After King Devanampiyatissa became a Buddhist listening to Mahinda Maha thero’s Dhamma talk around 307 BC, he built many viharas including Tissa Viharya in Jaffna
according to the Great Chronicle – Mahavamasa-. The survey department’s 1959 one-inch map of the area clearly shows the location of Tissa Viharya. in Tellipilllai in KKS.
Of late, an unruly gathering of Tamils led by well-known Tamil politicians assemble at the entrance to Tissa Vitaharya and attempt to aggressively confront the pilgrims
who attend the temple to perform religious activities at the temple. This has become a common feature leading to a breach of peace at the entry point of the Vihara.
The main demand of the agitators is that the Vihara is built on land owned by a few Tamil persons and they have the deeds to prove their ownership and the temple MUST
vacate the land concerned and handover the claimed land to the Tamil persons who are the legal owners.
But, the temple authorities deny such claims by stressing that the Vihara has the deeds going back to 1950s and further cites that the temple is legally occupying land surveyed
and approved by the Department of Survey in their official documents.
This is a clear case where the parties should go to the law and have the law on the guilty party. My earnest request and I am certain that I have the backing of the right thinking
people of the country, to the Tamil persons who claim the land of Tissa Vihara is to produce their deeds and to institute legal action to settle the issues and claim their demand .
The courts will be able to deliver the justice which is acceptable to all and will put a stop to the ugly and dangerous confrontation of Buddhists pilgrims at the temple by unruly gatherings
All will agree with me if I say that there are hundreds of Kovils in Sinhala- Buddhists dominated areas in the Island and similarly a Buddhist Vihara should be allowed to function
peacefully in Tamil dominated North too.
RANJITH SOYSA
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The editorial of The Island on Sri Lanka’s Independence Day says it all: The challenge before us is to retrace our steps, figure out where we took wrong turns, and forge ahead in the right direction, as many other nations have already done. Easier said than done, but there seems to be no other way.”
The problem is that even to retrace our footsteps, there is no consensus among the learned. Addressing the 10 th annual conference of the Sri Lanka Forum of University economists, on 27 January, 2022, Professor Premachandra Atukorale has said that it is impossible to heavily rely on import and exchange controls, without compromising on a massive economic collapse and social upheaval.”
Perhaps, it may be useful to recall how Sri Lanka managed its economy, in deciding how we can retrace our footsteps to the days when we did not have food queues and social upheaval, all the while handling development very successfully.
In February, 1968, I was posted as the Additional Government Agent of Kegalle District. I worked there for two years. I knew of no queues for any essential food during that period. In fact, I was in charge of providing essential food – as the Deputy Food Controller for the District. At that time every area was covered with a cooperative society, and, in each division, there were Cooperative Unions that were equipped with stores and lorries; and on a clockwork basis all essential food was distributed through the cooperatives. This included a measure of rice per person per week, entirely free, under the Rice Ration Scheme, which was done away by President Jayawardena, in 1978.
Then there was a major Department at work – the Food Commissioner’s Department, managed at the helm by a senior civil servant, a department that had very large stores full of rice and flour, and also attended to imports, when necessary. At the district level, there was an Assistant Food Controller who worked directly under me, and it was our duty to see that food was always available, without any interruption. Importing essentials, like dhal, chillies, etc., was handled by the CWE, because depending on the private sector has proved unreliable – the private sector has profit as its aim, service to the people comes next.
Kegalle District included the electorates of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake, Minister NH Karunaratne, Deputy Ministers Imbulana, Vimala Kannangara, Beligammana and Dr NM Perera of the Opposition. There was never a delay in providing essential food – and that included rice, lentils, chillies and other curry stuff. I had the unenviable task of meeting the Prime Minister every Saturday and Sunday morning, at around nine, at the Warakapola Rest House, and to accompany him to a host of meetings in his electorate, ending in the late evenings, and there was never a person that had a complaint. The Divisional Secretaries had to work hard. There were a few bad eggs that I had to get rid of. Had there been any interruption in food supplies, the ministers would have complained to the Prime Minister or Dr NM would have raised the matter in Parliament.
This was also the situation in Matara, where I was the Government Agent from, 1971 to 1973. There were no ministers in any electorates, and only one Deputy Minister B. Y. Tudawe. There were no shortages, except during the JVP insurrection of April 1971.
There was no foreign exchange problem, because there were effective controls over the little foreign exchange that came in through exports and other sources. There were no currency dealers who handled foreign exchange like today, and the intake of foreign currency was a guarded property used first for importing essentials, and small allocations were made to import useful items such as automobiles and refrigerators. This was the situation even when we had ample funds – when we financed the Gal Oya Development Project – a massive project building a tank three times the size of Parakrama Samudra, Polonnaruwa, bringing 60,000 hectares under cultivation and creating many industries, all done with foreign funds we had.
In 1970, I worked as the Deputy Director of Small Industries, and one of my tasks was to ensure that every small industrialist had an allocation of foreign exchange, to import any particular item they required for their manufactures. I can state that every application was inquired into by my inspectors of industry – I had some 20 of them and assessed by me, every genuine small industry received an allocation. Then no foreign funds were allowed for foreign study, but an exception was made to provide foreign funds to Sunethra and Chandrika Bandaranaike, and I had the occasion to ask the Prime Minister why he had done so, and he replied, That is the only request I had from my predecessor and I felt like obliging.”
Foreign exchange was then effectively controlled. When I left the Administrative Service and moved abroad in April 1973, I did not get a single penny. My wife and three children were given only three pounds and five shillings.
It is sad that university dons, the most learned in our country, have failed to grasp how the country was run those days. Professor Atukorale has said, It is impossible to rely heavily on import and exchange controls without compromising on a massive economic collapse and social upheaval.” It was by effectively controlling import and foreign exchange that all Third World countries managed their economies, without any economic collapse. The economic might of India itself is indicative of an economy that did not follow the IMF, and used funds borrowed from the IMF to bring about development by controlling the economy.
Sri Lanka managed its foreign exchange effectively, till President Jayewardene was fooled by the IMF to follow the Structural Adjustment Programme, which advised him to allow the rich to spend foreign exchange, as much as they wanted, for endless foreign travel to educate their children abroad, import all luxury items; and the IMF provide loans for this purpose and mind you to entice the leaders, even provided grace periods when the service and interest charges were not to be paid. The then leaders enjoyed and the rich played with the funds, leaving the future leaders to bear the brunt of repayment. That is the process that led us to the present abyss.
Then there were two budgets: a local rupee budget for handling all work in the country, including major development tasks, funded with printed money, and a foreign exchange budget to handle the foreign exchange that was collected. Recently the Central Bank Governor Cabraal had decided that all foreigners staying at hotels should be charged in foreign currency. This is a decision that should have been taken long ago. Other countries, like India and Thailand, took similar action over decades ago. We, unfortunately, do not collect even 50 percent of the foreign exchange that comes in today, and it is time that we put a dragnet like in the period before 1977.
Of the period 1948 to 1977, an exception is the period 1974 to 1977, when there were shortages due to the Government de-emphasising agricultural development in order to have their own Divisional Development Councils Programme, and embarking on land reform which stifled development and caused foreign sanctions. Even Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike managed to make all demanded payments and managed without falling into foreign debt. 1976 and 1977 happen to be the last years when our country was run without a deficit. Since then annually our foreign debt has increased and is at $ 56 billion today.
Thus, the manner in which we handled the economy in the pre-1977 period is a tried and tested blueprint that worked successfully for nearly two decades, and this is the only way we could get out of the present mire.
Dr. Karunaratne is the author of Author of How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka and Alternative Programmes of Success: Godage, 2006 and How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development: Kindle/Godage, 2017.
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Prof. Chandana Jayalath University of Vocational Technology
The controversy surrounding Sri Lanka’s Grade Six English syllabus has intensified, evolving from an embarrassing oversight into a broader national debate on curriculum governance, political accountability, and the responsible use of technology in education. The issue came to light, as we heard, after it was discovered that the syllabus recommended students improve their English language skills by finding a pen-pal” through an online platform that was, in reality, an adult-oriented chat website carrying highly inappropriate content. The syllabus was intended for children transitioning into lower secondary education. While officials have pointed to multiple layers of technical review—including panels of senior educators and university academics—education analysts stress that ultimate responsibility rests with the Minister of Education, under whose authority national curricula are approved, printed, and ultimately released. In public administration, curriculum development is not merely a technical exercise delegated to professionals. It is a policy instrument of the State, and the minister is accountable to Parliament and the public for its integrity. Below the minister lies a chain of responsibility: the NIE leadership, curriculum developers, review panels, editors, and final approving authorities. A failure at multiple levels suggests not an individual lapse but a systemic breakdown.
As a professor of a university, I have to admit the fact that, experts play a critical role in curriculum design, ensuring academic accuracy, pedagogical suitability, and alignment with learning outcomes including its social impact in long run. However, this incident has raised uncomfortable questions about how expert review is conducted in practice. Education specialists note that expert panels often operate under tight timelines, heavy workloads, and assumptions that earlier screening stages have already eliminated obvious risks. This can lead to review fatigue” and overreliance on trust rather than verification—particularly where digital references and AI-assisted content are involved.
Curriculum content therefore does not exist in a vacuum. It intersects with politics, law, culture, and social values. In Sri Lanka, where education remains a deeply politicised and socially sensitive domain, curricula must indeed be closely scrutinised by religious institutions, parent groups, and civil society organisations. The incident has reignited debate over how social norms and legal frameworks influence educational content. While Sri Lanka’s laws on same-sex relations and the broader moral views of influential religious groups are well known, analysts caution that the core issue here is not ideology but child safety, governance failure, and procedural negligence. At the same time, political pressures to modernise education, digitise learning, and demonstrate rapid reform may have contributed to shortcuts in validation and approval processes. This is, in essence, a systemic collapse.
It was heard that officials have admitted that artificial intelligence tools were used in preparing parts of the syllabus. While AI can assist with drafting and language refinement, international best practice is clear: AI-generated or AI-assisted content must undergo rigorous human verification. The use of AI in curriculum development poses no harm in itself. What matters is using it as a tool to streamline and accelerate the process. True management of intellect, insight, and judgment remains entirely a human responsibility—AI can assist, but it cannot replace the human touch. Hence, unchecked AI use carries risks such as inaccurate references, inappropriate examples, and context-insensitive suggestions—risks that become unacceptable when materials are intended for children. Any oversight in this regard is not excusable.
One of the most troubling unanswered questions is why the syllabus reached the printing and distribution stage from January onwards without clearer communication on its approval status. Observers are asking whether established approval timelines were bypassed, whether interim clearances were misused, or whether administrative or political urgency overrode caution. Transparency on this point is seen as critical to restoring public confidence. In the minimum, was there someone from political side pressuring the experts to get it done hurriedly. To my understanding, Sri Lanka is not alone in facing curriculum controversies. Even in the United Kingdom, several schools were forced to withdraw online learning resources after links embedded in teaching materials redirected students to inappropriate content, prompting a nationwide review of digital safeguarding protocols. It was back in 2020. In Australia, a national curriculum review in 2022 led to the withdrawal and revision of draft materials after public backlash over content deemed insufficiently vetted for age appropriateness. In India, repeated textbook revisions have followed incidents where factual errors or insensitive content passed expert review, leading to stricter multi-tier approval systems and public consultation mechanisms. In each case, governments acknowledged that institutional safeguards—not individual blame alone—must be strengthened.
I am of the view that this episode should be treated as a turning point. Beyond resignations and investigations, it calls for a comprehensive review of curriculum approval frameworks, clearer accountability at ministerial and institutional levels, stronger digital content screening, and formal guidelines governing AI use in public education materials. Curricula are more than textbooks or syllabi. They are a reflection of the State’s duty of care to its children. Ensuring their integrity is not only a professional obligation but a political and societal responsibility—one that ultimately rests at the highest levels of government. Given the circumstances, responsibility ultimately lies with the Minister. An initial public apology would help restore confidence, followed by an impartial investigation and the implementation of corrective measures. The Minister cannot distance herself from this responsibility. She must act decisively to identify the culprits and ensure they are brought to justice, rather than allowing accountability to be avoided. At a time when the opposition has already challenged the Minister’s moral standing during the recent parliamentary proceedings on LGBT-related matters, it may be difficult to see how she can present herself as an example of responsible leadership without first addressing this issue transparently.
In my own experience as a curriculum developer in the university setting, I have often faced controversies over course content, pedagogical approaches, cognition levels of the student in the semester in question and inclusion of sensitive topics. For example, while revising modules on ethics in procurement, some stakeholders debated whether traditional practices or modern methods should take precedence. I managed this by facilitating open consultations, inviting expert opinions, and balancing evidence-based research with practical applicability. Similarly, when updating materials on sustainability, I encountered differing views on resource allocation and its relevance to quantity surveying students whose core expertise must be construction costing. In these situations, AI tools helped me organize data, analyze trends, and draft potential solutions quickly—but the final decisions, negotiations, and consensus-building required careful human judgment. In a nutshell, curriculum developers must operate independently and be free from political pressure, since education is about shaping minds and fostering critical thinking, not advancing political agendas. Decisions about what is to be taught and how it is presented must remain guided by academic judgment, evidence, and ethical considerations, not political influence, if any, under whatsoever circumstances. It is a solemn activity.
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Leaders around the world have responded with a mix of condemnation and support to the US capture of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro.
Following a large-scale strike on Venezuela on Saturday, Maduro and his wife were captured by US forces and removed from the country. The pair have been indicted on drug charges in New York.
In an initial response, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer said his government would shed no tears” for the end of Maduro’s regime.
Neighbouring Latin American countries condemned the actions, as did Venezuela’s long-term allies, Russia and China. China said it was deeply shocked and strongly condemns” the use of force against a sovereign country and its president.
Russia accused the US of committing an act of armed aggression”.
Iran, which is locked in its own dispute with Trump over his promise of intervention in its country, called the strikes a flagrant violation of the country’s national sovereignty”.
Trump said the US will run” Venezuela until we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition”.
Many Latin American leaders condemned the US actions.
Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula Da Silva wrote on X that the actions cross an unacceptable line”, adding that attacking countries in flagrant violation of international law is the first step toward a world of violence, chaos, and instability”.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro called the strikes an assault on the sovereignty” of Latin America, while Chile’s President Gabriel Boric expressed concern and condemnation” and called for a peaceful solution to the serious crisis affecting the country”.
Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Cane accused the US of a criminal attack”, while Uruguay said in an official statement that it was monitoring developments with attention and serious concern” and rejects, as it always has, military intervention”.
Trump has indicated that Cuba could become part of a broader US policy in the region, calling it a failing nation. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Cuba was a disaster run by incompetent leaders who supported Maduro’s administration and that the government in Havana should be concerned.
The Venezuelan Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello urged citizens to remain calm and to trust the country’s leadership and military, saying the world needs to speak out about this attack” according to news agency Reuters.
But Argentinian President Javier Milei – who Trump has described as his favourite president” – wrote freedom moves forward” and long live freedom” on social media.
Meanwhile, UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer refused to be drawn into whether or not the military action may have broken international law.
He did not condemn the US strikes in an interview with the BBC’s Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg programme on Saturday morning
He said he was waiting to establish all the facts but would not shy away from this”, adding he was a lifelong advocate of international law”.
The UK was not involved in the strikes and Sir Keir said he had not spoken to Trump about the operation.
Later on Saturday, he posted on X that the UK regarded Maduro as an illegitimate president and we shed no tears about the end of his regime”.
The UK government will discuss the evolving situation with US counterparts in the days ahead as we seek a safe and peaceful transition to a legitimate government that reflects the will of the Venezuelan people,” he added.
The EU’s top diplomat Kaja Kallas reiterated the bloc’s position that Maduro lacks legitimacy, that there should be a peaceful transition of power, and that the principles of international law must be respected.
French President Emmanuel Macron said the transition of power must be peaceful, democratic, and respectful of the will of the Venezuelan people” in a post on X.
He added he hoped González – the opposition’s 2024 presidential candidate – could ensure the transition.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said the legality of the US operation was complex” and international law in general must apply.
He warned that political instability must not be allowed to arise in Venezuela”.
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres said he was deeply concerned that the rules of international law have not been respected”, his spokesperson said. He was deeply alarmed” by the strikes, which set a dangerous precedent”.
In the US, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a Democrat, said: Let me be clear, Maduro is an illegitimate dictator, but launching military action without congressional authorisation, without a federal plan for what comes next, is reckless.”
Elsewhere, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, a staunch US ally, congratulated Trump on his bold and historic leadership on behalf of freedom and justice”.
Canada’s Foreign Minister Anita Anand said Canada calls on all parties to respect international law and we stand by the people of Venezuela and their desire to live in a peaceful and democratic society”. Canada was engaging with international partners, she said.
Norway’s Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide said international law is universal and binding for all states.
The American intervention in Venezuela is not in accordance with international law.”
Source: BBC
– Agencies
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China called on the United States to release Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife at once, said a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson on Sunday.
The spokesperson made the remarks in response to media reports that on Saturday, the United States sent forces to seize Maduro and his wife and took them out of the country, and that the governments of multiple countries have voiced opposition.
China expresses grave concern over the U.S. forcibly seizing Maduro and his wife and taking them out of the country, said the spokesperson, adding that the U.S. move is in clear violation of international law, basic norms in international relations, and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
China calls on the United States to ensure the personal safety of Maduro and his wife, release them at once, stop toppling the government of Venezuela, and resolve issues through dialogue and negotiation, said the spokesperson.
– Agencies
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It is essential to act in a manner that safeguards a country’s sovereignty in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vijitha Herath stated when questioned over the attacks carried out by the United States in Venezuela and the capture of President Nicolás Maduro.
Minister Vijitha Herath made these remarks this afternoon (04) while responding to several questions raised by journalists at a special media briefing held at the Department of Government Information.
Responding to a question, the Minister said that although there may be differing views among political parties, when a government expresses a position, it does so representing all sides of the country, including both the government and the opposition.
A statement was issued earlier by the JVP regarding the attacks carried out by the United States against Venezuela and the incident involving the detention of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife by the US.
Accordingly, the Minister responded to journalists’ questions as follows:
Question:
Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, we have now seen that the United States has invaded Venezuela. Previously, your side had a policy of non-interference in Venezuela. I would like to know the government’s position on this matter.”
Answer:
In accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, it is imperative to act in a manner that protects a country’s sovereignty. All member states of the United Nations are bound by this obligation. Accordingly, an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council has been convened for tomorrow. From our side, we are calling for this to be expedited. Consequently, within the United Nations General Assembly, action must be taken against policies and actions that violate these fundamental charters and principles. That is our position.”
Question:
Minister, the political bureau of the JVP has issued a statement condemning this issue.”
Answer:
Political parties have different positions. We are clearly explaining the government’s position here.”
Question:
So is the JVP’s position the same as the government’s position at this time?”
Answer:
No. Political parties have different views. That is separate.”
Question:
I asked because of the JVP.”
Answer:
The government represents all parties in this country, both government and opposition. That is the sense in which we are addressing this issue.”
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Attorney-at-Law Dr. Palitha Bandara Subasinghe has raised serious legal concerns regarding the inclusion of a link to a pornographic website in a new Grade 6 English module. He asserts that the inclusion of such material could constitute a criminal offence under Sri Lanka’s Penal Code.
Speaking on the matter, Dr Subasinghe emphasised that while children require age-appropriate sexual education, providing instructions on accessing “distorted erotic websites” is unacceptable and potentially illegal.
Dr. Subasinghe pointed out that under Section 365(A) of the Penal Code (as amended in 1995), engaging in “acts of gross indecency” remains a criminal offence in Sri Lanka, punishable by up to two years of rigorous imprisonment.
He further noted:
“If such an act is committed by a person over 18 against a child under 16, the mandatory punishment is 10 to 20 years in prison. By directing 12-year-old children to websites designed for seeking same-sex partners, the creators of this module may be guilty of a form of abetting or facilitating illegal acts.”
He argued that the inclusion of the website was not an accidental error.
Dr. Subasinghe warned that the responsibility for this error extends from the individuals who drafted the module to high-ranking ministry officials under the principle of vicarious liability. Furthermore, he cautioned that teachers who follow these instructions and direct children to such sites could also face criminal charges for exposing children to abuse.
“While developed nations like Australia are passing laws to remove children under 16 from social media, it is a serious crime for our Ministry of Education to mandate that 12-year-olds join such platforms,” he said.
He concluded by calling for a halt to rushed education reforms, urging that they be conducted with careful dialogue to ensure the safety and mental health of the nation’s children.
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NDB Bank proudly partnered with Kandy City Centre as the Official Banking Partner of Splash Shopping Fiesta 2025, the biggest shopping festival of the season, held from 24th to 28th December. The event brought together an exciting blend of retail, entertainment, and festive cheer, creating a vibrant shopping experience for customers in the Central Province during the year-end season.
As the Official Banking Partner, NDB Bank played a key role in enhancing the overall experience by offering exclusive banking privileges to shoppers. NDB cardholders who participated in the Fiesta were able to enjoy discounts of up to 20%, adding greater value and convenience to their festive shopping while reinforcing NDB’s commitment to delivering lifestyle-driven benefits to its customers.
Commenting on the opportunity, Ashan Wikramanayake, Assistant Vice President, Head of Card Center at NDB, shared his insights on the importance of such partnerships, noting that Splash Shopping Fiesta 2025 provided an ideal platform for the Bank to connect meaningfully with customers in a dynamic, high-engagement environment. He also highlighted that initiatives of this nature allow NDB to go beyond traditional banking touchpoints and engage with customers in moments that matter most to them.
Adding a special festive highlight to the event, NDB also extended its popular Santa Campaign to Splash Shopping Fiesta 2025. In line with this initiative, NDB Santa Promo winners from the Kandy region were invited to participate at the Fiesta, where Santa personally delivered their gifts, creating joyful and memorable moments for children and families amidst the celebrations.
Held at Kandy City Centre, a premier lifestyle and retail destination in the heart of Kandy, Splash Shopping Fiesta 2025 once again lived up to its reputation as a much-anticipated annual event. NDB Bank’s participation reflected its ongoing commitment to supporting community-centric events that promote economic activity, strengthen customer relationships, and celebrate the spirit of togetherness during the festive season.
Through partnerships such as Splash Shopping Fiesta 2025, NDB Bank continues to position itself as a customer-focused financial partner, seamlessly integrating banking solutions with lifestyle experiences while fostering deeper connections with the communities it serves.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Digital Bank for SMEs at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2025 and was awarded awards Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Islamic Banking Initiative of the Year – Sri Lanka at the Asian Banking & Finance Retail Banking Awards 2025. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
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In a remarkable rise to the top, Ferentino Tyres has emerged as the undisputed leader in Sri Lanka’s Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) tyre market, commanding an extraordinary 75 percent value share, the company stated.
Within a short span of time, Ferentino has transformed the industry landscape, winning the trust of leading automobile manufacturers and setting a new benchmark for quality, safety and performance.
Ferentino’s journey is a story of innovation, credibility and excellence. By consistently delivering world-class tires tailored to the needs of both passenger and commercial vehicles, the brand has become the first choice of Sri Lanka’s top OEMs.
Today, Ferentino proudly partners with some of the most respected automotive names in the country: Unimo Enterprises, Micro Cars, Abans Auto (Pvt.) Ltd, David Pieris Motor Company, Ranathunga Motors, KD Rise Electrical Motors and Lanka Ashok Leyland.
Ferentino Tyres Managing Director Lahiru Lokuwithana said, Ferentino’s phenomenal growth in the OEM tyre segment proves that Sri Lankan engineering and global standards can go hand in hand.”
Ferentino Tyres have become synonymous with trust, reliability and performance – values that leading manufacturers demand and we consistently deliver,” he added.
As the brand continues its forward momentum, Ferentino is not only revolutionising Sri Lanka’s OEM tyre industry but also gearing up to strengthen its presence in international markets, carrying the pride of Sri Lankan manufacturing across borders.
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The Ministry of Education and Higher Education is currently considering three alternative solutions to address a controversial page in the recently printed Grade 6 English module, developed by the National Institute of Education (NIE).
Secretary to the Ministry, Nalaka Kaluwewa, stated that education experts are discussing whether to remove the problematic page and complete the book with or without a new printed replacement.
The goal is to resolve the issue at minimum cost without damaging the overall content of the material. Discussions are also underway with the Department of Educational Publications and the Government Printing Corporation.
The controversy arose after a typing error in the newly introduced syllabus redirected users to an inappropriate website, rather than the intended educational resource.
The Secretary noted that the faulty page must be removed without affecting other lessons in the module. He assured that a final decision based on expert advice will be implemented swiftly to meet the January 21 distribution deadline.
Approximately 350,000 copies of the module were printed at a cost of nearly Rs.60 million. Secretary Kaluwewa emphasised that the books will not be completely reprinted; instead, the specific page will be removed and handled according to the most suitable expert-recommended alternative.
A formal complaint has also been lodged with the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to investigate if the error was an act of sabotage.
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The government is digging its own grave through its current actions, according to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) National Organiser and Member of Parliament Namal Rajapaksa.
Speaking to the media after a religious ceremony in Seenigama, he noted that the National People’s Power (NPP) engaged in various political activities over the past year during a period that proved especially difficult for the public.
He stated that since the NPP administration took office, citizens suffer significantly due to the imposition of unbearable taxes.
The MP pointed out that the government failed to take swift action to save lives during recent disasters despite having the opportunity to do so, and further failed to deliver on major promises made to the public.
He highlighted that many people spent the New Year in displacement centers and temporary camps, facing uncertainty regarding their lives and homes.
While the President promised compensation for disaster victims, those vows remain unfulfilled.
He urged the administration to prioritise compensation and take immediate steps to resettle displaced families in their homes.
Although the government ignores points raised by opposition parties, he stressed that it must urgently focus on honoring its commitments to the people.
He concluded by stating that the SLPP will continue to fulfill its responsibilities.
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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behavior, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianizing European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritizes human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realization. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilizational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhiststext), which she explained as meaning Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is going to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censored. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana theras. But they are not criminals; they only have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media,or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
To be continued
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The False Gen-Z (Aragalaya) Protests, Paid Media Influencers and Mexican Fascism Last November, Mexico experienced protests by the right-wing opposition under the guise of Generation Z,” which promoted violent tactics and an extreme right-wing agenda against the current Mexican government for regime change much as in Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya in 2022. To understand the context of these events, Rodrigo Guillot, who holds a degree in International Relations and is an activist with Mexico’s National Regeneration Movement (Morena), has contributed to the debate.
Last November, Mexico experienced protests by the right-wing opposition under the guise of Generation Z,” which promoted violent tactics and an extreme right-wing agenda against the current Mexican government. To understand the context of these events, we asked Rodrigo Guillot, who holds a degree in International Relations and is an activist with Mexico’s National Regeneration Movement (Morena), for this contribution to the debate:
In November 2025, the Mexican right called for simultaneous marches in all Mexican capitals under the banner of the Japanese anime One Piece pirate flag, which was used in the recent past by predominantly young Nepalese and Indonesian protesters against restrictive measures by their elected governments. The choice of a foreign image, decontextualized from Mexican reality, seems bizarre because it is. It is a symptom of the lack of concrete causes and distinct identities experienced by reactionary sectors in Mexico since the arrival of the Fourth Transformation in 2018.
Under the administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018–2024), the same political actors who took to the streets last November held similar demonstrations, primarily against what they understood as the destruction of liberal institutions: a process of restoring state capacities initiated by López Obrador against the neoliberal precepts that governed the country for the six presidential terms preceding his government.
The nature of the protests against Mexico’s progressive government during Claudia Sheinbaum’s term shifted alongside the geopolitical landscape. In a world where the right has successfully bet on fascism, xenophobic identity politics, and the call for an extreme free-market society, the Mexican right abandoned the discourse of institutional defense and opted for that of liberty. The great orchestrator of this shift is Ricardo Salinas Pliego, owner of Banco Azteca, the Elektra store chain (known for offering unpayable credit to the lowest-income sectors), and concessionaire of TV Azteca, one of the two most powerful television networks in Mexico.
During the final stretch of Andrés Manuel’s term and the first months of Claudia’s government, the businessman toughened his opposition stance against the Mexican government due to litigation against him that could force him to pay billions of Mexican pesos in back taxes. His flight forward strategy has included threats of becoming a presidential candidate, an idea that appeals to certain sectors of Mexico’s right-wing political parties.
The seventy-year-old tycoon labeled the November marches as the Generation Z March. To stir public conversation around it, he used a team of paid influencers, fake accounts on the X/Twitter social media, and pundits employed directly by his media consortium. For weeks, they spoke of the stunt as if it were an organic movement emerging from within civil society, calling to remove the left from state power.
During the mobilization for the march, Mexico was shaken by the murder of Carlos Manzo, the mayor of Uruapan, Michoacán, known for confronting organized crime in his state. The organizers of the opposition march maneuvered to place a demand for security at the center of their demonstration and included the image of the murdered mayor in their iconography. Carlos Manzo’s wife, Grecia Quiroz—who assumed the mayoralty in Uruapan to replace her husband—was forced to publicly distance herself from the march.
The result was that on November 15, in various cities across the country, different groups and sectors opposed to the Mexican government gathered in public squares without a common cause or unified discourse, other than the call to overthrow President Claudia Sheinbaum. However, in Mexico City’s Zócalo—the country’s main public square—groups of hooded individuals armed with metal tools and chains physically assaulted members of the police force.
In general, the opposition has been characterized by the violent use of language, but during the six years of López Obrador’s government, no physically violent event had occurred during opposition demonstrations. This fact coincides with the strategic shift of the Mexican right and is being investigated by the Mexico City Congress, as there are indications that two mayors from the National Action Party (PAN) may have financed the agitators.
The Mexican opposition undoubtedly considered the rehearsal a success, as by the following day, a second march was already being called for November 20 in Mexico City. They planned a route that intersected with the military parade held annually on that date to celebrate the anniversary of the Mexican Revolution. The President announced a change in the parade route to avoid any acts of violence, but the incident highlights the right’s determination to provoke violence.
The second call to action failed. Not only did it not provoke a confrontation between civilians and members of the Mexican army, but it barely gathered two hundred people. Nevertheless, it clearly signals the intentions of opposition groups: to push conditions to the limit to provoke a violent confrontation with the State.
In a national context where the National Action (PAN) and Institutional Revolutionary (PRI) parties openly call for U.S. intervention under the pretext of drug trafficking, and accuse the Mexican government of being authoritarian and communist, the intensification of the right and its shift toward fascist and openly violent positions can only be understood as a tactic functional to the interventionist strategy of the United States.
Rodrigo Guillot
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In June of 1963, Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhist monk Thích Quang Duc burned himself to death at a busy intersection in Saigon.
In June of 1963, Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhist monk Thích Quang Duc burned himself to death at a busy intersection in Saigon. He was attempting to show that to fight all forms of oppression on equal terms, Buddhism too, needed to have its martyrs.
John F. Kennedy said in reference to a photograph of Duc on fire: No news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as that one”.
Photographer Malcolm Browne captured the scene in Saigon for the Associated Press, and the stark black and white image quickly became an iconic visual of the turbulent 1960s.
The self-immolation was done in protest of the South Vietnamese Diem regime’s pro-catholic policies and discriminatory Buddhist laws.
In particular, this was a response to the banning of the Buddhist flag, just 2 days after Diem had held a very public ceremony displaying crosses; earlier in his rule, he had dedicated Vietnam to Jesus and the Catholic Church.
The growing resentment of Buddhists under Diem was one of the underlying issues of South Vietnam and eventually led to a coup to put in place a leader who would not alienate Buddhists, who made up 70-90% of Vietnam’s population.
Buddhist discontent erupted following a ban in early May on flying the Buddhist flag in Huế on Vesak, the birthday of Gautama Buddha.
A large crowd of Buddhists protested the ban, defying the government by flying Buddhist flags on Vesak and marching on the government broadcasting station. Government forces fired into the crowd of protesters, killing nine people.
No news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as that one”. (Colored version).
On 10 June 1963, U.S. correspondents were informed that something important” would happen the following morning on the road outside the Cambodian embassy in Saigon.
Most of the reporters disregarded the message since the Buddhist crisis had at that point been going on for more than a month and the next day only a few journalists turned up, including David Halberstam of The New York Times and Malcolm Browne, the Saigon bureau chief for the Associated Press.
Duc arrived as part of a procession that had begun at a nearby pagoda. Around 350 monks and nuns marched carrying denouncing the Diem government and its policy towards Buddhists.
The act occurred at the intersection of Phan Đình Phùng Boulevard and Lê Văn Duyệt Street a few blocks Southwest of the Presidential Palace (now the Reunification Palace).
Duc emerged from the car along with two other monks. One placed a cushion on the road while the second opened the trunk and took out a five-gallon petrol can.
As the marchers formed a circle around him, Duc calmly sat down in the traditional Buddhist meditative lotus position on the cushion. A colleague emptied the contents of the petrol container over Duc head.
Duc rotated a string of wooden prayer beads and recited the words Nam mô A di đà Phật (homage to Amitābha Buddha) before striking a match and dropping it on himself. Flames consumed his robes and flesh, and black oily smoke emanated from his burning body.
Thich Quang Duc is doused with gasoline while calmly sitting down in the traditional Buddhist meditative lotus position.
Quang Duc’s last words before his self-immolation were documented in a letter he had left:
Before closing my eyes and moving towards the vision of the Buddha, I respectfully plead to President Ngo Dinh Diem to take a mind of compassion towards the people of the nation and implement religious equality to maintain the strength of the homeland eternally.
I call the venerables, reverends, members of the sangha and the lay Buddhists to organize in solidarity to make sacrifices to protect Buddhism”.
Flames consumed his robes and flesh, and black oily smoke emanated from his burning body.
David Halberstam wrote:
I was to see that sight again, but once was enough. Flames were coming from a human being; his body was slowly withering and shriveling up, his head blackening and charring. In the air was the smell of burning human flesh; human beings burn surprisingly quickly.
Behind me, I could hear the sobbing of the Vietnamese who were now gathering. I was too shocked to cry, too confused to take notes or ask questions, too bewildered to even think…
As he burned he never moved a muscle, never uttered a sound, his outward composure in sharp contrast to the wailing people around him”.
Many of the monks and nuns, as well as some shocked passersby, prostrated themselves before the burning monk.
The spectators were mostly stunned into silence, but some wailed and several began praying. Many of the monks and nuns, as well as some shocked passersby, prostrated themselves before the burning monk.
In English and Vietnamese, a monk repeated into a microphone: A Buddhist priest burns himself to death. A Buddhist priest becomes a martyr”.
Once the fire subsided, a group of monks covered the smoking corpse with yellow robes.
After approximately ten minutes, Duc’s body was fully immolated and it eventually toppled backward onto its back.
Once the fire subsided, a group of monks covered the smoking corpse with yellow robes, picked it up, and tried to fit it into a coffin, but the limbs could not be straightened and one of the arms protruded from the wooden box as he was carried to the nearby pagoda in central Saigon.
Quang Duc’s body was re-cremated during the funeral, but Duc heart remained intact and did not burn. It was considered to be holy and placed in a glass chalice at Xa Loi Pagoda. The intact heart relic is regarded as a symbol of compassion.
Despite the shock of the Western public, the practice of Vietnamese monks self-immolating was not unprecedented. Instances of self-immolations in Vietnam had been recorded for centuries, usually carried out to honor Gautama Buddha.
Photographs taken by Malcolm Browne of the self-immolation quickly spread across the wire services and were featured on the front pages of newspapers worldwide.
The self-immolation was later regarded as a turning point in the Buddhist crisis and a critical point in the collapse of the Diem regime. Malcolm Browne won a Pulitzer Prize for his photograph of the monk’s death.
(Photo credit: Malcolm Browne / The colorized version made by u/mygrapefruit.)
Updated on: September 26, 2025
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In this case, which initially centered on loudspeaker restrictions at a mosque in Weligama, Senaka Weeraratna intervened to represent the interests of the general public affected by noise.
Legal Argument: He contended that the unrestricted use of loudspeakers violates the fundamental rights of the public, specifically the right to silence and the right to quiet enjoyment of property.
Captive Listeners: He argued that excessive noise creates “captive listeners” of people from other religious faiths, infringing on their own rights.
Personal Experience: His intervention was partly based on his personal experience as a resident of a residential area in Colombo where noise from a nearby place of worship disturbed the community.
Impact of the Campaign
The resulting Supreme Court judgment, delivered by Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, established significant precedents for noise control in Sri Lanka that remain relevant in 2026:
Time Restrictions: It prohibited the use of loudspeakers between 10:00 PM and 6:00 AM, except for special events with prior permission.
Decibel Limits: It reinforced that noise during the day (6:00 AM to 10:00 PM) must not extend beyond the precincts of the premises.
Public Nuisance: The court ruled that religious practices do not excuse public nuisance or the annoyance of the general public.
Weeraratna’s continued advocacy focuses on the enforcement of these standards by the police and the Central Environmental Authority (CEA) to protect public health and environmental quality.
Courtesy: AI Overview
https://share.google/aimode/nnmImemlSmRfaCbK1
See also
1) Chief Justice Sarath Silva’s monumental Judgement in the Ashik v Bandula case.
Held: Per Sarath N. Silva C.J. “A perceived convenience or advantage to some based on a religious practice cannot be the excuse for a public nuisance which causes annoyance to the public or to the people in general who dwell or occupy property in the vicinity.”
In 2023, the Minister of Justice appointed a committee chaired by Justice Mahinda Samayawardhena, Judge of the Supreme Court, to review laws and regulations related to noise pollution in Sri Lanka to bring them on par with global standard setting.
Members included Parinda Ranasinghe, the present Attorney-General, Director General of the Central Environmental Authority and the Deputy Inspector General of Police (Legal).
The committee submitted its report in March 2024.
It reviewed existing laws and regulations and draft regulations on noise emission prepared by the Ministry of Environment.
The committee also referred to global standards and internationally accepted best practices.
The committee’s recommendations cover varied forms of noise emission.
The committee stated that over the past decade, there has been a significant surge in environmental concerns, particularly regarding the escalating crisis impacting our climate and, as a result, the state of human life itself.
The World Health Organization states that excessive noise endangers human health by increasing the risk of diseases such as ischemic heart disease, hypertension, sleep disturbance, hearing impairment, tinnitus, cognitive impairment, adverse birth outcomes and mental health problems.
According to the National Geographic Society, noise pollution affects animals’ ability to survive as they use sound to navigate, find food, attract mates, and avoid predators.
The committee was of the view that noise pollution laws and regulations in the country should be on par with international standards.
The most important recommendation of the Justice Samayawardhena Committee relevant to our discussion is that noise pollution in Sri Lanka should primarily be regulated in accordance with the directions issued by the Supreme Court in Ashik v. Bandula.
Police inaction
One of the main reasons for the continuing noise pollution via loudspeakers is Police inaction.
The Facebook page of the National Coalition Against Noise Pollution is replete with posts giving instances of inaction by the Police.
Interactions with Police personnel show that they have not been adequately briefed on the judgment of the Supreme Court and their own IGP’s circulars.
A typical response when a complaint is made is that the organisers of the event causing noise would be asked to ‘reduce’ the sound.
That the judgment and the circulars require that noise emitted should not extend beyond the precincts of the particular premises is not known to almost all officers.
The Weligama Police need to be congratulated for taking action against the disco owners who violated the conditions of the permit.
It is interesting to note that Ashik v. Bandula also resulted from the refusal of the Assistant Superintendent of Police, Weligama Police, himself a Muslim as the Supreme Court observed, to issue a loudspeaker permit to a mosque due to complaints that there was excessive noise from mosques.
Soon after the Weligama incident, Acting IGP Priyantha Weerasinghe instructed the Kiribathgoda Police to order the Kiribathgoda United Traders Association to desist from using loudspeakers to advertise their businesses, causing inconvenience to residents of the area.
This followed complaints by the Viharadhipathi of the local temple and residents.
One hopes that these instances are not isolated and that the Police will follow the Supreme Court judgment and the IGP’s circulars to the letter.
Victims of noise pollution and everyone concerned about ensuring a clean environment will surely hope that saner counsel will prevail and that the government will not attempt to change the status quo based on a Supreme Court judgment that has been widely welcomed and is in consonance with international best practices.
Any such change will violate the fundamental rights to equality and equal protection of the law guaranteed by Article 12(1) of the Constitution and the freedom from cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment guaranteed by Article 11. (ColomboFeb14/2025)
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The process of transferring Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) assets to six newly established companies must be completed before February 1, 2026, the Secretary to the Ministry of Energy, Professor Udayanga Hemapala has notified the CEB.
It is reported that Professor Hemapala has issued the relevant directive in writing to the General Manager of the CEB.
The CEB has planned to implement it under six companies in the future under the restructuring program.
Accordingly, steps are currently being taken to systematically transfer all assets owned by the CEB to the respective companies.
Meanwhile, employees have already been assigned to the newly formed companies, while those unwilling to transfer were given the option to apply for voluntary retirement.
Consequently, a total of 2,173 employees have applied for retirement.
The Ministry of Energy has instructed the CEB to complete the payment of compensation to the affected employees within the first week of February.
Upon completion of the restructuring process, the Ceylon Electricity Board will be liquidated, and its operations will continue under the six new companies.
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National Development Bank PLC (NDB Bank) reaffirmed its commitment to national recovery and long-term resilience by extending its support to the Rebuild Sri Lanka Fund, a national initiative established to strengthen recovery efforts and support the rebuilding of communities affected by recent challenges faced by the country.
The contribution was officially handed over at the Presidential Secretariat, underscoring NDB Bank’s continued partnership with national institutions in advancing collective efforts aimed at restoring livelihoods, rebuilding infrastructure, and fostering sustainable recovery. Through this initiative, the Bank reinforces its belief that economic stability and social resilience must progress hand in hand, particularly during periods of national rebuilding.
Representing NDB Bank at the handover were K.V.Vinoj – Deputy Chief Executive Officer, Sanjaya Perera – Senior Vice President, Personal Banking & Customer Experience and Lasantha Dasanayaka – Vice President, Human Resources/Head of Corporate Sustainability, reflecting the institution’s commitment at the highest level to supporting national priorities. The occasion symbolised the Bank’s role not only as a financial intermediary, but also as a responsible corporate citizen actively contributing to the country’s long-term development and stability.
Aligned with its broader Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) framework, NDB Bank continues to integrate purposeful action into its business philosophy. The Bank’s involvement in the Rebuild Sri Lanka Fund complements its ongoing efforts to empower communities, support economic revival, and promote inclusive growth across the island.
NDB Bank remains steadfast in its mission to support Sri Lanka’s journey towards resilience and sustainable progress, working collaboratively with stakeholders to create meaningful and lasting impact for the nation and its people.
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According to international dam safety industry practice, “controlled copies” of the Dam Safety Emergency Management Plans shall be prepared, reviewed, tested and issued prior to commissioning of the dam / reservoir, thereafter, shall be tested and updated annually or as and when required.
A sample of the Register of Controlled copies are given below as a guide.
WhatsApp No +61403204066 (Please advise your WhatsApp No)
01 January 2026
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The Director General of the National Institute of Education (NIE), Professor Manjula Vithanapathirana, has resigned from her post following the massive controversy surrounding a new Grade 6 English language learning module.
Professor Vithanapathirana has reportedly decided to step down until the official investigation into the matter is concluded.
The Ministry of Education are probing the potential negligence that allowed the controversial content to reach the hands of students.
