Courtesy Daily mirror

As strong winds and heavy rains continued to sweep Colombo, several trees around the city were uprooted, damaging property and cars. Seen here is a tree that was uprooted close to the Colombo City Centre shopping mall, destroyed a nearby car. Pix by Pradeep Dilrukshana

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• The NPP which claimed to be having solutions to all ills took charge. It has now found that delivery is not that easy.

Public opinion is all powerful in any country. There is no escape for any government from it in furtherance of its policy implementations and decision making.   

The current government is an extremely novel political phenomenon in Sri Lanka. It is a rejection of the old political forces that ruled the country one after another during the past 76 years of post-independence era.   

It is an achievement for the ruling National People’s Power (NPP). People pinned high hopes on the party which is on a winning streak, blowing a death-knell to the traditional parties.   

They have valid reasons for the choice of the NPP as the ruling party. On the one hand, the two main traditional political forces failed to live up to governing the country in the way they expected.   

The dire state of the economy left them handicapped in the improvement of their quality of life. On the other hand, they expect a change in the political culture in which corruption, frauds, nepotism and cronyism overshadow the growth trajectory.   

At government institutions, at times, people had to oil the hands of officials to get things done. Favouration was rampant in school admissions.   

People who are moneyed and well –connected enjoyed the opportunities to navigate intricate rules and regulations their way. In securing jobs in the State sector, political patronage played a role. It was even seen as a norm, rather than violation or deviation.   

In scaling up the ladder in politics, nepotism involved elbowing out those from outside family dynasties which called the shots from time to time. The 2022 economic crisis, the worst since Independence, turned out to be the boiling point of public wrath against the system that existed till then.   

The NPP which claimed to be having solutions to all ills took charge. It has now found that delivery is not that easy.   

There appears to be a wide chasm between pledges and delivery. One thing is proven- the mere change of government does not suffice as long as bureaucracy and system do not fall in line.   

System change cannot happen overnight. Quick action on policy steps needs proper involvement of political authorities and bureaucratic drive.   

During President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit to Beijing, a US $ 3.7 billion investment was secured from Sinopec. But the project implementation is still in limbo. Progress on follow-up action is minimal. Institutional lethargy might have gotten in the way.   

After the new government took office, it began to experience the lethargy that comes with governance. Unlike campaigning, governance is an area filled with competing interests, bureaucratic resistance, legal constraints, and institutional lethargy.   

A party that pledged radical reform now confronts the entrenched habits of a state apparatus conditioned by decades of politicization and inefficiency.   

 The governing party, when in the opposition, thrived on trade union actions and championed the rights of workers. After ascension to power today, it has become a victim of trade union action.   

Gravity of trade union actions was so harsh on the government that it prompted the President to ask for the departure of the culture of agitating even for a pittance.   

After the local authorities’ election, the NPP, as the ruling party, emerged victorious in 267 local bodies.   

Yet, another task now awaits the winning party since, in most local bodies running into 152, it ran short of 50 per cent members elected to form administrations on its own.   

In such situations, the members, elected and nominated, from all the parties and independent groups, will decide on the appointment of mayors and chairmen of the local authorities.   

Then the opposition parties, if united, stand the chance of forming administrations in a secret ballot if required. It has triggered horse trading in politics where the NPP and the opposition parties in a race against time to woo members to establish majority in respective local bodies.   

The opposition alleges that its members are offered lucrative sums by some businessmen acting as proxies of the ruling NPP.   

Independent verification of such allegations is practically difficult since no one would come out with specific details. Political horse-trading is not new.   

It is an entrenched feature of democratic politics around the world. From coalition bargains in Europe to party-switching in South Asia, backroom dealings and quiet inducements often shape the composition of legislatures more than public mandates do.   

In this light, the allegations—though troubling—are, unfortunately, believable.   

However, if these allegations hold any truth, it appears that rather than changing the system, the system is changing the NPP. In political horse trading, the ruling party always has the upper hand in any country. Political system tends to navigate towards the ruling side.   

In governing a country, a political party cannot always act regardless of public opinion in the current digital world where information spreads like wildfire. The current ruling party provides ample examples in this regard. For example, initially, the President did not want to attend the war heroes’ commemoration.   

Public opinion swelled against it on social media, eventually compelling the President to take part in celebrations. It means political decisions cannot be made in a vacuum. Earlier, NPP MP Ashoka Ranwala had to quit the Speaker post in Parliament over public outcry against his falsified educational qualifications.   

In a digital age where public opinion is swift and unforgiving, no ruling party can afford to ignore the gap between its promises and actions. In fact, public opinion prevails upon the ruling party. 

Courtesy Daily Mirror

However, when this newspaper contacted Eng. Hedigallage to find out about the US$ 1 million payment to RMA Energy for the consultancy service provided for this project, and also to know how Dr. Siyambalapitiya could change his stance regarding RE addition to the grid after assuming duties as Chairman CEB, the former accused this newspaper of slinging mud at him

All these unacceptable explanations are given perhaps for two reasons. The first could be to conceal their inability to manage the system and the second reason is because a group of CEB officials connected to the diesel mafia are heavily losing their ‘income’ when electricity is generated from solar

When purchasing solar power, we- the CEB — pay them with rupees whereas we have to pay in dollars when purchasing coal or diesel power to procure the fuel. Just because this group of CEB Engineers are receiving commissions from this coal and diesel generation, but not a cent from solar generation, they opt to purchase power generated from coal and diesel,” sources said

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By Nirmala Kannangara

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Startling revelations have come to the fore as to how the present administration of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) is attempting to promote thermal and coal power by curtailing renewable power generation. 

For the first time in the history the CEB, it has switched off all rooftop solar plantsa over 100kW and instructed all rooftop and ground mounted solar system owners to switch off their inverters voluntarily to ensure the reliable and stable operation of the national grid during recent New Year season. The CEB claimed that this decision was taken due to the significantly low demand observed in the system.

However, most of the roof top solar owners disregarded this unusual directives. It is now reported how the CEB Engineers have forcibly entered ground mounted solar farms in many parts of the country during the festive season and switched off their inverters from 9am to 4pm for five consecutive days.  

Giving various unacceptable explanations as to why Renewable Energy (RE) has to be curtailed, the CEB maintains that this curtailment was facilitated to maintain an adequate level of dispatchable generation and improve sufficient system inertia. 

All these unacceptable explanations are given perhaps for two reasons. The first could be to conceal their inability to manage the system and the second reason is because a group of CEB officials connected to the diesel mafia are heavily losing their ‘income’ when electricity is generated from solar. When coal and thermal generations are minimised, these vested parties do not get their ‘commission’ as solar generation does not benefit them although it  benefits the country. This is the first time orders were given to switch off not only roof top solar inverters, but also ground mounted solar as well,” a highly reliable source from the Sustainable Energy Authority told this newspaper.

Development Master Action Plan

Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority (SLSEA) and the CEB drafted the ‘Renewable Energy Development Master Action Plan (REDMAP) 2023/ 2026’ in 2022 highlighting the importance in adding renewable energy (RE)  to the national grid, especially from wind and solar. This was part of the Long-Term Generation Plan (LTGEP) that was drafted in line with the government’s policy to target achieving 70% RE by 2030, and to ensure timely implementation of RE additions to the system. CEB’s decision to ignore the instruction given in these reports and purchasing diesel and coal at a higher cost has raised eyebrows amongst their own engineers.

When purchasing solar power, we- the CEB — pay them with rupees whereas we have to pay in dollars when purchasing coal or diesel power to procure the fuel. Just because this group of CEB Engineers are receiving commissions from this coal and diesel generation, but not a cent from solar generation, they opt to purchase power generated from coal and diesel,” sources said. 

As per the REDMAP, the proposed plan was to generate 1,795MW solar and 575 MW wind and other RE from 2023 to 2026. Having issued a report as such, what was the reason for the CEB to curtail RE and go ahead with costly thermal and coal power?

When drafting the REDMAP, Consultancy service to the Asian Development Bank (ADB) was provided by the Resource Management Associates (Pvt) Ltd (RMA) which is also known as RMA Energy, which was headed by the present Chairman of CEB Dr. Thilak Siyambalapitiya until September 2024 and presently by his wife. 

RMA Energy provides consultancy services to ADB and World Bank (WB) on the country’s power sector. Having recommended to add more RE generation to the national grid at the time the report was drafted,  this decision was ignored once he became CEB chairman and he wanted to purchase costly coal and thermal power by curtailing RE generation. It was even alleged that he was attempting to tender rooftop solar and ground mounted solar which is less than 10 MW for an unknown reason,” the Sustainable Energy Authority source told on condition of anonymity. 

As per the CEB and Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) official data, from the time the REDMAP was issued and up to now only 793 MW Solar plants have been commissioned, a figure which includes rooftop solar units.

US$ 1 million paid

According to sources, it was the ADB that gave the grant to prepare this report ‘Way Forward of Integration of Renewable Energy Resources to the National Grid from 2023 to 2026 by Means of Appropriate Business Models’. Director General Power Sector Reform Secretariat and member of the Energy Committee, Eng. Pubudu Niroshan Hedigallage, has made a status most on his Face Book account, adding that US$ 1 million has been paid to RMA Energy for the consultancy services provided. 

However, when this newspaper contacted Eng. Hedigallage to find out about the US$ 1 million payment to RMA Energy for the consultancy service provided for this project, and also to know how Dr. Siyambalapitiya could change his stance regarding RE addition to the grid after assuming duties as Chairman CEB, the former accused this newspaper of slinging mud at him.

I know who is behind this mud slinging campaign. You can write anything you want, but I am not scared of mud slinging,” Eng. Hedigallage said.  

Meanwhile questions have been raised as to how Dr. Siyambalapitiya’s wife Namalee Siyambalapitiya continued to work for RMA Energy in the capacity of director even after the former had resigned from his post to accept CEB Chairmanship.

RMA earns hundreds of thousands of Dollars from these consultancies annually related to Sri Lankan power sector. What sought of conflict-of-interest policy has he adopted before he took over office at CEB? Has he divested of his interest in RMA Energy? Has his wife divested of her interest in RMA Energy? Have they resigned from all operations of RMA Energy and handed over the RMA Energy Management and technical control of the company? Since RMA is currently consultants to Offshore Wind Power on pre-feasibility assessment, have they recused themselves from this engagement or any project related to the country’s power sector? Is Tharaka Siyambalapitiya who is the senior project engineer of this company an offspring or a relative of the CEB Chairman?

Conflict of interest

Though the NPP government that assumed power promised to put a complete stop to all frauds, it has not lived up to its promises and appointed Dr. Siyambalapitiya to the CEB with such conflict of interest in place at CEB – the den of corruption,” sources alleged.

Questions have been further raised whether the decision to curtail solar power generation was due to ‘the rapid’ increase in rooftop and ground mounted solar and other inverter base Non-Conventional Renewable Energy (NCRE) plant installation which has resulted in substantial frequency fluctuations owing to low system inertia which becomes critical during disturbances leading to the frequent activation of the Under Frequency Load Shedding (UFLS) scheme and increasing the risk of tripping major thermal power plants? The SLSEA has said that the CEB should reveal to the consumers as to why frequency fluctuation is reported now and never before.

They claim that after the country’s economic recession, the demand for electricity has gone down steadily while rooftop and ground mounted solar parks have come up in numbers and these additions to the national grid is the cause for the frequency fluctuation. Before Dr. Siyambalapitiya took office there were no concerns for the safety and stability of the national grid, but it’s only now that they talk about a risk of tripping major thermal and coal power plants. Why is this?” sources alleged.

Deputy General Manager (System Control) CEB, Eng. M.B.S. Samarasekara by letter dated November 12, 2024, to AGM (Transmission Non-Wired Operation) has informed that immediate mitigatory actions must be taken to improve system demand and system stability during weekends and holidays with high NCRE penetration to the system.

***This letter ***further states, ‘This is to bring to your attention a matter of significant importance regarding the stability and reliability of the Sri Lankan power system, especially considering the rapid increase in rooftop solar plant installations and other inverter base NCRE plants.

‘The rapid increase in rooftop solar installations has introduced significant irregularities to the operations of the power system. This issue is particularly severe during long holidays, especially on sunny Sundays when industrial and commercial demands are exceptionally low. On these days, many dispatchable plants are not dispatched to accommodate the must run NCRE generation, resulting in substantial frequency fluctuations due to low system inertia. This problem becomes critical during disturbances, leading to the frequent activation of the UFLS scheme and increasing the risk of tripping major thermal power plants, particularly the Lakvijaya power plant.

‘On September 22, 2024, the system’s minimum demand of 670 MW occurred around 10.53hrs. During this period system operators observed significant fluctuations in system frequency, even the machine loads were adjusted. Consequently, it was necessary to curtail available NCRE (inverter based) generation to avoid further demand reduction and improve system inertia by adding more generation plants. The lowest recorded demand in 2024 at 670 MW prompted the curtailment of approximately 160 MW of NCRE between 10 and 15.00hrs to prevent system demand from dropping further to 600 MW. This curtailment has facilitated to maintain and adequate system inertia. Following the curtailment system demand increased to 820 MW, allowing for the dispatch of higher inertia plants in order to enhance system stability and resilience.

‘It is noted that the system frequency is experiencing rapid fluctuations and instability especially during daytime when the demand is exceptionally low. This instability is alarming and indicates the need for immediate mitigative actions, such as the incorporation of fast frequency arresting solutions into the system as soon as possible.

‘It is noted that during extremely low demand periods with the increasing of non-dispatchable renewable energy sources have compelled the National System Control Center (NSCC) to shut down more dispatchable plants, resulting in a significant reduction in system inertia. This loss of inertia substantially increases the risk of a total system collapse in the event of any system faults or disturbances.

‘Given these challenges, it is unlikely that the system can maintain resilience during such incidents.

‘As an immediate step to mitigate low demand risks, it is suggested to introduce new tariff rates of the industrial category on weekends and special holidays could encourage increased electricity usage on these low demand period until the proposed power system ancillary services are in place. By offering incentivised rates industries would be motivated to shift more operations to these days to help  improve system demand and enhance the grid stability and resilience.

‘The investigation into operating large hydro power plants such as Victoria, Kothmale, Samanalawewa, Uma Oya and New Lakshapana in synchronous condenser mode reveals a promising opportunity to enhance grid stability and reactive power support. With the recent installation of Automatic Voltage Regulators these plants have the potential to operate effectively in this mode. Notably, New Lakshapana has the necessary infrastructure for synchronous condenser operation established during its refurbishment, though this capacity has yet to be fully utilised. Implementing this mode across these hydro plants could significantly strengthen grid stability by providing crucial reactive power without generating active power.

‘Evaluating the feasibility of operating Gas Turbine Generator 7 (GT 7) in synchronous condenser mode presents a promising opportunity to enhance system inertia and stability. As GT 7 has the highest inertia constant (H constant) in the Kelanitissa thermal fleet, operating it in this mode would allow it to provide essential reactive power and stabilise frequency fluctuations without generating active power. This approach could lead to a notable improvement in system resilience and ultimately strengthening overall grid stability under varying demand and supply conditions.

‘It is imperative to prioritise the installation of fast frequency reserves and energy storage systems such as battery energy storage systems (BESS), fast acting Gas Turbines, Flywheel Energy Storage Systems etc. These systems can provide the necessary rapid response to frequency deviations, thereby enhancing the stability and reliability of the power system.

‘These recurring low demand periods (especially holidays with good sunny and windy environment) highlight the critical necessity for an NCRE control desk with forecasting and monitoring facility at the National System Control Center and respective Distribution Control in order to effectively ensure grid security within permissible limits. Therefore, the implementation of an NCRE control desk should be given priority.

‘The spinning reserve requirement has to be reviewed accordingly when more NCRE is added, as a hot spinning reserve of 5% may not be satisfactory to maintain the system stability and reliability in future.

‘In future major generation contributions will be generated from NCRE sources and may require curtailments. Therefore, a proper mechanism for curtailments has to be formulated for future NCRE additions (at least for above 5MW scale).

‘Additionally, it is advisable to evaluate the minimum operating power and ramp rates for both hydro power plants and the CEB thermal power plants. This assessment will ensure sufficient capacity to accommodate additional power plants within the system, resulting in a significant improvement in system inertia.

‘Accordingly, please make immediate arrangements to effectively tackle these challenges and ensure resilient operation even during power system disturbances. This requires the timely commissioning of fast frequency response sources and the outline of alternative methods such as a new tariff category for low demand periods and the operation of existing plants in synchronous condenser mode where feasible. These measures will help stabilise the grid and improve system resilience’.

Stability and reliability

Although Eng. Samarasekera’s said letter has recommended to take certain steps  claiming their ‘significant importance regarding the stability and reliability of the country’s power system’, the suggested decisions should have been implemented by the CEB before this situation occurred.

Their deliberate failure cannot penalise either the consumers or investors. The prevailing least cost long term generation expansion plan approved by the PUCSL contains 20MW/50Mwh battery storage in 2024, 100MW/400MWh batter storage in 2025 and a further100MW/400MWh battery storage in 2026. CEB has not taken any action to have these storage facilities in place and now recommending having battery storage facilities. The consumers and investors should question the CEB why the energy storage systems and synchronous machine in the generation plan was not implemented by CEB,” sources added.

Even though Eng. Samarasekara has proposed many ways to face this challenge in his letter, the management has selected switching off existing Solar and curtailing the future expansion of Solar catering to the requirement of Thermal Mafia citing various technical reasons, it is learnt. 

When we contacted Eng. Samarasekera to find out why the CEB is interested in promoting thermal and coal generation and why he has requested to formulate a proper mechanism to curtail for future NCRE additions, Samarasekera wanted this newspaper to get the information from  CEB Spokesman Eng. Dhammika Wimalaratne.

When Eng. Wimalaratne was contacted regarding this matter he said that the CEB had requested all rooftop solar system operators to switch off their inverters from April 12 to April 21, with the utmost concern for the safety and stability of the national grid.

With the country being bankrupt and the economy shrunk, factories were closed down and the demand for electricity dropped significantly. However, in the meantime, due to low interest bank loans given for solar installations, the number of rooftop and ground mounted solar parks came up rapidly. As a result, solar power generation went up speedily and due to low demand, CEB had to shut down coal and thermal plants to balance the situation. The larger power plants provide a critical service to the grid called ‘inertia’, which helps keep the electricity frequency stable though solar or RE cannot provide such an assurance to the grid. Without adequate inertia, even a small problem can cause frequency problems, leading to partial or total blackouts. The demand on the national grid was reduced to as low as 1550 MW in the morning hours during the festive season. As a result, a surge in solar generation forced CEB to shut down large synchronous generators—such as hydro, and thermal plants—which are crucial for grid stability.

When asked whether the CEB and the Sustainable Energy Authority didn’t know what the future consequences would be, when drafting the LTGEP and REDMAP that planned 2, 728 MW renewable energy plants by 2026, Eng. Wimalaratne said that it should be asked from those who drafted these reports and that he cannot give a proper answer to it.

This is a good question, but it should be posed to those who drafted the reports. Without having battery energy storage system there is no way we can store the solar generated power. As the country faced the financial crisis, many factories and businesses were closed down and the electricity demand came down whereas the generation picked up after the banks gave low interest loans to install solar panels. Last December we got a loan from the ADB to set up 100 MW battery energy storage system. We hope that we will not have to curtail solar generation once this system is implemented,” he said.

According to him, only rooftop solar inverter owners were asked to switch off but not the ground mounted solar inverters.

Solar parks interfered with

Although Eng. Wimalaratne said so, several ground mounted solar companies on condition of strict condition of anonymity told this newspaper that CEB Engineers entered their solar parks forcibly during the festive season and switched off their inverters which has caused huge losses to their businesses.

We invested several billions of rupees for these projects. But due to the CEB’s arbitrary decision we lost around Rs.200, 000 per day. Who is going to compensate for this loss?” asked representatives of ground mounted solar companies.  

According to Eng. Wimalaratne, until battery energy storage systems are installed, the national grid has to rely on large synchronous machines to supply inertia and ensure stability.

CEB Engineers have forcibly entered ground mounted solar farms during the festive season and switched off inverters

At present, Sri Lanka does not have this facility nor advanced solar inverters that can provide this support. Sri Lanka has over seven million electricity consumers, but a mere 100,000 have installed rooftop solar panels. When the grid becomes unstable, everyone has to pay the price,” he added.

Although Eng. Wimalaratne said that larger power plants provide a critical service to the grid to keep the electricity frequency stable though solar or RE cannot provide such an assurance, questions are raised why the Ministry of Energy is conducting pre-feasibility assessment stakeholder workshop to develop Offshore Wind Power potential in the country.

By letter dated March 5, 2025, Additional Secretary (Development and Procurement), Ministry of Energy, T. Prassanth has sent a letter to the Director General Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority inviting them to attend a workshop for the said workshop.

***The letter states, ‘The Ministry of Power and Energy along with the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority implemented technical assistance from the World Bank to conduct studies towards developing offshore wind power potential in Sri Lanka.

‘The study was conducted by Pondera Consult, an experienced international offshore wind consultancy based in the Netherlands in collaborating with their national counterpart, RMA Energy.

We are pleased to inform you that, as communicated, a follow-up workshop is organised to present the pre-feasibility findings.****

CEB maintains that this curtailment was facilitated to maintain an adequate level of dispatchable generation and improve sufficient system inertia

When contacted, Additional Secretary (Development and Procurement), Ministry of Energy, T. Prassanth, to find out how much RMA Energy were paid to this project, the former said that she doesn’t know as this workshop was started few months ago.

This is not a loan, but a grant from the World Bank. So, we do not know how much this consultancy firm was paid as their fee is paid straight to that company but not through the government or the Ministry,” she said.        

When met Chairman Dr. Thilak Siyambalapitiya in his office to find out how much the electricity consumers have to pay for the whims of the thermal and coal interested CEB Engineers though he and his company-RMA Energy when providing consultancy services when drafting the REDMAP and for the ongoing offshore wind power feasibility assessment project, the proposal to add more RE to the grid by 2030, he said that after the country faced an adverse economic situation, the power demand came down rapidly but the RE addition increased. 

‘I explained you in detail how a power system is planned and operated to ensure stability and economic operation and how the share of renewable energy in the grid has grown from a minimum of 29% in 2012 to 55% in 2024. This growth did not happen by accident, but through efforts of all:  governments, SLSEA, CEB, LECO and RE investors.

‘Long-term generation expansion plan of CEB 2023, approved by PUCSL was based on the demand forecast which says ‘demand has to be 18,725 GWh in 2025’. However, we will cross 16,000 GWh this year. Peak forecast will be 3283 MW; but we will not even cross 2800 MW this year. The conclusion is that the demand is not growing as expected. For 2024, PUCSL approved 160 MW of rooftop solar but we have facilitated 650 MW of new solar, this mean the supply is growing but customer demand is not growing. By January 2024, there should have been 20 MW and by January 2025, 100 MW of battery storage. None of them are available. They should have been procured to purchase these batteries in 2023 and 2024 respectively but procurement process was started only recently. The previous management was grappling with the economic crisis, I do not blame anyone for that delay.

Surplus of generation

‘So, until the demand grows plus storage is established, especially on holidays, all types of power plants have to be cut back. Electricity thus has to be produced at the same time the customer wants it. When there is a surplus of generation, we first cut off all our oil burning power plants, which are very expensive which is more than Rs 35 per unit. Hydropower generation is then curtailed but it is limited by drinking water and irrigation requirements downstream, determined by the Water Board and Mahaweli Authority. Then we curtail CEB’s own renewable energy power plants- Mannar wind power 100 MW and the smaller hydropower plants at Nilambe, Uda Walawe and Inginiyagala. Then if the supply is still in excess, we curtail the coal power plant which purchase price is Rs 19 per unit in order to absorb solar power (price ranges from Rs 15.50 to 42, depending on which year, and which type of contract you signed).

If you log on to CEB website you can see how CEB power plants of all sorts are curtailed on any day, to absorb renewable energy.

‘Like any other similar power plants worldwide, the coal power plant has a special feature. It cannot be cut back to very low levels of production as it has to be switched off completely. If switched off during daytime there will be a delay and an additional cost to restart because it is required to meet the customer demand in the night. Yet in the run-up to the New Year holidays, CEB switched off one coal generator completely, and cut back the other 2 to the minimum during daytime to maximise absorbing solar power and then ramped up at nightfall.

‘Renewable energy is curtailed only as a last resort. The very low demand during New Year holidays was anticipated. It became acute this year, owing to large solar capacity installed in 2024, against a demand that is not growing. So 2025 holidays were different to 2024, more supply, stagnant demand. Hence the cautious cut backs of solar PV larger than 100 kW, on commercial and industrial roofs, and cut back of others only as required’.

When it was said that there are allegations against him for the attempt to curtail, RE, though his own company RMA Energy provided consultancy service to draft the REDMAP that stated the importance in adding RE to the grid and proposed how much RE should add to the system from 2023 to 2026, Dr. Siyambalapitiya said that the consultancy service was provided to the ADB somewhere in 2022 but not to the government of Sri Lanka or to the CEB. 

Yes we proposed what the RE capacity that should be added, and how it is to be added and where, well into the future,” he said. 

When he was told that CEB Engineers are alleging that he is behind the planned curtailment as he has an interest in coal generation, Dr. Siyambalapitiya queried what evidence this newspaper has that he has interest in coal generation, and what kind of interest is alleged.

‘I am a 65-year old power system planner by profession, since 1982. My overall objective is to work whenever, wherever I am, to ensure Sri Lanka gets electricity at the lowest economic cost, within the government policy framework, whichever the government is in power. So depending on the world trends, I campaign for Sri Lanka to build/not to build different types of power plants  for/against government policy and objectives of least cost.

CEB’s decision to purchase diesel and coal at a higher cost has raised eyebrows amongst its own engineers

As you would see, different types of electricity generation has many features: stability, cost, intermittency, renewable, fossil.It is a balancing act; not an argument of this against that, but all types of power plants, big, small, fossil, renewable working together to serve a reliable power supply at lowest cost, aligning with government policy.”

When asked  whether he and his wife have divested of their interest in RMA Energy and have resigned from all operations of this company and have no hand in any management and technical control of RMA after accepting the Chairmanship of the CEB which is conflict of interest, and also whether the company has refused offshore wind power pre-feasibility assessment or any other ongoing  project in the country’s power sector since he took over CEB office, Dr. Siyambalapitiya said that he resigned as the Managing Director RMA Energy when he took over office at CEB in September 2024.

A new MD has taken over RMA Energy. The company provides consultancy services to banks, developers, governments worldwide. My wife or I have not divested shares in the company.  I have no hand in any operations of the company. The company, in any case, is not a service provider to CEB or the Government or Sri Lanka. Offshore wind power pre-feasibility study was conducted for the World Bank in 2023-2024 which was concluded in 2024. I was the team leader of the Sri Lanka study team. The study was won through a competitive bid in 2023. 

After I left the Company, the team leader position was also transferred to the new MD. Certainly there was a concluding seminar on the Off Shore windpower study a few weeks ago, to present the findings. The World Bank requested the Ministry of Energy to decide and invite participants to attend a seminar, in which, who did the study, was disclosed, as it is the policy of the government and the World Bank. The study was concluded well before I joined CEB in 2024. 

Finally, I agreed to be CEB Chairman for a limited period and that period has now ended. As soon as the government finds a replacement, I will be leaving office,” he said.

Courtesy Daily Mirror

The push towards the removal of IPKF by R Premadasa is the spur which potentially fuelled the continuation of the war, killing many soldiers and civilians to come

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Last week, Sri Lanka commemorated the servicemen and women who paid with their life and limb, defending the territorial integrity of this country, so that the next generations could live in peace.

During the two-and-a-half decades of conflict, 28,619 military and police personnel died and another 40,000 suffered permanent disabilities. 

The War Heroes Day, which falls on May 19, should be a day of recollection—though it remains a day of division. Probably, it is hard to expect it to be any different because no matter how you view it, it represents a defeat of a struggle in which various sections of Tamil society had heavily invested, even though the campaign ventured into nihilistic terrorism from very early on. That may be why, as the initial government announcements suggested, the president opted to skip the ceremony until a social media outcry compelled him to change his mind.

In this moment of reflection, one should ponder whether the immense loss of life and limb in the protracted war could have been avoided. I am not getting into the esoteric and highly polarised debate on the genesis of the conflict. It is indeed hard to offer a coherent explanation why the Northern elites, who had the best of both worlds well until the Black July, sought the destruction of this country on a set of propped-up grievances. That is notwithstanding the fact that by the time of Black July 1983, the Inspector General of Police, the Chief Justice, the Attorney General and President J.R. Jayawardene’s Chief Political Advisor were all Tamils.

Probably to find the causes of the ethnic problem, one should look as far as the years preceding the independence, when Chelvanayagam et al. liberally borrowed Mohammed Ali Jinnah’s Two-nation theory despite having witnessed the carnage of partition.

Therefore, let’s seek answers to a more earthly question: Wouldn’t this war have been fought to an end long before by the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF)?

Had not President R Premadasa unceremoniously sent back the Indian Peace Keepers, who had by then confined the LTTE to the jungles of Mullaitivu, Sri Lanka could well have been in peace 18 years before the war was finally brought to its bloody conclusion on May 19, 2009. 

The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) arrived in Sri Lanka in late July 1987 to enforce the cessation of hostilities agreed under the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord. Within months of their arrival, fighting flared up between the IPKF and the LTTE after Prabhakaran refused to be part of the Peace Accord. For the next two years, IPKF fought pitched battles with the LTTE. They dislodged the LTTE from Jaffna, initially having suffered heavy casualties in a botched parachute landing, then pursued the depleted LTTE to the jungle of Mullaitivu. The IPKF introduced weapon platforms hitherto unseen in the Northern Front and pounded the LTTE to smithereens with Mi-24 attack helicopters.

While fighting for its survival, the LTTE sent emissaries to Premadasa, who was easily duped and provided arms to the LTTE to fight the IPKF.

In April 1989, Premadasa demanded the withdrawal of the IPKF, fulfilling a precondition of the LTTE negotiators but also placating the JVP, which had launched a nihilistic campaign of terror in the South, making the Indian presence in the North their primary grievance.

Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi readily accepted, and the last peacekeepers left in March 1990. 

IPKF’s sacrifices are rarely mentioned in the public discourse in Sri Lanka. 

In its two-and-a-half-year stay in Sri Lanka, IPKF lost three times as many military personnel as the Sri Lankan forces had suffered until then. The IPKF lost 1,165 personnel, and another 3,009 were wounded.

Premadasa not only armed the LTTE to fight the Indian peacekeepers but also condemned Sri Lankan forces to fight a war that the Indians had been fighting on our behalf.

Barely 3 months after the last contingent of the IPKF left the North, the LTTE attacked the police stations in the East, and Premadasa ordered 600 police officers to surrender to the LTTE, which massacred all 600.

It took another 19 years for the Sri Lankan forces, crippled by the vacillation of successive political leaderships, to finish the unfinished business left behind by their Indian counterparts.

Of the total of 28,619 military personnel killed during the war, 28,200 died during this period, and tens of thousands suffered permanent disability. 

Tens of thousands of Tamil civilians perished, and generations lived in squalor in permanent displacement. Generations of Tamil children were turned into suicide bombers, and others were sent to the battlefront in a zombie sacrifice. 

That is the greatest perfidy of the Sri Lankan politics, which no Sri Lankan pundit talks about. That absence of discussion may be due to inherent prejudices or the lack of commonsense realism, both ills that have incurred a heavy cost on the country.

Some other opinion-makers justify Premadasa’s folly on the claim that the IPKF had then been training a Tamil military force—so much for the bogeyman of the Tamil National Army, the whole group disappeared a day after the Indians left and were hunted down by the LTTE. 

There are other village idiots, donning the mantle of experts, who take pride in the opposition to the IPKF and describe J.R. Jayawardene’s submission to Rajiv Gandhi to sign the Indo-Lanka peace accord as cowardice. The consequence of the alternative is now on display in Ukraine, whose leaders seem to have no qualms about sending the country’s youth to death, while the first couple adorns the front pages of the Vogue.

J.R. Jayawardene could not deliver on the promise of the free market, mainly due to his own egoistic follies. But, many of those negative consequences could have been contained had Premadasa let the IPKF finish the job and focused on delivering economic growth in the South.

Instead, his shortsighted opportunism cost the country two decades of prosperity. A compound of 2% of annual lost economic growth for 20 years, which would give a basic idea of how much we have lost economically because of one shortsighted political decision. 

That Premadasa was killed by the terrorists he had armed and offered a lifeline would not absolve him from his original crime. He trapped us in a war that the Indians had been fighting and dying and were almost about to finish.

Irrespective of other differences, one should give it to Mahinda Rajapaksa for his political will to fight the war to its conclusion, come hell or high water. Wars are bloody affairs, and one should not begin them in the first place. And once in motion, it has to be fought to an end, and one side has to prevail, and the other should be annihilated (or close to it) if the peace is to prevail. That was true for the LTTE in the North is also true for the JVP in the South. 

The JVP, which exploited every imaginary grievance in the country, including the presence of the IPKF in the North, is now firmly in the government. Its current political heights are a testament to Sri Lankan politics. In more than half of the world, it would have remained banned. The same political system could have made miracles of economic development had Premadasa diverted his newfound political autonomy derived from crushing the Southern insurgency into economic modernisation—in a mixture of Mahathir Mohamad and Pinochet. Instead, he sent back the IPKF and opened the doors of hell.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, May 30 (Daily Mirror) – A group of independent councillors from the Matugama Pradeshiya Sabha, who recently declared their support for the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), have accused the National People’s Power (NPP) of attempting to buy their allegiance through financial and political incentives.

Speaking to the media, a spokesperson for the group claimed that an NPP representative initially approached them with promises of Provincial Council nominations, later escalating to a cash offer of Rs. 8 million per councillor. 

The initial meeting was held at my residence with an NPP minister. I have CCTV footage of that meeting,” the spokesperson said, adding that two subsequent meetings took place in Colombo. 

However, the alleged footage has not yet been made public.

Furthermore, the councillors maintained that their support for the SJB was not influenced by monetary offers but was instead motivated by a commitment to the development of the Matugama area.

Courtesy Hiru News

Employees of Lanka Sugar Private Limited are warning that the local sugar industry is facing a severe crisis and the threat of collapse due to the priority given to imported white sugar.

They highlight the critical issue of an inadequate price and insufficient market share for locally produced sugar.

Lanka Sugar Private Limited, operating as a fully state-owned enterprise, is the country’s largest sugar producer, meeting 10% of the nation’s sugar requirement and over 37% of its ethanol demand.

The company directly operates the Sevanagala and Pelwatte sugar factories, while the Athimale Sugar Factory is private, and Hingurana Sugar Factory is a semi-public enterprise.

Farmers state that Lanka Sugar Private Limited is currently facing a crisis of closure, exacerbated by the lack of a fair price for local sugar products and an insufficient market share.

Currently, over 35,000 metric tonnes of locally produced sugar are stuck in warehouses.

The influx of large quantities of imported white sugar into the market and the removal of import duties on it are further reducing demand for local products.

Employees of Lanka Sugar Company and other local sugar factories warn that the risk of closure is increasing.

Over 9,000 people employed in these factories, along with more than 100,000 dependents, are facing significant problems.

They are demanding a fair price for locally produced sugar and proper regulation of imported sugar.

Bello Mundo – EN

An unknown and MYSTERIOUS country that has one of the oldest and most complex cultures on the continent—and yes, it remains one of the least understood places in the world. The name itself says a lot: Sri Lanka, which means glorious island” in Sinhalese, is called by many the Pearl of the Indian Ocean. And it’s not just because of its appearance. The combination of spirituality, ancient traditions, unique biodiversity, and a history full of twists and turns makes this place a true cultural puzzle. That’s exactly why, today, Belo Mundo will take you inside this fascinating country, full of beauty and surprises, and reveal curiosities that will leave you speechless.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The book “The Separatist Terrorism in Sri Lanka 1975–2009” was launched today at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI).

The publication offers a comprehensive analysis of Sri Lanka’s civil conflict, with a particular focus on the struggle for a separate Tamil state in the Northern and Eastern provinces and the role played by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The book was authored by former Army Commander General Daya Ratnayake and Major Sarath Jayawardana. Pix by Nisal Baduge

Courtesy The Peninsula

Sri Lanka’s former sports minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage (left) and former trade minister Anil Fernando are escorted by police outside a court in Colombo on May 29, 2029 (Photo by Ishara S. Kodikara/ AFP)Follow usnewsCopyA+A-

AFP

Colombo: A Sri Lankan court sentenced on Thursday two former ministers from the government of deposed president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to decades in prison in a landmark corruption case.

Ex-sports minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former trade minister Anil Fernando were found guilty by the Colombo High Court of misappropriating 53 million rupees ($177,000) of state funds.

The pair were also fined $2,000 for using government money to donate board games — including 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 draughts sets — in an attempt to boost the failed 2015 re-election bid of Gotabaya’s elder brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years in jail. Fernando was sentenced to 25 years.

Aluthgamage is now the most senior member of a Rajapaksa-led cabinet to be successfully prosecuted for corruption.

The cases against both men were initiated six years ago, when the Rajapaksa brothers were out of power, but the case had been making slow headway until a new government took office last year.

Aluthgamage also faces a separate investigation into allegations that he authorised in 2022 a payment of $6.09 million to a Chinese supplier for a fertilizer shipment that was never delivered.

He caused a stir in 2020 when he accused Sri Lanka’s national cricket team of rigging the 2011 World Cup final in favour of India, triggering an investigation that ultimately failed to substantiate his claims.

Aluthgamage, who served as sports minister from 2010 to 2015, said in June 2020 that he had “not wanted to disclose” the alleged match-fixing plot at the time.

“In 2011, we were supposed to win, but we sold the match. I feel I can talk about it now. I am not implicating players, but certain sections were involved,” he said.

Sri Lanka lost the final at Mumbai’s Wankhede Stadium by six wickets. Both Indian and Sri Lankan players have strongly denied any wrongdoing.

NDB Bank PLC

NDB Bank has further strengthened its commitment to enabling Sri Lankan students to pursue global academic opportunities through a newly signed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with ABEC (Australian Business Education Centre), a leading international education consultancy.

The official signing ceremony was held with the participation of senior representatives from both organizations. Representing NDB Bank were Mr. Sanjaya Perera, Senior Vice President – Personal Banking & Customer Experience, and Mr. Zeyan Hemeed, Vice President – Retail Banking. ABEC was represented by its Managing Director, Mr. H J M Dilip Kumara, and Executive Director, Mr. N S Amarasinghe.

This partnership brings together NDB’s comprehensive banking solutions and ABEC’s global expertise in educational counseling and international student placements. With a track record of guiding thousands of students toward affordable, globally recognized higher education, ABEC supports applicants through the entire process—from university selection and course matching to visa application and pre-departure services.

Through this collaboration, NDB Bank will offer specialized financial services including tailored education loan schemes, foreign exchange services, and advisory support designed to ease the financial burden on students and their families. This initiative aligns with the Bank’s mission of supporting Sri Lankans in achieving their aspirations while enhancing financial accessibility and convenience.

Commenting on the partnership, Mr. Sanjaya Perera stated, At NDB, we believe in the transformative power of education. This partnership with ABEC allows us to bridge financial and informational gaps for students who dream of studying abroad. By combining our banking strength with ABEC’s extensive consultancy experience, we are empowering the future generation and making overseas education seamless.”

NDB Bank remains committed to forming strategic alliances that deliver practical, life-enhancing benefits for its customers. With this partnership, the Bank continues to stand at the forefront of empowering Sri Lankan youth to explore global educational pathways with confidence and ease.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

Lanka Leader

ඉන්දියානු සාගරයේ භූ දේශපාලනික උපායමාර්ගක කේන්ද්‍රස්ථානයක් ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ලෝකයේ දේශපාලනික ආර්ථික සහ යුදමය වැදගත්කමක් ලැබී තිබීම නිසා ලෝකයේ බලවත් රටවල් දැඩි ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කෙරෙහි අවදානය යොමුකර තිබේ. 

මේ නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය හිතකර ලෙස ක්‍රියාකිරීම හෙවත් නොබැඳි විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය මෙරටේ අනාගතය සුබවාදී කරයි. 

1950 වසරේ පමණ සිට අඛණ්ඩව පවත්වාගෙන ආ නොබැඳි ජාතීන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය වර්තමාන මාලිමා රජය උල්ලංඝණය කරමින් ඇතැයි විදෙස් රාජ්‍යයන්ට පක්ෂග්‍රාහී වෙමින් රටට අනතුරුදායක ගිවිසුම් අත්සන් කරමින් රට අනතුරට හෙළීමට එරෙහිව මහා සංඝරත්නය පෙරටු කොට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික, ආරක්ෂක, භූ දේශපාලනික ස්ථාවරත්වය රැකීමට නොබැඳි විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට රජය වහා කටයුතු කළ යුතු බව අවධාරණය කරමින් දේශප්‍රේමී ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරය අද(29) දින කොටුව දුම්රියපොළ ඉදිරිපිට සාමකාමී විරෝධතාවක් පවත්වන ලදී.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Minister of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, Wang Wentao, who is currently on an official visit to Sri Lanka, has met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake this afternoon (29) at the Presidential Secretariat for discussions. 

Minister Wang noted that, considering the current political and economic stability in Sri Lanka, along with the clear policy direction being pursued by President Dissanayake’s administration, there has been a notable rise in interest from Chinese investors looking to invest in the country.

He further stated that this visit undertaken with the participation of over 100 Chinese investors demonstrates a solid dedication to enhancing economic collaboration between the two nations, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said in a statement.

The discussion also focused on the importance of working together to achieve mutually beneficial trade and economic goals during this challenging period. In light of global economic instability, the Chinese Minister of Commerce reiterated China’s commitment to providing the necessary support to Sri Lanka.

One of the key objectives of Minister Wang Wentao’s visit is to follow up on the agreements reached during President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent visit to China. 

The two sides also discussed the timely completion of on-going development projects in Sri Lanka with Chinese government support, as well as the prompt implementation of proposed new initiatives, the statement noted.

The Chinese delegation included Qi Zhenhong, Ambassador of China to Sri Lanka, Wang Liping, Director General of the Department of Asian Affairs and Ms. Shu Jueting, Director General of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Representing Sri Lanka, Minister of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development Wasantha Samarasinghe Secretary to the President Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake and Senior Additional Secretary to the President Roshan Gamage, along with other officials, were also present at the occasion.

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from May 22, 2025

For the twenty-two year old Anagarika Dharmapala, his encounter with the fifty-four year old Sir Edwin Arnold proved to be a pivotal moment in his life as a Buddhist revivalist and international Buddhist missionary (of his own characteristic Buddhist model). His acquaintance and his later mentor mentee relationship with Edwin Arnold (‘my English guru’) led to his involvement in the campaign for the restoration of Bodh Gaya to Buddhists, while also opening doors for him to visit Europe, America, as well as countries in Asia, for his missionary work. As he once specifically said, he was not aiming at converting any non-Buddhists to the Buddhist religion, but at explaining to them the rational teachings of the Buddha (‘my Compassionate Master’). He devoted much less time for his secondary role of advocating and promoting social reform among his own people in Ceylon.  Because of this dominant aspect of his work focusing on foreign engagements, about seventy-five percent of his communications in the form of speeches and writings were through the medium of English, according to the reputed Buddhist scholar and diplomat, the late Dr Ananda Guruge.

Actually, as already mentioned previously, the very idea of having Bodh Gaya transferred to Buddhists’ custodianship was advanced by none other than Edwin Arnold on his first visit to Ceylon in 1886. In his autobiographical booklet ‘My Life Story’ Anagarika Dharmapala writes: ‘In February 1886, when Sir Edwin was in Ceylon, he brought the Buddha Gaya question before the late Weligama Siri Sumangala Nayaka Thero, and requested him to urge the Buddhists to petition the Government for the restoration of the holy site to Buddhist monks’. Arnold had visited Bodh Gaya in 1885 and was deeply moved by the state of neglect and desecration that it was being subjected to in a non-Buddhist neighbourhood (as Arnold described in his book ‘India Revisited’).

The meeting between Edwin Arnold and Weligama Siri Sumangala Thero took place at the latter’s Rankoth Viharaya monastery in Panadura, which was the first place Arnold visited after disembarking at the Galle harbour on his first visit to Sri Lanka in 1886. The two had been in contact with each other through correspondence before that date. Jairam mentions the fact that the monk had made the first Sinhala translation of the Sanskrit language text  ‘Hitopadesha’ or ‘Beneficial Advice’. Arnold himself had rendered it into English from original Sanskrit as ‘The Book of Good Counsels’ (1861). 

Madame Blavatsky and Col. Olcott had popularised a mystical belief that, in the Orient, there was a class of ‘Mahatmas’ ‘Great Souls’ or philosophers with esoteric wisdom and special psychic powers. In his autobiography, Dharmapala refers to these as ‘Adepts of Tibet’ or ‘Himalayan Masters’ who, as he, under the influence of especially Madame Blavatsky, persuaded himself to believe, were devoted to the Buddha; the impressionable young Dharmapala heard about these so-called ‘Masters’ from the theosophists who mesmerised the young boy with stories about them. 

Arnold had heard about them too, but, being a learned man himself, was too sceptical to take those stories seriously. So he asked Weligama Siri Sumangala Thero if such sages really existed. The monk told him that such beliefs were totally false and baseless. Hearing this, Anagarika Dharmapala himself, who had, because of his adolescent naivety, been inclined to accept that particular piece of fiction as true, must have come out of his own original delusion.  

 A large crowd of over one thousand had gathered at Rankoth Viharaya to welcome him that day. Such warmth and adulation extended to him by the Buddhists of Panadura must have convinced Arnold of the rightness of his own decision to help Buddhists in the fight for gaining control over Bodh Gaya..  

Edwin Arnold’s second meeting after his arrival in Ceylon was at the Vidyodaya Pirivena, at Gangodawila, Nugegoda, near Colombo, headed by the erudite scholar monk Hikkaduwe Siri Sumangala, who had founded it in 1873. A large company of some 3000 Buddhist monks and members of the laity had assembled there. The monks spoke in Pali and Sinhala, welcoming him, and Arnold responded speaking in Sanskrit. 

His third meeting with the monks was in Kandy, where he worshiped at the Dalada Maligawa. The Mahanayakes, ordinary monks, the Diyawadana Nilame or the lay custodian of the Temple of the Tooth Relic, and lay Buddhists, were there to welcome Edwin Arnold with great honour. He presented them with a leaf from the Sri Maha Bodhi at Bodh Gaya. For Buddhists, the bodhi leaf symbolizes the ‘enlightenment, spiritual awakening, and the potential for growth and wisdom within each individual’ (AI summary)  The monks reciprocated his gesture by giving him a begging bowl and a yellow robe. 

That particular gift implied what the monks thought about Arnold: for him to be so devoted to Buddhism meant that he was indeed a ‘Bodhisattva’, a ‘Buddha-to-be’, who would like to assume robes soon, and join the Sangha Sasana, like them. Anagarika Dharmapala was to pay the same compliment to Col. Olcott years later, before he fell out with him over his alleged lack of respect towards some Buddhist statues  or some other sacred objects that Olcott had in his room. However, it is known that Dharmapala and Olcott parted company on grounds of some more serious disagreements, while still retaining their friendship and mutual goodwill. Even in his younger days, Dharmapala was his own man. 

 Coming back to Arnold, his love towards the people of India and of much smaller Ceylon was genuine. But they were the subjects, and he, a loyal servant, of the British empire, which he considered a benign overlordship over them all. As a man of education and culture, and a free thinking spiritual seeker, he had a consuming interest in Eastern religions and he was much excited by his discovery of the unique teachings of Buddhism. 

It is not surprising that there was latent disapproval and even hostility that Edwin Arnold had to have risked in the Christianity dominated conservative British society of the time back home on account of his unconcealed enthusiasm for Buddhism. Despite the controversy he invited through his ‘pagan’ fascination with Buddhism, Arnold was quite hopeful of being appointed Poet Laureate on the demise of the then incumbent Laureate, Alfred Tennyson in 1892, but the honour was given to poet Alfred Austin after a four year lapse, in 1896 and he remained in the post till 1913. Meanwhile, there is evidence to show that Edwin Arnold remained strong in his self acquired Buddhist faith until his death in 1904. 

If Sir Edwin Arnold was denied the Poet Laureateship because of his alleged Buddhist ‘paganism’ and his ‘The Light of Asia’, that unjustified stigma had worn off by 1930 mostly due to the more friendly reception of the Buddha’s teachings in Britain that he worked towards initiating. For, in that year, the poet who was appointed Poet Laureate was John Masefield (1878-1967). He was not only an admirer of Buddhism, but also had drawn inspiration from The Light of Asia  in his teenage years. Masefield published a collection of poems entitled Gautama the Enlightened and Other Verses in 1941, which is still available.

According to Jairam, in his old age Edwin Arnold was thoroughly disappointed about one of his sons, who was the only degenerate among his six children. He was blind and paralytic then, but cheerful and generous as ever. Anagarika Dharmapala, who happened to be in London in 1904, called on Edwin Arnold and found him ‘a changed man. Time and illness had done the rest’.  However, Sir Arnold was well looked after by his Japanese wife Tama Kurokava for which, he praised her in these terms:

‘I am blind, and yet I can see. I am chained by my infirmities to one spot, and yet I have feet that carry me everywhere’. 

In the final months of his life, Arnold wrote of the Buddha as providing ‘Light to all the world’. Naming his epic poem about the Buddha ‘Light of Asia’ was apparently a concession to the prevailing Christian religious dominance of the age. No wonder, in the 1880s he had been accused of being a Buddhist, for it was obvious that he was attracted to the Buddha more than to any other religious founder. Jairam says that after his passing, some people thought that Arnold had embraced his wife’s Shinto faith in his very last days. But this is unlikely to be true. We can assume that he was too much of a Buddhist to hurt her native Shinto religious sentiments though they were naturally contrary to his rational and non-mystical Buddhist beliefs. He was generous and respectful towards the woman who loved and cared for him.      

Probably, he didn’t differentiate much between Buddhism and Hinduism, except for Hinduism’s emphasis on the importance of devotion (bhakti) to a supreme deity or deities and elaborate rituals (puja) for worshiping them, and Buddhism’s freedom from such elements (i.e., bhakti and puja). As a man of great intellect, he understood what he thought was the essence of Buddhism, which he found in both of its two main branches or forms: Mahayana and Hinayana (Great and Minor Vehicles). The Light of Asia incorporates elements from both branches of the same tree that is Buddhism: it comprises the mythologized biography of the Buddha and his basic doctrinal concepts. The later mythological accretions should be discarded as the wrappings, once the essence is grasped. Jairam correctly identifies the last canto of the poem entitled BOOK THE EIGHTH ‘as the most important section of the poem’ for it contains a reflection of Edwin Arnold’s rational understanding of Buddha Gautama’s life and his teachings.

Following are some lines chosen at random from that section.

‘Pray not! the Darkness will not brighten! Ask

Nought from the Silence, for it cannot speak!

Vex not your mournful minds with pious pains!

Ah! Brothers, Sisters! Seek

Nought from the helpless gods by gift and hymn,

Nor bribe with blood, nor feed with fruits and cakes :

Within yourselves deliverance must be sought;….’

Arnold ends his epic narrative with a humble expression of his own inadequacy to deal with the lofty theme he has chosen:

‘A little knowing, little have I told

Touching the Teacher and the Ways of Peace

Forty-five rains thereafter showed he those

In many lands and many tongues, and gave

Our Asia Light, that still is beautiful,

Conquering the world with spirit of strong grace.’

But Edwin Arnold’s voluntary conversion (so to say) to Buddhism is implicit in the words that he puts in the mouth of  the ‘imaginary Buddhist votary’, the medium by which he sought to ‘depict the life and character and indicate the philosophy of that noble hero and reformer, Prince Gautama of India, the founder of Buddhism’ (The words I have put within quote marks in this sentence are from Arnold’s own 1879 Preface to his poem). The following seven capitalised lines from the end the poem (in BOOK THE EIGHTH) are of central importance: 

AH! BLESSED LORD! OH, HIGH DELIVERER!

FORGIVE THE FEEBLE SCRIPT, WHICH DOTH THEE WRONG,

MEASURING WITH LITTLE WIT THY LOFTY LOVE.

AH! LOVER! BROTHER! GUIDE! LAMP OF THE LAW!

I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY NAME AND THEE!

I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY LAW OF GOOD!

I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY ORDER! OM!

Here, the poet and the persona (the imaginary votary) have become one by emotional fusion in the ethereal realm of felt experience evoked through poetry. The last three lines correspond to the traditional triadic Pali formula of ‘Tisarana’ (The Three Refuges) or Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha: Buddham saranam gachchami, Dhammam saranam …., etc. In Buddhism, that amounts to formal embracing of the Faith (Trust in the Triple Gem or the Gem with Three Aspects). 

This depth of absolute devotion, piety or faith was not replicated in the other three religious poems that Edwin Arnold subsequently went on to compose: Pearls of the Faith or Islamic Rosary Being the Ninety-Nine Beautiful Names of Allah (1884) about the Islamic faith, The Song Celestial: a poetic version of the Bhagavad Gita (1886) about Hinduism, and The Light of the World or The Great Consummation (1891) about Jesus Christ and Christianity. But it can be safely said that The Song Celestial,The Light of Asia and The Light of the World form a monumental trilogy on the single theme of Awakening or Enlightenment, which is the highest spiritual goal of self realization taught in Buddhism. 

Jairam Ramesh implies a special warning to Sri Lanka that I didn’t mention in this essay. About that, later.

Concluded

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

              මැයි මස 23 වන දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කමිටු ශාලාවක අගමැතිණියගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් විශේෂ රැස්වීමක් පැවැත්විණ.එම රැස්වීම සඳහා ඉල්ලීම් කරනු ලැබූයේ උතුර පළාත නියෝජනය කරනු ලබන දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසිනි.2025/03/28 දින ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීමේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද 2430 අංකය ඇති ගැසට් නිවේදනය මෙම සාකච්ඡාවට හේතු විය. ඉඩම් අමාත්‍ය ලාල් කාන්ත මහතා සහ අදාළ නිළධාරීන් ද අගමැතිණිය ද දෙමළ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ද මීට සාභාගි වී ඇත.. නමුත් විපක්ෂය නියෝජනය කරනු ලබන සිංහල මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු මීට සාභාගි වූ බවක් දැන ගන්නට නැත.යාපන දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ වඩමාරච්චි ප්‍රදේශයේ 5617 සහ 5618 දරණ ගම්වල ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීම සදහා පියවර ගැනීම මෙම ගැසට් පත්‍රය නිකුත් කිරීමේ අරමුණයි.මෙහිදී දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් එම ගැසට් පත්‍රයට විරෝධය පළ කරන ලද අතර ඉඩම් හිමිකම් ඔප්පු කිරීමට දෙමළ ජනතාවට සාක්ෂි නොමැති හෙයින් විශේෂයෙන් පැවති යුද්ධ වකවානුව නිසා ලේඛන අහිමි වීමෙන් මෙම ගැසට් පත්‍රය අනුව හිමිකම් සහතික කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වන බව ඔවුන්ගේ දුක් ගැනවිල්ල විය.මේ වන විට මෙම දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ගේ බලපෑම මත අදාළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය තාවකාලිකව ඉවත් කරගෙන ඇත.

          ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීමේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ කාර්ය භාරය ආරම්භ කරන ලද්දේ 1903 දීය. පසුව 1927 දී පත් කරන ලද ඉඩම් කොමිසමේ වාර්තාව අනුව 1931 අංක 20 දරණ ඉඩම් හිමිකම් නිරවුල් කිරීමේ ආඥා පනත සම්මත කර ඇත. ඉන්පසු 1935 ඉඩම් සංවර්ධන ආඥා පනත පැනවීම ද සිදු විය.. ලංකාවේ විවිධ ප්‍රදේශයන්හි පවතින  ඉඩම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පවතින ගැටළු නිරාකරණය කොට මැනීම් සිදු කොට රජයේ ඉඩම් වෙන් කර අවසාන ගම් සිතියම් සකස් කිරීම එහි අරමුණ විය.මේ කාර්යය දීර්ඝ කාලයක් තිස්සේ දැන් සිදුව ඇත.ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීමේ ආරම්භ වන්නේ ගමක  තිබෙන ඉඩම් වල නාමයන් දියපහරවල් මාවත් ආදී සියල්ල සටහන් කර ගැසට් පත්‍රයක් පළ කිරීමෙනි.මාස තුනක් ඇතුළත ගම් වැසියන් තමන්ගේ හිමිකම් ඉදිරිපත් කළ යුතු වෙයි. එවිට ඒවා සලකා බලා පරීක්ෂණයකට ලක්කර රජයේ ඉඩම් සහ පෞද්ගලික ඉඩම් වෙන් කර අවසාන ගැසට් නිවේදනය නිකුත් කරනු ලබයි.මේ ලෙසට දිවයින පුරා විශාල ප්‍රදේශයක මේ වන විට ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීම සිදු කර තිබේ. මෙම ක්‍රියාවලියේ යහපත් එළඹීම් තිබෙන අතර අයහපත් ප්‍රවේශයන් ද තිබෙන බව කිව යුතුය.සෑම ගමකම ඉඩම් හඳුන්වන නාමයන් තිබේ.එම නාමයන් තුළ යම් ඉතිහාසයක් සටහන් වන අතර අවුරුදු දහස් ගණනක් එම ව්‍යවහාරයන් පැවත පැමිණි නිසා ජනතාව ඉඩම් පරිහරණයේ දී කටයුතු කරන ආකාරය පිළිබඳ  අවබෝධයක් තිබුණි. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ගම්බද වන ඉඩම් වලට යොදා ගත් නාමයන් දැක්විය හැකිය. වන ආඥා පනතට අනුව වනාන්තර යනු රජයේ රක්ෂිත වනාන්තර සහ සෙසු කැලෑ නැතිනම් ගම්බද වනය විය.පරිපාලන පහසුව සඳහා වන රක්ෂිතයන් වන සංරක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සතු විය. ගම්බද වනයන් දිසාපති වරුන් සතු විය.ගැමියා වනය පරිහරණය කරන්නේ වන ඖෂධ එකතු කිරිමට මී පැණි එකතු කිරීමට මෙන්ම ළඳු කැළෑ වල හේන් ගොවිතැන් කිරීමටත්ය. බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය පාලනයත් සමග මේ සියල්ල තහනම් විය. වන රක්ෂිත නීතිය අදටත් එසේමය. වනය අතරිඒ ගලා එන දිය කඳුරු ගම් හරහා ගලා බසී. ඒවා නිසා ගමේ දිය උල්පත් පෝෂණය වේ. ගැමියා එවාට දුන් නම් රැසකි. ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීම් වලදී ගමට සම්බන්ධ මේ පොදු ව්‍යවහාරයන් සැළකිය යුතු බව දක්වා ඇතච සැම විටම නොසලකා ඇත.අවසාන ගැසට් නිවේදනය නිකුත් කිරීමේ දී ගැමියාට සම්බන්ධ මෙම පොදු සම්පත් ගැමියාට අහිමි කර තිබේ.ජල උල්පත් හෝ ගමට සම්බන්ධ වන ඉඩම් රකින්නට කෙනෙකු නැත. නොයෙකුත් සංවර්ධන කටයුතු වලදී මෙම පොදු සම්පත් විනාශ වෙයි.

         උතුරු පළාතේ යාපන දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඉඩම් පසුගිය සියවස තුළ නිරවුල් කිරීමක් සිදුව නොමැත. ඊට හේතුව 1931 දී යාපනය දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඉතා සුළු ඉඩම් ප්‍රමාණයක් හැරුණු කොට අනෙත් එවා නිරවුල් කිරීම් වලින් බැහැර කිරීමයි.මලලගම නැතිනම් මල්ලාකම් තෙන්මාරච්චි සහ වඩමාරච්චිහි විශාල ඉඩම් කොටසක් මෙලෙස නිරවුල් කිරීම් වලින් බැහැර කර තිබේ.ඊට හේතුව එ යුගයේ රාජ්‍ය මන්ත්‍රණ සභාවේ සිටි දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කරන ලද බලපෑමයි.හැත්තෑව දශකයේ ඇරඹි ත්‍රස්තවාදී ක්‍රියාකාරකම් නිසාද උතුරු පළාතේ නිරවුල් කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය සිදු වූයේ නැත. ජනතාව අවතැන් වූ අතර බොහෝ ඉඩ කඩම් සහිත ඉඩම් හමුදා ක්‍රියාන්විත සඳහා පවාරගනු ලැබිණ.2009 දී යුද්ධය අවසන් වූ පසු අවතැන් වූ පිරිසට නැවත ඉඩම් බෙදා දීම ආරම්භ කළ අතර එ කටයුතු බොහෝ විට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් වරුන් ගේ මනාපය පරිදි සිදු විය.යාපනය දිශාව පෙර කී පරිදි තෙන්මාරච්චි වඩමාරච්චි මල්ලාගම සහ පච්චිලායි පල්ලෙයි යනුවෙන් කොටස් හතරකට වෙන් වී ඇත. පැරණි ව්‍යවහාරය අනුව ත්‍රි නම් ත්‍රි භූමිය විය.ස්වභාවික ජල බස්නාවන්ගෙන් ඒ කොටස් වෙන් වි ඇත. යාපනය අවට දූපත්ද රැසකි.මෙවැනි තත්වයක් යටතේ රජයේ ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිපත්තිය අනුව ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීම සිදු කළ යුතුය.2009 න් පසුව අවිධිමත් ලෙසට සිදු වී ඇති පදිංචි කිරීම් නිවැරදි කරලීමට නම් ඉඩම් වල ස්වභාවය සහ අයිතිකරුවන් හඳුනා ගත යුතුය.දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී අගමැතිණිය සහ ඉඩම් අමාත්‍යවරයා හමු වී ඔවුන් ගේ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් කතා කර තිබේ. එහෙත් 1981 වන විට වඩමාරච්චි ප්‍රදේශයේ ජීවත් වූ සිංහල ජනතාව පිළිබඳ කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කරලීමට මන්ත්‍රීවරු කිසිවෙකුත් නැත. ජන සංගණනය අනුව වඩමරච්චි උතුර සහ දකුණේ සිංහලයන් 102 ක් ජීවත්ව සිට ඇත.මලලගම ප්‍රදේශය තුළ විශාල සිංහල ජනගහනයක් ජීවත්ව සිට ඇත.යුද්ධය නිසා අවතැන් වූ ඔවුහු නැවත පදිංචි කර නැත.මේ ප්‍රදේශයේ තිබෙන පැරණි පුරාවස්තු පිළිබඳවද නිසි ගවේශණයක් කර නැත.

      ලන්දේසි යුගයේ  දී මලබාරයෙන් ගෙන්වන ලද වහල් ශ්‍රමිකයන් සඳහා පැනවූ තේසවලාමෙයි නීතිය බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සමයේ දී සමස්ත නීති පද්ධතියට එකතු වීම මත පදිංචිව සිටි සිංහල ජනතාවට ඉඩම් ලබා ගැනීම ඉතා දුෂ්කර විය.දෙමළ නොතාරිස් වරුන් විසින් ලියන ලද ඇතැම් ඔප්පු ලියාපදිංචි කර නැත. බේකරි ව්‍යාපාරයන්, රන්කරුවන් ,ගරාජ් කාර්මිකයන් ලෙසට සිටි බහුතර සිංහල ජනතාව 1985 වන විට සහමුලින්ම අවතැන් විය.ඔවුන් සතුව තිබූ ලේඛන පවා සොයා ගන්නට නැත.පරංගි සමයේ උතුරේ සිටි බහුතර ජනතාව සිංහල වූ අතර ලන්දේසි යුගයේ දී ඔවුන්ගේ ඉඩම් ලන්දේසි කොම්පඤ්ඤය විසින් බදු ගැනීම සහ බලෙන් පවරා ගැනීම නිසා ඉඩම් අහිමි වී තිබේ.ඇතැම් සිංහල ඉඩම් හිමියන් ඝාතනය කර තිබේ.වඩමාරච්චි පළාත පාලනය කළ කෝරාළ වන රත්නසිංහ ඉන් එක් අයෙකි.එ පවුල් වල අය ද්‍රවීඩීකරණය වී රත්නසිංහම් වී වර්තමානයේ විදේශ ගතව සිටිති.සියවස් දෙකකට ආසන්න කාලයක් තුළ ඔවුන්ට සිදු වූ අසාධාරණ කම් සාකච්ඡා වී නැත.  උතුරේ තිබූ බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථාන වර්තමානය වන විට පවතින්නේ අතේ ඇඟලි ගණනටත් අඩුවෙනි.එවා සතු ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කර ගැනීම ද ලෙහෙසි පහසු නැත. තිස්ස රාජ මහා විහාරයේ ඉඩම් සහ කාරතිවු වල වෙහෙර පිටිය පුරාවිද්‍යා නටබුන් සහිත ප්‍රදේශය උදාහරණ ලෙසට දැක්විය හැකිය.1940 දශකය වන විට අඟලේ සිතියම් වල සළකුණු කරන ලද පුරාවිද්‍යා නටබුන් 1980 දශකයෙන් පසුව ඉවත් කර ඇත. එවායින් ඇතැම් ස්ථාන භූමියේ ද නැත. ඩෝසර කර නව ගොඩනැගිලි තනා තිබේ.මෙවැනි තත්වයක් යටතේ ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීම පහසු ක්‍රියාවක් නොවේ.දෙමළ දේශපාලකයන් කලබල වී තිබෙන්නේ ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිරීමේ දී මලබාරයෙන් පැවත එන දෙමළ ඉතිහාසය හෙළිවන බැවිනි.එ නිසා නීතිය පසෙකට කර දේශාපාලන පක්ෂපාතිකම් වලින් ඉඩම් වලට ඔප්පු ලබා ගැනීම ඔවුන්ගේ අරමුණයි.නමුත් පෙර දක්වන කරුණු අනුව  ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කිර්මේ ආඥා පනතට යම් සංශෝධන කීපයක් එක් කර ගැනීමෙන් වඩා පහසු ක්‍රියාදාමයක් ඇරඹිය හැකිය.එවිට ඉඩම් වල සැබෑ ස්වභාවය හඳුනා ගනිමින් රජයේ ඉඩම් සහ වැසියන්ගේ ඉඩම් වෙන් කරගත හැකිය. අවතැන් වූ අයගේ ඉඩම් සඳහා ද නිවැරදි ප්‍රවේශයක් ගත හැකිය. එහෙත් චන්ද පොරොන්දු ඉටු කිරීමට ගොස් දෙමළ ජනතාවට හෝ මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවට  පමණක් ඉඩම් ලබා දීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය දිගින් දිගටම සිදු කළහොත් මේ රටේ අසාධාරණයට ලක් වන්නේ ඓතිහාසික උරුමය හිමි සිංහල ජනතාවටයි.පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය කරනු ලබන බහුතරයක් සිංහල මන්ත්‍රීවරු මේ තත්වය අවබෝධ කරගත යුතුය.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Sri Lanka is not just a country—it is a civilization built on wisdom, ethical governance, and deep-rooted cultural integrity. Our Constitution mandates the protection of Buddhist principles, ensuring that our laws reflect moral discipline and social stability. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka has proposed the repeal of Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code, citing concerns about consensual same-sex relationships and human rights obligations. While human rights considerations are important, Sri Lanka’s laws must prioritize constitutional obligations, national morality, and child protection above foreign-imposed legal changes.

Sections 365 & 365A of the Sri Lankan Penal Code serve as critical safeguards against unnatural offenses and acts of gross indecency, particularly in cases involving minors under sixteen. These laws impose rigorous punishments for violations, reinforcing Sri Lanka’s commitment to child protection, ethical governance, and societal stability. While the Human Rights Commission has proposed their repeal citing concerns over consensual relationships, such action risks undermining their protective role, exposing children and society to legal loopholes that predators can exploit.

Repealing these provisions without providing equivalent safeguards would jeopardize child welfare, undermine Buddhist ethics, and threaten our nation’s sovereignty. Article 9 of the Constitution mandates that Buddhism be given foremost place, ensuring that our legal system aligns with ethical teachings. The Five Precepts advise abstaining from sexual misconduct, reinforcing the necessity of maintaining moral discipline in relationships. The Eightfold Path encourages Right Action, ensuring purity in conduct, and the Vinaya Pitaka strictly regulates unnatural sexual conduct, reinforcing self-restraint and moral discipline.

Sri Lanka’s legal system must reflect these ethical principles, ensuring that child protection, morality, and social harmony remain intact. While the Human Rights Commission argues for repeal, their proposal is one-sided and flawed, failing to address concerns about child protection and social stability. It does not propose safeguards for minors in case of repeal, fails to consult Buddhist religious leaders, educators, or child protection authorities, and disregards Sri Lanka’s constitutional duty to uphold Buddhist ethics and national morality. Removing these laws without protective measures exposes children to legal loopholes that predators can exploit.

It is essential to recognize that carnal intercourse, when removed from ethical constraints, is not a humanized act but a direct violation of moral discipline. Societies that seek to normalize such behavior without moral and legal safeguards risk destabilizing social harmony and weakening cultural identity. Buddhism teaches self-restraint and ethical responsibility, reinforcing the need to regulate carnal acts that deviate from moral purity and undermine human dignity. Sri Lanka’s legal framework must continue to reflect these values to ensure a disciplined and ethically sound society.

Many nations have rejected foreign-driven legal shifts that attempt to weaken national morality and child protection laws. Hungary and Poland have reinforced strict child protection laws, resisting EU pressure, while Florida, USA, under Governor Ron DeSantis, has reversed radical education policies, restricting gender ideology in schools. Russia criminalized foreign-funded human rights activism, recognizing its use as an ideological tool to destabilize society. Japan and Singapore uphold stringent morality laws, ensuring that child protection and ethical governance remain prioritized. Sri Lanka must follow these examples, ensuring that legal reforms do not weaken our moral and ethical foundations.

Sri Lanka’s legal system is sovereign and cannot be dictated by international pressures. While treaties provide guidelines, no external convention can override Sri Lankan law. Legal reforms must be rooted in our cultural traditions, not imposed through Western ideological movements. Sri Lanka is not a test subject for foreign social experiments. We remind the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka that any repeal of Sections 365 and 365A without safeguarding constitutional obligations may be legally challenged. Sri Lanka’s courts permit lawsuits against legal changes that violate Article 9, undermine Buddhist culture, or attempt to impose foreign ideological pressure on national governance. Any attempt to destabilize Buddhist morality through rinathmaka or danathamaka influences may constitute a constitutional violation and judicial challenge.

Parliament must reject any proposals that undermine Sri Lanka’s constitutional obligations or contradict national ethical mandates. Law enforcement agencies have a duty to uphold laws that ensure child protection, societal stability, and moral discipline, rather than bowing to foreign ideological pressure. Society must recognize that government actions contradicting constitutional principles can be legally challenged, reinforcing public accountability. The public possesses the right to challenge any state decision that violates Article 9 and Buddhist ethics, ensuring that no administrative body exceeds constitutional limits.

We urge His Excellency the President to reject any legal reforms that disregard Sri Lanka’s constitutional obligations to Buddhist ethics, fail to provide child protection safeguards, or compromise national sovereignty through foreign ideological influence. Sri Lanka is not just another country—it is a civilization of wisdom, ethical governance, and cultural integrity. We must protect our laws from ideological interference. We trust the wisdom of Sri Lanka’s leaders to uphold the values that have sustained this nation for centuries.

“A nation that blinds itself to deception will awaken in ruin. Parents who surrender their children’s future to fraudulent constitutional reforms led by political elites and international mafias are not guardians—they are accomplices in dismantling morality and sovereignty.”

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Ceo and Founder Ceylonwatch”
Analyst of Buddhist Affairs
Desha Abhimani Surya Vansa Ratna Vibhushan
Senkadagala Sinha Dwaraya
President of Jathika Bawuddha Balwegaya

Founder of Sinhala Prathipatthi Kendraya

TCFBI PEC President, Unethical Conversion of Buddhist
TCFBI International Co-ordinator
Hela Abimani National Foundation-Secretary
Author, Publisher, and Journalist

“This article was developed upon reviewing the Human Rights Commission’s proposal and analyzing discussions from key commentators, including Shenali Waduge, whose insights on national sovereignty and child protection reinforce the urgency of rejecting the repeal of Sections 365 & 365A.”

Reference:

Rejection of HRC’s Proposal to Repeal Sections 365 & 365A

Open Letter: Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara on attempt to Repeal 365-365A protecting 6.1m Children

NDB Bank

NDB Bank is proud to announce its continued support for Royal College Rugby as the Event Co-Sponsor for the Royal Rugby Season, marking the fourth consecutive year that NDB has partnered with Royal College. The partnership was officially announced at a press conference held recently at Courtyard by Marriott, Colombo, in anticipation of an exhilarating season ahead.

As one of Sri Lanka’s most celebrated school rugby teams, Royal College holds a distinguished legacy in the sport. NDB’s enduring partnership reflects the Bank’s unwavering commitment to nurturing sporting excellence and empowering the youth of Sri Lanka.

Speaking at the press conference, NDB Bank’s CEO, Kelum Edirisinghe, shared his sentiments:

At NDB, we believe in empowering youth and nurturing leadership. Rugby is a powerful platform for shaping future leaders, both on and off the field. Royal College Rugby carries a legacy that continues to inspire and NDB is proud to stand beside them as a partner in their journey towards excellence.”

This year’s Royal Rugby Season promises to deliver thrilling encounters and culminates in the much-anticipated Bradby Shield Encounter, one of the most iconic events in Sri Lanka’s school sports calendar. As anticipation builds, NDB remains steadfast in its role, standing beside the players, coaches, and supporters as they rally behind the blue and gold.

NDB’s association with Royal College Rugby is a testament to the Bank’s broader mission of creating lasting value through strategic partnerships that uplift communities and inspire progress. Through this sustained support, NDB continues to champion initiatives that go beyond banking, nurturing talent, celebrating legacy, and empowering future leaders.

NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.

lanka C news

May 28, 2025 at 10:00 am |

මාතලේ දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීනී රෝහිණී කවිරත්න මහත්මිය විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද නිවේදනයක් මෙහි දැක්වෙයි.

මාලිනී ෆොන්සේකා ජනාධිපති අරමුදල ‘හොරකම් කළ හොරෙකු නොවේ’

තමන් ජනාධිපති අරමුදලේ මුදල් හොරකම්කළ අයෙකු ලෙස පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී නම් කිරීම හා අවමන් කිරීම ගැන මලිනී ෆොන්සේකා මැතිනිය බලවත් සිත් තැවුලට පත්ව සිටියාය.

තමන් විධිමත් ලෙස මේ මුදල ලබාගත් බවට වන වන සාක්ෂි මාලිනී ලඟ විය.

එයින් කොටසක් වන ආධාර ඉල්ලීමේ ලිපිය, අයඳුම් ලිපිය, අයඳුම් පත්‍රය, අරමුදල් අනුමැතිය, ගුවන් ටිකට්පත, වෛද්‍ය හා නිලධාරි රෙකමදාරුව මෙහි ඇත.

හෙළයේ මහා නිළිය ජනාදිපති අරමුදලේ මුදල් අවභාවිත කළා යැයි කියන නාම ලේඛනයට දමා අවමානය ලක් කළ යුතු කාන්තාවක නොවේ යැයි මම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී පැවසුවෙමි. මේ ලේඛන එයට සාක්ෂි වනු ඇත.

මාලිනී ගේ දේහය ද අළු ගොඩක් බවට පත්ව අවසන් ය. වසර 9 කට පෙර ඇයට සැත්කමක් කළ බවත්, 2022 වන විට ඇය දරුණු පිළිකා රෝගයකට ගොදුරු වූ සැත්කමක් කළ බවත් දැන් රටම දනී.

මාලිනී පුරවැසියෙකු ලෙස තමන්ගේ රෝගයට ප්‍රතිකාර ගැනීම සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනරජයේ ගරු ජනාධිතිවරයාගෙන් විධිමත් ඉල්ලීමක් කර ඇත.

රජයක් ලෙස ප්‍රතිචාර එයට ජනාධිපතිවරයා ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වා ජනාධිපති අරමුදලේ මුදල් වෙන් කොට දී ඇති බව මේ ලේඛන මගින් තහවුරුවේ.

මාලිනියට ජාතික ශෝක දිනයක් ලැබුණේ නැත. රාජ්‍ය ගෞරව සහිත අවමංගල්‍යයක් ලැබුණේ ද නැත. ඇයම කියූ ලෙස, ඇයට ජීවිතයේ අවසන් මාස කිහිපයේ රජයෙන් ලැබුණේ නින්දා අපහාස පමණී.

මාලිනිය ‘ඇය මේ රටේ ලක්ෂ සංඛ්‍යාත ජනතාවගේ ආදරය දිනූ තාරකාව ම මිස, අයුතු ලෙස ජාතික ධනය, ජනාධිපති අරමුදලේ මුදල් ලබාගත් වංචාකාරියක නොවන බව’ ඇයට ආදරය කළ සැමට සාක්ෂි කර ගැනීමට මේ ලේඛන උපකාර වනු ඇත.

වසර කිහිපයක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටි ඇය ‘හොරු 225 න් අයෙකු නොවේ’.

මාලිනී ෆොන්සේකාට කලකිරීම තරම්, මරණය වේදනාකාරී නොවන්නට ඇත!

රෝහිණී කවිරත්න
මාතලේ දිස්ත්‍රික් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී

https://drive.google.com/file/d/18cv_UEIpC9gwz9BLsKLeYgv96QiUT5TY/preview?usp=embed_googleplus

Courtesy Adaderana

The Colombo Magistrate’s Court today (28) granted permission to detain and question the three individuals arrested yesterday over the shooting incident targeting the vehicle of former Executive Director of the National Lotteries Board (NLB), Thusitha Halloluwa, for 24 hours, Ada Derana reporter said.

The suspects were presented before Colombo Additional Magistrate Pasan Amarasena.

During today’s proceedings, Police informed court that the investigations regarding the suspects have not been completed and sought permission to detain the trio.

Considering the request, the Magistrate granted permission for the suspects to be detained and questioned for 24 hours.

This case was heard at the Magistrate’s official residence.

One of the suspects, identified as Mohammad Shafni, informed the Magistrate that he wished to make a personal statement.

The Magistrate, having granted permission to detain and question the three suspects, ordered the prison officers to present the other three suspects who are already in custody in connection with this case to court tomorrow (29).

Three individuals, including the motorcyclist involved in the shooting incident were arrested yesterday (27) in Wattala and Kirulapone.

The suspects aged 31, 32 and 40, are residents of Wattala and Colombo 14.

Three other suspects, including a female were arrested in relation to the incident previously.

They were remanded until 29 May after being produced before the Hulftsdorp Magistrate’s Court.

On 17 May, two unidentified men on a motorcycle opened fire at a vehicle carrying the former Executive Director of the National Lotteries Board (NLB), Thusitha Halloluwa, and his lawyer at Dabare Mawatha in Narahenpita.

It was later revealed that Halloluwa was assaulted and was subsequently admitted to hospital with injuries.

Additionally, a file belonging to Halloluwa was allegedly stolen during or immediately after the incident, police said.

Investigations into the incident were handed over to the Colombo Range Crime Division on the instructions of the Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP) Priyantha Weerasuriya.

Courtesy Hiru News

Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka stated his disagreement with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s assertion that “every party fought for peace” during the war.Speaking to Hiru News, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka made this comment.The President had expressed this view during the National War Heroes’ Day commemoration.

Courtesy Hiru News

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka estimates that it will take at least another two to three years for the country’s economy to return to the level it was at in 2018.

Dr. Chandranath Amarasekara, Assistant Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, made this statement while participating in a lecture on the annual economic review for 2024.

He added that the cost of living had doubled by last year compared to 2021.

Madyawediya

Shenali D Waduge Concerned Citizen & Mother

OPEN LETTER

27 May 2025

To:

Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara
Minister of Justice, National Integration
Ministry of Justice,
Colombo, Sri Lanka

Subject: Repealing Penal Code Sections 365 and 365A will endanger 6.1 Million Sri Lankan Children — Strengthen the Law, don’t dismantle it.

Dear Hon. Minister Nanayakkara

No civilized society repeals laws that protect children without first securing stronger ones. To do otherwise is not reform — it is calculated negligence.”

As a Cabinet Minister — and more importantly, as a father — you will understand the grave public concern surrounding the proposed repeal of Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code. These provisions are not mere legal texts; they are Sri Lanka’s final legal bulwark against paedophilia, grooming, and sexual abuse of children — acts that are not only unnatural but stand in direct opposition to the moral teachings of Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and Catholicism.

This move follows a sudden and unvetted recommendation from the Human Rights Commission — made without public consultation, without any proposed child-focused replacement law, and under the guise of human rights” in favor of a statistically tiny minority — in stark contrast to the State’s moral and constitutional duty to protect and safeguard 6.1 million Sri Lankan children.

Let us be clear:

Those calling for repeal are effectively demanding the following:

• The removal of the legal definition of sexual predators
• The elimination of minimum sentences for crimes against children under 16
• The weakening of laws that cover grooming and non-penetrative abuse
• Lighter punishment for psychological and emotional trauma inflicted on minors
• The decriminalization of adult-minor sexual acts under the pretext of consent”
• The legalization of conduct deemed against the order of nature” — which contradicts every major religious and cultural value in Sri Lanka

Are these demands in the best interest of the child, the family, or the country? Absolutely not.

What the Repeal will result in:

• Remove clarity from the law, giving predators legal grey zones to prey on kids
• Encourage lenient sentencing for abusers
• Prevent police and courts from intervening in early stages of grooming
• Leave emotional and psychological trauma unaddressed
• Open doors to paedophile and trafficking networks — turning Sri Lanka into a destination for exploitation

These scenarios are already occurring on a limited scale in Sri Lanka — from online grooming to ideological manipulation of children — by repealing Sections 365 and 365A it would legally enable and normalize them, removing vital protections and giving predators a free pass.

This is not reform. This is Betrayal.

If this repeal was truly about reform, a stronger, child-protective law would have been proposed first. Yet there is no draft, no replacement, no consultation. Only the attempt to dismantle Sri Lanka’s legal shield..

That’s not an oversight. It’s deliberate.

The complete failure to initiate any plan for child protection post-repeal exposes the true motive:

The sheer vigour with which certain individuals and organizations are lobbying for this repeal reveals an alarming truth — they stand with predators, not with the children.

Anyone who reads Sections 365 and 365A will clearly see whose side they are on in demanding its repeal.

Sri Lanka must learn from the West:

Countries that followed this path are now battling:

• Paedophilia disguised as minor-attracted preference”
• Gender confusion and pornographic content in schools
• Laws that fail victims while empowering predators
• Children pushed into irreversible hormone treatments and surgeries
• Drag shows targeting children, even at schools
• Families broken, faith communities silenced

Do we want this future for our nation?

What about private adult conduct?

Sri Lanka has never criminalized private consensual acts between adults in private. This is not about consensual privacy — it is about children.

No private lifestyle, especially one now aggressively marketed via global campaigns on social media, should be legalized at the cost of child safety, family stability, and national values.

We are witnessing a surge in gender identity confusion and sexualized ideologies targeting youth, marketed as gateways to social acceptance, career success, and self-worth. This is not organic — it is ideological, imported, and dangerous.

Who gains from Repeal?

• Not parents
• Not children
• Not Sri Lankan families

The only beneficiaries are:

• Paedophiles
• Groomers and traffickers
• Foreign-funded activist networks
• Ideological lobbies seeking to erode cultural foundations

What must be done:

We urge you, Hon. Minister:

• Do not repeal Sections 365 and 365A.
• Strengthen child protection laws — especially against online grooming, trafficking, and ideological coercion.
• Publicly disclose the funding and lobbying behind repeal efforts.
• Defend the rights of 6.1 million children, not imported ideologies.

As Justice Minister & as a Father – the responsibility is yours:

At a time when public trust in the government is rapidly eroding due to economic hardship and misgovernance, this reckless move risks uniting every religious community — Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian/Catholic — in outrage.

If this repeal goes through, the government will not just be blamed for legalizing child endangerment — it will be held responsible for destroying the innocence and future of 6.1 million children. This is not just political misjudgment; it is moral failure of national proportions. Every religious leader, every parent, will point to this moment and fault your government for choosing ideology & appeasement over protection.

The Ministry of Justice is not just a custodian of the law — it is the guardian of the nation’s moral framework.

Be the shield our children need — not the hand that removes their last defence.

Protect our laws. Protect our children. Protect Sri Lanka’s future.

This letter reflects the growing voice of parents, educators, clergy, doctors, and civil society across Sri Lanka who reject this repeal and demand the protection of our children — not their exposure.

If this repeal becomes law, history will remember who stood for the predator — and who stood for the child.

Sri Lanka is not for sale. Our children are not experiments. Their innocence is not collateral.

Respectfully,

Shenali D Waduge

Concerned Citizen & Mother

Palitha Ariyarathna

Synopsis:

Social media and online platforms have amplified false narratives about Buddhism, distorting historical accuracy and core teachings. With actors, influencers, missionary groups, and even some Buddhist monks spreading misleading metaphors, Sri Lanka must uphold its constitutional duty to protect the Buddha Sasana. Legal safeguards, defamation laws, and global human rights conventions provide tools to challenge these distortions. Preserving Buddhist wisdom requires awareness, accountability, and legal intervention to ensure doctrinal integrity for future generations.

Preserving the truth of Buddhist teachings is essential. Misinformation and modern reinterpretations must not distort the wisdom that has guided generations. Let us stand for accuracy, respect, and the integrity of the Buddha Sasana”.

In recent times, misinformation has become a growing concern, especially when it distorts the truth behind religious doctrines and historical events. A recent social media controversy has highlighted a deliberate misrepresentation of the Buddha’s teachings—an attempt to modernize Buddhist history by falsely claiming that the Buddha placed a mobile phone instead of his alms bowl into the Niranjana River.

This fabricated narrative is not only misleading but also undermines the authenticity of Buddhist doctrine. As Sri Lanka is constitutionally obligated to preserve the Buddha Sasana, it is essential to address such misinformation before it causes irreparable damage to Buddhist heritage.

Buddhism is built upon unchanging truths that transcend time. These teachings remain relevant across generations without needing reinterpretation based on societal or technological developments. The alms bowl, which the Buddha released into the Niranjana River, is a profound symbol of renunciation and detachment from material possessions. Equating this sacred act with a mobile phone risks distorting the essence of his teachings.

Modern technology has changed communication, but Buddhist wisdom is not defined by technological shifts. Renunciation is not about rejecting physical objects alone—it is a profound journey of letting go of desire, attachment, and ignorance.

Sri Lanka has legal safeguards in place to protect Buddhism from distortion and misinformation. Misrepresenting Buddhist teachings violates both national and international protections, including:

• Article 9 of the Constitution – Grants Buddhism the foremost place, obligating the state to preserve the Buddha Sasana.
• Defamation Laws (Penal Code Section 479) – Criminalizes false statements that harm religious institutions and reputations.
• Cybercrime & Online Safety Laws – Prevent the spread of false religious narratives that mislead the public.
• ICCPR Act (2007) – Criminalizes incitement of religious hostility through misinformation.
• Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 18) – Protects religious freedom from distortion.

Misinterpretation of Buddhist teachings can lead to legal consequences under Buddhist Sasana law and, in some cases, extend to international civil cases. While no formal legal action has been initiated, the law allows any individual or religious organization to file complaints with law enforcement or the courts against those who distort Buddhist narratives. The legal system can intervene at any time to uphold doctrinal accuracy.

This issue extends beyond religious misinterpretation—it also affects cultural and linguistic integrity. The Sinhala language is deeply linked to Buddhism, and altering core teachings through inaccurate metaphors threatens both religious sanctity and linguistic preservation. Sri Lanka has a constitutional responsibility to ensure Buddhism remains accurately represented and language is used responsibly in religious discourse.

Several individuals have attempted to reshape Buddhist teachings using misleading metaphors. Whether done deliberately or unknowingly, such actions do not go unnoticed. Sri Lanka’s legal system provides protections against religious misrepresentation, and any individual has the right to file a formal complaint with law enforcement or take legal action in the courts if Buddhism is misrepresented.

If such distortions persist, authorities may intervene under Sri Lankan and international laws protecting religious integrity and defamation rights. Those engaging in intentional misinterpretation must understand that legal consequences can be pursued at any time.

Buddhism is built on unchanging truths that must be preserved accurately and responsibly. Misrepresentation—whether intentional or due to misunderstanding—must be challenged through education, legal action, and cultural preservation.

Ensuring Buddhist teachings remain untouched by speculative reinterpretations is a collective responsibility. Misinformation must be addressed with clarity and legal accountability to safeguard the integrity of the Buddha Sasana for generations to come.

It is essential for authorities to assess this matter and ensure that Buddhism is represented with accuracy and respect. Preserving the truth of Buddhist teachings is essential. Misinformation and modern reinterpretations must not distort the wisdom that has guided generations. Let us stand for accuracy, respect, and the integrity of the Buddha Sasana.”

— Palitha Ariyarathna

Ceo and Founder Ceylonwatch”
Analyst of Buddhist Affairs
Desha Abhimani Surya Vansa Ratna Vibhushan
Senkadagala Sinha Dwaraya
TCFBI PEC President, Unethical Conversion of Buddhist
TCFBI International Co-ordinator
Hela Abimani National Foundation-Secretary
Author, Publisher, and Journalist

Swadeshiya Sevaya

Udaya Gammanpila

Wimal Weerawansa

SEPAL – short clips