Black Smoke Billows from Pelawatta Chimney: How the North-East Rejected NPP at the Local Polls
Posted on May 16th, 2025

By Sena Thoradeniya

1. Introduction

In our essay titled, Have the Tamil Voters in the North and East (and in the Plantation Regions) Rejected Separatism, Racism and Politicians that Advocated Separatism, Racism?” posted on November 30, 2024, we have stated that it has become an amusing pastime of a plethora of Colombo-based journalists who write to English newspapers and political analysts who cater to the needs of the Western audiences to interpret November General Election as Tamil voters rejecting separatism, racism and politicians that advocated separatism and racism and this has unified the entire Island, a vote against divisive politics, division of the country or separation, a powerful message for national unity, unification of all Sri Lankans. We stated that it is all bunkum to say that it was a blow to those who still pursue separatist agendas. They wrongly attributed voting in the North and East in favour of the NPP, indicates the beginning of the end of divisive politics, dawn of a new, unified political landscape promoting a united Sri Lanka.

They seized this fallacy eagerly, gleaming with enthusiasm, convinced they had found the lost key to El Dorado, in pursuit of an idealistic goal, perhaps national unity.

Tracing the history of parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka we have elucidated how Tamil and Muslim voters voted with the so-called Southerners in previous occasions, Tamils electing Ponnambalam Kandiah from the Communist Party of Ceylon in 1956 and Tamils and Muslims being elected either from the SLFP or UNP respectively from the North and East. These analysts have forgotten how Jaffna voters voted for Kobbekaduwa, Tamils and Muslims voted for CBK, Fonseka, Sirisena and Sajith Premadasa at the respective Presidential elections.

Similarly, Sinhala voters elected Muslims as their representatives in the past in the Sinhala dominated areas rejecting as they say racial and religious biases” before the active interference of foreign-funded NGO cabal in Sri Lanka. One example is their own Anjana Umma of JVP being elected from Gampaha electoral district.

In 1947 all electorates in the plantation districts were won by Indian Tamils, that included Soumyamurthy Thondaman. After the introduction of the PR system many Tamil politicians of Indian origin were able to get elected from plantation districts.  Members belonging to various splinter groups got the opportunity not only to enter the Parliament but to be kingmakers when Ranasinghe Premadasa reduced the cut-off point from 12% to 5%.

Rauff Hakeem of SLMC reminded the new NPP government at the inaugural session of the new Parliament that it was done as requested by his late leader Ashroff. By saying this Hakeem intended to emphasize that JVP/NPP would not have any representation in previous parliaments or an Anura Kumara Presidency or an NPP government would be a never dreamt dream if it not for Ashroff- Premadasa.

This shows relying solely on surface-level statistical indications, ignoring political and geopolitical factors, manipulations of foreign players and the psyche of Tamil and Muslim voters to form conclusions, can be highly misleading and potentially dangerous, leading to flawed judgements and misguided decisions.

In our essay we gave a detailed analysis on how the NPP became the most favourable party to Tamil voters rejecting the established Tamil political parties in the North and East. A repetition is not necessary.  

But at the recently concluded Local Government Election the NPP suffered a severe setback in the North and East and the plantation regions.

Within a short period of six months, scarcely had those analysts and armchair theorists tightened their grip to the lost key, cracks began to form and fingers loosened. The excitement turned into confusion and dismay. What had seemed as the key to the closed door suddenly disappeared, leaving them stranded in the ruins of misdirected hope.

2. A Summary of Election Results

2.1 Jaffna District

ITAK secured majority in Jaffna MC, VVT UC, Delft PS, Velanai PS, Valikamam West PS, Valikamam North PS, Valikamam South West PS, Valikamam  South PS, Valikamam East PS, Vadamarachchi South West PS, Point Pedro PS, Chavakachcheri PS, Nallur PS,  (13); ACTC secured majority in Point Pedro UC, Karainagar PS (2); EPDP secured majority in Kayts PS (1); ITAK and ACTC tied in Chavakachcheri UC (1)

Total won by Tamil parties – 17

NPP fails to take control over local body.

2.2 Kilinochchi District

ITAK secured majority in Pachchilaipalli PS, Karachchi PS, Poonakary PS (3)

Total won by Tamil parties-3

NPP fails to take control over any local body.

2.3 Mannar District

ITAK secured majority in Mannar UC, Mannar PS, Manthai West PS (3); SJB secured majority in Musali PS (1); NPP secured majority in Nanattan PS (6 as against 10)

Total won by Tamil parties-3

Total won by SJB-1

NPP fails to take control over any local body.

2.4 Vauniya District

Vauniya MC (4 each by NPP, DTNA, SL Labour Party and others); Vauniya North PS (NPP 6 as against 15); Vauniya South (Tamil) PS (NPP 6 as against 20); Vauniya South (Sinhala) PS (NPP 7 as against 10)

SJB secured majority in Vengalasettikulam PS.

NPP fails to take control over the administration of any local body.

2.5 Mullaitivu District

ITAK secured majority in Mullaitivu PS, Thunukkai PS, Puthukkudiyiruppu PS, Maritime Pattu PS (4).

Total won by Tamil parties-4

NPP fails to take control over the administration of any local body.

2.6 Baticaloa District

ITAK secured majority in Baticaloa MC, Eravur Pattu PS, Koralai Pattu PS, Maumunai South & Eruvil Pattu PS, Maumunai Pattu PS, Maumunai West PS (6)  

SLMC secured majority in Eravur UC, Kathankudi UC, Koralai Pattu West PS (3)

TMVP secured majority in Koralai Pattu North PS (1)

ITAK and TMVP tied in Maumunai South West PS, Porthiv  Pattu PS (2)

Total won by Tamil parties-9 (2 tied)

Total won by Muslim parties-3

NPP fails to take control over the administration of any local body.

It is interesting to note that TMVP, the party headed by Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan aka Pillaiyan now held in remand prison for the alleged abduction and causing disappearance of the Vice-Chancellor of the Eastern University, winning one PS, tying in two PSs and securing 38 members from Batticaloa District.

In 1989 JVP/DJV assassinated Prof. Stanley Wijesundera, Vice-Chancellor of Colombo University and Prof. Chandraratna Patuvathavithana Vice-Chancellor of Moratuwa University. No one was accountable, only the unidentified gunman.   

2.7 Ampara District

National Congress secured majority in Akkaraipattu MC, Akkaraipattu PS (2)

ITAK secured majority in Navithanveli PS, Karaitheevu PS (2)

SLMC secured majority in Irakkamam PS, Pottuvil PS, Adalachchenai PS (3)

ACMC secured majority in Samanthurai PS, Ninthavur PS (2)

NPP secured majority in Ampara UC, Uhana PS (2)

An Independent Group secured majority in Thirukkovil PS (1)

Majority secured by parties other than NPP- Dehiatthakandiya PS, Mahaoya PS, Padiyathalawa PS, Lahugala PS (4)

NPP and ITAK tied in Alayadiwembu PS (1) 

NPP and other parties tied in- Damana PS, Namaloya PS (2)  

Total won by Tamil parties-4

Total won by Muslim parties-5

Total won by NPP-2 (Sinhala dominated PSs)

2.8 Trincomalee District

ITAK secured majority in Trincomalee MC, Verugal PS, Trincomalee Town & Gravets PS (3)

SLMC secured majority in Kuchchaveli PS, Muttur PS (2)

ACMC secured majority in Kinniya PS (1)

NPP secured majority in Morawewa PS, Gomarankadawala PS (Sinhala dominated PSs) (2)

Majority secured by parties other than NPP- Seruvila PS, Kanthale PS, Thambalagamuwa PS (3)

NPP tied with other Parties in Padavi Sripura PS (1)

Total won by Tamil parties-3

Total won by Muslim parties-3

Total won by NPP-2 (Sinhala dominated PSs)

2.9 Puttalam District (only Muslim/Tamil dominated Councils were taken for analysis) 

Majority secured by parties other than NPP – Puttalam MC, Puttalam PS, Wanathavilluwa PS (3)

NPP tied with SJB – Kalpitiya PS (1)

Total won by NPP-8 (Sinhala dominated PSs)

2.10 Nuwaraeliya District

Now let us observe the voter behavior in two plantation districts, Nuwaraeliya and Badulla districts respectively.

Majority secured by parties other than NPP – Nuwaraeliya MC, Hatton-Dickoya UC, Thalawakele-Lindula UC, Maskeliya PS, Norwood PS (CWC tied with NPP), Ambagamuwa PS, Agarapathana PS (CWC and SJB tied with NPP), Kotagala PS (CWC tied with NPP), Nuwaraeliya PS, Kotmale PS, Hanguranketha PS, Walapone PS

Opposition parties secure control over the administration of all local councils (12).

2.11 Badulla District

NPP secured majority in Badulla MC, Bandarawela PS (2) 

An Independent Group secured majority in Haputale UC (1)

Majority secured by parties other than NPP – Bandarawela MC, Mahiyangana PS, Soranathota PS, Meegahakivula PS, Kandeketiya PS, Lunugala PS, Uva-Paranagama PS, Haputale PS, Haldummulla PS (9)

NPP tied with other opposition parties- Rideemaliyadda PS, Passara PS, Welimada PS, Ella PS (4)

It should be noted that Mahiyangana, Meegahakivula and Kandeketiya are Sinhala dominated rural areas.

3. Analysis

Anura Kumara turned this election into a national election touring and addressing meetings in every nook and corner, what was not expected by a President of a country, like a top General taking part in training and drills, reconnaissance and patrolling, transporting supplies, maintaining equipment, ambushes, small-scale localized operations and tactical skirmishes. He personally led the campaign without delegating these affairs to his other leaders. This shows two things: he was overly self-assured, with an inflated sense of over confidenceand lack of trust on others. His utterances and promises bordering on arrogance, devalued the presidency into a lower depth. He toured and addressed meetings in former war zones such as Puthukkudiyiruppu and Prabakaran’s birth place Velivettthurai to garner votes of the families of former terrorists.

Colombo-based armchair critics and pseudo-theorists who write to English papers say that local government elections are about local issues; which party or individual close to the people can work with the people to attend to matters at local level; it is a misguided assumption that local government polls are about national issues. Still these so-called pundits live in the coffee age”, dwelling in the past, lost in antiquity.

If it so, why political parties hold mass rallies, transport supporters to distant venues and political leaders including the President address local council election meetings?

As school boys we had witnessed how our humble village folk contested Village Council (VC) elections and knew the work entrusted to and carried out by Village Councils. These simple structures were destroyed by Premadasa who aspired high office creating Pradeshiya Sabhas.

To catch votes in the Jaffna Peninsula the government of Anura Kumara, opened roads, land occupied by the security forces within the Jaffna HSZ was released, gold owned by the Northern people which was forcibly taken by the LTTE, later recovered by the security forces was released to the rightful owners. Imitating his bête noir Mahinda Rajapaksa, Anura Kumara even carried toddlers and fondled them.

At every meeting held in the North and East he said that his government has ended racial politics and there is no room for fomenting ethnic, racial, religious bigotry.    

4. NPP Promises to Erect a Bronze Statue of Prabhakaran

The most despicable, disgraceful, abominable, wretched deed was committed by a Jaffna NPP MP as reported by the LTTE mouthpiece Tamil Guardian on May 4, 2025. Tamil Guardian carried a news item that the NPP has released a series of pro-LTTE campaign songs ahead of local elections embracing rhetoric and imagery associated with Tamil nationalism and LTTE.

Accordingly, these songs were circulated by NPP Jaffna District MP Elankumaran Karunanathan in his Facebook account, pledging to erect a bronze statue of Prabhakaran in Velivettithurai; in the name of Velupillai Parvathy Ammal (Mother of Velupillai Prabhakaran) and Prabhakaran’s father a new harbor and a memorial hall will be constructed; the Maveerar Thuyilumillam (Hallowed Ground of the Martyrs”) will be rebuilt; vows all PSs support the reconstruction and upkeep of LTTE cemeteries. The song also promises to rename Nallur’s Sankiliyan Park as Kittu Park”.

One song says that the principles of the NPP and those of the Tamil national leader” are one and the same. Another song compares the ideology of the NPP with that of Prabhakaran;

The ideology of the Tamil

National leader is Communism

The ideology of the National

People’s Party is also Communism.”

Tamil Guardian reported that a total of 28 such video songs have been produced and shared across NPP affiliated social media platforms.

Thereby NPP, invoked the memory of the LTTE armed struggle to win votes. Photographs of Prabhakaran’s former residence, footage of Maaveerar Naal  (Day of the Martyrs”) commemorations , references to LTTE martyrs” feature in the music videos; they all contain NPP symbol and party name in three languages, video clips of NPP meetings, Anura Kumara and other leaders addressing rallies, shaking hands, his portrait in front of the Eaalam  map, Mullivaikkal, portraits of MGR, Jaffna town, seascapes, kovils, people engaged in different economic activities, Catholic fathers and sisters, combat scenes, dances, parks and other features signifying Tamil culture.

When there was an uproar by the social media against this treacherous act, amidst the conspicuous silence of opposition parties including the so-called nationalists, the NPP General Secretary, true to his nature came to the rescue of his colleague, stating that they were tagged to the said NPP MP’s Facebook account by mischief makers.

This was a childish explanation; nowadays even a primary school child knows that if the account is tagged the account holder can remove the tag, review the tags before they appear on their timeline, block, report and take legal action against the perpetrators.

He only displayed that he was also a big liar, con artist, fabricator in the NPP bandwagon.

But with all these political gimmicks NPP was unable to wrest control in the North and East local bodies. Even the Tamil Guardian which reported this stated that critics have lambasted the NPP which has no historical alignment to Tamil nationalism” for this opportunistic mimicry. Southern parties cannot remain electorally relevant in the North-East without adopting to this language. NPP now appears to be leveraging the imagery of LTTE leaders and invoking the memory of the Tamil armed struggle to win support”.  It further stated that this strategy of NPP has drawn criticism from Tamils who accuse the NPP of hypocrisy, trying to use LTTE martyrs” and LTTE history as campaign material”.

It has clearly understood that it is a part of an attempt to rebrand themselves during elections in the North-East, a performative gesture.   

Now, would these aforementioned journalists in the English press and foreign-funded political analysts tell us that the Tamil voters in the North and East embraced again separatism, racism, politicians that advocated separatism, racism, divisive politics, division of the country or separation, rejecting national unity, unification of all Sri Lankans within a short period of six months?

The answer was given by Abraham Sumanthiran, ITAK stalwart, Anura Kumara’s one-time friend, political ally and fellow May Day marcher.

The Island” reported on 13 May, 2025 that Sumanthiran stating local government elections have dispelled  the Anura Wave” and reaffirmed enduring strength of Tamil nationalism in the North and East, a clear commitment from the Tamil people to their nationalist aspirations, that it underscored the community’s continued faith in Tamil nationalist politics, even amid strong attempt by southern parties such as ruling NPP’s to make inroads into Tamil majority areas.

It is a forgone conclusion that ITAK will collaborate with other Tamil parties where necessary to form local councils.  

We have stated in an earlier article that Tamil separatism cannot be advanced by the NPP because there are more seasoned, tried and tested Tamil separatist parties such as ITAK, ACTC or Vigneshvaran’s Thamizh Makkal Tesiya Kootani (TPNA). Readers will remember that the TNA/ITAK declared LTTE as the sole representative of Tamil people. So, the Tamils do not need new Messiahs to take them to the Promised Land and they unlike the Sinhalayas and our Mahanayakas have not forgotten the history of old JVP/DJV although it comes in a new garb as NPP.

4. How did Colombo and Kandy elites become Communists/ Socialists”!

Dear Readers, we refer to our articles titled, Why foreign media dub Sri Lanka’s new President as a Marxist?”, posted on October 3, 2024, Why English press in Sri Lanka in a state of euphoria hail Sri Lanka’s new President?”, posted on 9, November 2024 and 2024 Elections: Is it the defeat of elite politics, power transferred to a non-elite group or the beginning of a rule of lumpen elites? A grotesque mediocrity playing a hero’s part”, posted on December 20, 2024 respectively. In these articles we have categorically rejected that Anura Kumara is a Marxist/Socialist and JVP/NPP a Marxist/Socialist political outfit.

Recently held local government elections substantiate our thesis with compelling evidence. We take only two examples, Kandy MC and Colombo MC respectively.  

In Kandy MC, NPP won Senkadagala,  Mavilmada, Mahaveli Uyana and Aruppola (2 wards consisting of massive housing schemes of middle class and upper middle class voters), Ampitiya, Malwatta, Katukele, Wattarantenna, Mapanawatura, Asgiriya, Aniwatte- Dodanwela, Mahaiyawa , Mulgampola, Bowala and Getambe wards,  all enclaves of upper middle class and middle class voters, gem merchants, businessmen, old feudal lords, nouveau riche, professionals and wealthy migrants.

Have these voters turned Marxists/Socialists”?

We have no qualms over NPP winning Watapuluwa, Yatiwawala, Galewatta, Poornawatta West, Deiyannewela and Suduhumpola wards, if NPP was a workers’ party.

In Colombo MC, Cinnamon Gardens (Kurunduwatta or Colombo 7), Bambalapitiya, Borella South, Thimbirigasyaya, Havelock Town, Kiriula,  Wellawatte  North and Wellawatta South wards were gained by NPP.   

Have these voters turned Marxists/Socialists”?

Ironically SJB has won Summitpura, Mahawatta, Lunupokuna, Maligawatta East, Kettharama, Masangasveediya, Ginthupitiya, Kocchikade, Fort, Kochchikade South and Hulftsdorf East and UNP Hulftsdorf West and Grandpass North and SLPP Keselwatta respectively, all habitats of lower middle class, proletariat and lumpen proletariat.

In these wards the so-called Marxists/Socialists” have failed to appeal to lower middle class and proletarian voters! Ha! Ha!

The reason is clear. The present top echelon of Sri Lankan voters are brainwashed, conditioned, programmed and hypnotized by the English press, its editorialists and third grade, sensationalist, yellow journalists who had fallen down to the meanest level to describe Anura Kumara as a statesman” and Sirasa English news telecasts and its talk shows.

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