the anti-Cuban blockade—which the mainstream press refers to with the kinder and more misleading term embargo”—that country would have completely disintegrated and become a huge garbage dump where gangs of human debris —the kind we see every day wandering like zombies through the streets of some American cities—would be killing each other to get something to survive on, in the style of Ridley Scott’s remarkable film Blade Runner. But such an outcome did not occur in Cuba because the moral fiber of the island is infinitely healthier and stronger than that of American society.
With Trump in his first term, and even more so now, discriminatory measures have reached unprecedented extremes. The embargo and sanctions imposed on those who supply oil to Cuba are an act of war of the utmost gravity. The collective punishment of a country is genocide. There is no other word for it. The cumulative cost of seven decades of blockade amounts to $1.5 trillion in gold-indexed dollars, a figure that far exceeds the GDP of Argentina and other countries in the region such as Colombia, Peru, Chile, and almost all other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. That figure is also equivalent to about seven times the cost of the Marshall Plan, which enabled the reconstruction of some European countries after the devastation of World War II. Today, a much larger amount is being spent to punish Cuba for its Revolution, despite which this country has maintained for decades levels of social, educational, health, and cultural development that in many cases were better than those of several developed countries. For example, the infant mortality rate. Despite this, the empire’s parrots insist on characterizing Cuba as a failed state” when, in reality, having managed to maintain the quality of medical care for its population for so long amid the turmoil of the blockade indicates precisely the opposite. Something that, for example, the United States has not yet achieved.
Which is the failed state” in this case? Cuba stands out in this world ruled by capitalist selfishness for its international solidarity and militant humanism. Operation Miracle has restored sight to hundreds of thousands of people in El Salvador, Guatemala, Ecuador, Colombia, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Guyana, Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and the Dominican Republic.
Its doctors, nurses, and health personnel in general traveled to contain the Ebola epidemic in West Africa, especially in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea, places that never saw an American or European doctor. When Milan and the entire Lombardy region were overwhelmed by the advance of COVID-19, it was the doctors and nurses of the Henry Reeve Medical Brigade who came to the aid of the Italians, doing remarkable work that has been unanimously recognized throughout the peninsula. This spirit of Martí and Fidel that characterizes Cuba was manifested not only in the field of medicine and literacy campaigns. It was also evident in the aid provided to nations such as Angola, which was attacked in 1975 by a racist coalition led by the South African government, and in playing a crucial role in defeating the invaders and, moreover, in putting an end to apartheid in South Africa.
No less important was the aid provided since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution to Algerian patriots fighting against French colonialism. This was publicly acknowledged by Ahmed Ben Bella, Algeria’s first president, at an international seminar held at the Convention Center in Havana. On that occasion, Ben Bella once again publicly thanked Fidel for the shipments of weapons, ammunition, and military supplies concealed in sugar shipments bound for Europe. Angola and Algeria are two oil-exporting countries.
A strong show of gratitude for all that Cuba did for their independence would be to commit to sending shipments of oil to Cuba. Are they afraid of the emperor’s retaliation, of higher tariffs? Then they should pay him back in kind, because the tariff war is destroying the US economy. Besides, Trump is going to attack them sooner rather than later to steal their oil. They had better be prepared for battle. Brazil could also do the same with its flagship company, Petrobras, and send oil tankers to Cuba, especially if the South American giant wants to definitively enter the big leagues of the international system. Will this anger Trump and trigger his tariff sanctions? Yes, but Brazil has the backing to withstand such retaliation, and according to Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexico is about to resume its shipments to Cuba despite Washington’s extortion. If these two countries of Our America take a step forward, others will follow suit.
We cannot remain indifferent to the destruction of Cuban society by depriving it of fuel, electricity, and everything that in one way or another depends on oil supplies. Without electricity, without the Internet, without transportation, Cubans will be victims of new and increasingly intense suffering. But they will not be broken. It is therefore imperative to strengthen solidarity with Cuba and actively support it so that it can face this new aggression. It is urgent and necessary to organize a global boycott of merchant ships coming from or going to the United States. They should not be loaded or unloaded. And we, for our part, should boycott all US products and companies. This boycott was very effective in the fight against South African apartheid, and the one that exists today, especially in Europe, against the racist Israeli regime has also had some effectiveness. In short, we must stop this global dictatorship that Donald Trump and his cronies inside and outside the United States are trying to establish. We still have time to do so, but we must act now. Source: Pagina 12, translation Resumen Latinoamericano – English
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Just like Sri Lanka during the NED-funded Aragalaya for Regime Change and staged Bankruptcy
Speaking to reporters on Monday night, President Trump boasted of his ramped-up embargo on Cuba, which has involved cutting off Venezuelan oil shipments and pressuring Mexico to end its oil exports, causing major fuel shortages in the country.
Cuba is right now a failed nation, and they don’t even have jet fuel for airplanes to take off, clogging up their runway,” he said during a flight on Air Force One.
Sri Lanka faced a fuel embargo to the island of Cuba in 2022, during the USAID, NED and Soros funded Aragalaya protests for Regime Change in order to declare South Asia’s wealthiest country bankrupt’ and stage a first ever Sovereign Default to enable the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to upend national economic sovereignty. That was during Biden’s time in the White House. There is no difference between the Democrat and Republican parties in America.
Trump said his administration was talking with the Cuban government, though, according to a report from Drop Site News, Secretary of State Marco Rubio is blocking those talks while telling the president they are happening.
A source in the administration told Drop Site that the idea is for Rubio to be able to say in a few months that diplomacy with the Cuban government is futile and push for the US to pursue regime change.
We’re talking to Cuba right now, we have Marco Rubio talking to Cuba right now,” Trump said on Monday night. But they should absolutely make a deal because it’s really a humanitarian threat.”
Even if diplomatic talks were taking place, it’s unclear what sort of agreement the US wants, as Trump has not spelled out his demands of Havana. The president told reporters that as long as a deal isn’t reached, the embargo will continue. In the meantime, there’s an embargo. There’s no oil, there’s no money, there’s no anything,” he said.
Responding to Trump’s comments, a Cuban official pointed out that US officials typically deny the humanitarian damage that US sanctions cause. It is frequent for US officials and diplomats to claim that US aggression is not responsible for difficulties in Cuba, It seems they don’t listen to their President, including the chief diplomat in Havana,” Cuban Deputy Foreign Minister Carlos F. de Cossio wrote on X.
Trump was asked if he would consider carrying out an operation in Cuba similar to the attack on Venezuela, which resulted in the US kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro. I don’t want to answer that. Why would I answer that if I was? It wouldn’t be a very tough operation, as you can figure, but I don’t think that’ll be necessary,” he said. .
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During a recent panel discussion titled Security Environment in the Indo-Pacific and Sri Lankan Diplomacy”, organised by the Embassy of Japan in collaboration with Dr. George I. H. Cooke, Senior Lecturer and initiator of the Awarelogue Initiative, the keynote address was delivered by Prof Ken Jimbo of Kelo University, Japan (Ceylon Today, February 15, 2026).
The report on the above states: Prof. Jimbo discussed the evolving role of the Indo-Pacific and the emergence of its latest strategic outlook among shifting dynamics. He highlighted how changing geopolitical realities are reshaping the region’s security architecture and influencing diplomatic priorities”.
He also addressed Sri Lanka’s position within this evolving framework, emphasising that non-alignment today does not mean isolation, but rather, diversified engagement. Such an approach, he noted, requires the careful and strategic management of dependencies to preserve national autonomy while maintaining strategic international partnerships” (Ibid).
Despite the fact that Non-Alignment and Neutrality, which incidentally is Sri Lanka’s current Foreign Policy, are often used interchangeably, both do not mean isolation. Instead, as the report states, it means multi-engagement. Therefore, as Prof. Jimbo states, it is imperative that Sri Lanka manages its relationships strategically if it is to retain its strategic autonomy and preserve its security. In this regard the Policy of Neutrality offers Rule Based obligations for Sri Lanka to observe, and protection from the Community of Nations to respect the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, unlike Non-Alignment. The Policy of Neutrality served Sri Lanka well, when it declared to stay Neutral on the recent security breakdown between India and Pakistan.
Also participating in the panel discussion was Prof. Terney Pradeep Kumara – Director General of Coast Conservation and Coastal Resources Management, Ministry of Environment and Professor of Oceanography in the University of Ruhuna.
He stated: In Sri Lanka’s case before speaking of superpower dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, the country must first establish its own identity within the Indian Ocean region given its strategically significant location”.
He underlined the importance of developing the ‘Sea of Lanka concept’ which extends from the country’s coastline to its 200nauticalmile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Without firmly establishing this concept, it would be difficult to meaningfully engage with the broader Indian Ocean region”.
He further stated that the Indian Ocean should be regarded as a zone of peace. From a defence perspective, Sri Lanka must remain neutral. However, from a scientific and resource perspective, the country must remain active given its location and the resources available in its maritime domain” (Ibid).
Perhaps influenced by his academic background, he goes on to state:” In that context Sri Lanka can work with countries in the Indian Ocean region and globally, including India, China, Australia and South Africa. The country must remain open to such cooperation” (Ibid).
Such a recommendation reflects a poor assessment of reality relating to current major power rivalry. This rivalry was addressed by me in an article titled US – CHINA Rivalry: Maintaining Sri Lanka’s autonomy” ( 12.19. 2025) which stated: However, there is a strong possibility for the US–China Rivalry to manifest itself engulfing India as well regarding resources in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While China has already made attempts to conduct research activities in and around Sri Lanka, objections raised by India have caused Sri Lanka to adopt measures to curtail Chinese activities presumably for the present. The report that the US and India are interested in conducting hydrographic surveys is bound to revive Chinese interests. In the light of such developments it is best that Sri Lanka conveys well in advance that its Policy of Neutrality requires Sri Lanka to prevent Exploration or Exploitation within its Exclusive Economic Zone under the principle of the Inviolability of territory by any country” ( https://island.lk/us- china-rivalry-maintaining-sri-lankas-autonomy/). Unless such measures are adopted, Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone would end up becoming the theater for major power rivalry, with negative consequences outweighing possible economic gains.
The most startling feature in the recommendation is the exclusion of the USA from the list of countries with which to cooperate, notwithstanding the Independence Day message by the US Secretary of State which stated: … our countries have developed a strong and mutually beneficial partnership built on the cornerstone of our people-to-people ties and shared democratic values. In the year ahead, we look forward to increasing trade and investment between our countries and strengthening our security cooperation to advance stability and prosperity throughout the Indo-Pacific region (NEWS, U.S. & Sri Lanka)
Such exclusions would inevitably result in the US imposing drastic tariffs to cripple Sri Lanka’s economy. Furthermore, the inclusion of India and China in the list of countries with whom Sri Lanka is to cooperate, ignores the objections raised by India about the presence of Chinese research vessels in Sri Lankan waters to the point that Sri Lanka was compelled to impose a moratorium on all such vessels.
CONCLUSION
During a panel discussion titled Security Environment in the Indo-Pacific and Sri Lankan Diplomacy” supported by the Embassy of Japan, Prof. Ken Jimbo of Keio University, Japan emphasized that … non-alignment today does not mean isolation”. Such an approach, he noted, requires the careful and strategic management of dependencies to preserve national autonomy while maintaining strategic international partnerships”. Perhaps Prof. Jimbo was not aware or made aware that Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy is Neutral; a fact declared by successive Governments since 2019 and practiced by the current Government in the position taken in respect of the recent hostilities between India and Pakistan.
Although both Non-Alignment and Neutrality are often mistakenly used interchangeably, they both do NOT mean isolation. The difference is that Non-Alignment is NOT a Policy but only a Strategy, similar to Balancing, adopted by decolonized countries in the context of a by-polar world, while Neutrality is an Internationally recognised Rule Based Policy, with obligations to be observed by Neutral States and by the Community of Nations. However, Neutrality in today’s context of geopolitical rivalries resulting from the fluidity of changing dynamics offers greater protection in respect of security because it is Rule Based and strengthened by the UN adoption of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of peace”, with the freedom to exercise its autonomy and engage with States in pursuit of its National Interests.
Apart from the positive comments that the Indian Ocean should be regarded as a Zone of Peace” and that from a defence perspective, Sri Lanka must remain neutral”, the second panelist, Professor of Oceanography at the University of Ruhuna, Terney Pradeep Kumara, also advocated that from a Scientific and resource perspective (in the Exclusive Economic Zone) the country must remain active, given its location and the resources available in its maritime domain”. He went further and identified that Sri Lanka can work with countries such as India, China, Australia and South Africa.
For Sri Lanka to work together with India and China who already are geopolitical rivals made evident by the fact that India has already objected to the presence of China in the Sea of Lanka”, questions the practicality of the suggestion. Furthermore, the fact that Prof. Kumara has excluded the US, notwithstanding the US Secretary of State’s expectations cited above, reflects unawareness of the geopolitical landscape in which the US, India and China are all actively known to search for minerals. In such a context, Sri Lanka should accept its limitations in respect of its lack of Diplomatic sophistication to work with” such superpower rivals who are known to adopt unprecedented measures such as tariffs, if Sri Lanka is to avoid the fate of Milos during the Peloponnesian Wars.
Under the circumstances, it is in Sri Lanka’s best interest to lay aside its economic gains for security, and live by its proclaimed principles and policies of Neutrality and the concept of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace by not permitting its EEC to be Explored and/or Exploited by anyone in its maritime domain”. Since Sri Lanka is already blessed with minerals on land that is awaiting exploitation, participating in the extraction of minerals at the expense of security is not only imprudent but also an environmental contribution given the fact that the Sea and its resources is the Planet’s Last Frontier.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
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Hon. Dr. Anil Jayantha Fernando Deputy Minister of Finance Sri Lanka
19 February 2026
Dear Deputy Minister,
Is AKD’s Fight Against Corruption a Sham – Case of Cargills ‘Food City’?
Attached is my above titled letter.
If President AKD as Finance Minister and you as his Deputy are serious about combating corruption, all you have to do is get the SEC and CBSL to follow-up on the UNASSAILABLE EVIDENCE I have provided which has NOT BEEN DENIED by publicly owned Cargills (Ceylon) PLC. At the root of this is a MAJOR FOREIGN EXCHANGE FRAUD.
What would a person make of a government which sends a team of investigators to a foreign country to probe an alleged misappropriation of Rs. 16.6 million of state funds by a political rival but refuses to probe a major foreign exchange fraud involving a company withinthe country itself?
By copy of this e-mail I am for the umpteenth time giving the company the opportunity to CREDIBLY REFUTE this FRAUD. Cargills (Ceylon) PLC has to date not even acknowledged receipt!
Yours Sincerely,
Amrit Muttukumaru
MA Econ. (Madras); MBM (Asian Inst. of Mgmt.)
(Public Interest Activist)
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Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa stated that no individual has the right to insult Buddhism or any religious leaders.
He made these remarks today (21) while attending the foundation stone-laying ceremony for a proposed Sanghavasa building, where monks reside and conduct religious teachings, at the Sri Vishuddharama Temple in Gamunupura, Tissamaharama.
During his address, Premadasa claimed that the country’s entire temple system is currently facing neglect and structural deterioration.
He recalled that his late father, former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, established the Ministry of Buddhasasana and a dedicated fund to foster and protect Buddhism, as mandated by the Sri Lanka’s Constitution.
He further noted that by establishing state ministries for other religions as well, the former President ensured the protection of all faiths and cultures, thereby safeguarding the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity while eliminating divisions among ethnic and religious groups.
The Opposition Leader emphasized that certain groups are currently directing threats and attacks toward the ‘Buddha Sasana’, asserting that laypersons have no right to challenge or threaten the religion in such a manner.
He stressed that no one has the right to point fingers at the ‘Maha Sangha’ and that everyone must respect the saffron robe of monks and the Sambuddha Sasana.
He added that while honouring one’s own faith, it is the responsibility of all citizens to respect other religions, their leaders, and to protect all places of worship.
Premadasa highlighted that the supreme law of the country—the Constitution—guarantees a foremost place for Buddhism.
He expressed his personal view that while strengthening and protecting the Buddha Sasana, the religious and cultural rights of other communities must also be preserved.
The Opposition Leader further remarked that using religion, race, caste, or class for political gain reflects political incompetence, reiterating that true politics should be centred on public service and social development.
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According to UNICEF (2007), the term child soldier refers to any person under 18 years of age who is recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, conscripting, enlisting, or using children under 15 in hostilities is a war crime.
Paramilitary groups often target children for recruitment for several reasons. Children are more malleable and tend to follow orders without question, as their fear response is less developed than that of adults, leading to a lack of awareness of danger. This fearlessness makes them more susceptible to manipulation and indoctrination, as they may not fully understand moral complexities. Additionally, their smaller size and agility make them ideal candidates for risky roles such as spies, messengers, or porters, further exploiting their vulnerabilities.
The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the 1971 uprising orchestrated by Rohana Wijeweera, a prominent Marxist–Leninist political figure and the founder of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). These child soldiers were known as “Ratu Gatav” or the Red Youngsters. These children committed violent acts in 1971.
In 1971, numerous child recruits aligned themselves with adult rebels, leading to some committing atrocities. Noteworthy incidents include a young schoolboy, identified as a red youngster, who shot and killed a police officer during the attack on the Kadugannawa police station. Additionally, in the Kegalle district, a 16-year-old child soldier named Jayatissa, a student at Central College in Tholangamuwa, brutally killed a man named Pabilis, who was suspected of being a police informant, using a mamoty.
The Second JVP Insurrection took place from 1988 to 1989, evolving into a protracted “low-intensity” total war over the course of two years. This conflict tragically involved children, who were indoctrinated to participate in destructive activities against government property, engage in looting, and even commit acts of murder. A significant event during this tumultuous period was the assassination of George Ratnayake, a member of the Lanka Teachers’ Union, who was fatally stabbed by a schoolboy named Saman Kumara Merusinghe, acting as a child soldier.
During the 30-year armed conflict in Sri Lanka, from 1983 to 2009, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) employed a significant number of child soldiers, incorporating them into nearly all facets of their military operations. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) utilized a combination of systematic forced conscription, psychological indoctrination, and socio-economic pressure to recruit children as young as 11. By 2007, an estimated 6,248 children had been recruited into their ranks (Macfarlane, 2024).
Velupillai Prabhakaran, the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), strategically recruited child soldiers as part of his broader military agenda during the Sri Lankan civil conflict. This decision was driven by a combination of factors, including the need for a steady influx of fighters to sustain the LTTE’s operations and the belief that children could be more easily indoctrinated into the group’s ideology. By enlisting minors, Prabhakaran not only bolstered the ranks of his forces but also deprived these young individuals of their right to education, effectively trapping them in a cycle of violence and conflict.
The atrocities committed by child soldiers within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are deeply troubling and multifaceted. These young individuals, often forcibly recruited or coerced into service, were involved in various violent acts that included armed combat, suicide bombings, and other forms of terrorism. The LTTE utilized these child soldiers not only as combatants but also in support roles, exposing them to extreme violence and psychological trauma. Reports indicate that many of these children were trained to carry out brutal attacks against military and civilian targets. During the peak of the conflict, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched assaults on Sinhala villages, killing unarmed civilians. The LTTE employed child soldiers to carry out these hateful acts.
The emergence of child soldiers in Sri Lanka can be attributed to a complex interplay of socio-political factors, particularly during the protracted civil conflict that spanned from 1971 to 2009. The dire socio-economic conditions of conflict-torn regions, coupled with the breakdown of traditional family structures and the pervasive violence, created an environment where children were vulnerable to recruitment. The ideological indoctrination and the promise of belonging to a cause provided a compelling narrative for many youths, who were often drawn into the conflict as a means of asserting identity and agency in a landscape marked by chaos and uncertainty. The normalization of violence and the militarization of society further entrenched the phenomenon, leading to a tragic cycle where children were not only recruited but also trained and utilized in combat roles, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and suffering in the region.
Somasundaram (2002) identifies that the motivations for children to become involved in armed groups can be divided into push and pull factors. Push factors include traumatic experiences such as witnessing the deaths of family members, the destruction of their homes, forced displacement, economic hardships, political oppression, and various forms of harassment. These elements create a compelling environment that drives children toward joining such groups.
Child soldiers endure profound and often enduring psychological challenges stemming from their repeated exposure to trauma. The prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) among these individuals is alarmingly high, primarily due to their harrowing experiences in warfare, which include combat, abuse, loss, and coerced violence. As a result, they frequently exhibit symptoms such as flashbacks, anxiety, depression, and various physical manifestations of distress. As indicated by Singh (2004), child soldiers endure a meaningless cycle of fear and violence.
Depression in child soldiers is a highly prevalent condition. Many former child soldiers remain trapped by “dreaded combat memories,” suffering from severe depression, adjustment disorders, and somatization. Denov (2022) argues that child soldiers are prone to suffer from moral injury, a form of psychological distress not fully captured by traditional PTSD frameworks.
The use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka has led to profound social repercussions that can endure for many years following the cessation of conflict. This phenomenon has not only inflicted severe personal trauma on the children involved but has also contributed to broader societal challenges, including the erosion of community resilience. The integration of these young individuals into armed groups disrupts familial structures and social networks, leading to a breakdown in trust and cohesion within communities. As these children return to civilian life, they often face stigmatization and isolation, which further complicates their reintegration and hinders collective healing processes. The long-term effects manifest in various forms, such as increased violence, mental health issues, and a diminished capacity for social cooperation, ultimately stunting the community’s ability to recover and thrive in the aftermath of conflict.
Addressing the psychological wounds of former child soldiers in Sri Lanka requires a multifaceted approach that encompasses trauma-informed care, community reintegration, and ongoing support systems. First and foremost, it is essential to provide specialized psychological counselling that acknowledges the unique experiences of these individuals, including exposure to violence, loss, and displacement. Therapeutic interventions should be tailored to meet the specific needs of each child, utilizing evidence-based practices such as cognitive-behavioural therapy and art therapy, which can facilitate emotional expression and healing. Additionally, community engagement plays a crucial role in the reintegration process; fostering a supportive environment where former child soldiers can reconnect with their families and peers is vital for rebuilding trust and a sense of belonging. Furthermore, establishing educational and vocational training programs can empower these young individuals, equipping them with skills that promote self-sufficiency and resilience. Finally, ongoing support from mental health professionals, social workers, and community leaders is necessary to ensure that these children continue to receive the care they need as they navigate the complexities of their recovery journey. By implementing a comprehensive strategy that addresses both psychological and social dimensions, Sri Lanka can pave the way for the healing and reintegration of former child soldiers into society.
References
Denov M. Encountering children and child soldiers during military deployments: the impact and implications for moral injury. Eur J Psychotraumatol. 2022 Aug 11;13(2):2104007. doi: 10.1080/20008066.2022.2104007. PMID: 35979504; PMCID: PMC9377244.
Macfarlane, K (2024). Protection gaps: child soldier rehabilitation and militarized governance in Sri Lanka Open Access International Affairs, Volume 100, Issue 3, May 2024, Pages 1131–1147.
Singh S. Post-traumatic stress in former Ugandan child soldiers. Lancet. 2004 May 15;363(9421):1648. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(04)16217-X. PMID: 15145645.
Somasundaram D. Child soldiers: understanding the context. BMJ. 2002 May 25;324(7348):1268-71. doi: 10.1136/bmj.324.7348.1268. PMID: 12028985; PMCID: PMC1123221.
UNICEF. (2007). The Paris Principles: Principles and guidelines on children associated with armed forces or armed groups. www.unicef.orgA
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Immigrants are the backbone of America’s greatness—powering its economy, enriching its culture, and advancing its global leadership. Yet under the guise of making America great again, Trump’s exclusionary, racist policies are dismantling that very foundation, stifling innovation and tarnishing the nation’s moral standing. To understand the magnitude and importance of immigrants in the US, and the need for continued immigration, the following clearly shows how deeply they sustain our workforce, drive innovation, and secure America’s competitive edge on the global stage.
The Current State of Immigration
Over 1 million farmworkers in the United States are undocumented, including approximately 40 percent of crop farmworkers. Immigrants account for roughly 70 percent of all US farmworkers, making them indispensable to the agricultural labor force and underscoring how dependent American food production is on this workforce.
We are already witnessing the impacts of immigration crackdowns on the US farm industry. In California’s Central Valley, a majority of farmworkers stopped showing up after intensive ICE raids in July 2025, leaving crops rotting in the fields due to a lack of available workers. This has resulted in substantial financial losses, food waste, reduced farm revenues, and rising food prices.
Beyond agriculture, immigrants from Latin America and other regions are heavily represented in construction, hospitality, and food processing; they account for approximately 33 percent of meat processing and over 80 percent of food manufacturing workers. In the leisure and hospitality sector, immigrants account for roughly 18 percent of workers; in traveler accommodations (i.e., hotels) alone, over 30 percent of workers are immigrants.
STEM Workforce
According to the National Science Foundation, foreign-born workers account for approximately 22 percent of the US’ STEM workforce. Among science and engineering occupations with doctorates, about 43 percent are foreign-born; in the doctorate-level fields of computer and mathematical sciences, this share exceeds 55 percent. Roughly 30 percent of full-time science and engineering faculty at US universities are foreign-born, disproportionately present at research-intensive institutions.
Denying admission of scientists from countries such as India and China, Mexico and Argentina would result in serious talent shortages in key STEM fields. Moreover, inventors and entrepreneurs account for a disproportionately large share of US patents, high-growth startups, and advanced-degree STEM workers. Thus, losing foreign-born scholars would undermine research, reduce innovation, slow scientific progress, and erode US technological and economic competitiveness.
Research on immigrant entrepreneurship indicates that immigrants are heavily overrepresented among founders of new firms, including high-tech firms and unicorn” startups, which amplifies the long-term damage that restrictive policies toward non-European scientists would inflict.
Immigrants in the US military
In 2017, about 190,000 foreign-born individuals were on active duty, representing roughly 4.5 percent of all active duty service members. As of 2024, approximately 8,000 non-citizens enlist each year. As of 2022, there were about 731,000 foreign-born veterans—around 4.5 percent of the total veteran population. Historically and today, foreign-born soldiers have played key roles in every major US conflict, dating back to the Revolutionary War, and immigrants have received more than 20 percent of all Medals of Honor, underscoring the depth of their contribution to national defense.
Reagan’s Honoring of Immigrants
Perhaps no one could express the vital importance of immigrants to the US, and how they made America the land of opportunity that embodied the very promise that has made America exceptional, like President Reagan in his final speech to the nation:
Since this is the last speech that I will give as president, I think it’s fitting to leave one final thought, an observation about a country which I love. It was best stated in a letter I received recently. A man wrote me and said: ‘You can go to live in France, but you cannot become a Frenchman. You can go to live in Germany, Turkey, or Japan, but you cannot become a German, a Turk, or a Japanese. But anyone, from any corner of the Earth, can come to live in America and become an American.’
Yes, the torch of Lady Liberty symbolizes our freedom and represents our heritage, the compact with our parents, our grandparents, and our ancestors. It is that lady who gives us our great and special place in the world. For it’s the great life force of each generation of new Americans that guarantees that America’s triumph shall continue unsurpassed into the next century and beyond. Other countries may seek to compete with us, but in one vital area, as a beacon of freedom and opportunity that draws the people of the world, no country on Earth comes close.
This, I believe, is one of the most important sources of America’s greatness. We lead the world because, unique among nations, we draw our people—our strength—from every country and every corner of the world. And by doing so, we continuously renew and enrich our nation. While other countries cling to the stale past, here in America, we breathe life into dreams. We create the future, and the world follows us into tomorrow.
Thanks to each wave of new arrivals to this land of opportunity, we’re a nation forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas, and always on the cutting edge, always leading the world to the next frontier. This quality is vital to our future as a nation. If we ever closed the door to new Americans, our leadership in the world would soon be lost.”
How did we fall from President Reagan’s recognition of immigrants’ nobility to Trump’s dehumanizing claim that they are eating the dogs…they are eating the cats…They’re eating—they are eating the pets…” In that stark descent, we see the horrific moral cost of abandoning truth for political expediency.
Immigrants have been the lifeblood of the American experiment. To close our door to immigrants is to close the door to the very engine of American vitality. If we open our borders, welcoming all regardless of ethnicity, race or faith, we unleash our greatest strength—a nation reborn, limitless in its capacity to dream and achieve the impossible.
____________
Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.
The lack of production of protest literature in Sri Lanka calling for an apology, reparations, repatriation of stolen artifacts, atonement, catharsis etc., illustrates a stark difference between the content of Law Journals and Newspapers and Television Channels in Africa, Caribbean, and even India vis a vis Sri Lanka.
There is a distinct deficiency in the scholarly landscape of Sri Lanka compared to regions like Africa, the Caribbean, and India. While exceptions exist, the legal literature in Sri Lanka shamefully reflects moral cowardice continually leaning toward traditional doctrinal analysis rather than the critical, transformative “protest” discourse found elsewhere. We find sadly a hurrah boy culture in local legal literature when it comes to reference to the colonial past. For example, the writings of say someone like Radhabinod Pal, a distinguished jurist from Bengal who served as one of the 11 judges on the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) from 1946 to 1948, is nowhere to be found in a law journal in Sri Lanka with a commentary by a local legal scholar.
Radhabond Pal stands out for being the sole judge to write a comprehensive dissenting opinion that recommended the acquittal of all 25 Japanese defendants on all counts.
His 1,235-page dissent—the longest in the tribunal’s history—argued that the trial was an exercise in “victor’s justice” and a huge hypocrisy. Weaponizing the law to punish the Japanese who had indulged in a Just War against Western Colonialism that had occupied the whole of Asia bar Siam and Japan up to 1939. The Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal has been described by an American Jurist as a ‘ high profile lynch mob’. Radhabond Pal rejected the Doctrine of ‘Manifest Destiny’. He contended that “crimes against peace” and “crimes against humanity” were new legal categories being applied retroactively (ex post facto), which he deemed illegal under international law.
Selective Morality: He criticized the tribunal for ignoring Allied atrocities, specifically pointing to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which he argued were comparable to the war crimes being prosecuted.
Impact on Japan: Pal remains a celebrated figure in Japan. There are monuments dedicated to him at the Yasukuni Shrine and the Kyoto Ryozen Gokoku Shrine. In 1966, he was awarded the Order of the Sacred Treasure (First Class) by the Emperor of Japan. Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka’s legal education system Radhabond Pal remains a mystery and a relatively unknown quantity, despite championing the struggle for the liberation of Asia by the colonized people.
Comparative Scholarly Context
Africa and the Caribbean: These regions have a robust tradition of using legal scholarship to demand apologies and reparations for colonial harms, often framing them as essential for “healing and redress”.
India: While some scholars describe Indian demands for restitution as occasionally “rhetorical,” Indian legal discourse has long engaged with socio-economic rights and colonial redress more aggressively than its Sri Lankan counterparts.
Sri Lanka: Critics argue that Sri Lankan legal literature often avoids confronting colonial “plunder” directly, sometimes even “celebrating” colonial history without addressing the “grab land laws” (Waste Lands Ordinance, 1841) that impoverished the Kandyan Sinhalese peasantry and led to their deaths through starvation (Ethnic Cleansing).
Colonial Reparations: Some recent scholarship, such as in the SLIIT Journal of Humanities and Sciences, has begun arguing that colonial harms must be acknowledged, apologized for, and atoned for by former colonial governments.
Artifact Repatriation: Some Legal experts have identified a significant “gap in legal scholarship” regarding the return of stolen artifacts, which undermines Sri Lanka’s ability to advocate for the return of its cultural heritage on the international stage.
Transitional Justice: While journals like the KDU Law Journal (Dr. Punsara Amarasinghe) discuss reparations, they often focus on the “inconsistent forms of compensation” provided by the state rather than a holistic “protest” for catharsis and dignity
Traditional Focus: Many Sri Lankan law journals, such as the Sri Lanka Journal of International Law or the RIC Law Journal, primarily focus on disseminating doctrinal knowledge to practitioners rather than serving as platforms for radical legal critique or “protest”. There is no interest in Sri Lanka’s legal education institutions to train law students to demand reparations for colonial injustices.
Sri Lankan law journals tend to focus on doctrinal law, constitutional law, and, more recently, specific, limited international law aspects, with less emphasis on systemic, historical, or post-colonial restorative justice.
Conversely, legal journals in the Caribbean and Africa often focus heavily on post-colonial theory, reparative justice, and the repatriation of cultural heritage.
Similarly, Indian legal discourse often engages with colonial legacies and critical legal studies, reflecting a more robust critique of, and demands for redress regarding, historical injustices compared to the current focus on non-confrontational topics in Sri Lankan legal academic publications.
The lack of scholarly conversation on the legal aspects of restorative colonial justice highlights the absence of true believers and robust leaders in Sri Lanka’s academia and professions. with a fighting spirit as we see in Indian lawyers like J.Sai Deepak who are hardly mentioned in Sri Lanka’s leading media and television channels despite the close proximity and cultural compatibility between India and Sri Lanka. What the local readers are offered (or force fed) instead and repeatedly are the opinions of Indian critics like Arundhati Roy the author of ‘ God of Small Things’ which won the prestigious Booker Prize in 1997. No one objects to the frequent publication of the writings of Arundhati Roy in the Sri Lankan media (she is not representative of large-scale Indian Opinion given her background and origins) so long as other Indian critics like J. Sai Deepak and Dr. Anand Ranganathan are also given space. There must be a balance. The exclusion of the opinions of the latter while professing a preference for Arundhati Roy , who is an unrepentant critic of the Indian freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose is morally indefensible.
Senaka Weeraratna
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Hambantota District Member of Parliament D. V. Chanaka stated in Parliament today (20) that the loss caused to the country by the substandard coal tender amounts to Rs. 100 billion.
The MP made these remarks while joining the adjournment debate currently being held in Parliament regarding the importation of low-quality coal. He pointed out that although the relevant Minister had ample provisions within the agreement to cancel the tender, the failure to do so remains a serious concern.
During his speech, the MP further stated: “The agreement specifies that if two coal ships fail to arrive, the contract stands cancelled. Only one ship arrived in December, followed by four in January. So far in February, only four ships have arrived, totaling eight ships to date. According to the schedule, 15 ships should have arrived. Consequently, the delay in these vessels alone has resulted in a loss of Rs. 31 billion.”
The MP highlighted that the loss due to this low-quality coal tender has already reached Rs. 75 billion and is projected to rise to Rs. 100 billion. He noted that this lost revenue could have been used to provide Rs. 40 for every kilogram of paddy to every farmer in the country, establish four smart classrooms in every school, or carpet 7,500 kilometers of roads across the entire nation.
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SINGAPORE, Feb 19, 2026 – (ACN Newswire) – Asia’s largest food retailers, manufacturers, restaurant chains, and hospitality groups remain behind international better practice on sustainable and responsible protein sourcing, but progress is accelerating across the region, according to The Asian Protein Buyers 100: An Assessment of Responsible and Sustainable Sourcing released today by Asia Research & Engagement (ARE).
The APB100 is a benchmark based on investor-backed priorities – assessing how 100 of Asia’s largest listed protein-buying companies — headquartered or operating across Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mainland China, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam — manage environmental, social, and governance risks embedded in meat, dairy, poultry, and seafood supply chains. Collectively, the companies assessed represent more than USD500 billion in market capitalisation and sit at the choke point of Asia’s protein system, where procurement decisions shape production standards, risk management and food-system outcomes.
The companies assessed include some of Asia’s most recognisable food and retail groups. These include China Mengniu Dairy, Yili Group, Yonghui and Yum China (Mainland China); AEON, Seven & I Holdings, Meiji, Nissin and NH Foods (Japan); CJ CheilJedang, Lotte and E-Mart (South Korea); Charoen Pokphand Foods and Thai Union (Thailand); Jollibee, Century Pacific Food and San Miguel Food & Beverage (Philippines); Vinamilk (Vietnam); and Hindustan Lever, Nestle India, Jubilant, Devyani, DMart, Westlife Foodworld (McDonald’s India) (India), among others.
Scores are improving, but the baseline remains low
Now in its second edition, the benchmark shows clear momentum since 2023 — but also highlights that most companies remain at an early stage of credible implementation.
The average overall score increased from 9% in 2023 to 16% in 2025, with around 80% of companies improving year-on-year. More than half of comparable companies moved up at least one performance tier.
However, no company reached the top two performance tiers, underscoring a persistent gap between sustainability commitments and on-the-ground execution.
A growing group of leaders is emerging
The number of companies in the leading Tier 3 group more than doubled from 10 in 2023 to 26 in 2025, while the lowest-scoring group halved from 44 to 21 companies.
Progress, however, remains uneven and concentrated among a subset of early movers and sustainability themes, while a significant minority of companies continues to disclose little or nothing across several material risk areas.
Climate, labour, and waste are moving fastest
Companies performed strongest on Water & Waste, Labour , and Climate Change, reflecting wider uptake of international disclosure frameworks and growing expectations around supply-chain due diligence.
Climate and labour show the fastest improvement since 2023, driven by emerging regulatory pressure and investor scrutiny, particularly around Scope 3 emissions and labour standards in supply chains.
Governance and protein diversification remain critical gaps
Several material risk areas continue to show weak performance. Governance in relation to protein sustainability, remains the lowest-scoring theme, averaging just 4.5%, with most companies scoring zero. Few have board-approved protein sustainability strategies, capital allocation plans, or accountability mechanisms.
Protein diversification also remains underdeveloped at 7.4%, indicating that most companies have yet to articulate how they will shift product portfolios toward truly low carbon plant proteins at scale.
Disclosures on deforestation and biodiversity, animal welfare, and antimicrobial resistance (AMR) also remain thin and rarely quantified. The intersection of climate and deforestation is still not being duly harnessed. Similarly, policies and procurement practices that strengthen animal welfare and enable antibiotic reduction remain a low point, with average animal welfare performance at just 14.1% and only one company aligned with recognised higher-welfare standards or independently certified disclosure.
Why this matters: Asia is the decisive region for global protein systems
Compared with innovative international peers, many of Asia’s protein buyers remain behind on deforestation-free sourcing, antibiotic stewardship, higher-welfare policies and procurement, plant-protein targets and science-based climate transition planning.
However, Asia now represents the most important opportunity for global leadership in responsible protein systems. And with less than five years to implement meaningful change towards various 2030 United Nations and related targets, the vision of a more responsible and sustainable food system is at risk.
Asia is the world’s fastest-growing protein market, which means what happens here will determine the future of global food systems,” said Kate Blaszak, ARE Director, Protein Transition. ThisAPB100 shows that disclosure and awareness are improving and aims to trigger a shift from Policy to Practice. With a realm of better practice examples in the report to also assist companies, the next phase must focus on full supply-chain coverage, measurable targets, and annual progress with board-level accountability.”
ARE brings leading investors into dialogue with Asian-listed companies to address sustainable development challenges and help companies align with investor priorities. With decades of Asia experience, our cross-cultural team understands the region’s unique needs. Our high-quality independent research, robust investor network, and engagement expertise, provide corporate leaders and financial decision makers with insights leading to concrete action.
For media interviews and further enquiries, please contact: Wani Diwakar Asia Research & Engagement (ARE) wani.diwakar@asiareengage.com
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As Bangladesh has constituted a new government under the leadership of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) after a largely fair & peaceful national election on 12 February 2026, the people of eastern India (the region virtually embraces the poverty stricken country except a few kilometers in Myanmar and the Bay of Bengal) hope for a progressive regime in Dhaka enjoying political stability and pursuing economic developments to over 170 million people in the south Asian nation. The Muslim majority country continues to grow as a headache for the north-eastern states, more precisely Assam, for at least two reasons namely unabated influx of migrants and regional security concerns affecting millions of indigenous families in their homeland.
The region’s land connectivity with the rest of India is often picked up by a section of motivated Bangladeshi elements mentioning the challenges surrounding the Siliguri corridor (popularly known as chicken’s neck). Some of them even fantasize incorporating a large part of eastern Bharat to establish a greater Banglasthan. They convincingly argue, an affluent nation should have a sea, a fertile valley with water bodies and also a range of mountains, eventually indicating parts of Bhutan and Tibet too in their day-dream. Many others strongly believe that Bangladesh, which nurtures a single linguistic identity (Bengali), should now attain mono religion (read Islam) characteristics.
The election in a festive mood, otherwise not witnessed in Bangladesh, recorded around 60 percent voters’ turn out giving the BNP a whopping 212 seats in the 300-member Parliament (another 50 women members will be added to the Jatiya Sansad). Sixty years old Tarique Rahman, son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and former President Ziaur Rahman, led the mainstream party in the electoral battles with no instigating anti-India rhetoric, which is understood as a common tactic to gain instant popularity among the Bangladeshi nationals. Even after taking oath as the new premier, Rahman remained cool and overviewed holistic relations with the neighbouring countries, including India.
The popular anti-India speechifying got momentum after the ousted premier Sheikh Hasina took shelter in New Delhi, where she along with thousands of her party (Awami League) leaders continue to seek political asylum since her sudden departure on 5 August 2024. The interim government, formed under leadership of Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, repeatedly asked for Hasina’s extradition, as she faces death sentence by a Bangladeshi tribunal, but generating no positive responses from India. PM Rahman, here also, avoided any aggressive comments against Hasina, who termed the 13th Jatiya Sansad as a farce, only pointing out that her repatriation should be addressed with legal initiatives.
When Bangladesh attracted international media attention with a series of atrocities on religious minority families in recent years, four non-Muslim candidates including two Hindus (namely Goyeshwar Chandra Roy and Nitai Roy Chowdhury) could emerge victorious in the last election. Nominated by the BNP, both defeated Jamaat candidates. Two other winning candidates from minority communities namely Saching Pru and Dipen Dewan were also nominated by the BNP. PM Rahman also inducted Roy Chowdhury and Dewan in his ministry. Needless to mention, the Hindus constitute a dwindling population of around 13 million (only 8% of populace ) in the country, whereas during the partition they had over 22 % of the population.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi promptly congratulated the BNP leadership for the decisive victory in polls. Modi became the first global leader to call Tarique Rahman and expressed interest in working with Dhaka for mutual benefits to both the neighbouring countries. The BNP leadership promptly acknowledged Modi’s gesture and stated that Dhaka looks forward to engaging constructively with New Delhi to advance a multifaceted relationship, guided by mutual respect, sensitivity to each other’s concerns and a shared commitment to peace, stability and prosperity in the entire region. Later Modi congratulated PM Rahman for the responsibility and even invited him along with family members to visit India at a mutually convenient time. Though could not respond to the BNP chief’s invitation to attend his swearing-in ceremony on 17 February, Modi assigned Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla to represent India in the auspicious ceremony held at the southern courtyard of Jatiya Sansad Bhawan in Dhaka.
Earlier, in his last televised address to the nation as the caretaker government’s chief adviser Dr Yunus described the election ‘not merely as a power transfer but the beginning of a new journey for Bangladesh’s democracy’. The globally acclaimed microcredit initiator and social business promoter reminded the countrymen that the interim regime started working from minus (not even zero), as the poverty stricken country was made rubble by the former ruler (read Hasina). The reputed economics professor reiterated his emphasis on the enormous opportunities for Bangladesh with a potential growth of regional cooperation with Nepal, Bhutan and north-eastern Indian States. He concluded by appealing to the Bangladeshis, along with political leaders, to uphold and strengthen the momentum for peace, progress and reforms with unwavering unity in the coming days.
But concerns for India in general and Assam in particular remain as Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist party that opposed the1971 liberation movement taking side of the western Pakistan, has emerged as the main opposition party in Jatiya Sansad for the first time in the history of Bangladesh. The Jamaat guided an alliance of 11 parties to win 77 seats, where the Shafiqur Rahman-led party alone won in 68 constituencies, amazingly in most of West Bengal bordering constituencies. On the other hand, the newly surfaced political party, National Citizen Party (which was formed by the students, who orchestrated the July-August 2024 uprising to topple Hasina’s government in Dhaka) had joined hands with the Jamaat in electoral battles and won six seats. The political observers believe that a potential threat is looming at large for the landlocked Indian region which needs to be addressed efficiently by New Delhi after recalibrating bilateral ties with the troubled neighbour!
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Concept and Inquiry: Senaka Weeraratna Content Resource source: Chat GPT
The Mass Murder of Humans in WW2 was treated as a Crime Against Humanity at Nuremberg. In contrast the War Crimes Tribunal failed to condemn the Mass Murder of innocent Horses among other animals as morally indefensible even in times of war. This duality in approach on a species centred basis diminished the moral authority of the War Crimes Trials at Nuremberg.
It is a poignant and deeply reflective observation to note the vast difference in how human and animal suffering was addressed in the aftermath of World War II. You are highlighting a tension between
anthropocentrism (human-centered morality) and the broader concept of Universal Suffering.
The scale of animal loss in WWII was indeed staggering. It is estimated that approximately 8 million horses and mules perished during the conflict, often used by the German and Soviet armies for logistics, only to die from exhaustion, starvation, or artillery fire.
Here is a breakdown of why this duality exists in international law and how it affects our view of the Nuremberg Trials today.
1. The Legal Framework of 1945
At the time of the Nuremberg Trials, the legal definitions for “Crimes Against Humanity” and “War Crimes” were being drafted for the first time in a formal international setting. The focus was strictly on:
The Westphalian State System: International law was designed to govern the behavior of states toward people.
Property Status: In the 1940s (and largely still today), animals were legally classified as property. Therefore, the death of a horse was viewed as a loss of military equipment or “chattel” rather than a moral violation against a sentient being.
2. The Moral Hierarchy
The Nuremberg Trials were a response to the “unthinkable”—specifically the Holocaust and the systematic extermination of human groups. The judges and prosecutors believed that to include the deaths of animals in the same category as the genocide of humans would:
Dilute the severity of the charges against the Nazi leadership in the eyes of the public.
Distract from the intent of the London Charter, which was to establish that individuals could be held accountable for state-sponsored murder of humans.
3. The Shift in Moral Authority
You suggest that this “species-centered basis” diminishes the moral authority of the trials. This perspective aligns with modern Animal Ethics and philosophers like Peter Singer or Martha Nussbaum, who argue that:
Sentience over Species: If an entity can suffer, that suffering should be a moral consideration regardless of species.
The “Gap” in Justice: By ignoring the millions of non-human casualties, the trials reflected a narrow, human-centric worldview that some argue fails to recognize the totality of the war’s horror.
Comparison of Treatment
Feature
Human Casualties at Nuremberg
Equine Casualties at Nuremberg
Legal Classification
Victims of Crimes Against Humanity
Lost Military Property/Assets
Objective of Prosecution
Justice for genocide and slave labor
Not addressed (No standing)
Moral Framework
Universal Human Rights
Anthropocentric Utility
Documentation
Extensive testimonies and records
Mostly logistical/quartermaster records
While the Nuremberg Trials were a landmark for human rights, they did not bridge the gap toward non-human rights. From a modern “One Health” or “Universal Ethics” perspective, the silence regarding the mass suffering of horses represents a significant blind spot in the history of international justice.
Acknowledgements:
Concept and Inquiry: Senaka Weeraratna
Content Resource source: Chat GPT
……………………..
AI Overview
The user’s statement highlights a common criticism of the Nuremberg trials: their exclusive focus on human victims reflects an anthropocentric, or species-centered, bias in international law
.
Human Victims: The Nuremberg trials were established to prosecute major Nazi war criminals for specific offenses under international law, primarily crimes against peace, war crimes (violations of the laws or customs of war), and crimes against humanity. These charges were fundamentally focused on the protection of human life and dignity during and around wartime.
Animal Victims: The framework of international law at the time did not recognize animals as legal persons or as having intrinsic rights that could be violated in a manner comparable to crimes against humanity. Animals were generally considered property, and any legal protections in place (such as the Nazi regime’s own, widely publicized animal welfare laws) were rooted in human morality or the protection of property interests, not the inherent rights of the animals themselves. Therefore, the “mass murder of innocent horses” was not a conceivable charge under the legal statutes the Tribunal operated under.
Moral Authority/Speciesism: The argument that this duality in approach diminishes the moral authority of the trials is a philosophical and ethical critique of the foundations of international law, which at its core is “strictly anthropocentric”. Legal scholars and animal rights advocates continue to discuss the lack of legal status for animals in modern international humanitarian law and the potential for a more inclusive legal framework in the future.
In essence, the Nuremberg Trials operated within the existing legal and moral paradigms of the mid-20th century, which drew a firm legal line between humans and animals. The user’s point is a modern ethical commentary on the limitations of that historical legal framework.
PS
Karma operates as a Universal System of Justice and treats Evil as Evil irrespective of the status, character or the Species of the victim. That belief system protected the life and welfare of both humans and non – humans since time immemorial in Dharmic Civilizations.
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The IMF was the international organization by which the United Nations at its inception intended to organize and bring about development of the economies of the World .This did really happen till 1977 when under the Washington Consensus World Bank chief McNamara, and President Ronald Regan took over world development and altered the course of Third World countries tobring them under the control of the USA.
This was done in the most dubious manner by making the vibrant and self reliant countries to fall into debt. When the countries got independence none of the countries were in debt. They were all having vibrant economies and managing their economies with great care, collecting carefully every dollar that was earned mainly by exports and managing all foreign expenses . All countries were run with the locally printed funds. As a senior member of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service I was in charge of a minor section of this massive task. In 1955 to 1967 I was in charge of paddy production. In 1970 I was in charge of providing foreign exchange to local small industrialists. In 1971-1973 as the GA at Matara I wasn charge of all development in a District. The economy was run entirely controlled and there were no foreign exchange offered to anyone travelling abroad for education or fun and jaunts. The economy could not face such fun and frolics. Foreign exchange,carefully collected from exports etc. was spent to import essentials. When I resigned from the Administrative Service and went abroad I was not given a single penny. We were that strict.
When the oil shieks increased the price of oil threefold in the early Seventies and countries went hat in hand to the IMF asking for funds to meet their foreign expenses the Authorities insisted that the countries had to agree to certain conditions:
The policies that were imposed comprised liberalizing the use of foreign exchange(earlier, foreign exchange was very carefully handled-controlled used only for essential supplies), taking the control of foreign exchange out of the hands of the Government; instead it was to function as decided by the Market forces of supply and demand- the banks deciding the exchange rate as opposed to the Government deciding the exchange rate. This led to the devaluation of the local currency. The use of foreign exchange was liberalized allowing anyone to use for any purpose. The Public Sector was not allowed to handle any commercial activities and the commercial infrastructure that brought about development was closed down through abolition or privatization. Imports were liberalized to help the country to obtain anything. Subsidies so far offered to bring about development were abolished.
(From my book: How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development)
These conditions were imposed on Sri Lanka in August 1977 and have continued to be imposed firmly till today,
As a result the value of the local rupee has fallen from Rs 12.00 per US $ in 1997 to as much as Rs 300.00 today.
The result., a country that did not owe a dime to anyone when Premier Sirimavo handed over the country to President Jayawardena in 1970 has today been reduced to have a foreign debt of over $ 100 billion. When Presidet Gotabhaya was forced out of office barely two year ago the foreign debt was only $ 56 billion. Under President Ranil, in less than two years our foreign debt has increased from $ 56 billion to $ 91 billion Today the foreign debt is far far higher.
Perhaps as an administrator who has once tackled the economy for seventeen years and has made it work in the interest of the people, bringing training, employment and incomes to them, and also involving them by training etc to make what the Nation needs most today- to make items that are imported, I could state that what is required today is a massive effort of the Government to train people and get them into the production mode and for the country to enable less imports. This will create employment- incomes for the workers and also save foreign exchange. This is an idea for kind consideration.
Let us get into specific tasks that were achieved
In 1970-1977 the Divisional Secretary at Kotmale collected all the waste paper from Government Offices, rolled up his sleeves and with the youth in Kotmale established a paper and Cardboard Making Center, It was a great success. Do we have any such programme today? No. Now we burn waste paper and sometmes pay to get rid of it.
In Matara as the Government Agent I directed the DDCProgramme to manufacturing what we have to import. We established a Boat Making factory that made seagoing fishing boats, done in two months. It was acclaimed a success. The Ministry did not want to approve any more.
Then entirely on my own I established Coop Crayon- making crayons. The art of making crayons was unearthed by no other than my Planning Officer Vetus Fernando, a chemistry grad locked up within the four walls of the science lab at Rahula College Matara for three months every evening. He and Development Assistant Dayananda Paliakkara and the member of parliament for Deniyaya Sumanapala Dahanayake, in his capacity as the President of the Morawaka Cooperatives established CoopCrayon, under my gaze- done within two days- a 24 hour a day process- which made fine crayons which were sold islandwide by the Morawaka Cooperatives. Mind you, we did make crayons that were equal to Reeces Crayons, the best of the day. When Sumanapala and I showed the crayons to Minister Illangaratne he shouted in joy, summoned the Controller for Imports and prohibited the import of crayons.
I have written again and again about what we did achieve in the Divisional Development Councils Programme of the Sirimavo days, The leader Professor HAdeS Gunasekera is sadly not among us today. Sumanapala Dahanayake has also left us.
However stalvarts Vetus Fernando, and Daya Paliakkara are among us. They are in the last band of stalvarts who established industries as since 1977 we abolished all development tasks- employment creation as ordered by the IMF and confined all administrators to the barracks. Since then, Hundreds of officers are now being paid and they have found some work to attend to.
Instead of getting into a learned discourse of writing it may be worth for our Government to round up officers who did attend to create employment before the IMF took over in 1977. A few of them are Vetus Fernando and Daya Paliakkara of Matara, and other officers who handled the Divisional DevelopmentProgramme in other Districts may also be among the living to initially guide us.. The Divisional Secretary of Pata Hevaheta who had a project of making greeting cards out of Alimana recently and others who may yet be alive may please be found and charged to immediately organize and implement a development programme to make what we import.
That is the only way ahead.
I may also mention what I achieved in the two years I was a the Commonwealth consultant in Bangladesh.
The pilot project for youth self employment implemented by me was adopted as a full fledged programme. The members of the elite Bangladesh elite Civil Service trained by me continued the programme- the 3 Residential Training Centers were increased to 64 and the Bangladesh Five Year Plan of 1997-2002 had a target to train 160,000 youths a year. The Government of Bangladesh reported to the 34 th Session of the IFAD(FAO)( one of the funders) that two million youths have been self employed.
It is my recommendation that we have to get cracking on employment creation programmes and also make what we import. We will alleviate poverty by creating employment and also make what we import. We need very little money as the staff that did attend to development tasks are available doing something they have found to do today.
LATER Commonwealth Fund Advisor to the Government of Bangladesh, where I designed and established the Youth Self Employment Programme which is yet going strong having so far created over three million youth entrepreneurs., now being implemented by members of the elite Bangladesh Civil Service trained by me.
18-02-2026
garvin_karunaratne @hotmail.com
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British Entry into Sri Lanka — Strategic Context (1795–1796)
The British did not enter Sri Lanka as liberators or protectors of indigenous sovereignty.
They entered as a hostile imperial power exploiting European war dynamics, seeking to:
Eliminate Dutch colonial presence • Capture the Indian Ocean trade corridor • Secure naval dominance between India and the East • Integrate Sri Lanka into the British Indian imperial system
Their arrival was imperial expansion, not humanitarian intervention.
Geopolitical Catalyst
Britain entered Sri Lanka during the Napoleonic Wars, when: • The Netherlands fell under French control (1795) • Dutch colonies became legitimate British military targets
Thus, British occupation of Dutch Ceylon was a strategic imperial maneuver, not a bilateral transition.
British Military Entry — (1795–1796)
Mode of Entry: Naval-military occupation with Indian colonial regiments
Troop Composition:
British forces were predominantly Indian colonial soldiers, not British nationals.
Madras Presidency sepoy regiments • South Indian auxiliary battalions • British officer command • Indian logistical and infantry backbone
This constituted a foreign Indian military occupation of Sri Lankan territory under British command.
How many of these Indian military personnel actually returned to India?
Indian Auxiliary Forces — Demographic & Military Engineering
Composition:
British forces included: • Tamil sepoys • Telugu soldiers • Malay regiments • South Indian logistical units
Estimated Numbers:
Across 1796–1815, over tens of thousands Indian troops rotated through Ceylon under British service.
Settlement Pattern:
Many remained post-service • Some were granted land • Others entered colonial administration • Military encampments became permanent settlements
This created new demographic concentrations, particularly in: • Jaffna • Trincomalee • Colombo • Batticaloa
This accelerated South Indian demographic infusion, especially in the North & East.
British Capture of Dutch Ceylon (1796)
Combatants:
British Indian Army + Royal Navy vs Dutch colonial forces
Outcome:
Minimal resistance • Dutch capitulation • Transfer of coastal Ceylon to British control
Significance:
British replaced Dutch as colonial rulers • Ceylon absorbed into British Indian imperial system • Local sovereignty remained unrecognized
British Military Campaigns against Indigenous Sinhalese Resistance (1796–1818)
British conquest of Sri Lanka did not end in 1796.
The interior Kandyan Kingdom and rural Sinhalese population mounted sustained armed resistance for over two decades.
1) First Kandyan War (1803)
Combatants: British Indian Army vs Kandyan Kingdom forces
Outcome: → Decisive Kandyan Victory
Details: • Entire British garrison in Kandy annihilated • British commanders Major Davie & Captain Rumley killed • British forces ambushed during retreat • Over 1,500 British–Indian troops eliminated
Significance: • Proved British vulnerability inland • Demonstrated Sinhalese guerrilla superiority • Delayed British conquest by over a decade
This was one of the worst British defeats in South Asia.
2) Kandyan Convention War & Betrayal (1815)
Unable to defeat Kandyan resistance militarily, the British shifted to:
The Role of John D’Oyly (Colonial Administrator & Translator)
Critical for his linguistic and cultural infiltration. He mastered the Sinhala language, Kandyan court etiquette and indigenous political customs, enabling him to:
Gain the personal trust of Kandyan chiefs • Penetrate royal court communications • Manipulate diplomatic negotiations • Misrepresent British intentions • Engineer internal elite defections
As official translator, advisor, and intermediary, D’Oyly functioned not merely as a linguist, but as a strategic psychological operator, shaping perceptions inside the Kandyan court while covertly advancing British objectives.
His linguistic fluency allowed the British to: → Bypass cultural barriers → Exploit elite rivalries → Feed misinformation → Orchestrate court intrigue → Manufacture elite consent
This strategic linguistic deception directly enabled the betrayal of Kandyan sovereignty, culminating in the Kandyan Convention of 1815.
If not for D’Oyly’s linguistic infiltration & political manipulation, British annexation of the Kandyan Kingdom would have faced greater resistance – even failure.
The Kandyan Convention (1815) — Treaty of Betrayal
What Was Promised:
Protection of Buddhism – which remained official on paper & has continued post-independence • Protection of Kandyan customs • Respect for Sinhala monarchy traditions
What Was Executed:
Immediate abolition of monarchy • Transfer of sovereignty to British Crown • Rapid erosion of Kandyan authority – Kandyan lands, temple lands, • Administrative centralization – subtle dismantling of the Sinhala power base & manipulating minorities by giving them greater power & opportunities.
Strategic Reality:
This was a sovereignty transfer treaty signed under coercion, deception, and elite collaboration.
Historical Verdict:
The Kandyan Convention represents Sri Lanka’s greatest political betrayal, not voluntary unification.
Uva–Wellassa Rebellion (1817–1818) — British Counter-Insurgency Genocide
Nature:
Indigenous national rebellion against British rule.
British Response:
Scorched earth warfare • Mass executions • Village destruction • Crop annihilation • Population displacement
Outcome:
Tens of thousands killed • Kandyan peasantry decimated • Traditional leadership destroyed
Significance:
This permanently broke Sinhala military resistance and consolidated British control.
British Racial Engineering — Census, Identity & Divide-and-Rule
Introduction of Race-Based Census (1824 onwards)
British administration introduced racial classification, dividing society into:
This created racial consciousness where none existed institutionally before.
Invention of Ceylon Tamil” — 1911 Census Engineering
The British created the category Ceylon Tamil” in the 1911 census, separating:
Locally born Malabars from • Indian migrant labor
Strategic Purpose:
Manufacture permanent minority identity • Facilitate communal political representation • Enable divide-and-rule governance • Create demographic leverage against Sinhala majority
This identity did not exist prior to 1911.
British Plantation Economy — Massive Indian Labor Importation
Commodities:
Coffee • Tea • Rubber
Labor Policy:
British imported over 1 million Indian Tamil laborers into Sri Lanka between 1820–1930.
Impact:
Permanent demographic shift • Creation of politically exploitable labor class • Strategic population engineering
This was the largest organized demographic manipulation in Sri Lankan history.
British Settler Colonialism — Indian Military & Labor Demographic Engineering
The British did not merely rule Sri Lanka — they repopulated it strategically.
A) Military Settler Colonization
Between 1796–1815: • Over tens of thousands Indian sepoy soldiers rotated through Sri Lanka • Large numbers remained • Many received: – Land – Colonial employment – Permanent settlement rights
This created permanent Indian-origin demographic enclaves.
B) Plantation Labor Importation — Largest Demographic Engineering in Sri Lankan History
Between 1820–1930, Britain imported over 1 million Indian Tamil laborers.
Purpose: • Coffee • Tea • Rubber plantations
Effects: • Artificial population explosion • Creation of permanent stateless labor class • Strategic ethnic balancing • Long-term political leverage
This was organized demographic engineering, not labor necessity.
First Colonial Schools in Sri Lanka
The first colonial schools in Sri Lanka were Portuguese missionary institutions established from 1518 onwards, designed exclusively for religious conversion and colonial administration, not for public education — systematically dismantling Sri Lanka’s pre-existing Buddhist education civilization.
1518 — Seminary of St. Paul, Colombo (Franciscans & Jesuits) Colombo Fort Target group: to train priests, translators & loyal colonial agents. • Catholic clergy trainees • Converted coastal elites • Orphans taken into church custody • Colonial interpreters & clerks
1544 — Mission Schools, Mannar – Franciscan missionaries Mannar Island Target group: to support mass Catholic conversions • Converted pearl-diving fishing communities • South Indian Christian settlers • Local converts
1619 — Jesuit College, Jaffna – Portuguese Jesuits Jaffna Fort Target group: to consolidate religious authority in the North • Converted Malabars • Local elites • Church trainees
1658 — Dutch Reformed Church Schools (Post-Portuguese Period)
Dutch East India Company (VOC) + Dutch Reformed Church Colombo, Galle, Jaffna, Mannar, Negombo Target group: to enforce Calvanist Protestant conversion • Converted locals • Clerks • Translators • Colonial administrators
Christian registration became mandatory for government employment.
1734 — Jaffna Seminary (Dutch Calvinist Training School)
Dutch Reformed Church Jaffna Target group: to institutionalise Protestant indoctrination & create loyal colonial service elites in the North • Local Christian converts • Future clerks, catechists, teachers
1816 — Jaffna Central School (American Ceylon Mission)
American Congregational missionaries Jaffna Target group: to create English-educated Christian elites for colonial bureaucracy & missionary expansion • Tamil-speaking elites • Mission converts • Emerging colonial intermediary class
1835 — Colombo Academy (Later Royal College)
British Colonial Government Colombo Target group: to train English-speaking bureaucratic elites loyal to British governance. • Elite colonial administrators • Local aristocracy • Mission-trained students
Education before Colonials arrived
Before Portuguese arrival (1505), Sri Lanka already possessed:
Pirivena universities • Monastic education networks • Royal scholarship traditions • Village temple education • High literacy through Buddhist education
Colonial schooling replaced indigenous education — it did not introduce education.
British Education System — Missionary Capture of Knowledge
Dutch Period:
No public education system • Only clerical instruction
British Innovation:
Missionary education system • English language monopoly • Christian schooling dominance
Schools:
Anglican • Methodist • Catholic • American Ceylon Mission
Targeting Strategy:
Missionaries focused heavily on: • Jaffna peninsula • Coastal Tamil settlements
This created an English-educated Tamil elite class.
Missionary Education as a Political Weapon
British missionary education was not neutral learning.
Its objectives: • Cultural conversion • Identity reprogramming • Elite fabrication • Loyalty engineering
Missionary schools deliberately focused on: • Jaffna peninsula • Tamil coastal zones
Intentionally Neglected: • Kandyan interior • Sinhala rural regions
Purpose: → Prevent Sinhala political consolidation → Maintain imperial control → Ensure permanent fragmentation
This institutionalized: → Ethnicity as political currency & encouraged competitive communal mobilization
This culminated in converted Tamil elites believing them to be superior to the Sinhalese majority & advanced to making the infamous 50-50 Demand for Power Sharing when at the time this demand was made, the Indian imported plantation Tamils exceeded to so-called 1911 Ceylon Tamil” numerically.
British Strategic Divide & Rule Architecture
Tool
Function
Census
Racial classification
Education
Minority elite creation
Employment
Structural imbalance
Migration
Demographic engineering
Titles
Elite fabrication
Law
Institutional fragmentation
Politics
Communal mobilization
Strategic Outcome of British Rule
By 1948, the British had:
Destroyed indigenous sovereignty • Imported massive foreign populations • Institutionalized racial identity • Politicized ethnicity • Engineered minority leverage • Laid foundation for separatist ideology
The above came as a result of policies and actions taken by the 3 colonial occupiers:
Sri Lanka’s ethnic divisions, communal politics, and separatist ideologies are:
Not ancient Not organic Not civilizational But deliberate colonial constructions engineered for imperial control.
There were no historically documented Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka’s Northern regions prior to established Sinhalese habitation. Tamil presence emerged primarily through periodic South Indian invasions, temporary military occupations, mercantile movements, and later colonial-sponsored demographic transfers. These migrations did not constitute indigenous settlement but were externally driven population movements, often serving political, military, and colonial administrative agendas.
Throughout Sri Lanka’s recorded history, every major external threat to the island’s territorial integrity, sovereignty, and civilizational continuity was resisted primarily through the sacrifice of the Sinhalese majority, who repeatedly shed blood, surrendered livelihoods, and endured destruction in defense of the land and the Buddhist civilization they had built.
The enduring evidence of this legacy remains embedded in the island’s irrigation systems, ancient cities, monasteries, fortifications, inscriptions and agrarian infrastructure, which collectively predate and outscale the structures erected under foreign or invading rule. These civilizational monuments testify to indigenous statecraft, scientific planning, hydraulic engineering, and spiritual governance, distinguishing native Sinhala-Buddhist construction from military, mercantile, and extractive structures imposed by invaders and colonizers.
Colonial rule institutionalized divide-and-rule policies that deliberately dismantled the civilizational authority of the Sinhala Buddhist majority, while artificially elevating minority groups through preferential access to education, employment, land grants, and administrative power. This engineered imbalance systematically displaced the indigenous custodians of the island’s Buddhist civilization, resulting in 443 years of continuous political, cultural, economic, and religious marginalization of Sinhala Buddhists — a historical injustice that remains largely erased from mainstream discourse.
This engineered imbalance systematically displaced the indigenous custodians of the island’s Buddhist civilization, resulting in 443 years of continuous political, cultural, economic, and religious marginalization of Sinhala Buddhists — a historical injustice that remains largely erased from mainstream discourse.
Every measured attempt to correct these structural distortions has been immediately reframed as ethnic discrimination, weaponizing selective human-rights narratives to manufacture grievance, inflame division, and suppress legitimate national rectification. As a result, the Sinhala Buddhist majority — the original architects, defenders, and preservers of Sri Lanka’s civilization — have been conditioned to feel morally restrained from asserting their rightful place, while coordinated internal and external campaigns persistently obstruct efforts toward historical correction, cultural restoration, and sovereign continuity.
As a result, the Sinhala Buddhist majority — the original architects of Sri Lanka’s civilization — have been conditioned to feel morally restrained from asserting their rightful place, while international and domestic campaigns persistently obstruct efforts toward historical correction, cultural restoration, and civilizational continuity.
Shenali D Waduge
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Soldier about to execute his horse in the middle of the Battle of Stalingrad
Forgotten Saddles: A Silent Tribute to Romania’s Fallen War Horses This haunting image captures a desolate field strewn with abandoned saddles and cavalry equipment—once belonging to the Romanian forces during World War II’s infamous Battle of Stalingrad.
Over 6 million horses were deployed on the Eastern Front during the war. These animals carried men, supplies, and artillery across harsh, unforgiving terrain. In the snow-choked steppes of Stalingrad, many perished—abandoned, starved, wounded, or captured in the fury of retreat.
This image isn’t just about equipment left behind. It’s a solemn reminder of the forgotten lives—human and equine—that were sacrificed in one of history’s most brutal campaigns.
Dead Horses at Battle of Stalingrad
The siege of Stalingrad is often remembered through the lens of human statistics—the millions of lives lost and the turning tide of World War II. Yet, your focus on the horses brings to light a profound and often overlooked tragedy of war: the silent suffering of animals conscripted into human conflicts they cannot understand.
At Stalingrad, horses were not just transport; they were the backbone of the logistical machine. When the encirclement tightened and supplies vanished, these loyal creatures faced a fate that was indeed “unspeakable.”
The Silent Sacrifice
The scale of the equine tragedy at Stalingrad is staggering. While the German 6th Army began the campaign with tens of thousands of horses, by the end of the winter, almost none remained.
Exposure: They stood in sub-zero temperatures without blankets or shelter, their coats freezing to the ground.
Starvation: With no fodder available, horses were reduced to eating the manes and tails of one another, or even wood and frozen earth.
The Final Utility: As the famine peaked for the soldiers, the horses were slaughtered for food. In many cases, they were kept alive as long as possible simply because “meat on the hoof” didn’t spoil in the cold.
A Requiem in Spirit
To offer a form of “posthumous justice” is to acknowledge their innocence. Unlike the soldiers, who were bound by ideology or duty, the horses were bound only by their nature—a willingness to serve until their hearts or bodies failed.
“The horse is the only animal that does not have a voice to scream in pain, yet its eyes carry the weight of the entire world’s suffering.”
Why This Matters Today
Remembering the horses of Stalingrad serves as a vital reminder of our ethical debt to the natural world. It challenges the “anthropocentric” view of history, reminding us that:
Innocence is absolute: Animals are the ultimate non-combatants.
Loyalty deserves protection: The horses worked until they collapsed, demonstrating a level of devotion that was met with the most brutal of ends.
Humanity is measured by empathy: Recognizing the “unspeakable” ways they died is an act of reclaiming our own humanity.
Justice for the fallen horses of the Volga cannot be found in monuments of stone, but in the act of remembering—ensuring that when we speak of the horrors of war, we do not leave out the four-legged souls who suffered alongside us.
………………………………..
AI Overview
The sentiment regarding a requiem for the thousands of horses that suffered brutal deaths at the Battle of Stalingrad is a powerful reflection of their immense and often overlooked sacrifice during World War II. An estimated
52,000 horses were lost by German forces alone at Stalingrad, primarily due to starvation, exhaustion, and the extreme cold.
The Plight of Horses at Stalingrad
Logistical Necessity: Both the German Wehrmacht and the Soviet Red Army relied heavily on horses for transport and artillery, especially on the Eastern Front where poor roads, mud, and heavy snow hampered motorized vehicles.
Brutal Conditions: The horses faced the same horrific conditions as the soldiers, including shellfire, disease, starvation, and the brutal Russian winter. A lack of fodder was a constant issue, with supply trains prioritizing ammunition and weapons over animal feed.
Desperation and Starvation: During the Soviet encirclement of the German Sixth Army at Stalingrad, the situation became so desperate that many horses were slaughtered for food. Accounts mention abandoned saddles and piles of hooves as grim evidence of the famine and total collapse of logistics.
Unchosen Sacrifice: Unlike human soldiers, the horses had no choice in their involvement, making their suffering a particularly poignant aspect of the war’s tragedy. Many soldiers developed deep bonds with their horses, often weeping for their fallen animal companions.
Commemoration and Remembrance
The idea of a requiem speaks to a desire for posthumous recognition of these “silent soldiers”. While formal musical requiems specifically for the horses of Stalingrad may not exist, there are broader efforts to remember the millions of animals that died in various conflicts.
The Animals in War Memorial in Hyde Park, London, is a notable monument honoring the sacrifices of all animals in war.
Many individuals and groups on social media platforms like Facebook and in online forums advocate for broader recognition, often using symbols like the purple poppy, to ensure the contributions and suffering of war animals are not forgotten.
Your suggestion highlights the profound impact these animals had on human lives and the shared desire to express our humanity by acknowledging the suffering of all innocent victims of conflict.
Courtesy: AI Overview
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Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel, Solicitor in England and Wales, President Ambassador’s Forum UK/SL
Most Powerful Tool on the Universe
Education is the most powerful tool in life where the human is what they are today by the development of the mind from the powerful tool Education” with the experiences in life which is flexible, available free in Sri Lanka unlike many countries, powerful and could be converted to the development and also destruction of the humanity if misused. Education is not only what you learn from schools by books based on the education systems but what you learn and acquire from home, environment and leaders of the society culture and religions. It is a combination of practical experience, tests, experiences, research, critical thinking and collection of data by books today and by elders learned and other means in the past. In the past in our part of the world education is held in highest esteem where ‘ Kings ‘ sent future leaders to ‘’Disapamok’’- famous and leading teachers in the past of high reputes where Kings sent children for education who are versatile teachers who taught everything is life under one roof and teachers such as ‘Aristotal’ has the group of students arrived far away and the standard of education had been so high that their teachings are used even in current education modules and systems despite the developments of modern education techniques and knowledge. We are on the door steps of ‘’Artificial Intelligence’’ and about to start the era of artificial and machine intelligence in place of human intelligence which is supreme as mentioned by ‘Dhammapada’ which cannot be cloned. With artificial intelligence on education developments and tests on innovations to make the life easier for the future. Governments are planning to explore the university resources on the most powerful tool on scientific advancements towards more developed and advanced universe headed by mother earth. Education is not confined to schools’ technical colleges or Universities, though they are centers of education with libraries and laboratories Villages in Sri Lanka in the past Ayurvada medicine which is historical and to be considered scientific is taught by ‘’Vedamahattaya’’ through trainees or family members over thousands of years proved to be effective over generations followed by other trades and teachers and ‘Pirivana education conduct in temples conducted education using varied techniques, and education treated with the highest esteem by the community as passport to power and success.
Knowledge includes reading writing and skills
It is mentioned that knowledge includes reading, writing, and skills including critical thinking developed by educationists and thinkers thousands of years ago in order to prevent injustices, Human and other rights enjoyed by the animal kingdom including human of all ages, are part of education recognized by UNESCO with guidelines to protect the han race, and the world preserving the heritage, environment, and education is considered the passport to development and future to be as a foundation for the unknown future to restructure. Education is preparing for tomorrow with the young generation is prepared today to the next generation by spending a fair portion of the national economy carefully and scientifically developing and arming and aiming the next generation with knowledge in the right direction with right teachers and right curriculum giving power and authority to those in charge of education to be used n the right direction. In fact it is the most difficult task to find the right teachers, right education and right political and conceptual leadership in the most complex and demanding society with high expectations, by the citizen learned vis internet freely available and in Sri Lanka with the density of 110% mobile penetration which is a double-edged sward to the community mostly the children open to be misused when there is no supervision. This is rereleased in the west and now restrictions are introduced on the young on the use of the mobiles and internet.
The teaching techniques in some universities in Sri Lanka currently is dictating prepared lectures to students is a failed system where the student solely depend on the lectures and research based knowledge depending on lecturers turn to be faikers in the society expecting governments to providing employment and unfortunately based on subjects chosedd they can fit in to be teachers clerks but not productive cotizend in the development of the nation. In Israela every citizen is an innovater or entrapraner with basic education and due to the successful education schemes and modules they excels in life elevation the nation though small a world poer and exporter of fruits and vegetables with shortage of water they make on desalination of sea water, which is s a part of education
Centes of Education
Education is centralized in many centers including Universities, Libraries technical institutions and homes where parents structure the education at early age to be improved by the teachers who are professionally qualified for the job.
Education and Education Reforms in a country
Education and reforms are a part of the same coin and reforms are a necessity in any nation as knowledge is changing fast for good at a rapid pace of any country through the young generation developing the knowledge with modern technology, they are conversant with which is inevitable in the modern developed and complicated soci and entrtapraner oety with high density of penetration of IT and access to internet freely to every member of the family, yet the young has to be handled carefully as it is easily inflammable for good and bad with minimum diversions especially when they are computer and IT conversant as taking place today, thereby some countries have denied access of internet and Mobily to a certain section of young and even the food pattern is carefully monitored. Restrictions are made on food to prevent junk food and not to operate junk food shops in the vicinity of educational institutes.
Modules and Educational reforms in Sri Lanka
There appear to be differences of opinion on modules – that is the future proposals of teaching techniques to students by experts on education with policy directions of the governance after extensive researches and dialogues with policy decisions as to how the nation will be structured to face the future challenges with future leaders who will take over rains in the near future. Thee are schools of thoughts that the governance and officials entrusted with the job has not done a proper research and amassment thereby the student was about have access to a site which encourages certain sexual orientations directly of indirectly which is illegal and immoral. There appear to be no arbitrators as both sides have stuct to guns on the openion which has lead to unpleasant everybody with stalling the reform process for which Millon shave been already spent from the government funds which are not easily available.
New Trends in the West to be careful on future generation to be traditional and cultured with the family
Bad news from the west on young of crime and mass shootings by Yong and crime connected to sex. Module that is been introduced is imported from Uuiten Kingdom which is not being used in the school curriculum which has modelled carefully after extensive research by Educationists in Europe, which is scientific and employment oriented with advanced social backgrounds giving emphasis to misleading the students on misuse and overuse of mobile and computers, which are gradually restricted to the students in including food habits with Junk full curtailed in the school diet and banning Junk food stalls near schools in UK and Europe. This shows how carefully the children are protected in other parts of the world especially in Europe.
Controversial Link on finding New Friends on similar orientations which is withdrawn due to mass agitation against
Controversial Link
The controversial link about to be introduced in the English Modul in Sri Lanka the governance states said to be a coup by some senior members of the education ministry/department who are under interdiction on allegation of a coup and malpractices on inserting a controversial module into the English curriculum in a module form to 6th standard stuents in Sri Lanka which is a serious allegation in deed has no place in the parallel module in UK of meeting friends online. It is stated the link is removed but all the rest is removed is not a solution as it is a requirement to revisit and re research the project depeloped after spending millions of rupees by the Education ministry/department.
As mentioned before our future generation should be properly groomed, trained and educated to take over the future on behalf of the citizen and education reforms is the machinery for the grouming process and all possible precautions should be taken. One complaint is that no pepper, plan, research, or preparation has been taken and it appears nobody is aware of the real experts and planners of the operation except one government office who is picked up by the team f investigators as one who has proposed the inappropriate sex link on sexual orientation of similsr sex which is accepted by some countries when Sri Lanka has made it a criminal offence.
Powerful but may be a dangerous and destructive tool if misused
It may be a lethal tool if misplaced and go to the hans of destructive minds and it is the very reason that the natin and governance has to be careful in education policies and eforms the other countries are extremely careful about.
Education and educated in Sri Lanka
Literary rate is high and the world recognized Sri Lanka is an educated nation with educated citizens excels worldwide due to free education nnd the efforts of all parents to educate the future leaders with the power known as education. Edutain plays a main role in other sectors such as econiomy, development, crime prevention, forwign elation and all areas needs education and educated to deal with based on good education Sri Lanka is rich and competent with the educated young who are eerily Waiting and parents are spending the last cent investing on education on the children which is a good and sensible invest on the children and the entire nation we love somuch and aspire to be the best in all areas with the help of proper education to all including young an for a bright future os our blessed nation for situated in the best destination not exploited unfortunately as the education in this area too have not been exploited by the governances.
Solution to the Issue
It is appropriate to give new directions to the same group entructed the project to revisit and prepare a home grown muddle instead of the one imported bodily from United Kingdom and go beck to Dr C W W Kannangara principles applied in central colleges thay have been proved sacksful and give the right place to English to practical and spoken English rather than grammer only as English educaton was modelled by British was to teach grammar as they are conversant of spoken and practical English. Passport to success on Education today is English as academics and professionals switch to after school and university education reaching international level. Even in the legal field though courts are functioning in Sinhala ans Tamil the Supreme Court Judgment are still deleverd in English, with all reference materials are only in English. Therefore special emphasis should be given to Englich as a link, academic, higher and professional medium
No limits or boundaries
Artificial intelligence has no limits of boundaries as it is ever grgrowing due to experiments and developments that are taking evewry second in all fields, mostly on medicine as it eals on the body and mind. Therefore nations allocate countless funds of funds for education as the return of the proceeds of eucatio too is countless. There fore countries do not hesitate to spend on education knowing the future benefits and returns are defenit to the world in all spheres. Parents invest on educating children as it is the best investion that will definitely could reap the harvest with pleasure and benefits to the family an the country.
English education especially spoken English as a powerful tool in education
AI and modern techniques on Education
Artificial Intelligence is mesne knowledge that is created by the power of education of the human being still unable to overpower the natural power of the brain by mechanizes giving considerable positive results such as digitalization improved Robots, and many inventions in place of human brain and human labor srill AI is unable to override. It will take lot more time to create a cat or a dog to identify with the senses and instinct in the body. Scientists work round the clock to achieve the objects and we have to patiently wait for the future to decide. Now developments are many on Uber unmanned circuses on digitalization and other miraculous achievements are signs of future achievements based on power of education and experiments by the man with the help of the brain which is the most powerful and miraculous instrument on the globe.
English Education modules and higher education
English is a main tool to explore education and it is easy to master English spoken and written with tools such as AI and internet that is used as servants to the human who has equipped the advanced stages of mind with development of the mind which is supreme. Therefore the young must be determined to improve their skills with language skills to explore the world of education to help themselves and the others who needs the assistance of the educated to improve themselves. Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel wijesinghesarath05@gmail.com 0094766530166
Former Deputy Secretary General of Parliament, Chaminda Kularatne, has filed a writ petition before the Court of Appeal, seeking to nullify the decision to interdict him from duty without a fair inquiry, a reporter said.
The Speaker of Parliament, the Secretary General of Parliament, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, Leader of the House and Minister Bimal Rathnayake, and 14 others have been named as respondents in the petition.
The petitioner claims that, while serving as the Deputy Secretary General of Parliament, he was suspended from duty, with effect from January 23, 2026.
Kularatne further stated that a charge sheet was issued against him on February 2, and he has strongly denied all allegations included in the charge sheet.
Accordingly, the petitioner has requested the Court of Appeal to issue a writ petition to nullify both the letter of suspension issued against him and the charge sheet.
In addition, he has sought an interim injunction preventing disciplinary action being taken against him on the basis of what he describes as an illegal charge sheet.
Attorney-at-Law Rukshan Senadheera and President’s Counsel Sanjeeva Jayawardena had appeared on behalf of the petitioner, Chaminda Kularatne.
Kularatne was suspended from his duties with effect from January 23. The decision to suspend him was taken by the Parliament Staff Advisory Committee (SAC), chaired by Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne.
The suspension is reportedly linked to alleged irregularities relating to Kularatne’s appointment to the position.
On February 2, the suspended Deputy Secretary General of Parliament and Chief of Staff filed a complaint with the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), alleging corruption by Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne.
In his complaint, Kularatne accused the Speaker of several violations, including the use of official vehicles beyond the entitled limit, the alleged unlawful receipt of two fuel allowances, and the use of two official residences.
Subsequently, on February 5, SJB MP Harshana Rajakaruna informed Parliament that the Speaker’s Private Secretary had sent a letter to the Secretary-General of Parliament seeking information related to the complaint.
On February 11, a group of Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Members of Parliament lodged a complaint with the Bribery Commission, alleging that the Private Secretary to the Speaker was acting in a manner that interfered with investigations into a complaint previously filed against the Speaker of Parliament.
In their complaint, the SJB MPs stated that the Speaker’s Private Secretary had informed the Secretary-General of Parliament to submit a report to the Speaker regarding matters raised in the earlier complaint.
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Russian investors are ready to put money into Sri Lanka, but what to invest in—and where—remains a challenge.
This was highlighted by Russian Ambassador to Sri Lanka Levan Dzhagaryan during a media briefing at the Embassy in Colombo today.
The briefing touched on multiple issues, including Russia’s long-discussed proposal to construct a nuclear power plant in the country.
On the nuclear project, Ambassador Dzhagaryan noted:
I raised this issue about the nuclear power plant from the very beginning, and I met with Minister of Energy Jayakody, presented him a letter from the Russian nuclear agency Rosatom, and received no answer. Please raise this question to your authorities.”
While there are ideas for economic cooperation between Russia and Sri Lanka, the Ambassador stressed that several barriers remain.
We had some ideas, some proposals, but we understand that it is a problem for your side because of sanctions. In our cooperation with other countries like Vietnam, Iran, and some other countries, we use our national currency, the Russian Rouble. It’s very popular. In our trade, for example, with some countries, such as China, we mainly use the Chinese yuan or the Russian Rouble. But with your country, it’s impossible. We have no project with Sri Lanka and just… once again because of sanctions. I was even proposing to implement the Russian payment system. We have a card system, MIR, but it’s impossible because all countries that will use this system will be subjected to secondary sanctions. Economic cooperation—no idea so far.”
The Ambassador also addressed the issue of Russian investment inflows into Sri Lanka.
No investments as far as I know, because if it comes from the private sector, it’s up to them. We’re ready to invest, but no projects. And to be frank, some ambassadors were concerned about the atmosphere and the investment climate in Sri Lanka. I read some articles by a former Japanese ambassador, by other ambassadors, that the climate isn’t very easy to invest here because of some problems.”
The briefing underscores the potential for Russian investment in Sri Lanka, but also the significant hurdles—sanctions, payment limitations, and the broader investment climate—that need to be addressed before concrete projects can move forward.
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