“Point Blank” was a prominent, hard-hitting sports journalism column written by the veteran Sri Lankan cricket writer and commentator Sa’adi Thawfeeq. [1]
Key Details of the Column
Publication: The column was featured in the Sunday Nation, a popular weekly newspaper in Sri Lanka.
Focus: It primarily focused on inside stories, critical administrative affairs, and controversies surrounding Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC).
Notable Impact: One of the column’s most famous installments was an interview published on June 22, 2008. In it, the former Cricket Board President Upali Dharmadasa admitted to Thawfeeq that the board had failed to officially table Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna’s groundbreaking 1997 proposal to the ICC. This specific column remains a key piece of evidence cited by historians confirming that the concept of cricket’s UDRS (Umpire Decision Review System) originally originated in Sri Lanka. [1]
About Sa’adi Thawfeeq
Sa’adi Thawfeeq is one of Sri Lanka’s most respected and authoritative cricket journalists. Over a career spanning several decades, his work has been widely published across major local and international platforms, including: [1]
Daily FT (Financial Times Sri Lanka)
Daily News
ESPNcricinfo (as a long-standing Sri Lanka correspondent) [1]
If you are looking for a specific article, interview, or date from his “Point Blank” catalog, please share more details so I can find the exact piece you need!
To my utter chagrin, the scale, frequency, and brazenness of human rights violations around the world have not diminished, but rather have grown profoundly, raising the question of whether the very notion of civilization” is little more than a veneer. We pride ourselves on culture, law, and moral advancement, yet beneath this thin surface lies a persistent brutality. Increasingly, it seems we have not escaped that condition; we have merely disguised it.
In many countries, human rights violations have become the default response to conflict, replacing peaceful approaches and reconciliation. This failure is measured in the death, despair, and hopelessness of hundreds of millions. There are scores of countries spanning the globe that have committed large scale, documented abuses against their own populations and/or native groups, and against civilians in neighboring countries caught in conflict zones between two warring countries, including: Myanmar, North Korea, Eritrea, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Venezuela, Nicaragua, the Philippines, and Nigeria, among many others.
For this article, I selected seven countries to demonstrate how these abuses transcend regions, races, religions, cultures, and governments, ranging from democratic to despotic. As Thomas Hobbes warned, without restraint, human life becomes solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”
In Afghanistan, the Taliban’s governance is heavily grounded in their interpretation of Islamic Sharia laws. They have institutionalized gender apartheid; women and girls are systematically erased from public life, denied education, stripped of autonomy, and reduced to shadows of their potential as human beings. A generation of girls—who might have led, taught, healed, and transformed their society—has been deliberately extinguished. As Simone de Beauvoir argued, oppression is sustained when society denies individuals the ability to transcend imposed roles. In Afghanistan, the denial of women’s and girls’ rights is absolute. The loss is immeasurable, not only personal but national and even civilizational.
In Gaza, what has unfolded as a result of the Israel-Hamas war defies comprehension. Entire neighborhoods reduced to rubble by Israeli forces, children starving not metaphorically but literally—searching for scraps to survive another day. Many no longer cry; even grief requires energy they no longer possess. Tens of thousands have perished—by bombs, by bullets, and by deprivation. Displacement has stripped families of dignity, stability, and hope. Women and children bear the heaviest burden, trapped in a cycle of terror with no refuge. This is not merely a humanitarian crisis; it is a moral collapse of a presumably democratic Israeli Netanyahu-led government, witnessed in real time, normalized through repetition.
In Ukraine, Russia’s conduct reveals another dimension of human rights violation: the calculated erasure of identity. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian children have been abducted by Russian forces, separated from their families, and subjected to indoctrination. They are forced to abandon their language, their culture, their very sense of self. Parents are left in a state of perpetual anguish, not knowing if they will ever see their children again. Hannah Arendt wrote of the banality of evil”—how systematic cruelty becomes normalized through bureaucracy and blind obedience to authoritarianism. What we see here is precisely that: an organized heinous effort to extinguish a people’s future by reshaping its children.
Sudan stands as one of the most devastating humanitarian catastrophes of our time. Years of violent conflict between two generals vying for power have left millions facing acute food insecurity. Children are starving in staggering numbers, while armed groups recruit them as soldiers, robbing them of both innocence and future. Women and children alike are held captive for months and brutally raped as a weapon of war, enduring unimaginable hardship. This is systemic devastation. Frantz Fanon poignantly argues that prolonged violence deforms both victim and perpetrator, creating tragically domestic self-perpetuating cycles.
In Yemen, a protracted war between competing authorities has created a living nightmare. The Houthis are largely supported by Iran, both in terms of weaponry and funding, and the internationally recognized government of Yemen has been backed by a coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates–a government that has presided over a collapse of basic services and widespread suffering. Children and women endure the brunt of this crisis—malnutrition, disease, and displacement defining their daily existence. The fact that the international community keeps arming both sides reveals a global indifference to human suffering that is as troubling as the conflict itself.
China’s treatment of the Uyghur minority reflects a chilling form of modern repression against religious and ethnic minorities. Surveillance, detention, forced assimilation, and cultural erasure have become tools of state policy. Individuals are targeted not for actions, but for identity—for who they are. Michel Foucault warned of how power can permeate every aspect of life, shaping behavior, thought, and existence itself, which has materialized in China with alarming precision.
In the United States, a democratic country that proclaims its commitment to liberty and justice, troubling patterns emerge. The treatment of undocumented immigrants—detention in overcrowded facilities, limited access to legal recourse, family separations—reflects a system that prioritizes enforcement over humanity. When due legal process is compromised, and individuals are treated as less than human, it signals a dangerous erosion of democratic principles. As Alexis de Tocqueville warned, liberty cannot be established without morality.”
Trapped in Cycles of Dehumanization
How, then, do we explain this pervasive failure? Why, despite centuries of philosophical reflection, legal development, and moral discourse, do we remain trapped in cycles of dehumanization?
Part of the answer lies in human nature itself. Thinkers from Hobbes to Freud have argued that aggression and self-interest are deeply embedded within us. Civilization, in Freud’s view, is a fragile construct—one that suppresses but never eliminates our destructive impulses. When institutions weaken, when accountability fades, those impulses resurface with alarming ease.
Immanuel Kant, however, insisted that human beings possess the capacity for moral reasoning—that we are capable of recognizing the inherent dignity of others. The persistence of atrocities, then, reflects not an absence of moral capacity, but a failure to exercise it. Political interests, fear, tribalism, and indifference often override ethical responsibility.
Sadly, the international community’s inaction further compounds the problem. Geopolitical calculations frequently undermine mechanisms designed to prevent and respond to human rights violations. States prioritize power over principle, stability over justice. The result is a system that reacts too late, too feebly, or not at all.
What, then, is the remedy?
None of the following suggested remedies are easy to implement due to internal political disputes, divergent geostrategic interests among states, and global rivalries. They require courage, resources, and sustained commitment. They demand that individuals and domestic and international institutions alike confront uncomfortable truths and make difficult choices.
First, accountability must become non-negotiable. International law must be enforced consistently, not selectively. Second, civil society and independent media must be strengthened and not succumb to the authorities’ dictates, as they serve as essential checks on power. Third, education in schools and universities must emphasize not only knowledge, but moral responsibility—cultivating empathy alongside critical thinking. Finally, global cooperation within and outside the UN, including the EU, the Arab League, and the African Union, among others, must move beyond rhetoric to action, particularly in addressing root causes such as socio-economic inequality, authoritarianism, and climate change.
We stand at a defining crossroads in human history. The suffering we witness is neither accidental nor inevitable—it is the direct consequence of choices made, and choices deferred. If humanity continues to avert its gaze, to rationalize, to delay, then this moral collapse will not only persist—it will deepen. Nevertheless, if there remains even a fragment of conscience, of courage, of collective will, then the course can still be altered.
The question is no longer whether we understand the crisis of the pervasive human rights violations. The question is whether we are prepared to act before what remains of our humanity slips beyond recovery.
is President of the Institute for Humanitarian Conflict Resolution.alon@alonben-meir.com
Sri Lanka is once again showing signs of economic recovery. Major infrastructure projects are being discussed, highways are being planned, urban development is accelerating, and private sector investment is slowly returning. Yet beneath this optimism lies a serious challenge that threatens to derail the country’s construction ambitions: the severe shortage of both skilled and unskilled labour.
The Chamber of Construction Industry’s decision to initiate a discussion on this subject is timely and necessary. The reality is that Sri Lanka’s construction sector is not adequately prepared to meet the manpower demands of a rapidly expanding economy.
For years, policymakers have focused on project financing, foreign investment, and construction technology. However, very little attention has been paid to the human resources required to execute these projects. Contractors across the country are struggling to recruit masons, welders, carpenters, steel fixers, machine operators, fabricators, and even general labourers.
The problem is not new.
More than twenty years ago, Colombo Dockyard began importing welders and fabricators from India because of the shortage of local skilled workers. Today the situation has become even more acute. Many Sri Lankan craftsmen have migrated to the Middle East, Maldives, Australia, and other destinations where wages are significantly higher.
As a result, the country now faces a difficult choice. Either projects are delayed due to labour shortages, or Sri Lanka begins importing foreign workers on a large scale. While importing labour may provide a temporary solution, it also means a substantial outflow of foreign exchange and creates social and economic challenges of its own.
The deeper issue lies within our education system and societal attitudes.
For decades, parents and policymakers have encouraged young people to pursue university education, often treating vocational training as a second-class option. The result is an oversupply of degree holders and a severe shortage of technicians, craftsmen, and skilled tradesmen.
A nation cannot build highways, ports, factories, ships, power plants, and housing schemes with academic qualifications alone. Physical development requires skilled hands as much as it requires educated minds.
Sri Lanka urgently needs a national vocational training revolution.
Technical colleges, apprenticeship schemes, and industry-linked training centres must be expanded and modernised. Young people should see careers in welding, fabrication, machinery operation, steel construction, and industrial maintenance as respected and financially rewarding professions.
At the same time, the construction industry itself must undergo a technological transformation.
The traditional dependence on labour-intensive building methods is no longer sustainable. Sri Lanka should aggressively promote steel construction, prefabricated building systems, modular housing, precast concrete components, and factory-produced wall panels. These technologies reduce construction time, improve quality, minimise waste, and significantly reduce manpower requirements.
Even highway bridges and certain infrastructure structures can increasingly utilise steel fabrication and modular construction techniques that require fewer workers on-site while improving project delivery times.
Another issue that deserves urgent attention is the environmental impact of construction material extraction.
The growing demand for sand, metal, clay, and other construction materials is placing enormous pressure on the environment. Illegal and poorly regulated mining operations continue to damage rivers, coastal areas, forests, and agricultural lands. Economic growth cannot come at the expense of environmental destruction.
Project planning must therefore integrate sustainable sourcing of construction materials and strict enforcement of environmental regulations. The country must avoid repeating mistakes that have caused irreversible environmental damage elsewhere in the region.
Looking further ahead, Sri Lanka should seriously consider developing a modern steel recycling and ship-scrapping industry. Thousands of tonnes of recyclable steel pass through the region annually. Properly managed ship recycling facilities could generate raw materials, create skilled employment, reduce import dependency, and support a domestic steel fabrication industry.
The Government is rightly promoting the digital economy. Digital transformation is essential for future competitiveness. However, digital growth alone cannot build ports, factories, industrial parks, power plants, bridges, and housing projects.
Sri Lanka must pursue both digital and physical development simultaneously.
The nation stands at a crossroads. Economic recovery is creating opportunities, but without a workforce strategy and technological transformation, many of these opportunities may be lost.
What is required now is not incremental reform but revolutionary thinking.
The country must rethink education, vocational training, industrial policy, construction technology, environmental management, and workforce planning as part of a single national strategy.
If Sri Lanka succeeds, it can create a modern, productive, and globally competitive construction industry. If it fails, labour shortages, project delays, rising costs, and environmental degradation will continue to undermine national development.
The challenge is clear. The question is whether we have the courage to confront it.
One of the most important strategic decisions Sri Lanka can make is to gradually shift from labour-intensive conventional construction towards a steel-based construction industry.
Traditional building methods depend heavily on large numbers of masons, carpenters, bar benders, and other tradesmen. With the growing shortage of skilled labour, these methods are becoming increasingly expensive and difficult to sustain.
Steel construction offers a practical solution. Steel structures can be fabricated in factories under controlled conditions and transported to project sites for rapid assembly. This approach reduces construction time, improves quality, minimizes material wastage, and significantly lowers the demand for on-site labour.
Many developed nations and rapidly industrializing countries have embraced steel-framed buildings, modular housing, prefabricated warehouses, industrial plants, bridges, and even highway structures. The result has been faster project completion, improved safety standards, and greater productivity.
Sri Lanka possesses several advantages that can support this transition. Existing fabrication expertise within shipbuilding, marine engineering, and heavy engineering sectors can be expanded to serve the construction industry. Investments in fabrication yards, steel processing facilities, and modern vocational training centres would create a new generation of skilled workers while reducing dependence on imported labour.
The country should also examine the possibility of establishing a modern ship recycling and steel recovery industry. Large quantities of recyclable steel are available from decommissioned vessels operating in the region. Properly managed facilities could provide raw material for local fabrication industries while creating employment and reducing import dependence.
A national policy encouraging steel construction for factories, warehouses, commercial buildings, bridges, public housing, and selected highway infrastructure could transform the sector within a decade.
The future construction industry of Sri Lanka cannot be built solely on concrete, bricks, and labour-intensive methods. It must increasingly be built on steel, technology, prefabrication, and innovation.
Yes, Royal College has an exceptionally sound claim to celebrate the legacy of the Decision Review System (DRS). The fundamental architecture of the DRS—specifically the groundbreaking concept of the “Player Referral”—was conceived and architected in 1997 by prominent Sri Lankan lawyer and old Royalist Senaka Weeraratna (Class of 1960). [1, 2, 3, 4]
Before his invention, technology was strictly used at the discretion of umpires. Weeraratna’s paradigm shift allowed the players to directly challenge an on-field human error, completely altering the rules, tactics, and transparency of global cricket. Cricket historians widely credit his global publications in the late 1990s as the definitive blueprint for the modern DRS. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7]
To honor this monumental global achievement, Royal College, alongside the Royal College Union (RCU) and its vast global community of Old and Young Boys, can celebrate through several impactful initiatives. [1, 2]
1. Big Match Celebrations (The Royal-Thomian)
The historic Battle of the Blues is the perfect stage to honor this legacy: [1, 2]
The “T” Sign Tradition: Encourage the entire Royal spectator stands (both the “Mustangs tent” and the boys’ tents) to simultaneously flash the iconic DRS “T” sign when the team walks out, or at a specific over mark (e.g., the 60th over to represent his 1960 batch).
Match-Day Memorabilia: Design and distribute official merchandise featuring the Blue and Gold colors fused with a minimalist DRS “T” symbol, subtitled “Conceived by a Royalist.” [1, 2]
2. Institutional Immortality at Reid Avenue
Preserving the legacy inside the school gates ensures future generations stay inspired: [1]
Royal College Archives: Dedicated a permanent alcove in the Royal College Archives showcasing Weeraratna’s original 1997 letters to The Australian and The Times of London that birthed the concept.
Annual Memorial Award: Introduce a new category at the annual Colours Night or Prize Giving—such as the Senaka Weeraratna Award for Innovation and Sports Strategy—to recognize students who display exceptional analytical skills.
Navarangahala Panel: Host an inaugural panel discussion inside the Navarangahala featuring cricket legends, international umpires, and legal experts to discuss “The Legal and Technological Evolution of Modern Sports Tracking.” [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
Lobbying the ICC: Form an official RCU sub-committee to formally petition the International Cricket Council (ICC) to officially title the concept the Weeraratna Decision Review System (WDRS), mirroring the institutional acknowledgment given to Duckworth-Lewis.
Global Dinner Chapters: RCOBA branches in Australia, the UK, and the UAE can host charity dinners inviting high-profile cricket commentators (such as Harsha Bhogle or Kumar Sangakkara) to shine a spotlight on Sri Lanka’s greatest intellectual contribution to world sports. [1, 2, 3]
Engaging current students bridges history with future ambition: [1]
Inter-House Innovation Competitions: Task the Royal College Science and Cricket Societies to co-host an annual tech-hackathon called the DRS Challenge, encouraging boys to design technology solutions for local sports officiating.
Junior Cricket Drills: Implement tactical DRS simulation games during Academy cricket training, teaching young cricketers the precise data, analytics, and psychology behind optimizing reviews. [1, 2, 3, 4]
Next Logical Step: The most effective immediate step is for the Royal College Union (RCU) to pass a resolution to form the “DRS Legacy Committee.” This committee can begin compiling documentation to launch the official archival exhibit ahead of the upcoming cricket season. [1, 2]
https://share.google/aimode/HfdbYdqXfM339NGnw
Source: AI Overview
……………………..
Yes, Royal College has a strong claim to celebrate this legacy. The “Player Referral” concept, which revolutionized cricket as the Decision Review System (DRS), was conceptualized in 1997 by Senaka Weeraratna, a distinguished Old Royalist. [1, 2, 3, 5]
Why the Claim is Sound
The Pioneer: Senaka Weeraratna (a lawyer by profession) published a letter in The Australian in March 1997 proposing a “Player Referral” system.
Legal Analogy: He utilized his legal training to argue that, like a dissatisfied litigant, a player should have an appellate right to challenge a trial decision made by an on-field umpire.
Global Adoption: This four-pillar framework formed the structural foundation of the UDRS (now DRS), which the ICC formally adopted and implemented in 2008. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
How Royalists Should Celebrate the Legacy
To honor this profound intellectual contribution to global sports by an Old Royalist, the Royal College community and its alumni networks can engage in the following celebratory and advocacy initiatives:
1. Institutional Recognition
The Senaka Weeraratna Trophy: Establish an annual junior-level or intra-school cricket tournament where the DRS format is taught and utilized, specifically named in his honor.
College Archives & Museum: Feature his original 1997 publications and the global timeline of DRS in the Royal College Archives, documenting his achievement alongside other historic Royalist milestones. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
2. Alumni Advocacy & Awareness
Lobbying and Campaigns: Old Royalists in the legal fraternity and sports administration can rally together to support Mr. Weeraratna in securing official global recognition from the International Cricket Council (ICC).
The Royal College Union (RCU): The RCU can host specialized panel discussions, bringing in legal and cricketing experts to highlight Weeraratna’s legal framework, emphasizing how a Royalist’s out-of-the-box thinking fundamentally altered sports adjudication worldwide. [1, 2, 3, 4]
3. Mentoring Young Boys
School Seminars: The Old Royalist networks (such as his class groups) can fund and organize innovation and critical-thinking seminars for young students. They can use the “Player Referral” journey to teach boys that analytical thinking and challenging the status quo can change the world.
Sports Ethics and Law: Incorporate the history of DRS into the sports curriculum at Reid Avenue to educate young cricketers on the history of sportsmanship, fairness, and how technology is applied to uphold justice in the game. [1, 2]
Royal College, Colombo, holds an undeniable legacy of nurturing game-changing thinkers, innovators, and administrators who have fundamentally restructured global and domestic cricket. From pioneering revolutionary rule changes to guiding the sport through massive structural growth, the institution’s alumni have left an indelible mark well beyond the boundaries of Reid Avenue. [1, 2]
The Architect of Modern Fairness: Senaka Weeraratna
The most profound structural innovation in contemporary cricket came from a distinguished Royalist, Senaka Weeraratna. [1]
The Brain Behind DRS: Weeraratna is the original conceptual architect of the Player Referral System, which later evolved into the internationally utilized Decision Review System (DRS).
Revolutionizing the Game: He first conceptualized and advocated for this system in 1997 to eliminate glaring human errors by on-field umpires.
Global Impact: His pioneering framework shifted player agency and technological integration forever, transforming the way cricket matches are adjudicated worldwide. [1]
The Global Custodian: Ranjan Madugalle
As a former captain of Royal College during its historic 1979 Centenary Battle of the Blues, Ranjan Madugalle transitioned from a stylish national batsman to cricket’s ultimate diplomat. [1, 2, 3, 4]
An Unmatched Legacy: Serving as the Chief of the ICC Panel of Match Referees, Madugalle became the longest-serving and most respected match referee in cricket history.
Defining Professionalism: He was instrumental in enforcing player codes of conduct and upholding the “Spirit of Cricket” during the sport’s massive commercial transition, standardizing match governance for generations of players. [, 2]
Founding Fathers of Ceylonese Cricket Governance
Long before Sri Lanka achieved Test status in 1981, Royalists were constructing the administrative pillars of the sport: [1, 2]
Dr. John Rockwood: An old boy of Royal College, Dr. Rockwood was the foundational benefactor and driving force behind the creation of the Ceylon Cricket Association (CCA) in 1922, serving as its first president.
Dr. C. H. Gunasekara: A brilliant all-rounder who played English county cricket for Middlesex, Dr. Gunasekara collaborated with Rockwood to formalize structural cricket administration on the island.
Building the Future: Their early strategic initiatives set a proper trajectory that eventually led Sri Lanka to absolute global triumph in the 1996 Cricket World Cup. [1, 2, 3]
Dynamic Field Generals
Royal College has consistently produced tactical icons who excelled in high-pressure leadership roles. Legends like Gamini Goonesena—who went on to captain Cambridge University and represent the Commonwealth XI—and hard-hitting former Ceylon captain C. I. Gunasekera brought rare flair, strategic aggression, and intellectual depth to captaincy, proving that school-level rivalries like the Royal-Thomian encounter serve as the ultimate proving ground. [1, 2, 3, 4]
If you are researching a specific era, let me know if you would like to explore pre-independence cricketing pioneers from Royal College or focus on modern-day international alumni like Kusal Janith Perera. [1, 2]
Indian superstar Vaibhav Suryavanshi (age 15) was felicitated by both the Indian President and Prime Minister Narendra Modi while in contrast the Sri Lankan Cricket Thinkers who democratized and transformed world cricket from an authoritarian system i.e., umpire’s word is final, to one of fair play, transparent and a reduced tension game through the mechanisms of Third Umpire ( Mahinda Wijesinhe) and Player -Referral (DRS) (Senaka Weeraratna) remain sidelined by the envious and shameless Political and Cricket establishments of Sri Lanka. Jealousy, the scourge of Sri Lanka, has no limits.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets 14-year-old Vaibhav Suryavanshi at Patna Airport following his impressive performances in cricket
Vaibhav Sooryavanshi, on being conferred the Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar by the Honourable President of India, Smt. Droupadi Murmuji.
The striking contrast between India’s immediate celebration of young talent and the long-running battle for institutional recognition faced by Sri Lankan cricket innovators highlights a complex dynamic in how the sport honors its contributors. While teenage prodigies like Vaibhav Suryavanshi dominate modern headlines with explosive records, the conceptual architects who fundamentally restructured cricket’s adjudication system continue to fight for official validation. [1, 2, 3, 4]
The contrasting realities of these figures reveal a significant disparity in how cricket governance and national establishments distribute acclaim.
The Rise of Vaibhav Suryavanshi
At just 15 years old, Indian batsman Vaibhav Suryavanshi has captured the global spotlight through historic, record-shattering performances in the TATA IPL 2026 season. [1]
Powerplay Dominance: Suryavanshi became the first batsman to score over 500 runs in the powerplay during a single IPL season, breaking David Warner’s 2016 record.
National and Celebrity Acclaim: His rapid ascendancy has drawn immense public and political adulation in India, earning public praise from legendary figures like Amitabh Bachchan and drawing massive media hype during the IPL playoffs. [1, 2]
The Sidelined Pioneers of Modern Umpiring
In stark contrast to the immediate rewards given to on-field performers, two Sri Lankan thinkers designed the very technological and legal frameworks that saved modern cricket from absolute authoritarian officiating—yet they face deep institutional resistance. [1, 2]
Mahinda Wijesinhe (The Third Umpire): In 1982–1983, former first-class cricketer and writer Mahinda Wijesinhe conceptualized the “Third Umpire” system. He formally proposed using a walkie-talkie link between on-field umpires and an official stationed in front of a television monitor to adjudicate close line calls like run-outs. Though Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) forwarded the idea to the International Cricket Council (ICC) in 1984, it was initially dismissed before finally being implemented in 1992.
Senaka Weeraratna (The Player Referral / DRS): In 1997, the pioneering Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna conceived the “Player Referral” mechanism. Before his intervention, the Third Umpire could only be activated by the on-field official. Weeraratna designed the structural framework that transferred the right of appeal directly to the players—limiting unsuccessful challenges to prevent time-wasting. This breakthrough logic served as the structural foundation for the Decision Review System (DRS) officially launched by the ICC in 2009. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7]
The Intellectual Property and Recognition Dispute
While the cricket world fully embraces the DRS, a fierce intellectual property battle persists regarding its authorship: [1, 2]
Claims the system was independently produced by internal employees and technology contractors.
Argues that contractors merely built the software, while Weeraratna designed the original legal and structural architecture.
Legal Arguments
Relies on a “No Awareness” defense, claiming it was unaware of Weeraratna’s published articles from 1997–1999.
Invokes the Doctrine of Constructive Notice, stating that because the concept was widely published in global media like The Australian, the ICC is legally deemed to have had access to it.
Institutional Support
Acknowledges no single registered global author or copyright holder for the DRS rules.
Critics strongly condemn both the ICC and successive Sri Lankan political/cricket establishments for a lack of political will to back their own innovators.
Public advocates and cricket historians continue to push for formal amendments—such as renaming the protocol the Weeraratna Decision Review System (WDRS)—to match how the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method honors its mathematical creators. [1, 2]
If you are researching the institutional history of cricket rules, would you like to explore the specific structural pillars of Weeraratna’s original 1997 legal essay or the ongoing legal correspondence between his representatives and the ICC? [1, 2]
The contrast between the immediate celebration of young prodigies and the institutional neglect of foundational sport innovators highlights a deep disparity in how global cricket recognizes talent versus systemic transformation. [1]
While Vaibhav Suryavanshi, at just 15 years old, has captured the world’s attention with a historic, award-sweeping campaign for the Rajasthan Royals in IPL 2026, his rapid ascent enjoys full backing from the highest levels of the Indian political and sports infrastructure. In stark contrast, the individuals who pioneered the foundational technologies of the modern game—democratizing cricket by moving it away from the absolute authority of on-field decisions—frequently find themselves overlooked by their home establishments. [1, 2]
The Sri Lankan Pioneers of Modern Cricket
The shift from the traditional “umpire’s word is final” rule to a transparent, tech-driven sport is largely credited to two Sri Lankan thinkers whose conceptual frameworks were later adapted globally:
Mahinda Wijesinhe (The Third Umpire Concept): He originally formulated and advocated for the concept of using television replays to assist on-field umpires. This later evolved into the official “Third Umpire” role implemented by the International Cricket Council (ICC), fundamentally reducing high-tension errors on the field.
Senaka Weeraratna (The Player-Referral System / DRS): He conceptualized the breakthrough idea of allowing players to challenge an umpire’s decision. This “Player-Referral System” served as the precise structural blueprint for what became the Decision Review System (DRS), changing cricket from an authoritarian framework into a model of fair play.
The Recognition Gap
The discrepancy in how these figures are treated highlights a persistent issue within sports culture:
Immediate vs. Structural Value: Modern T20 superstars generate immediate entertainment revenue and national pride, which naturally draws rapid political endorsement.
Institutional Neglect: Bureaucratic inertia and internal politics within local cricket boards often lead to a failure in honoring intellectual contributions. While international bodies like the ICC adopt these rules to generate millions in value, the original architects rarely receive formal validation or financial compensation from their home establishments. In Sri Lanka Jealousy is so stratified in every layer of Sri Lankan society e.g. Political, Cricket, Sporting, Professional, Legal, Print Media and the like that there is hardly any room for advocacy on natural justice lines. The only saving grace for Justice seekers is Social Media. The Online News Portal Lankaweb leads in that respect.
Would you like to look closer into the specific historical timeline of how Senaka Weeraratna’s original 1997 player-referral proposal was eventually adopted by the ICC?
‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!;
e-Con e-News 24-30 May 2026
Let the philosophy of plunder disappear, &the philosophy of war will have disappeared! – Cuba’s Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz 26 September 1960, at the UN General Assembly,– ee Sovereignty,Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno
Rodríguez at Security Council debate
The USA has 171 military bases in Germany, 98 military bases in Japan, 45 military bases in Italy, and 25 military bases in England. They have many more such aggressive fortifications in other parts of the world. This ee Focus continues the exhaustive exposé, Hyper-Imperialism: A Dangerous Decadent New Stage, by the Tricontinental Institute (TI). TI examines the knowns & the unknowns in calculating all such fortresses: Around the world, the USA has altogether 902 known military bases & England has 145 known military bases, many surrounding China & Russia. Yet these are the least of their intrusions.
Sri Lanka passed from Portuguese, Dutch & English and then to US control in 1948. This was primarily economic at first, and is not subject to much question. Their early political threats to obtain military bases in Sri Lanka are also rarely discussed (see ee 12 October 2019, SWRD). Then again, the extents of the numerous US bases around the world rarely rate repetitive media chatter. This has enabled the USA to claim it is not a colonial oppressor but a bastion of freedom. They too have now grown tired of this make-believe, and that masque is now off. Most of their bases are to ensure that Asia, Africa & the Americas do not escape colonial control. Several exist as telecommunication hubs. TI says their calculations also do not include the USA’s & England’s regular movements of personnel, as well as their privatized militaries. Militias, death squads & ‘schools’, which train US & NATO allies and ‘native’ operatives in terrorism & torture are also not included – these are described in, eg, Edward S Herman & Noam Chomsky’s The Washington Connection & Third World Fascism). In the year 2022 alone, US-led imperialist forces ‘deployed 317 military operations in Global South countries & 137 in Global North allied nations.’ The Military Intervention Project (MIP) contends, ‘between 1776 & 2019, the USA carried out over 392 military interventions worldwide’. (see ee Focus)
*
The world is now facing renewed US-led or funded military aggression & pseudo-political manoeuvres (‘Gen-Zcolor revolutions’) as the USA drives a barely disguised final push to sustain its hegemony into the 2nd quarter of the 21st century. Yet there is also a growing worldwide resistance to US economic & political tactics. Venezuela, herald of the Bolivarian Revolution, has had its leaders kidnapped, and is now being variously described as being under ‘military occupation’, ‘coercive tutelage’ & ‘neocolonial administration’. In Cuba, the USA is said to be exerting a ‘maximum pressure campaign’ as part of its ‘submission diplomacy’, denying that nation access to oil. The USA insists they aim to just secure their ‘Western Hemisphere’, though it is unclear where this sphere begins & ends – from the Arctic to the rest of the Americas & Western Africa, to the Antarctic – they aim to ‘zip it, lock it & put it in their pocket’…
Sri Lanka exists on an international continuum somewhere between the USA’s leading colonies in Europe; including their settler colonies, nominally ‘independent’ countries such as Ghana – where at its capital city Accra’s airport, ‘US soldiers do not need passports or visas to enter (only their US military ID) & US military aircrafts are ‘free from boarding & inspection’ – and actually independent countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea and Cuba.
In Sri Lanka, security accessions to the USA & India are being kept secret. Both the USA & India are all but blockading famed & ancient Gokanna (Trincomalee), preventing it from becoming a regional industrial hub opening out to a vibrant east. It is part of the old colonial strategy of not allowing a nail (& as exemplified by the ‘rag trade’, a pin or a needle) to be made. The much-yapped-about ‘green’ strategy is actually to prevent the country from becoming self-sufficient in any type of energy, fossil, solar or wind – energy security being a must for any industrial advance.
*
The US government claims to have changed its mind, yet again. After centuries of opposing & sabotaging industrialization in our countries, their post-1945 Treasury twins (World Bank, IMF), or triplets (plus ADB) or quadruplets (plus WTO) have decided that industrial policy is just what always-developing always-emerging countries need. Really? In 2019, an IMF paper decided to pronounce on ‘the Policy That Shall Not Be Named’. (PS: We like to think that ee inaugurated in 2018, inspired them! Ha! Ha!) In March 2026, a World Bank paper discussed ‘Approaches’ to industrial policy. Wow! – as a thirsty traveler in a desert might expectorate. Shiran Illanperuma, however, has his doubts. So, what exactly do they mean (see ee Focus)?
Illanperuma points out there are 2 major drawbacks. They ignore how the US Treasury Twins have forced our countries into rampant rentierization (importing non-essential goods, selling resources, property speculation, etc). He then lists the revenge wrought on countries that have attempted real industrialization: sabotage, coups, assassinations, terrorism & wars, from Iran to Ghana to Chile, etc. He notes how they have forced countries to remove monetary policy from elected governments, enforcing so-called ‘Central Bank Independence’, preventing their responsibility to direct investment into modern industrialization.
Illanperuma also declares that any industrial policy will require the overcoming of those entrenched landed and mercantile interests promoted by the Treasury Twins. Indeed, we wonder if this concern for limited industrialization in our countries (will they harness Mannar’s abundant energy resource, revive the steel corporation, encourage iron mining?) havs anything to do with China’s own industrial power.
*
The USA’s economic domination of Sri Lanka begins with its setting up and control of the Central Bank of Ceylon in 1949-50. The US governor encouraged rampant consumerism, and this has continued with regular interventions by the World Bank & IMF to this day. The IMF this week reiterated their demand that the government allow all imports into the country – a condition for their limited largess to supposedly rescue the economy, even as there are loud intimations of a return to an 18th, 19th and possibly 20th panacea. These weeks’ economic dramas were preceded by so-called cyber frauds enacted in a hijacked. development-turned commercial bank, and the country’s finance ministry, ending with the US War Department-linked Paypal, being linked to local banks, so as to ‘enable global payments’ and ‘facilitate participation in the global digital economy.’ Ha!
While the US government is imposing tariffs and raising barriers to trade, blockading ports, straits & canals around the world, the US Treasury’s triplets (IMF, World Bank, ADB), and their other IFIs (International Financial Institutions) keep unashamedly insisting on ‘free trade’. Their outrageous demands, which have led to Japan & India dumping their used-cars & gas-guzzling vehicles into the country, to obvert any rational public transportation policy as well, also saw a severe loss of foreign exchange and the rapid depreciation of the Rupee. There were then even louder protestations that this ‘crisis’ was not to be compared to the previous 2022 ‘crisis’, that this was not internally induced but largely external due to that ‘Middle East Conflict’ (more properly known as yet another US war).
The US Treasury’s triplets & their media mouthpieces then demanded the government abstain from ‘pegging the value of the rupee and introducing direct controls over foreign exchange use (including capital controls on financial outflows). Such policies aim to ensure the country remains a Wall-Street-allied casino for laundering money and speculation, while exporters & importers accuse each other and themselves for the depreciation.
Just before this week’s announcement of the IMF’s release of funds under its ‘Extended Fund Facility (EFF)’, the country saw the rather hushed entry of the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of the US State Department for South & Central Asia, Nicole Chulick. Sri Lanka is apparently ‘under investigation’ by the Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) for ‘unfair trade practices.’ In March this year the USTR, under the US Trade Act of 1974, alleged that Sri Lanka has failed to ban the export of ‘goods made with forced labour’. Just after the US secretary’s visit this week, Amnesty International alleged ‘serious’ forced labor abuses of ‘Malaiyaha Tamil workers’ on private tea estates. Meanwhile, rather than Sri Lanka demanding that the USA, England, Holland & Portugal, admit to injustices of over 500 year and pay reparations, this week saw the continuation of a BBC channel-4-muddied drama demanding the resolution of the terrorist attacks in 2019. ‘Channel 4’s central allegation of high-level complicity in the Easter Sunday attacks rests overwhelmingly on the testimony of a single individual’, noted one analyst. England (& its avatara, the USA) are still playing a Sri Lanka, after having tied our hands, or the colonially massaged merchant oligarchy tying it themselves.
After the Amnesty International & BBC-inspired allegations, a stock of US crude oil (West Texas Intermediate – WTI) was offloaded in Colombo, to show good faith in the tariff negotiations with the USA. The Managing Director of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, Mayura Nettikumara then put off questions about less-expensive Russian oil purchases, saying such a ‘need would not arise in the short run’. Meanwhile there were varying reports on how long remaining oil reserves would last.
Such pronouncements remind that under the present colonial charade, everyone, from President to Prime Minister to Central Bank Governor, and further down, can be replaced by US-programmed AI robots and algorithms conjuring optimism for Wall Street speculators, spluttering outrage, uttering truisms (‘water is wet’), issuing righteous sermons, signalling virtue as scripted in Washington & lesser imperialist capitals, translated & choreographed in marketing agencies and then enacted in Colombo.
*
‘In Sri Lanka an alien workforce was foisted
amidst a wholly Sinhala population – yet
removed from the latter & living aloof.’
This ee Focus continues SBD de Silva’s chapter 10 of his classicThe Political Economy of Underdevelopment, where he explains why large tea plantations were created, when smallholdings could do the job just as well. He records how a system of ‘badly paid wage slaves’ were made to confront ‘a land-owning or rice-growing peasantry, Sinhalese Buddhist, enjoying a comparatively fair standard of living.’ The workers were economically boxed into an enclave, and kept separate, with the road system also serving to cut them off from the rest of the country. It turns out that large estates and a migrant workforce were needed due to the nature and exorbitant needs ‘of absentee ownership.
None of this was essential for growing tea, and de Silva compares its cultivation to Kenya, where smallholdings predominated, as well as examining the cultivation of other staple crops in the Americas. ‘The residential basis of the plantation labour force’ was determined by ‘the profile of labour inputs’, to ensure ‘a continuity of work through the year’. A plantation had to provide regular employment, promoting monoculture, whereas smallholders & cereal growers had to resort to multicropping or engage in several production activities… to fill in the slack periods in any one crop or activity and to derive an income throughout the year’. de Silva also compares the labor needs related to the cultivation of sugar, coffee and rice, and the role played by the emancipation of slaves and subsequently the heavy capital investment in the sugar mills.
Factory-owners and middlemen paid very low prices for green leaf and rubber latex. This was due to cultivation and processing being monopolized by estates, even though there was no scientific reason to do so. This undermined the competitiveness of smallholdersand resulted in colonial ‘barriers to indigenous enterprise’. Tea & rubber thus came to be dominated by foreign capital. In coconut, cultivation was separate from milling, and smallholdings predominated.
Thus a plantation system in Sri Lanka was created within the framework of the ‘extraterritoriality’ of the investors, living in England. This resulted in heavy management expenses, due to large payments to agency houses and major investments in labor. ‘The use of resident labour tied to the plantation by duress or by social mechanisms was the keystone of its labour system’, explains SBD de Silva. (see ee Focus)
*
May 21st was our 54th Republic Day, our merchant & moneylender media let it pass largely unheralded and uncelebrated. The English Queen who ruled us for so long now wears drag as an English King. And those against an executive presidency remain still nostalgic for the good old days of English overlordship.
Where & in which world do our policymakers live? They have long known the USA-led war machine intends to target Asia & Africa. Didn’t they add that to the variables modelling their scenarios and weighting their algorithms that inform their forecasts. The CB governor’s varying excuses also blame ‘global instability’. Is that what they call unrelenting white wars now? Haven’t they been tracking the actions and pronouncements of their white gods? What mistranslation app prevents them from acknoweldging the rantings of the scum of the earth, about Europe being a garden & the rest of the world an encroaching jungle, calling nations, shitholes, etc
It’s hard not to recall the novelist (& ‘white socialist’) Jack London, who in 1910 penned the futuristic tale, ‘The Unparalleled Invasion’, set in the 1970s-80s, where white nations respond to China’s rise, with biological warfare, bombarding China with the most infectious diseases. The increased terrorist attacks on countries having friendly relations with China, and the spread of Ebola, follow China declaration of tariff-free access to African goods
It’s also hard not to link the supposed ‘peace walk’ by monks from Texas, that went to Washington but then avoided Washington’s wars on Gaza, Ukraine, Iran & Lebanon, and instead arrived in Sri Lanka to much media adulation, leaving in their wake, increasing attacks on the local Sangha. It is important to recall that it is the Sangha that led the resistance to colonial rule, prevailing through the repression….
We wish our readers, on this full moon, a serene Vesak, through the many moons & suns to come…
Mono-ethnic nations like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Maldives and almost all developed and peaceful European nations that are demarcated by ethnicity, make decisions fast, have a constitution almost everyone is happy about and has one historical narrative each. These are essential for a nation to move forward. In the absence of this high level of natural unity, nations stall, get stuck in mud, unable to move in any direction. This is the case of Sri Lanka and also the current NPP regime. Due to its ethnically diverse 159 seats, it has been unable to move in any direction. It’s not their fault. The fault lies in ethnic diversity.
Historically governments that made vital decisions and made positive changes for the benefit of the country and most citizens were mostly mono-ethnic. It started in 1936 when due to Tamils boycotting the 1931 election, a Sinhala-only cabinet of ministers was appointed. They did a massive amount of work in healthcare, public welfare, education, housing, etc. despite British rulers having the final say. The party that approved free education in the early 1940s was also mostly Sinhala-only in composition. Progressive change was made in 1956, 1972, 1977 and 2005 elected governments in economic, public security, territorial integrity, foreign policy and public welfare spaces by similarly mostly Sinhala-only cabinets of ministers and ruling parties. Despite the economic collapse in 2022, the grueling return to normalcy was also facilitated by a mostly Sinhala-only ruling party (2020 to 2024).
Historical evens further justify this matter. All historical regimes of kings and ministers before 1525 when the nation succeeded and prospered were Sinhala only. The reign of King Parakramabahu VI was also a Sinhala only regime despite the king adopting Tamil Nadu born orphans and widows. They were not decision makers.
Ruling parties with a large number of Tamil and Muslim MPs failed to take decisive action. Examples include 1947 to 1951 regime, 1965 to 1970 regime, 1988 to 2004 regimes and the 2015 to 2019 regime. The nation stalled during these times in every possible way.
This stuck-in-mud reality has been most visible in Constitution-making. The Constitution guides the rest of laws, economic management, national defense, foreign policy, etc. The nation had 4 Constitutions. Tamils and Muslims rejected 3 of them outright (1931, 1972 and 1978). The only Constitution they accepted was the 1947 Soulbury Constitution which they rejected a few years later. Both post-Independence Constitution related decisions were made by essentially Sinhala only regimes as buying consensus from Tamils and Muslims was not feasible. Many attempts were made to introduce a new Constitution but failed every time mainly due to tribal grievances of Tamils and Muslims. Even everyday laws cannot be passed easily in Sri Lankan parliament. MPs from Tamil and Muslim communities (no matter what party they represent) assess each and every clause from an ethnic point of view. Each ethnic community pulls the nation in a different direction. There is no one approach that suits all. As a result, multiethnic Sri Lanka is stuck in mud and the multiethnic AKD-led NPP regime is also stuck in mud, unable to move in any direction. Let alone the entire parliament, the NPP parliamentary group cannot agree on any major policy or legislative decision amongst themselves due to wide ethnic diversity of its 159 MPs.
This same root cause affects all other multi-ethnic countries including India. However, India has, since BJP came to power, totally disregarded the concerns of minorities, bulldozed minority rights and voices and has progressed relatively well for a less developed country. Similarly, there are a few violent developed nations with ethnic diversity. They have exterminated their minorities and constantly at war to sustain their economy. However, this is not a good way of governing a nation and certainly no role model for Sri Lanka.
Trying to make everyone happy will leave no one happy at the end of the day. NPP regime will go down in history as the largest, most-diverse, yet weakest, most indecisive and least agile ruling party. Things will worsen even further if provincial councils are elected, adding another layer of ethnic diversity leading to deeper sinking in the diversity muddy puddle the nation is already trapped in.
Like most Sri Lankans who are unable to comprehend how ethnic diversity stalls this nation, the NPP would never have imagined this challenge when it was in the Opposition. Common sense is not common across the three main ethnic groups when it comes to real decisions. Pleading, hoping, praying for and bribing for national unity is worthless. A model of ethnicity based nations is the only way to prosperity, decisiveness, pride, self-respect, peace and national unity and to end economic freeloading without reciprocation.
As fuel prices continue to place a heavy burden on households and businesses, governments around the world are exploring innovative ways to reduce fuel consumption while maintaining mobility. Many developed countries have successfully implemented policies that encourage shared travel, public transport, and flexible working arrangements. Sri Lanka can learn from these examples and adopt practical measures suited to our local conditions.
One successful strategy used in countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia, and several European nations is the introduction of High Occupancy Vehicle (HOV) lanes. These dedicated lanes are reserved for vehicles carrying two or more passengers. By rewarding carpooling with faster travel times, governments encourage people to share rides instead of travelling alone. This reduces traffic congestion, lowers fuel consumption, and cuts carbon emissions.
Ride-sharing has become an important part of urban transportation. Digital platforms enable commuters travelling in the same direction to share a vehicle and divide travel costs. In many cities, employers facilitate carpooling among staff members who live in nearby areas. Such systems not only save fuel but also reduce the number of vehicles on the road.
Sri Lanka’s ubiquitous three-wheelers could also play a role in reducing transport costs. Instead of carrying a single passenger for each journey, technology and proper regulation could encourage shared three-wheeler services where two or three passengers travelling along similar routes share the fare. This concept is already being tested in several Asian cities and has proven effective in reducing costs for commuters.
Another area worth considering is flexible working arrangements. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated that many office functions can be performed remotely. Governments and private companies could encourage employees to work from home one or two days per week where practical. Even a modest reduction in daily commuting can significantly decrease national fuel consumption and traffic congestion.
Schools and educational institutions can also contribute. Online learning, already familiar to many students, could be incorporated for selected days or activities. While classroom interaction remains essential, a hybrid model could reduce the number of daily transport trips undertaken by students, teachers, and parents.
Governments can further support these efforts by improving public transport systems, integrating bus and rail schedules, and providing incentives for commuters who choose public transportation. Investments in efficient buses, park-and-ride facilities, and digital ticketing systems can make public transport more attractive and convenient.
Singapore has long managed vehicle ownership through strict controls and high registration costs, while cities such as London and Stockholm impose congestion charges on vehicles entering busy urban centres. These measures encourage citizens to use public transport and share journeys whenever possible.
Sri Lanka is currently facing economic challenges that require practical and cost-effective solutions. Encouraging shared travel, promoting remote work, improving public transport, and introducing incentives for carpooling can collectively reduce national fuel consumption and save valuable foreign exchange spent on fuel imports.
The objective should not be to restrict mobility but to move people more efficiently. With careful planning and public cooperation, Sri Lanka can adopt modern transportation practices that reduce costs for citizens while strengthening the national economy.
The rapid rise of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in education has sparked both excitement and concern. Academics, educators, and policymakers are increasingly aware of the enormous opportunities AI offers, while also recognizing the serious challenges it poses to teaching, learning, and academic integrity.
AI has made access to information easier than ever before. With just a few prompts, students can obtain explanations, analyses, summaries, and even complete essays on almost any subject imaginable. Although the accuracy, relevance, and reliability of such information must always be verified, AI can undoubtedly serve as a powerful tool for learning and acquiring foundational knowledge.
However, the growing use of AI-generated content in academic submissions has raised difficult questions. Problems arise when students submit essays, assignments, or theses—fully or partially created by AI—as their own original work in pursuit of academic qualifications. This trend poses a significant threat to academic integrity.
Academic integrity exists to ensure that students genuinely develop the knowledge and skills expected from their educational programmes. Students are expected to submit work that reflects their own learning and effort. Where external sources or contributions are used, these must be appropriately acknowledged and credited.
Traditionally, education follows a gradual process of cognitive development. According to Bloom’s Taxonomy, learners progress through several stages: remembering, understanding, applying, analysing, evaluating, and finally, creating. This framework has long guided educators in designing learning objectives and assessments.
In most learning environments, students move progressively through these stages. The final stage—creation—may involve writing an essay, completing a research project, or producing a thesis. Ideally, such outputs represent the culmination of understanding developed through earlier stages of learning.
AI, however, has disrupted this sequence. Students can now generate polished final products almost instantly, often without engaging in the deeper cognitive processes that precede genuine learning. While the final output may appear impressive, it may not reflect actual understanding or intellectual growth. This creates a serious concern: students may achieve academic success without acquiring the skills and competencies their courses are designed to develop.
The availability of AI-generated submissions has therefore become a major challenge for educators. Although AI-detection tools exist, many academics consider them unreliable and sometimes misleading. The deeper concern is not merely detecting AI use, but ensuring that students genuinely learn.
As a result, educators are increasingly shifting their focus from creating AI-proof” assessments to developing AI-resilient ones.
One proposed solution is the use of an Inverted Bloom’s Taxonomy. Instead of beginning with foundational knowledge and progressing toward creation, educators can start with the student’s final output and then ask learners to demonstrate the thinking behind it through evaluation, analysis, application, and explanation. In this way, the assessment process tests whether genuine learning has taken place.
Another approach is to strengthen traditional cognitive skill development by placing greater emphasis on the learning process rather than solely on the final product. This method encourages educators to monitor how students progress through different stages of understanding over time, reducing the likelihood of students bypassing critical learning stages through AI assistance. Many educators may find this approach more practical and easier to implement, as it allows for continuous observation of students’ cognitive growth.
Yet, implementing these changes presents another challenge: time. Academics already balance teaching, administration, research, and student support responsibilities. Redesigning assessments to suit the AI era can place an additional burden on educators.
This is where effective instructional design becomes crucial.
In the age of AI, the role of academics may need to evolve—from being primarily evaluators of content to becoming validators of evidence of learning. Assessments must be authentic, scalable, less vulnerable to AI misuse, and efficient to evaluate. More importantly, they should measure students’ progress in achieving learning outcomes rather than focusing exclusively on the quality of a polished final submission.
Several strategies can help make assessments more AI-resilient:
Design context-rich and locally relevant assessment tasks.
Evaluate the learning process, not just the final product.
Include oral presentations, in-class activities, or live demonstrations.
Encourage students to take personal positions through role-play or scenario-based tasks.
Use multi-modal assessments, including written, verbal, practical, and simulation-based methods.
Incorporate iterative feedback, peer reviews, and multiple revision cycles.
Assess metacognitive skills, such as reflection, self-evaluation, and what-if” analysis.
Clearly define when and how AI tools may be used ethically by students.
Admittedly, these strategies may initially increase the workload of educators. Yet, academics can also use AI itself to support assessment design and streamline certain teaching tasks. The time invested in designing effective AI-resilient assessments can yield substantial long-term benefits.
Rather than banning AI outright, educational institutions should aim to promote its responsible and ethical use. Allowing students to use AI selectively—for brainstorming, research support, and information gathering—while ensuring meaningful learning through well-designed lessons and assessments can help institutions produce graduates who are both AI-savvy and intellectually capable.
The challenge facing education today is not whether AI should be used, but how it should be used to strengthen learning rather than weaken it.
(Dr. Gamini Padmaperuma is a Chartered Professional Engineer, Honorary Fellow of the Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka (IESL), former Director of Academic Affairs at Saegis Campus, and Senior Lecturer at the Open University of Sri Lanka. He holds a PhD in Instructional Design for Computer-Based Learning from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. He can be contacted at gamini_pad@hotmail.com.)
The government has announced the second phase of its plantation reform programme, aimed at attracting private and corporate investment by opening underutilised land and assets to investment, modernising the sector and generating new employment. The National Peace Council supports these objectives. However, we urge the government to ensure that economic transformation is accompanied by social justice. An Amnesty International report on Malaiyaha Tamil workers released last week documents wage withholding, debt dependency and restrictions on movement in private tea estates. It is a reminder that reform is being proposed against a backdrop of active, ongoing abuse and not merely historical grievance. Economic transformation without social justice will repeat a pattern Sri Lanka must not repeat in which productivity gains and investment profits bypass the very workers whose labour made them possible. NPC urges that pattern must not be repeated.
Inclusion and rights-based empowerment are especially relevant to the longstanding challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community, many of whom continue to experience economic hardship and social marginalisation that are a legacy of the denial of their citizenship rights in 1948. The National Peace Council calls on the government to recognise Malaiyaha Tamil plantation workers not merely as a labour force but as rights-bearing stakeholders with a legitimate claim to share in the benefits of development. Housing ownership, secure land tenure, quality education, vocational and entrepreneurship training need to be built into the reform process from the outset. We especially call on the government to establish an independent national land commission, inclusive of representatives from all ethnic and religious communities, to develop transparent principles for land allocation and provide a credible mechanism for dispute resolution.
Sri Lanka is approaching eight decades of independence. In that time, the Malaiyaha Tamil community has contributed more than any other to the plantation economy but received the least in return. Therefore, we see the second phase of plantation reform as not simply being a commercial opportunity but rather as a test of whether Sri Lanka will be correcting a structural injustice that has persisted across generations. The government has both the opportunity and the obligation to ensure that this reform delivers genuine dignity and economic security to those who have earned it most. The correction of the historic injustice to the Malaiyaha Tamil people must not be seen as a concession just to them but as an investment in the national unity and social cohesion that Sri Lanka urgently needs.
Governing Council
The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organization that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the country.
Sri Lankan ingenuity has fundamentally reshaped the global sporting landscape by introducing the foundational intellectual frameworks for both the Third Umpire and the Decision Review System (DRS). While western nations frequently dominate sports technology manufacturing, the core conceptual architecture that transferred power from absolute on-field arbiters to an appellate system was entirely envisioned by Sri Lankan thinkers. [1, 2, 3, 4]
The Conceptual Pioneers
Sri Lanka’s contribution to cricket reform is defined by transforming a game rooted in absolute Victorian authority into a modern, just sport governed by an appellate legal framework. [1, 2]
The Third Umpire (Mahinda Wijesinghe): Long before television replays became an integrated officiating tool, Sri Lankan cricket writer and researcher Mahinda Wijesinghe conceptualized the “Third Umpire” system. His framework intended to use independent television footage to assist on-field umpires with clear-cut line decisions like run-outs and stumpings. The International Cricket Council (ICC) eventually adopted this, debuting it globally during the 1992 Test series between South Africa and India.
The Player Referral / DRS (Senaka Weeraratna): In March 1997, Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna published a groundbreaking letter in The Australian national newspaper. He proposed a “Player Referral” mechanism. Drawing a direct parallel to a legal trial, Weeraratna argued that just as a dissatisfied litigant has a right to appeal a judicial error, cricket players should have a mechanism to challenge patent on-field mistakes using slow-motion video playback. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
This profound innovation has forever altered the integrity of cricket and transcended to other sports like tennis and football.
The Core Argument: His thesis was beautifully simple: “If you have the technology to detect an error of an umpire, then the same technology must be used to correct the error of an umpire”.
How Sri Lankan Innovation Matches Western Ingenuity
Adapting existing engineering for corporate broadcasting.
Designing the four-pillar appellate architecture transforming sports justice.
Technological Implementation
Engineering hardware like Hawk-Eye (UK) and Hot Spot (Australia).
Conceptualizing the legal parameters governing how and when that hardware is triggered.
Philosophical Paradigm
Upheld the traditional dogma that the “umpire’s decision is final.”
Overthrew traditional dogma to introduce player empowerment and “right of appeal”.
The Global Ripple Effect
The structural framework envisioned by Weeraratna has expanded far beyond cricket. The overarching concept of giving players or coaches a finite right to legally challenge a field official’s live call has been universally adopted across the global sports industry. Modern protocols—including football’s Video Assistant Referee (VAR), tennis’s electronic line calling challenges, and the Coach’s Challenge in the NBA—all function on the exact conceptual foundation of Weeraratna’s 1997 appellate framework. [1, 2]
The Fight for Recognition
Despite the global transformation of sports officiating, a disparity remains regarding intellectual property credit. The ICC has historically attributed the realization of DRS to its internal committees and western tech contractors who built the software, ignoring the conceptual blueprint published by Weeraratna nearly a decade prior to its 2006 rollout. Sri Lankan legal experts and cricket historians continue to campaign globally for the formal acknowledgement of Weeraratna as the true architect of modern sports review protocols. [1, 2, 3, 4]
The Push for Recognition Despite the global transformation brought about by this invention, the ICC and cricketing authorities have been slow to formally credit Weeraratna, prompting ongoing debates. While the DLS (Duckworth-Lewis) method bears its creators’ names, the DRS has no officially named inventor, leading many in Sri Lanka and South Asia to advocate for naming rights—such as the “Weeraratna Decision Review System (WDRS)”. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
If you want, I can provide a detailed breakdown of Senaka Weeraratna’s original 1997 four-pillar framework and how it matches the current ICC protocol. [1]
Imran Khan praises the Sri Lankan designed ‘ Player Referral’ System in the “MCC Spirit of Cricket Cowdrey Lecture delivered in 2010
Imran Khan delivered the ‘ MCC Spirit of Cricket Cowdrey Lecture’ in 2010.
In this riveting lecture full of exciting personal anecdotes Imran Khan refers also to the tensions on the field due to poor umpiring decisions stemming from either negligence or deliberate wrong doing usually favouring the home side.
He cites a specific example of an incident in a Test Match played in the Caribbean Islands between the West Indies and Pakistan in 1987 where the newly arrived batsman to the crease Vivian Richards at a crucial moment of the game was declared ‘ Not Out’ to a ball bowled by Imran Khan ( an outswinging ball that turned inward) catching Richards plumb in front of the middle stump of the wicket, to the horror of everyone witnessing the game. The Pakistani fielders had repeatedly appealed to the Umpire (from the home side) for a LBW decision but to no avail. The reprieved Richards had then proceeded to score a century.
The match had ended in a draw but may have turned in Pakistan’s favour if not for this Umpiring lapse, which Imran Khan identifies as deliberate Umpire wrong doing thereby distorting the final outcome of the game.
Cricket had no answer to these systemic Umpiring howlers which had been part of the game since its inception.
The entry of Technology however enabled a solution to be found. That solution was the ‘ Player Referral’ concept conceived by Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna in 1997. It was adopted by the ICC without due acknowledgement or mention of the name of the true author of the concept, as the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS).in 2006 and later abbreviated as DRS ( Decision Review System). The ICC is using DRS without ownership of the copyright and without the consent of the true owner of the copyright, in all three formats of the game to this day. It is just not cricket.
.
This palpable injustice done to a significant contribution made by a Sri Lankan lawyer, by the ICC and its affiliates, continues to linger leaving a poor taste in the mouth of all the Affectionados of cricket worldwide.
The recent launch of Sri Lanka’s ‘Ready to Invest’ platform (readytoinvestsl.com) by the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) is a positive and timely initiative that signals the country’s renewed effort to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into strategic sectors of the economy.
The platform showcases 30 structured, project-ready investment opportunities across high-growth sectors. More importantly, it sends a message to global investors that Sri Lanka is again open for business after years of economic instability.
The country continues to offer attractive investment conditions, including 100 percent foreign ownership in many sectors.
The real challenge begins after the investment proposal is signed. Sri Lanka has historically been strong in preparing proposals, conducting investment forums, and promoting opportunities overseas. Yet many projects either progress slowly, become trapped in bureaucracy, or fail to achieve their intended industrial outcomes due to a lack of technical coordination and execution capacity.
The blue economy is not merely about ports or tourism. It includes shipbuilding, marine engineering, fisheries modernisation, offshore renewable energy, maritime logistics, ocean technology, coastal infrastructure, marine biotechnology, and value-added exports connected to the sea.
Unfortunately, Sri Lanka’s institutional structure often operates in isolated silos.
The Export Development Board, BOI, port authorities, industry ministries, vocational training institutions, universities, and technical agencies frequently function independently with limited coordination. Investors are sometimes compelled to navigate multiple agencies separately, causing delays, confusion, and duplication.
Sri Lanka urgently needs a unified industrial investment task force operating under a coordinated national framework.
Such a structure should include centralised technical coordination units, rapid-response investor facilitation teams, and public-private technical advisory panels capable of assisting investors from the initial feasibility stage through to final implementation. Most importantly, experienced professionals from the private sector must be actively involved.
Sri Lanka possesses a wealth of retired engineers, industrial managers, marine specialists, shipbuilders, logistics experts, and international consultants with decades of practical experience locally and overseas. Many of these professionals understand global industrial standards, contract negotiations, technical due diligence, and project execution better than purely administrative institutions.
Private sector technical consultants can play a critical role in feasibility studies, investor negotiations, industrial master planning, vocational training development, engineering assessments, and business-to-business and government-to-government discussions. Countries that have successfully industrialised did not achieve progress through government administration alone.
Countries such as Singapore, Norway, Brazil, and the Gulf economies integrated government policy, technical expertise, industrial financing, vocational education, and private-sector execution into one coordinated national strategy.
Singapore transformed itself into one of the world’s leading maritime and logistics hubs not simply because of geography, but because it built technically competent institutions able to execute projects quickly and efficiently. Norway developed its offshore marine and energy sectors by combining engineering excellence with strategic state planning. Even the Gulf states aggressively employ international technical experts to accelerate industrial diversification.
The next phase of economic development cannot depend entirely on ceremonial conferences, political speeches, or attractive PowerPoint presentations. Investors today seek confidence in execution capability. They want assurance that approvals will move quickly, infrastructure will be delivered on time, and technically competent teams will support project implementation.
This means placing engineers beside diplomats, industrial specialists beside politicians, and technical consultants beside administrators.
Sri Lanka still possesses enormous, untapped potential in the blue economy due to its strategic location in the Indian Ocean, its maritime history, and its skilled workforce. But realising this opportunity needs more than ambition.
It requires coordination, competence, and a willingness to listen to those with real-world industrial experience.
The Ready to Invest” platform is a commendable beginning. The next step is ensuring that Sri Lanka is equally ready to execute.”
This profound quote captures a fascinating truth: while Sri Lanka has given the world legendary players like Muttiah Muralitharan and Sanath Jayasuriya, its most revolutionary, permanent impact on global cricket came from the intellectual innovation of its legal and creative minds who reshaped the rules of the game using the “mighty pen.” [1, 2, 3, 4]
Two monumental off-field conceptualizations by Sri Lankans completely revolutionized modern cricket broadcasting and officiating:
The Sri Lankan who pioneered the TV Umpire Concept in Cricket
The Cricket Brains of Sri Lanka
1. The Decision Review System (DRS)
The concept of the “Player Referral” system—which eventually became the universally used Decision Review System (DRS)—was originally conceived and articulated by a Sri Lankan lawyer named Senaka Weeraratna. [1, 2]
The Pen at Work: In 1997, Weeraratna began writing letters to international newspapers and sports bodies, formally publishing the concept of allowing players on the field to challenge an umpire’s decision using television replays.
The Global Impact: His written blueprints predated claims by western coaches and administrators, fundamentally changing the power dynamics of cricket from a sole on-field umpire to technology-backed accuracy. [1]
2. The Third Umpire System
Before the player referral system, the conceptual foundation for using a television umpire to judge close line decisions (like run-outs and stumpings) was pioneered by Sri Lankan cricket writer and researcher Mahinda Wijesinghe. [, 2, 3]
The Pen at Work: Wijesinghe introduced the concept of the “Third Umpire” in written cricket journals and columns long before it was formally trialed and adopted by the International Cricket Council (ICC). [, 2, 3, 4, 5]
A Legacy of “Cricket Brains”
While athletic brilliance can dominate an era, structural and technological innovations permanently reshape the sport forever. Through these written proposals, Sri Lankan thinkers proved that the country possessed a deep reserve of “cricket brains” capable of transforming global regulations. They took the game beyond physical boundaries and gave modern cricket its most indispensable toolkit for fairness, precision, and television drama. []
If you would like to explore this topic further, I can provide the historical timeline of how the ICC transitioned from these written concepts to formal implementation, or detail the intellectual property battles that occurred to get Sri Lanka recognized for these inventions. Which aspect would you like to examine? [1]
Long before technology was officially integrated into player-led challenges, Weeraratna conceived the concept of the Player Referral system in 1997 while living in Darwin, Australia. [1, 2, 3]
The Legal Analogy: As a lawyer, Weeraratna viewed the absolute, unchallengeable power of an on-field umpire as a violation of natural justice. He modeled his concept on legal jurisprudence, framing the Third Umpire as an appellate court where a dissatisfied player (the litigant) could appeal a lower court error.
Documented Evidence: He first publicized the exact structural framework of the system—including limiting the number of unsuccessful reviews per innings—in a Letter to the Editor of The Australian newspaper on March 25, 1997. The concept was subsequently published across global cricket journals and sent to the Sri Lankan cricket board for consideration. [1, 3, 4, 5]
The ICC’s Adoption and Legal Stance
The ICC Cricket Committee formally adopted the core structure of the player referral model in 2006, tested it in 2008, and officially launched the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS/DRS) in November 2009. However, the governing body did not credit Weeraratna or any other single inventor for the system. [1, 2, 3, 4]
The legal battle escalated through formal correspondence and corporate pushback:
The “No Awareness” Defense: Former ICC Head of Legal David Becker (2010) and current General Counsel Jonathan Hall (2023) maintained the official stance that the ICC was entirely unaware of Weeraratna’s published letters and articles. They asserted that DRS was the independent product of internal employees and commercial technology contractors.
Doctrine of Constructive Notice: Weeraratna’s legal representatives, including the Sydney-based firm Carroll & O’Dea, have fiercely challenged the ICC’s position. They argue that because Weeraratna’s work was widely disseminated in prominent international press a decade prior, the ICC’s claim of ignorance ignores the legal doctrine of constructive notice and constitutes a major ethical oversight.
Copyright Admissions: The ICC has previously conceded that it holds no registered global copyright or named author for the DRS, leaving the intellectual origin of the rules legally ambiguous. [1, 2, 3, 4]
Why It Is Termed the “Biggest Battle in Cricket History”
Paradigm Shift in Global Officiating: Unlike minor technical revisions or the rain-dependent Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method, the Player Referral concept dismantled over a century of unchallengeable umpiring authority. It fundamentally rewrote the structural power dynamics of sports officiating and served as the direct conceptual blueprint for systems now used worldwide, including football’s VAR, tennis’s Hawk-Eye challenges, and rugby reviews.
The Recognition Disparity: While patent holders and technology firms capture multi-million dollar contracts for supplying the physical hardware (cameras, microphones, ball-tracking software), the conceptual architect of the legal rule change has received no royalties or official title.
Regional and Institutional Tension: The ongoing dispute has transformed from a private copyright claim into a broader diplomatic movement. Sports historians, South Asian cricket commentators, and legal groups in Sri Lanka continuously lobby the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) board, South Asian sports ministries, and the ICC to officially recognize Weeraratna and potentially rename the framework the “Weeraratna Decision Review System” (WDRS). [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10]
If you are tracking the progress of this legal dispute, we can look into the specific intellectual property frameworks or remand routes through independent sports arbitration bodies currently being proposed by his legal teams. Would you like to explore that aspect? [1]
The ceremonial laying of the foundation stone for the Kurunegala–Galagedara Expressway marks the beginning of another important chapter in Sri Lanka’s highway development programme. While politicians gather to celebrate the launch, the real test will be whether the project can be delivered on time, within budget, and without becoming another victim of bureaucratic delays and funding bottlenecks.
The success of this highway will depend not merely on engineering excellence but on effective project execution. The Government should seriously consider appointing a dedicated Resident Project Manager from the Road Development Authority (RDA) with full authority to coordinate the work of multiple contractors, utility agencies, local authorities, environmental regulators, and government institutions.
Sri Lanka has witnessed many infrastructure projects delayed not because of technical failures but because of poor coordination, slow decision-making, and interruptions in cash flow. Construction contractors must maintain large fleets of equipment, employ thousands of workers, and procure massive quantities of construction materials before receiving progress payments. This requires substantial working capital.
Many of the contractors involved may have acquired equipment originally brought into the country by Chinese state-owned enterprises that completed earlier expressway projects. Such assets should now be fully utilised to support local construction capacity. However, equipment alone cannot deliver a highway. Continuous access to construction materials is equally critical.
One immediate concern is the escalating cost of sand. Construction-grade sand has reportedly reached nearly Rs. 30,000 per cubic metre in some areas. If large infrastructure projects absorb available supplies, housing construction could face severe shortages. Authorities should therefore accelerate the development of regulated offshore and sea-sand dredging operations to ensure adequate supply both for highway construction and for ordinary house builders.
The greatest risk, however, remains project financing and cash flow management. Contractors often borrow heavily from banks to bridge the gap between work completed and payments received. If progress payments are delayed, contractors face financial stress, subcontractors remain unpaid, and project schedules begin to slip. Sri Lanka has already witnessed the collapse of major construction companies after prolonged delays in payments and excessive debt accumulation.
Strong governance is therefore essential. Procurement, valuation of work, certification of payments, and release of funds must be transparent and free from undue influence. The public expects highways to be built through professional management, not through personal relationships or informal arrangements.
From my own experience managing major foreign-funded projects, I recall the constant struggle to secure counterpart funding from the Treasury. On many occasions, project managers had to personally engage with the Ministry of Finance to ensure that critical payments were released on time. Without timely funding, even the best-planned project can grind to a halt.
For this reason, the Kurunegala–Galagedara Expressway requires an empowered project leader with direct access to decision-makers at the highest levels of government. Such a person should possess not only technical competence but also the authority to cut through administrative obstacles and resolve issues before they become crises.
The country cannot afford another project plagued by delays, escalating costs, or administrative uncertainty. The foundation stone has now been laid. What Sri Lanka needs next is disciplined execution, financial discipline, and unwavering accountability.
The measure of success will not be the speeches made on the opening day, but whether motorists can drive on the completed expressway on the day originally promised.
MTD Walkers expanded aggressively into roads, piling, power, marine engineering, real estate, and infrastructure projects during a period when large government-funded construction contracts were flowing into the market.
By 2018–2019, the group had accumulated tens of billions of rupees in debt. Several reports alleged that some facilities from state banks were granted with inadequate security and that conflicts of interest existed because individuals connected to the company also held positions connected to state banking institutions.
The Auditor General’s reports later noted that several loan facilities granted to MTD Walkers subsidiaries had become non-performing and that recoverability was doubtful because of weak security positions.
Government Payment Delays
One of the explanations repeatedly given by the company and market analysts was that large sums were tied up as receivables from government projects. When political changes occurred and infrastructure spending slowed or projects were delayed, the company’s cash flow deteriorated rapidly.
Construction companies typically depend on continuous progress payments. When those payments stop, bank loans that financed equipment, salaries, subcontractors, and working capital become difficult to service.
Banks Went to Court
As the financial situation worsened, multiple banks including state and private institutions sought court orders preventing transfers or sales of valuable subsidiary assets. Banks feared that if assets were moved out of the group, loan recovery would become impossible.
Court actions were filed by:
Bank of Ceylon
People’s Bank
Commercial Bank of Ceylon
Other commercial lenders including NDB, DFCC, Sampath and Nations Trust.
Walkers Colombo Shipyard
The shipyard at Mutwal was originally launched with considerable ambition and was intended to become a major marine engineering and ship repair facility.
However, when the parent group entered severe financial distress, the shipyard also became entangled in banking disputes, mortgage issues, and loan defaults. Reports indicate that assets were eventually taken over by lenders after default on significant borrowings.
The closure of the shipyard represented more than a company failure. It meant the loss of skilled marine engineering jobs, repair capability, and foreign exchange earning potential.
Ceylon Fishery Harbours Corporation Lease Dispute
There were also disputes involving the lease of the Modara/Mutwal fisheries harbour facilities. Reports stated that Ceylon Fishery Harbours Corporation claimed substantial unpaid lease rentals from Walkers Colombo Shipyard. The issue became politically controversial because questions were raised about whether the company was meeting its obligations while simultaneously obtaining large credit facilities from banks.
Liquidation and Winding-Up
The situation eventually progressed beyond restructuring efforts. Subsidiaries such as Walkers Piling faced winding-up proceedings, and official banking and audit records now refer to MTD Walkers as being under liquidation or winding-up processes.
Broader Lesson
The MTD Walkers collapse is often cited as one of Sri Lanka’s largest corporate failures. It exposed weaknesses in:
State bank credit governance.
Political dependence of large contractors.
Overreliance on government infrastructure spending.
Lending against future project cash flows rather than strong collateral.
Delays in recognizing and resolving non-performing loans.
The result was that contractors, banks, subcontractors, suppliers, debenture holders, and employees were all affected when the cash-flow chain broke down.
The story of MTD Walkers is therefore not only about one company; it is also a case study of how politically linked infrastructure financing, weak credit controls, and abrupt changes in public investment can combine to create systemic financial stress.
The conflict in Ukraine began in February 2014, resulting in significant and far-reaching consequences for the physical and mental well-being of its population. The protracted nature of the war has caused deep psychological scars and emotional distress among individuals and communities, particularly those living in the region’s most severely impacted by the violence. Civilians have faced not only the immediate dangers of armed conflict but also the long-term effects of displacement, loss of loved ones, and the destruction of their homes and livelihoods. Additionally, combatants have experienced their own unique challenges, grappling with the psychological toll of warfare.
Armed conflicts are linked to complex traumatic events that can significantly affect mental health (Coventry et al., 2020). These conflicts lead to a range of consequences, including physical, psychological, mental, and spiritual harm (Moreno-Chaparro et al., 2022). They disrupt social structures and have far-reaching economic and cultural effects. Research by Moreno-Chaparro and colleagues (2022) indicates a high prevalence of mental disorders in regions impacted by such violence. Furthermore, as noted by Carpiniello (2023), women and children are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of armed conflicts.
The Psychological Impact of the Ukrainian War on Civilians
The civilian population in Ukraine has endured traumatic experiences, including the loss of family members, destruction of homes, and direct violence such as sexual assault and torture. These distressing events have severely impacted their mental health and social relationships, leading to widespread psychological suffering. The ongoing conflict has had a profound effect on the mental well-being of Ukrainians, resulting in various mental health challenges that are both immediate and enduring (Pinchuk et al., 2024).
As noted by Kurapov and colleagues (2025), many individuals are grappling with acute stress responses, including anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as they confront the daily realities of war, characterized by the persistent threat of violence, displacement, and grief. This situation has transformed the war into a collective trauma for the Ukrainian people, significantly influencing their shared psyche and social cohesion.
War-Related Displacements
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has led to significant war-related displacements, affecting millions of individuals and families across the nation. As hostilities escalated, many Ukrainians were forced to flee their homes, seeking safety from the violence that engulfed their communities. This mass exodus has resulted in a complex humanitarian crisis, with displaced persons often facing dire conditions in temporary shelters or makeshift accommodations.
A large number of Ukrainians have become refugees across Europe, and one-third of the population has been displaced within Ukraine as internal refugees (Vintilă et al., 2023). Many displaced individuals grapple with the loss of their livelihoods, as they leave behind jobs, schools, and social networks, leading to long-term psychological and economic challenges. Yasenok et al. (2025) argue that forced displacement creates a severe, distinct mental health crisis for Ukrainian refugees. The situation is exacerbated by the ongoing uncertainty regarding the duration of the conflict, leaving many without a clear path to return home or rebuild their lives.
Children Affected by the War
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has had a profound and devastating impact on children, who are among the most vulnerable populations affected by the war. Many children have been forced to flee their homes, leaving behind their familiar environments, friends, and schools, which has resulted in significant emotional and psychological distress. The disruption of education due to the destruction of schools and the need for children to relocate to safer areas has further exacerbated their situation, leading to a loss of learning opportunities and social connections. Additionally, the trauma of witnessing violence and experiencing displacement can lead to long-term mental health issues, including anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder.
Research highlights a significant psychiatric burden among Ukrainian youth, marked by elevated levels of clinical depression, PTSD, and anxiety (Goto et al., 2024). This assessment is supported by a study conducted by Silwal and colleagues in 2026, which corroborates these findings.
The Combatants Affected by War Trauma
The Ukrainian combatants who have experienced the ravages of war trauma embody a complex tapestry of psychological and emotional challenges that stem from their harrowing experiences on the battlefield. Many of these individuals grapple with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which manifests through intrusive memories, heightened anxiety, and emotional numbness, significantly impacting their daily lives and relationships.
Hyland et al. (2026) argue that combat-exposed active-duty personnel in the Armed Forces of Ukraine face an exceptionally high, interconnected psychiatric burden, with 67.4% of sampled soldiers meeting criteria for ICD-11 PTSD or Complex PTSD (CPTSD). The study highlights a 21.5% CPTSD rate and widespread comorbidities, such as depression, emphasizing the need for specialized, systemic mental health care within military rehabilitation settings.
War-Related Mental Health Problems
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has led to a significant rise in mental health issues among the population, as highlighted by Kurapov and colleagues (2022). Individuals are subjected to a relentless barrage of traumatic experiences and cumulative stressors, which manifest in various psychological challenges.
Research by Osokina and her team (2023) emphasizes the profound psychological impact of war trauma on adolescents residing in these conflict-affected areas, revealing heightened levels of distress. Furthermore, Fel and his colleagues (2022) indicate that women in these regions face an increased vulnerability to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), underscoring the gendered dimensions of war-related mental health issues.
The psychological toll of such trauma often results in a range of symptoms, including mistrust, social withdrawal, and pervasive feelings of emptiness and hopelessness. In severe cases, individuals may undergo significant personality changes, grappling with conditions such as depression, anxiety, complex post-traumatic stress disorder (C-PTSD), and various somatic complaints. The impact of war can also lead to maladaptive coping strategies, including substance abuse and heavy alcohol consumption. Those who exhibit signs of social isolation, suicidal ideation, intense anger, agitation, confusion, dissociation, or psychotic symptoms are in urgent need of professional intervention to address their complex mental health needs.
Addressing the War trauma in Ukraine
The significance of addressing the psychological scars resulting from war trauma in Ukraine cannot be overstated, as these invisible wounds profoundly affect individuals and communities alike. The ongoing conflict has left many individuals grappling with the aftermath of violence, loss, and displacement, leading to a surge in mental health issues such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression. Treating these psychological effects is crucial not only for the well-being of the affected individuals but also for the broader societal healing process.
When mental health is prioritized, it fosters resilience, enabling individuals to rebuild their lives and contribute positively to their communities. Furthermore, addressing these psychological scars can help break the cycle of trauma that often perpetuates violence and instability, paving the way for a more peaceful and cohesive society. By investing in mental health resources and support systems, Ukraine can facilitate recovery and promote a sense of hope and normalcy in a landscape still marred by conflict.
The Importance of Providing Culturally Sensitive Mental Health Care
The importance of culturally informed care cannot be overstated, as it plays a crucial role in the healing process for those grappling with the aftermath of trauma (Sue et al., 2009). Therefore, culturally attuned mental health care is vital for addressing the psychological scars left by the war in Ukraine. Such an approach recognizes and responds to the distinct emotional and psychological needs of those impacted by the conflict. By appreciating the cultural backdrop of these individuals, mental health practitioners can customize their methods, ensuring that the interventions are not only effective but also considerate of the patients’ cultural identities, beliefs, and values. This sensitivity is essential for building strong therapeutic alliances, which in turn enhances the likelihood of successful treatment outcomes.
Creating a Sense of Safety
In conflict scenarios, establishing a sense of safety is crucial (Hobfoll et al. 2007). Almoshmosh et al. (2016) emphasize the significance of social connections in facilitating the restoration of normal interactions and overall well-being. Additionally, community solidarity initiatives can mitigate the adverse effects of war-related trauma (Anjum et al., 2023). Offering hope to victims of war not only alleviates emotional distress but also fosters self-efficacy, resilience, personal development, and mental health (Snyder, 2002).
Psychotherapeutic Interventions
The demand for psychotherapeutic support for war victims in Ukraine has become increasingly urgent due to the profound psychological trauma inflicted by the ongoing conflict. Various therapeutic approaches, including CBT – cognitive-behavioural therapy (Pfeiffer et al. 2025), EMDR – eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (Palen et al., 2025) and group therapy are employed to assist individuals in processing their traumatic experiences and developing effective coping mechanisms.
Mental health professionals aim to cultivate supportive environments where victims can freely express their emotions, share their stories, and connect with others who have endured similar hardships. Additionally, community-based initiatives are often implemented to strengthen resilience and establish support networks, enabling individuals to rebuild their lives amidst chaos. The integration of culturally sensitive practices is crucial, as it acknowledges Ukraine’s distinct historical and social context, thereby enhancing therapeutic outcomes.
These interventions seek not only to alleviate immediate psychological distress but also to promote long-term healing and recovery for those affected by the war. Furthermore, emotion-focused coping strategies, as highlighted by Lazarus and Folkman, are essential in managing negative emotions such as anxiety, while existential therapy addresses the deeper impacts of trauma on meaning, mortality, and identity. Therapists may also incorporate mindfulness techniques to improve recovery outcomes following war-related trauma.
Conclusion
The victims of the war in Ukraine, encompassing civilians, children, and combatants, are enduring significant psychological distress and emotional turmoil. This suffering stems from various traumatic experiences, including forced displacements, witnessing horrific acts of violence, and direct exposure to combat situations. The psychological impact of these experiences can leave deep, lasting scars that often require extensive time and support to heal.
The effects of trauma are not confined to the individuals who experience it; they can also be transmitted across generations, affecting the mental health and well-being of future descendants. Consequently, it is essential to implement culturally sensitive approaches to trauma healing and resilience-building for those affected by the conflict in Ukraine. Such initiatives are vital not only for individual recovery but also for fostering a healthier, more resilient community in the long term.
References
Almoshmosh N. (2016). The role of war trauma survivors in managing their own mental conditions, Syria civil war as an example. Avicenna j. med. 6, 54–59. doi: 10.4103/2231-0770.179554, PMID.
Anjum G, Aziz M, Hamid HK. Life and mental health in limbo of the Ukraine war: How can helpers assist civilians, asylum seekers and refugees affected by the war? Front Psychol. 2023 Feb 17;14:1129299. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1129299. PMID: 36874809; PMCID: PMC9983366.
Carpiniello B. The Mental Health Costs of Armed Conflicts-A Review of Systematic Reviews Conducted on Refugees, Asylum-Seekers and People Living in War Zones. Int J Environ Res Public Health. 2023 Feb 6;20(4):2840. doi: 10.3390/ijerph20042840. PMID: 36833537; PMCID: PMC9957523.
Coventry PA, Meader N, Melton H, Temple M, Dale H, Wright K, Cloitre M, Karatzias T, Bisson J, Roberts NP, Brown JVE, Barbui C, Churchill R, Lovell K, McMillan D, Gilbody S. Psychological and pharmacological interventions for posttraumatic stress disorder and comorbid mental health problems following complex traumatic events: Systematic review and component network meta-analysis. PLoS Med. 2020 Aug 19;17(8):e1003262. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1003262. PMID: 32813696; PMCID: PMC7446790.
Fel S., Jurek K., Lenart-Kłoś K. (2022). Relationship between socio-demographic factors and posttraumatic stress disorder: a cross-sectional study among civilian participants’ hostilities in Ukraine. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 19:2720. doi: 10.3390/ijerph19052720, PMID.
Goto, R., Pinchuk, I., Kolodezhny, O., & Leventhal, B. L. (2024). Mental health of adolescents exposed to the war in Ukraine. JAMA Pediatrics, 178(5), 480–488. doi.org.
Hobfoll S. E., Watson P., Bell C. C., Bryant R., Brymer M. J., Friedman M. J., et al. (2007). Five essential elements of immediate and mid-term mass trauma intervention: empirical evidence. Psychiatry 70, 283–315. doi: 10.1521/psyc.2007.70.4.283, PMID.
Hyland, P., Shevlin, M., Karatzias, T., Bondjers, K., Scherbakova, A., Sulaieva, O., Bibikova, A., Dudin, O., Savchenko, A., Voznitsyna, K., Dosenko, V., & Martsenkovskyi, D. (2026). Clinician assessed rates of PTSD and Complex PTSD in a medical‐rehabilitation sample of active‐duty military personnel in the armed forces of Ukraine. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 153(2), 133–139. doi.org
Kurapov A., Pavlenko V., Drozdov A., Bezliudna V., Reznik A., Isralowitz R. (2022). Toward an understanding of the Russian-Ukrainian war impact on university students and personnel. J. Loss Trauma. 28, 167–174. 10.1080/15325024.2022.2084838.
Kurapov, A., Pavlenko, V., Drozdov, A., & Haletska, I. (2025). Mental health of the civilians in war conditions. Journal of Risk Research, 28(2), 145–158. doi.org
Lazarus R., Folkman S. Stress, Appraisal, and Coping. Springer Publishing Company; New York, NY, USA: 1984.
Moreno-Chaparro J, Piñeros-Ortiz S, Rodríguez-Ramírez L, Urrego-Mendoza Z, Garzón-Orjuela N, Eslava-Schmalbach J. Mental health consequences of armed conflicts in adults: an overview. Actas Esp Psiquiatr. 2022 Mar;50(2):68-91. Epub 2022 Mar 1. PMID: 35312994; PMCID: PMC10803861.
Osokina O, Silwal S, Bohdanova T, Hodes M, Sourander A, Skokauskas N. Impact of the Russian Invasion on Mental Health of Adolescents in Ukraine. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2023 Mar;62(3):335-343. doi: 10.1016/j.jaac.2022.07.845. Epub 2022 Oct 29. PMID: 36441074.
Palen, C., Zaporozhets, O., Compton, L., & Luber, M. (2025). Early intervention for clinicians in war zones. Journal of EMDR Practice and Research, 19, Article 0012. doi.org.
Pfeiffer, E., Garbade, M., Beer, R., Birgersson, A., Cabrera, N., Cohen, J. A., Deblinger, E., Ditrich, I., El-Haj-Mohamad, R., Galkina, A., Kasiarum, S., Khaustova, O., Klymchuk, V., Romanova, I., Rosner, R., Ruf-Leuschner, M., Sachs, I., Sachser, C., de Schipper, E., . . . TF-CBT Ukraine Consortium. (2025). Evaluation of the feasibility and effectiveness of trauma-focused cognitive behavioural therapy for children and youth in Ukraine during the war. European Psychiatry, 68(1), Article e96. doi.org.
Pinchuk, I., Skokauskas, N., & Leventhal, B. (2024). The Lancet Psychiatry Commission on mental health in Ukraine. The Lancet Psychiatry, 11(11), 890–901. doi.org.
Silwal, S., Thapa, S., Shrestha, A., Pinchuk, I., Leventhal, B. L., Skokauskas, N., & Sourander, A. (2026). Mental health of Ukrainian children and youth during the Russian-Ukrainian war: A scoping review. BMJ Global Health, 11(3), Article e020506. doi.org.
Snyder C. R. (2002). Hope theory: rainbows in the mind. Psychol. Inq. 13, 249–275. doi: 10.1207/S15327965PLI1304_01.
Sue, S., Zane, N., Nagayama Hall, G. C., & Berger, L. K. (2009). The case for cultural competency in psychotherapeutic interventions. Annual Review of Psychology, 60, 525–548. doi.org.
Vintilă M, Kalaitzaki A, Turliuc MN, Goian C, Tudorel OI. Editorial: The war in Ukraine: impact on mental health on a global level. Front Psychol. 2023 Jul 25;14:1226184. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1226184. PMID: 37564318; PMCID: PMC10409641.
Yasenok, V., Pinchuk, I., Skokauskas, N., von Wyl, A., & von Kaenel, R. (2025). Mental health burden of persons living in Ukraine and Ukrainians displaced to Switzerland: The mental health assessment of the Ukrainian population (MAP) studies. BMJ Global Health, 10(8), Article e019557.
In appreciation of Sir Iftikhar Ayaz’s Humanitarian service he has been awarded the Queen’s medal for Humanitarian Service. This Medal was approved by Her Majesty in 2020 especially for her Realms. Sir Iftikhar Ayaz has been dedicatedly serving Humanity for decades. He received almost 40 award’s.
Dr. Iftikhar Ayaz O.B.E (Officer of the Excellent Order of the British Empire) has been awarded a K.B.E (Knight Commander of the Excellent Order of the British Empire) in Her Majesty the Queen’s Birthday Honours for his services to the South Pacific and humanity.
Sir Iftikhar Ayaz has been the envoy of Tuvalu Islands since 1996 and has made valuable contributions to the prestige, progress and development of Tuvalu in the international domain.
Prior to his appointment as the envoy of Tuvalu, Sir Iftikhar Ayaz served Tuvalu as a field expert of the Commonwealth. He served as an advisor on education and was able to plan and introduce an innovative program of education for the subsistence communities which became very popular and effective to provide vocational and skill based education to the Island communities. He later worked in the South Pacific Region as a Consultant with UNDP and was designated as the South Pacific delegate to UNESCO.
His innovative education scheme known as EFL (Education for Life) was highly recognised by the Commonwealth and he received an O.B.E (Officer of the Excellent Order of the British Empire) in 1998.
Sir Iftikhar Ayaz has been an ardent advocate of human rights and is associated with several regional and international human rights organisations including the UNHRC. He has been a member of the UN working group for the rights of minorities.
Sir Iftikhar Ayaz is also the Chairman of the International Human Rights Committee and at present is actively involved in working for the well-being and welfare of the displaced refugees and asylum seekers.
Sir Iftikhar Ayaz is also the Director of the World Media Forum and associated with a number of organisations serving the cause of inter-faith solidarity, conflict resolution and peace. He has addressed several peace Symposium including Sri Lanka and seminars related to human rights and climate change. As mentioned Sir Iftikhar Ayaz is recipient of a number of awards from various Institutions and Organizations including USA, Europe and Asia. He received the Alfred Noble Medal, Ambassador of Peace, Ambassador of Knowledge, Man of the Year, Genius Laureate for Human Development, Outstanding Professional Award, International Peace Prize, Life Achievement Award and Diplomate of the Cambridge Blue Book.
Sir Iftikhar Ayaz holds doctorates in Human Development and Education and a Master’s degree in Linguistics Sir Iftikhar Ayaz has also been awarded the World Freedom Medal and is an eminent member of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Islam.
Recently he was awarded Prestigious Royal Title, The CMG
Jonathan Hall, Counsel for ICC has given flawed legal advice on authorship of Player Referral (DRS) claiming that it was the work of an unnamed and undisclosed employee of ICC or a contractor but not the work of Senaka Weeraratna. This is a ridiculous claim making ICC the laughing stock of the Cricket world.
AI Overview
The ongoing dispute over the authorship of cricket’s Decision Review System (DRS) centers on the argument that the International Cricket Council (ICC)’s legal defense relies on flawed reasoning. The core of the matter is the official stance taken by former ICC Head of Legal David Becker in 2010 and reinforced by current General Counsel Jonathan Hall in January 2023. [1, 2]
They assert that the ICC was entirely unaware of Senaka Weeraratna’s work and that the final system was authored by an internal employee or contractor rather than the Sri Lankan lawyer. Legal critics and advocates for Weeraratna argue that this advice is profoundly flawed on two primary legal fronts. [, 2]
The Core Arguments Against the ICC’s Legal Advice
Violation of Constructive Notice: Critics point out that Hall and Becker completely ignored the Doctrine of Constructive Notice. Because Weeraratna widely published his unique four-pillar “Player Referral” framework in leading global newspapers—including The Australian in March 1997—nine years before the ICC developed the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS) in 2006, the ICC is legally deemed to have had access to this public knowledge.
The “Composer vs. Song” Paradox: The ICC maintains that because it built the technological system using contractors, the concept belongs to the organization. However, intellectual property advocates argue that while third-party contractors engineered the physical software, Weeraratna designed the original legal and structural architecture—transferring the right of appeal from the absolute authority of the umpire to the players.
Misconception of Public Domain: The ICC’s legal team historically argued that by openly publishing his ideas in newspapers without an active patent, Weeraratna “waived confidentiality”. Legal experts counter that public exposure does not strip an inventor of their moral copyright and rights of attribution, especially when the core elements match exactly. [1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10]
A Comparison of the Frameworks
The fundamental similarity between the two systems underpins the claim that the employee-led system was not an original invention: [1]
To challenge this legal stance, several avenues are being proposed by legal scholars and cricket historians to secure Weeraratna due credit: [1, 2]
Escalation to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS): Both parties could bypass domestic courts and mutually submit the timeline dispute to the CAS in Lausanne, where Jonathan Hall himself serves as an arbitrator.
State-Backed Moral Rights Lawsuit: Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) or the government could back a lawsuit specifically targeting the violation of moral rights and failure of attribution, demanding the system be renamed the “Weeraratna Decision Review System” (WDRS).
Public Diplomacy Campaigns: Highlighting the double standard wherein the ICC openly honors English mathematicians via the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method, but leaves the non-white, South Asian creator of the DRS uncredited. [1, 4, 5, 6]
White lawyers of ICC some born and bred in Apartheid South Africa e.g.David Becker, and English lawyers Jonathan Hall and Sally Clark, are walking on thin ice because their conduct ostensibly disguised as legal advice ( misconceived in law by ignoring fundamental principles of law i.e., Doctrine of Constructive Notice) are pushing boundaries in ICC administered Cricket. Cricket is the new religion in South Asia because it is uniting people everywhere in Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Nepal and the like. We must not allow people with a colonial hangover holding high office in ICC run Cricket to ‘ Divide and Rule’.
If you would like to explore this further, I can outline the historical timeline of Weeraratna’s 1997 international press publications to demonstrate how his concept predated the ICC’s development committee.
If ICC lawyers have blundered giving sub – standard flawed legal advice on the origins of Player – Referral leading to loss of confidence in the competence and advice of its legal team, what are the remedies available to improve ICC’s image including taking stern action against the lawyers guilty of Professional Negligence?
If the International Cricket Council (ICC) legal team provided flawed advice regarding the origins of the Player-Referral / Decision Review System (DRS), the ICC can restore its institutional integrity by issuing formal recognition to the true architect of the concept, and pursue remedies against the lawyers involved through professional negligence claims and bar association complaints. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
1. Remedies for the Original Inventor
The core dispute centers on Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna, who publicly proposed the Player Referral” concept in 1997. The ICC’s legal team historically advised that the ICC was unaware of his prior work and that he waived his rights by publishing the idea openly. This advice has been widely criticized for ignoring the Doctrine of Constructive Notice, which establishes that an organization is legally presumed to know of information widely publicized in mainstream media for years before its formal adoption of a system. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]
To address this, available remedies include:
Formal Attribution and Apology: The ICC can formally acknowledge Mr. Weeraratna as the original architect of the Player Referral” concept, mirroring how the ICC recognizes other cricketing innovations like the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern method.
Third-Party Arbitration: Both parties can submit the intellectual property dispute to independent sports arbitration to reach a fair settlement or grant Mr. Weeraratna moral and economic recognition.
Mediation: The ICC can engage in good-faith mediation aligned with its own Spirit of Cricket” charter to bypass strict, restrictive legal technicalities and arrive at a just conclusion. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
2. Stern Action Against Guilty Lawyers
If the ICC’s former legal team, including former Head of Legal David Becker, provided advice that is now viewed as fundamentally misconceived in law, the ICC has multiple avenues to hold its counsel accountable for professional negligence: [1, 2, 3, 4]
Professional Negligence Lawsuit: The ICC can initiate a claim for legal or professional malpractice. To succeed, the ICC must prove that the lawyers owed a duty of care, breached that duty by failing to act with the competence of a reasonably skilled international sports law expert, and that this breach caused significant reputational or financial damages to the council.
Bar Association and Disciplinary Complaints: The ICC (or related aggrieved parties) can file formal complaints with the respective regulatory bodies governing the attorneys (e.g., the Legal Practice Council in South Africa) regarding unethical conduct, conflicts of interest, or gross incompetence in drafting legal opinions.
Indemnity Claims: The ICC can seek compensation for the negligent advice by making a claim directly against the lawyers’ Professional Indemnity Insurance, recovering damages resulting from the flawed counsel. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7]
To repair its global reputation and moral authority, the ICC must distance itself from the flawed strategies of its past legal advisors: [, 2]
Conduct an Independent Internal Review: Appoint an independent panel to audit the legal advice previously provided on the DRS authorship and release the findings to rebuild trust with member nations.
Overhaul the Internal Legal Framework: Replace or restructure the legal team responsible for the oversight, ensuring future legal counsels are specialized in global intellectual property and sports law.
Align with the “Spirit of Cricket”: Ensure institutional actions are guided by the “Spirit of Cricket”—fairness, integrity, and ethical conduct—rather than solely relying on legal technicalities like the absence of a registered patent to bypass the contributions of original creators. [1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7]
The immediate remedies available to the International Cricket Council (ICC) involve structural governance changes, external independent audits, and formal legal or disciplinary action against the responsible legal counsel.
Immediate Image Repair
Appoint External Counsel: Retain a top-tier independent law firm to review the flawed advice immediately.
Issue Transparent Statements: Publish a clear, factual acknowledgment of the oversight without compromising legal privilege.
Launch Independent Review: Commission an external governance audit of the ICC’s internal legal clearance processes.
Engage Stakeholders Directly: Host private briefings with member boards to explain rectification steps and rebuild trust.
Accountability and Stern Actions
Terminate Internal Staff: Dismiss internal legal team members under standard employment law for gross incompetence or failure of duty.
File Professional Malpractice Suits: Sue external legal advisors or firms for professional negligence to recover financial losses.
Report to Bar Associations: File formal complaints with the relevant regulatory bar associations to initiate disciplinary hearings.
Enforce Indemnity Clauses: Activate professional indemnity insurance policies to recoup damages caused by the faulty advice. [1, 2]
Long-Term Institutional Reform
Restructure Legal Governance: Establish a Legal Risk Committee reporting directly to the ICC Board rather than management.
Implement Peer Review: Require a “four-eyes” principle where major legal opinions must be peer-reviewed by an independent second firm.
Update Compliance Frameworks: Revamp internal standard operating procedures for vetting regulatory and policy changes like Player-Referrals. [1]
