There is no ethnic issue in this country. It is only a product of the 19th-century British colonial Administration.
Posted on January 10th, 2025
Dr Sudath Gunasekara
10. Jan .2025.
The so-called ethnic issue is a product of the 19th century British colonial Administration. There were no ethnic issues in this country prior to that, although there were few Malabars (Tamils) and Muslims even prior to 1815 there was only one nation called Sinhala in this country. All others were migrants. The country was known as Sinhale, meaning the land of the Sinhala people (see The Kandyan Convention of 2nd March 1815) minority communities coexisted within the Sinhala Buddhist society without any problem. Most Muslims even got the Sinhala ge names like mudiyanseilage and vidanelaage etc. Accordingly gradual social integration with the native Sinhalese was taking place smoothy. In the olden days any one who wanted to be a citizen of this country had to get fully integrated with the native Sinha Buddhist society. That was made law by royal decree.
Thus, the ethnic problem in this country as it exists is therefore only an artificial and savage post-colonial conspiracy created by the colonial invaders and injected in to the heads of minority communities, as an inherent part of the mechanism in their divide and rule policy. The minorities were also given special privileges over the native Sinhalese. It was the British Colonial invaders who introduced South Indian Malabar colonial settlers in pursuance of this vicious colonial policy in the 19th century to this country, in two stages. Those who were brought prior to 1840 formed three categories. That was those who were brought as sepoys to crush the native Sinhalese who rose up against the invader in 1818 and 1848. Next there were those who were brought as cooly slave labour to work on their projects like road building and toddy taping. finally, those who were brough to be settled in the north and east under their long term vicious colonial settler policy to change the demographic constitution of the country, to weaken the powers of the natives. The second phase includes those who were brought to work on their newly opened up plantations on the central hill country, reaching nearly 1.2 million. The long-term colonial policy behind all those packages was to divide and destroy this Sinhala Buddhist civilization in this country that was their envy, to take revenge from the Sinhala Buddhists for the worst defeat and humiliation they had to face in 1803 in the whole British Empire, in the Danthure and Wagolla battles. The blood thirsty British were never satisfied with the mass massacre and annihilations they committed in 1818 Uva Wellassa and 1848 Matale in retaliation, which John Davy has described in the following words. ’The history of British rule in Sri Lanka after the 1818 rebellion cannot be related without shame. None of the members of the leading families in the Kandyan country have survived. Small pox and deprivations have destroyed those spared by the gun and the sword”. That was whythe imperial British adopted the above long-term large-scale colonial settler programe in the whole country.
In this essay first, I would like to draw the attention of my readers to the following excellent article by Prof. N.A.de S. Amaratunga DSc, posted on January 4th, 2025 in the Lanka web on this subject. It is based on his valuable findings on a global scale.
Thereafter, I propose to present my comments on his article, without prejudice, to increase the value of his contribution to all important and timely issues facing our motherland on the following four aspects
2. Second, to highlight the cancerous external intervention and the political headache promoted by the Church fueled West to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist identity in this country, the envy and the eyesore of the Western colonial powers, while instigating India as well to follow the same policy, which has now reached an extremely a dangerous level.
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Solving Ethnic Issues without the financial burden of PCs
Posted on January 4th, 2025
Prof. N.A.de S. Amaratunga DSc
Tamils and also Muslims to a degree in the North, East, Centre and Colombo voted for this government rejecting their own ethnic political parties which helped the government to get more than two thirds majority. The significance of this change of heart, if it is that, should be understood by the government as well as all political leaders of the country. It could mean that what they want is apart from solving of the problems common to all communities such as the economic, education, employment, health issues etc., a different approach to the ethnic problem which had been all these years exploited by their politicians for their own political survival. Moreover, they may have realized the inadequacy of benefits of Provincial Councils when the huge expenditure they entail is considered. They may have experienced the ills of PCs when the Northern PC was run by their own politicians
The Provincial Councils do not serve any useful purpose. One cannot see a single project or beneficial outcome that has resulted from PC activity anywhere in the country. Instead, it is another bureaucratic barrier to the people that increase the red tape, inconvenience, waste of time, money and energy of the people. Further it has increased the number of corrupt politicians that people have to bribe to get any official work done. The devolution of power via these PCs is totally redundant as shown by the inability of the Northern PC, which was formed for the very purpose of solving the Tamil problem? Or to meet the Indian aspirations ?, to make use of the opportunity to serve the people. The work done by these PCs could easily be carried out by the GA and the kachcheri system we had previously without the involvement of politicians. Similarly administrative power could be devolved to the North through the local government institutions.
Total revenue from PCs in 2020 was Rs.331 billion and the expenditure was a similar amount. Financially there was no gain for the country and there is nothing to show as benefits. This revenue could have anyway accrued via other existing institutions like the katcheri system, local government etc and Tax Department and more revenue to the Treasury. By this means the expenditure would have been cut down to a minimum while retaining the revenue. These PCs have functioned under the Govenor and the seceretary without the politicians for the last three to four years showing that this tier of political rulers are redundant and a burden to the poor people.
Further, several authoritative worldwide surveys have shown that power-sharing measures as a solution to ethnic conflict have not been successful. There had been 78 countries in Asia, Africa, Middle East, Eastern Europe, former USSR and the Caribbean which were in intense ethnic conflict during 1980 to 2010. Of these only 20 managed to conclude inter-ethnic power sharing arrangements, many failed, some experienced genocide eg. Rwanda in 1993 and others ended with secession eg. Sudan in 2005. Only 4 to 6 achieved stable arrangements but even these have serious political instability (Horowitz D, 2014).
Following are few extracts from these research works; The core reason why power-sharing cannot resolve ethnic conflict is that it is voluntaristic; it requires conscious decisions by elites to cooperate to avoid ethnic strife. Under conditions of hypernationalist mobilisation and real security threats, group leaders are unlikely to be receptive to compromise and even if they are they cannot act without being discredited and replaced by harder-line rivals” (Kaufmann, 1997). Proposals for devolution abound, but more often than not devolution agreements are difficult to reach and once reached soon abort” (Horowitz, 1985).
That Sri Lanka provides ample evidence in support of the above research findings could easily be seen in its experience with its own Provincial Councils. Of the nine PCs the worst failure was seen in relation to the previous Northern PC where it was supposed to be essential for the solution of the ethnic conflict. Its Chief Minister after willingly contesting for the post, made use of the opportunity to loudly engage in secessionist rhetoric and propaganda. He did not make use of the government grants for the development of the North.
In consideration of the above what would be more suitable for Sri Lanka is a power-sharing mechanism at the centre which would suit its geography of ethnicity
where in most areas there is a mixture of ethnic groups and 50% of minorities live outside the North and the East. If all possibility of discrimination of majority or minority communities is avoided and people are allowed to learn to respect each other’s different cultures there would develop common feelings and thinking about national issues which would be the national integration that has eluded us all these years.
The Tamils who voted for this government and a majority of them did so, may prefer such a system of power sharing at the centre which may make them feel integrated and belonging to their country more than the PC system which make them more separate and parochial in their own country. A new group of Tamil politicians may emerge who would like to be responsible for the whole country rather than an enclave in the far North.
The government has a two thirds majority and could bring in the necessary constitutional changes without a hassle to eliminate the presidential system? get rid of the 13th Amendment and establish an institution for power sharing at the centre. > mad no power sharing on an ethnic basis. Governance should one for the whole country.be If the minorities agree India will not mind the removal of the 13th A which they forced on us as they see no need for it.. It is significant that no mention of the full implementation of the 13th A was made in the joint statement issued by the Indian and Sri lankan leaders during the latter’s recent visit to India, an issue which was always taken up by the Indian side whenever the leaders of the two countries met in the past. Now may be the opportunity to solve the ethnic problem to the satisfaction of everybody and
My comments
However, at the same time, while thanking him for sharing his valuable experience, I would like to make few pertinent comments on some of the conclusions he has arrived at, by giving my personal experience as a senior public servant who has personally seen and experienced it on ground. The author has not dealt fully with the unprecedent and irreparable political and administrative damages done the 13th A to this country as a free, independent and sovereign state form 1987 up to date. First by this Indian imposition on this Island nation which had remained as a unitary State for the past 2566 years, defended and protected it from all South Indian invasions from the 2nd century BC up to the 13th century AD and thereafter from Western Colonial invasions starting with the Portuguese 1505, Dutch 1665 and the British from 1797-1948. His conclusion that the PCC have messed up the whole District Administration system making it almost redundant is very correct. But it would have been better if he had given in detail as to how it had been done. For example, the resulting exponential increase in a useless second tire political power base, like Governors Ministers and Secretaries, increase in cadre, waste and corruption, centralization and duplication making the delivery of services to the people utterly ineffective, inefficient and extremely slow. I would also disagree with his proposed power sharing on an ethnic basis as it leads to a breakdown in the unitary status of the State. The power of the State in a unitary State should lie with the center to preserve and protect its territorial integrity.
Finally, I would have preferred the author, with his global experience to have strongly recommended the complete abolition of the 13th A together with the Rajiv/JR Accord that was imposed on this country by India by force to facilitate the establishment of the Eelam, a separate Tamils State covering 1/3 of the country immediately a with a projected coup to make it almost 2/3 at the end after annexing a number of other provinces like the central Uva and Sabaragamuwa where a substantial number of Indian Tamils live and finally making this Island the 29th State of India as Panikkar dreamt.
The only acceptable solution to the native Sinhala Buddhist in this country is one country and one nation. The country being Sri Lanka as it had been now accepted both locally and internationally as decreed by the Republican Constitution 1972. It must also be stated here for record purposes that Sinhala race is the only legitimate nation on this country as they are the people who founded this country, built up its glorious Sinhala Buddhist Civilization a form 543 BC and defended it against and protected it from all South Indian invasion numbering nearly 18 from the second century BC and from all Western invasions from 1505 up to date. All others are only others immigrant ethnic entities some com eon their own in search of green pastures and other, especially the army of Malabar people brought by the Dutch and British in the 19th century only. As South Indian slaves as a labour force to work on their projects, to fill the Banks of England and to realize their vicious divide and rule policy and destroy the millennia old unique Sinhala Buddhist Civilization on this planet, that had been thorn in their eyes and an eternal object of envy in their hearts.