පාර්ලිමේන්තු අනුමැතිය ලබා නොගෙන සිංගප්පූරු නිදහස් වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම බලාත්මක කිරීම සහ මැයි මස පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත ETCA සාකච්ඡා වටය.

May 10th, 2018

ලසන්ත වික්‍රමසිංහ ලේකම් තොරතුරු තාක්ෂණ වෘත්තීයවේදීන්ගේ සංසදය

අතිගරු ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මැතිතුමා
ශ්‍රී ලංකා ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික සමාජවාදී ජනරජය
අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමනි,

පාර්ලිමේන්තු අනුමැතිය ලබා නොගෙන සිංගප්පූරු නිදහස් වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම බලාත්මක කිරීම සහ මැයි මස පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත ෑඔක‍A සාකච්ඡා වටය.
පසුගිය ජනවාරි 23 වන දින ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සහ සිංගප්පූරුව අතර අත්සන් තැබූ නිදහස් වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම මැයි මස පළමු වනදා සිට ක්‍රියාත්මක වන බව අමාත්‍ය මලික් සමරවික්‍රම ඇමතිතුමා මාධ්‍ය හමුවේ ප්‍රකාශ කළේය. ඕනෑම ගිවිසුමක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් පසුව පමණක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන බවට ඔබතුමා විසින් මෙරට මහජනතාව හමුවේ ලබාදී තිඛෙන පොරොන්දුව එමඟින් කඩවී ඇති බව අපි ඉතා කණගාටුවෙන් සඳහන් කරන්නෙමු. මෙම ගිවිසුම තුළ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හරහා ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතු බදු සංශෝධන, සේවා, ආයෝජන, භූමිය, සාගරය, ආගමන-විගමන, බුද්ධිමය දේපළ ආදී විවිධ ක්ෂේත්‍රයන් ආවරණය වී ඇත. එසේම මෙවැනි වෙළඳ ගිවිසුමක් හා බැදුණු පසුව ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරන අණ පනත් සහ නීති රීති මෙම ගිවිසුම හා සම්බන්ධ කාර්යයන් සඳහා බල නොපවත්වන බවද ඔබතුමා වෙත අවධාරණය කරන්නෙමු. එවැනි පසුබිමක් තුළ මෙම සිංගප්පූරු – ශ්‍රී ලංකා වෙළද ගිවිසුම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මඟ හැර බලාත්මක කිරීම රටේ පුරවැසියන්ගේ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය හෑල්ලූවට ලක් කිරීමක් බව ඔබතුමාට ද වැටහෙන බව අපි විශ්වාස කරමු.

එසේම මෙම ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කිරීම සඳහා කැබිනට් අනුමැතිය ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ ඔබතුමා ඇතුළු සමස්ථ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයම නොමඟ යැවීම මඟිනි. එහිදී සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ වෘත්තිකයන් ඇතුළු පාර්ශව කරුවන්ගේ අදහස් සැළකිල්ලට ගෙන මෙම ගිවිසුම සකස් කළ බවයි. නමුත් සත්‍යය දැන් හෙළි වී තිබේ. දිවයිනේ සියළුම වෘත්තීය සමිති සහ සංවිධාන මේ ගිවිසුම සකස් කිරීම සදහා තම අදහස් ලබා නොගත් බවට මාධ්‍ය නිවේදන නිකුත් කර ඇති අතර මේ වන විටත් මෙම ගිවිසුමට එරෙහිව අවම වශයෙන් නඩු හතක් වෘත්තිකයන් විසින් ශේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ පවරා තිබේ.

එසේම මෙම ගිවිසුම තුළ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙන් අපනයන කරන භාණ්ඩ සඳහා සිංගප්පූරුව විසින් බදු සහන ලබා දුන් භාණ්ඩවලින් 99%ක්ම කොහොමත් සිංගප්පූරුව තුළ ලොව ඕනෑම රටකට බදු අය නොකරන භාණ්ඩ බව ඔබතුමා මේ වන විට දැනුවත් වී ඇතැයි අපි සිතමු. එසේම මෙම ගිවිසුම මඟින් සිංගප්පූරුවට බදු රහිතව ලෝකයේ ඕනෑම රටකින් පැමිණෙන භාණ්ඩ බදු රහිතවම ලංකාව වෙත අපනයනය කිරීමට සිංගප්පුරුවේ ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ට පහසුවෙන්ම ඉඩ ලැඛෙන බව සිංගප්පුරුවේ අදාළ අමාත්‍යාංශය විසින් මෙම ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කළ 2018 ජනවාරි 23 වනදා නිකුත් කළ මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය මඟින් පැහැදිලි වේ.

මේ සියලූ කරුණු ඔබතුමාට පවා දැනගන්නන්ට ලැඛෙන්නේ මෙම ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කර ක්‍රියාත්මක වන විටය. එයම සංවර්ධන උපායමාර්ග සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළඳ අමාත්‍යාංශය ක්‍රියාත්මක වන ආකාරය විසින් පවත්වනු ලබන ˜විනිවිදභාවය˜ පිළිබඳව මනා තක්සේරුවක් ලබා දෙයි.

එසේම 2018 මැයි 23 වන දින සිට මැයි 25 දක්වා ඉන්දු-ලංකා ආර්ථීක සහ තාක්ෂි‚ක සහයෝගීතා ගිවිසුම (ETCA) – පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා වටයක් සදහා ඉන්දියානු නියෝජිත පිරිසක් දිවයිනට පැමිŒමට නියමිත බව අපට දැනගන්නට ලැබී තිබේ. සිංගප්පුරු ගිවිසුම එකවරම අත්සන් කළා සේ(ETCA)  ගිවිසුමද කිසිදු වගවිභාගයකින් තොරව එකවරම අත්සන් කර දැමීමට අදාළ අමාත්‍යාංශය විසින් නුදුරේදීම ක්‍රියාකරනු ඇති බවට එම අමාත්‍යාංශයේ පෙර හැසිරීම මඟින් අපට සාධාරණ සැකයක් මතුවී තිබේ.

අතිගරු ජනාධිපතිතුමනි, ඉහත සඳහන් කරන ලද කාරණා සැළකිල්ලට ගෙන පහත සඳහන් ක්‍රියාමාර්ග දෙක වෙත යොමු වන ලෙස අප ඔබතුමාගෙන් ඉතා ගෞරවයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිමු.
1 සිංගප්පුරු වෙළඳ ගිවිසුම ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම අත්හිටුවීම.
2 මැයි මස කොළඹදී පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත ඉන්දු-ලංකා ආර්ථීක සහ තාක්ෂි‚ක සහයෝගීතා ගිවිසුම (ෑඔක‍A) සාකච්ඡා අත්හිටුවීම.

ලසන්ත වික්‍රමසිංහ
ලේකම්

 

තොරතුරු තාක්ෂණ වෘත්තීයවේදීන්ගේ සංසදය

Association of Information Technology Professionals

පිටපත් : ගරු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු, ජනමාධ්‍යය.

MP SUMANTHIRAN’S RABELAISIAN ULTIMATUM?

May 10th, 2018

RANJITH SOYSA

TNA MP Sumanthiran voicing the opinion of his party insists that no Buddhist temples should be allowed to be constructed in the North and the East. We, the Sri Lankan people would request Mr Sumanthiran to further clarify his extremely communal statement and to state how the TNA reached such a maverick conclusion.

One wonders whether Sumathiran is attempting to resurrect the once considered important but  discarded by the historians, the infamous Cleghorn minute or the TULF manifesto which claimed  ..” Tamil Eelam shall consist of the people of the Northern and Eastern provinces” leading to the myth of Tamils traditional homeland. The influx of people of South Indian origin was only around 1650 when the Dutch settled them in Jaffna to work in the tobacco plantations.

TNA should realize that any exclusive claims to any part of land of Sri Lanka was totally rejected and blown over in Nanadikadal. The fact that the Sinhalese lived in the North and the East for more than 2000 years and they have historically important areas in the North and the East cannot be denied. As the land belongs to the State of Sri Lanka and when the people need to be settled in meeting the demand as the population increase as well for the economic and  national security objectives decisions will have to be taken from the national point of view rather than on myths.

The Sinhala Buddhists who built the civilization and fought against the foreign rulers as well the separatist forces have the absolute right to build the temples etc in any area of Sri Lanka. No one can attempt to restrict this inalienable right of the Sinhala Buddhists to live and attend to their basic rights in any province. It is very relevant to mention that there is a piece of legislation introduced by the British in 1892 that excluding the Buddhists, all other religious groups should obtain the permission of the Governor to build places of worship.. Are we to assume that the Buddhists in Sri Lanka should agitate to forcefully implement this law?

We request the TNA MP, the TNA and the fellow travellers to DESIST from recreating communal discord and not to get lost in the wash. They are reminded of the paths leading to possible unenviable repercussions of slap-dash racist utterances affecting all Sri Lankans,

RANJITH SOYSA

“රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් අයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගන්නේ ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ දුර්වලතා නිසා“ – කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

May 10th, 2018

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය  මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ආයෝජකයන් කැඳවීමටත්, ආයෝජකයන් රඳවා ගැනීමටත් ඒ සඳහා පහසුකම් සැලසීමේ වගකීම  පැවරී ඇති ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය තම රාජකාරිය නිසි පරිදි ඉටු නොකරන  බව  ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය අවධාරණය කරයි. එහි විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා රාජගිරියේදී පැවැති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී පෙන්වා දුන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය මෙරටට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින් මෙරට රඳවා ගැනීමට ගනු ලබන පියවර කිසිසේතම් ප්‍රමාණවත් නොවන බවයි.

විශේෂයෙන් මෙරටට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගැනීම නතර කරමින් ඔවුන් රැකගැනීමෙ වගකීම ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය සතු වන බව ද  තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

පසුගියදා කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගම සඳහා පැමිණි ආයෝජකයෙකුගෙන් කප්පම් ලබාගැනිමේදී ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල හිටපු ප්‍රධානියා අත් අඩංගුවට පත්වූ  බවත් මේ එවන් එක් සිදුවීමක් පමණක් බවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රෙය් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂවරයා සඳහන් කළේය. මෙලෙස වාර්තා නොවන අල්ලස් ලබාගැනීම් කොපමණ ප්‍රමාණයක් සිදුවී ඇතිදැයි  නිශ්චිතවම කිසිවකුට පැවැසිය නොහැකි බවද හෙතෙම පෙන්වා දුන්නේය. එවන් නින්දිත සිදුවීම් වළක්වා ගැනීමට නම් ශ්‍රී  ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය විසින් සිය යාන්ත්‍රණය විධිමත් කළ යුතු බව තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා පැවසීය.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා මෙසේ ද පැවසීය

වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරයාට රුපියල් දෙලක්ෂ හැත්තෑපන්දහසේ සිට රුපියල් අට ලක්ෂ පනස් දහස  දක්වා වැටුප වැඩි කර තිබෙනවා. ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ වත්මන් සභාපතිවරයා  කාර්යාලයට පැමිණෙන්නේ සතියකට වරක් පමණයි. එසේ පැමිණියත් ඔහු කාර්යාලයේ රැඳී සිටින්නේ පැය කිහිපයක් විතරයි. මෙහෙම පුළුවන්ද ආයෝජන නංවන්න? ආයෝජකයෝ ආරක්ෂා කරන්න? ඔවුනගේ ප්‍රශ්න වලට පිළිතුරු දෙන්න?  කන්තලේ ආයෝජකයා අල්ලස් කොමිසම හමුවට ගිය එකට මේ වෙනෙකොට මරණ තර්ජන එල්ල වෙලා. ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය මොකක්ද ඔහුට දීලා තියෙන සහතිකය ඔහුගේ ආරක්ෂාව ගැන. ඒනිසා  මේ ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ ක්‍රියාවලිය විධිමත් කිරීම අද අත්‍යවශ්‍ය තත්වයක් වෙනවා.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

2018 මැයි 10 වැනිදා

 

Will this Cabinet reshuffle be on a scientific basis? Lessons to learn from Premadasa

May 10th, 2018

Dr Sarath Obeysekeara

.”Another Cabinet reshuffle is the talking point these days. Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said on Sunday that there would be a Cabinet reshuffle before May 1 with the portfolios assigned in a scientific manner.   This is not the government’s first Cabinet reshuffle and also not the first time that Dr. Senaratne assured the country on behalf of the government that the portfolios would be assigned in a scientific manner. It was during the 2015 presidential election campaign that the leaders of the incumbent government promised to appoint a 30-member Cabinet on a scientific basis. 

When I read the news item above and later read about appointment of Ministers on a Scientific Basis. I was quite disappointed. Nevertheless President and PM had to take some action to safeguard the future of the Yahapalanaya Government, and stave away   the vultures waiting to topple the ‘Cart”

My contention is President and the Prime Minister shall now appoint chairmen to Corporations and statutory bodies using a Scientific Approach

I was appointed to  SLLRDC as the chairman in 1989 by Premadasa ,where I neither had any political affiliations  nor I was a stooge of the clan ..Another educated chairman of a corporation was requested find someone with exposure in International Industrial fields for the post and I was requested to meet him in his office .He asked my background (of course he would have known already) and asked me to read the act of SLLRC and take over .He gave be few months to develop new building in Rajagiriya.We were involved   in Gamudawa and other development project.

Most of the agencies like NHDA was run by a veteran Susil Siriwardane .Water Board by Me Nadugala .SEC my Eng. Mr. Silva  who were highly educated ,and handpicked my Premeds .If the Minister wanted someone in the Board  they were nominated as working directors etc. .Even the brother of Mrs Premadasa was never appointed as a chairman .Ministry of housing has Mr Conrad Tisera and Mt Alillaperuma with Dr Joachm and Gamunu Silva in SEC who were highly educated .

One day President calls me 4 am form Keselwatte and asked me to find a chairman for Timber Corporation claiming that the existing chairman purportedly was under his surveillance and not to his liking .Even up to date   I wm not sure why he asked me to find one with some good back ground .

This is how President appointed chairman to the board and refused to play to the tune of ministers .

We have a new chairman in Timber Coprporation today after the previous got the boot, but people raised eye brows when they found that that the appointment is under serious cloud of suitability.

It is high time that President appoints the new board of the statutory bodies  under the new ministers with educated experienced people rather that appointing stooges who can ruin the reputation of the Yahaplana Government

Dr Sarath Obeysekeara

THEY MISS YOU MY DOCTOR!!!!!!!!!!

May 10th, 2018

ALI SUKHANVER

Difficult to decide why Dr. Shakil Afridi betrayed his own people by playing in the hands of Americans and more difficult is to trace the reason behind such a strong American desire of ‘snatching’ away Dr. Afridi from Pakistan. Why do the Americans need so badly, the so-called ‘Pakistani’ doctor Shakil Afridi? Some say, Dr. Afridi must be handed over to US if Dr. Afia comes back to Pakistan in exchange.

According to the Sputnik, ‘Just after the death of Osama bin Laden in May 2011, the US press reported that Shakil Afridi had been collecting DNA samples of Bin Laden’s family by the order of CIA, which was confirmed by the then-CIA Director Leon Panetta and then-US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.’ It means there is no ambiguity regarding Dr. Afridi’s working for the CIA.

What would have been the reaction of the US government if Dr. Afridi were a US citizen and were found guilty of working for some foreign agency against the interest of the US? Certainly the US reaction would have been worse than that of Pakistan in that case. A few days back I was surfing the net in search of the CIA agents who deceived their country and started working for some hostile agencies. I wanted to know how they were treated when the secret of their ‘double-crossing’ was exposed.

The first name I came by was that of Harold James Nicholson .He joined the CIA in October 1980, after having served as captain in a US Army intelligence unit. In his career with the CIA, Nicholson was assigned duties throughout the world; he worked for the CIA as an operations officer specializing in intelligence operations against foreign intelligence services, including the intelligence services of the USSR and later, the Russian Federation.

From 1982 until 1985, he worked for the CIA in Manila, where he had direct contacts with targeted Soviet officials; from 1985 until 1987 he worked for the CIA in Bangkok, from 1987 until 1989 in Tokyo. From 1990 until 1992, he was the CIA Chief of Station in Bucharest, Romania. Nicholson was convicted of selling US intelligence to Russia for $300,000 and was sentenced to 23 years 7 months of imprisonment on June 5, 1997. Nicholson would come out of the prison in 2024.

There was another name in the list of the US spies who were found guilty of double-crossing and of working against US’ interests, Robert Philip Hanssen. He spied for Soviet and Russian intelligence services against the United States for 22 years from 1979 to 2001. He is currently serving 15 consecutive life sentences at ADX Florence, near Florence, Colorado.

In 1984 Richard Miller, a 20-year veteran who was stationed at the FBI’s foreign counterintelligence unit in Los Angeles at the time of his arrest, was arrested for selling classified documents to Russian agents, one of whom he was having an affair with.

In 1986, Miller was convicted and sentenced to life in prison. His conviction later was overturned but at a second trial in 1990 he was again found guilty. Miller was released from prison in 1994. Another FBI agent caught spying for Moscow was Earl Pitts, who volunteered to become a mole for the KGB in 1987. He handed over classified information to the Russians until 1992 and was paid more than $220,000 for the purpose.

In 1996, Pitts was caught in an FBI sting operation. He pleaded guilty to espionage and in 1997 was given 27 years in prison. In short all those who worked against the national interest of the US and all those who became a tool in the hands of the agencies hostile to US were treated brutally rather mercilessly. But in case of Dr. Afridi, the US authorities are expecting from Pakistan, a response otherwise.

The US authorities are doing all their best to get Dr. Afridi by hook or by crook but yet they have not succeeded. According to different media reports, Washington so many times offered Islamabad to exchange Shakil Afridi for Pakistani scientist Afia Siddique but Pakistan did never accept this ‘golden-offer.’

Finding no other way of getting Dr. Afridi out of the prison, a jail-break plan was prepared but Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence got a tip of that plan and ‘detonated’ the plan by shifting Dr. Afridi to some other safe location. The game is still on; let us see what happens next. However it seems that Pakistan would never hand over this traitor to US because in the past, handing over the spies to their god-fathers had not been a good experience particularly with reference to the Indian spies.

Sri Lanka sharply raises fuel prices under IMF pressure

May 10th, 2018

Courtesy Mail on line (UK)

Sri Lanka has struggled to cut losses at the state-run Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, the country’s biggest oil company

Sri Lanka hiked fuel prices Thursday by up to 130 percent following pressure from the International Monetary Fund and its central bank to reduce the burden of heavy subsidies on its struggling economy.

This is the first fuel price increase in Sri Lanka since the ruling coalition came to power in 2015. Past fuel subsidy cuts sparked protests in the South Asian nation, but it is unclear how the public will react to the latest hike.

Sri Lanka had to secure a $1.5-billion IMF bailout two years ago after a balance of payments crisis, and has struggled to limit huge losses at the state-run Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, the country’s biggest oil company.

The price of kerosene oil, widely used in rural Sri Lanka for cooking and in lamps, will be more than doubled — from 44 rupees to 101 rupees (65 cents) per litre starting midnight Thursday, the government said.

Sri Lanka has struggled to cut losses at the state-run Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, the country's biggest oil company

The hike is meant to discourage motorists who were mixing subsidised kerosene with diesel to lower costs, said government spokesman Rajitha Senaratne.

The price of diesel, commonly used in public transport vehicles, will also rise, from 95 rupees to 109 rupees per litre, while gasoline will now cost 137 rupees per litre, up from 117 rupees.

The IMF has said it will only release the next tranche of its bailout loan if Sri Lanka implements a controversial formula to adjust fuel prices based on the cost of production.

There was an urgent appeal by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka too, which warned that the government must ensure economic reforms — including a proposal to recover the cost of fuel and electricity.

The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation lost $63 million in the first two months of this year alone, Senaratne said, and was unable to recover the cost of production.

“Even with the new increases, we will only reduce our losses… not make a profit,” he told reporters in the capital Colombo.

Sri Lanka’s economy has been on the mend since the IMF bailout was approved in 2016, but the 3.1 percent growth in 2017 was slower than expected.

Indian investor who exposed corrupt top Lankan officials gets death threat

May 10th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, May 10 (The Island/Daily News): The Indian investor K.P.Nagaraj, who complained that President Maithripala Sirisena’s Chief of Staff, I. H.K. Mahanama and Chairman of State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake, had allegedly taken a bribe from him, has informed the Cinnamon Gardens Police that he has been receiving death threats.

On Tuesday morning, an unidentified person visited the Indian businessman’s office, in Colombo 07, and gave his receptionist a two-page letter, threatening him with death. The man also threatened the receptionist.

The letter has been handed over to the Cinnamon Gardens Police,” the Police Media Unit said.

Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) Executive Director, Keerthi Tennakoon said the Board of Investment and ministries, established for investment promotion, had done nothing to ensure the Indian’s safety. There is no one to look after investors. They are harassed by politicians and officials alike. How can we promote investment? SSP Priyantha Chandrasiri, Director of the Investigation Division of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption said that they were continuing with their investigations and they had a strong case against Mahanama and Dissanayake.

Two top Government officials arrested last week for accepting a bribe of Rs. 20 million (US$ 126,300) from an Indian businessman have been remanded until 22 May by the Colombo Chief Magistrate.

Indian investor who exposed corrupt top Lankan officials gets death threat

When the case was called before the Colombo Additional Magistrate Buddhika Sri Ragala yesterday, the Magistrate ordered to re-remand the Chief of Presidential Staff I. H. K. Mahanama and former Chairman of State Timber Corporation Piyasena Dissanayake.

The Attorney appearing on behalf of the Bribery Commission informed the Court that an individual named Joseph Pillay, who claimed to be a member of the intelligence wing of the LTTE, had come to the office of the plaintiff K. P. Nagaraj, an Indian national, and inquired about the case.

The attorney of the Bribery Commission stated that this could be an effort to influence the investigations, and the plaintiff had complained to the Cinnamon Garden police as well as to the Bribery Commission.

The lawyers appearing for the defense informed the court that the bail applications could be considered as most of the investigations have been completed.

President’s Counsel Rienzie Arsekularatne with Counsel Ajith Pathirana and Udara Muhamdiramge appearing for the suspects moved Court that their clients be released on bail since most of the investigations pertaining to the incident had been concluded.

The investigation initiated with the complaint that I. K. Mahanama had demanded a bribe of Rs. 540 million (US$ 3.4 million) from an Indian investor who was ready to acquire the Kantale sugar factory. Mahanama had been attending to this matter of settling the transaction some time ago while he was the Land Ministry Secretary.

However, the Indian investor had refused to pay the sum stating that it was high and demanded to reduce it. Within several weeks, they allegedly had agreed to accept Rs 100 million (US$ 632,500). The two were arrested at a car park of a luxury hotel (Taj Samudra) in the capital Colombo, on May 3, by the officers of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption while accepting a bribe of Rs. 20 million.

However, the Colombo Additional Magistrate stated that a number of documents needed for the investigations are still at the places where the suspects worked and the Bribery Commission needs sufficient time to carry out further investigations. He added that even though the requests have been made, the documents have not been submitted. The Additional Magistrate further stated that if the suspects were given bail, the investigations could be disrupted.

The Magistrate also ordered the Bribery Commission to expeditiously complete the investigation into the incident against the suspects.

http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=184374

http://www.dailynews.lk/2018/05/10/law-order/150510/president%E2%80%99s-former-chief-staff-ex-stc-chairman-further-remanded

Sri Lanka creates special courts for Rajapakse-era graft

May 10th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, May 10 (AFP) – Sri Lanka’s parliament Wednesday voted to set up special courts to try multi-billion dollar graft cases under former president Mahinda Rajapakse.

The move aims to accelerate several high-profile cases following criticism over the slow pace of justice since President Maithripala Sirisena came to power in 2015 promising to stamp out corruption.

Parliament voted 119-52 to create high courts to take up white collar crimes and reduce the backlog of cases.

The new courts will reduce pressure on the criminal justice system and help speed up hearings,” Justice Minister Thalatha Atukorale said.

The choice of which cases will be taken up by the new courts will be made by the chief justice to ensure that no political pressure is involved, she added.

Sirisena came to power three years ago pledging to punish members of the former administration accused of stealing vast sums during Rajapakse’s decade in power.

Rajapakse loyalists in the 225-member parliament voted against the bill.

Sirisena has said up to half of all public procurement contracts under the Rajapakse administration were corrupt, and his government has renegotiated several multi-billion dollar projects.

Rajapakse’s chief aide Lalith Weeratunga has already been convicted of misappropriating $4 million and sentenced to three years in prison.

Two of the former president’s three sons have been charged with money-laundering and other relatives face corruption allegations.

Rajapakse, who is not under investigation, denies any wrongdoing and accuses his successor of a witch hunt

විනාශ කරන ලද විජිතපුර, බැලුම්ගල ඓතිහාසික පුරාවිද්‍යා භූමියට වැඩම කල ඥානසාර හිමි දැක්වූ අදහස්

May 9th, 2018

එරන්ද කේ නවරත්න. බොදු බල සේනා මාධ්‍ය අංශය වෙනුවෙන්.

නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය විසින් ඩෝසර් කර විනාශ කරන ලද විජිතපුර, බැලුම්ගල ඓතිහාසික පුරාවිද්‍යා භූමියට සිදුවී ඇති විනාශ සොයා බැලීම සඳහා බොදු බල සේනා මහ ලේකම්, ශාස්ත්‍රපති, රාජකීය පණ්ඩිත ගලගොඩඅත්තේ ඥානසාර හිමි ඇතුළු බොදු බල සේනා සංවිධානයේ නියෝජිතයන් පිරිසක් ඊයේ (7) දින එම ස්ථානයේ සංචාරයක නිරත විය.

එම අවස්ථාවේදී මාධ්‍ය ඇමතු ඥානසාර හිමි සඳහන් කර සිටියේ,

ඉපලෝගම ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාශයේ බැලුම්ගල පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථානයේ, ඉතාම හදිස්සියේ සිදුකර ඇති විනාශය පිලිබදව රටට කරුණු කීම පිලිබදව මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවලට ස්තුතිය පල කර සිටිනවා.  අපිට තිබෙන අතීත අද්දැකීම් අනුව සමහර විට හෙට දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහය උස්සගෙන රටේ පාලකයෝ සහ නිලධාරීන් අපේ පස්සේ පැමිණේවි… මොකටද මේ කැලේකට ගියේ කියලා. ඒක තමයි මේ රටේ නීතියේ හැටි. හොරකම නෙවෙයි අල්ලන්නේ හොරකම පෙන්වා දෙන මිනිස්සු.

කාගේ උවමනාවකටද මේ “හෙනගහන අපරාදය” කලේ?

මේ ස්ථානය ඉතිහාසයට බොහෝ නෑකම් කියන තැනක් බව බැලූ බැල්මට හොදින් පෙනෙනවා. එළාර දුටුගැමුණු යුද්ධය පිලිබදව පුංචි දරුවාගේ සිට වැඩිහිටියා දක්වා දන්නවා. විශේෂයෙන් මේ රජරට, රිටිගල දක්වා දිවෙන කලාපයේ විජිතපුරයට සම්බන්ද නෑකම් එක්ක මේ ස්ථානය මොන වගේ තැනක් බවට බාවිතා කලාද යන්න ජනප්‍රවාදයට අනුව දැනගන්නට ලැබෙනවා. පුරාවිද්‍යාවට අදාළ කරුණු පුරාවිද්‍යාඥ්ඥයන් විසින් තහවුරු කර ගනීවි. අපිට තිබෙන ගැටලුව නම් කඩිමුඩියේ මේ ස්ථානය එළිපෙහෙළි කරලා, එක පාරටම නිසි නිර්දේශවලින් තොරව… උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ගම්මානයක හදන්න උවමනානම්.. ඒ සඳහා අවශ්‍ය නිර්ණායක තිබෙනවා. පරිසරයේ තිබෙන ගහකොළ කපනවානම් ඒකට අවශ්‍ය අනුමැතිය තිබිය යුතුයි. ගල් ආදිය කඩා ඉවත්කරනවානම් ඒවාට අවශ්‍ය අවසරයන් තිබිය යුතුයි. ඒ මොකක්වත් නැතිව කාගේ උවමනාවකටද මේ “හෙනගහන අපරාදය” කලේ කියන එක අපි  අහන්න අවශ්‍යයි. ඒ වගේම නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය මේ රටේ කොටසක් නෙවෙයිද? ඒ අය වෙනම ආණ්ඩුවක්ද? ගම්මානයක් හදන්න අවශ්‍යනම් ඒක කරන විදිහක් තිබෙනවා. ඇමතිවරුන්ට රටේ තිබෙන ඉඩම් ගැන අවබෝදයක් නෑ… ඒ නිසා තමයි රාජ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රණයක් තිබෙන්නේ.

https://youtu.be/oAFtZlkISrE

නිධන් පිලිබදව ලොල් බවක් ඇති කවුරුන් හෝ මේ පිටුපස ඉන්නවා

මේ ඉඩම්වල නිසි බලධරයා තමයි ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්. මෙවැනි තැනක් වෙන් කරලා දෙන්න කලින් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්ට වගකීමක් තිබෙනවා. අපට වැඩක් නෑ එතන ඉන්නේ සිංහලද දෙමළද මුස්ලිම්ද කියලා.ඒ තනතුරේ වගකීම පැහැර හැර තිබෙනවා මේ වෙලාවේ. ඒ වගේම අපි අවධාරණය කරන්න ඕනි නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ ඉන්න නිධන් පිලිබදව ලොල් බවක් ඇති කවුරුන් හෝ මේ පිටුපස ඉන්නවා විය හැකියි. අපි ස්තුති වන්ත වෙන්න ඕනි දුකසේ ජිවත් වෙන මේ ප්‍රදේශයේ සිටින අහිංසක මිනිසුන්ට. අවුරුදු ගණනාවක්  ඔවුන් මේක රැකගෙන ඇවිත් තිබෙනවා. ඒ වගේම මිට වසර 20 කට ඉහතදී මෙවැනිම සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතියකට මේ භුමිය නිදහස් කර ගැනීමට යාමේදී, පුරාවස්තු ඇතිබවට සනාථ වී ඇති බැවින් පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විසින් මෙය රක්ෂිත භූමියක් බවට නම් කොට තිබෙනවා. එනිසා ඒ ව්‍යාපෘතිය වසර 20කට කලින් නතර කොට තිබෙනවා.

අවුරුද්දකට කලින් ජනාධිපතිටත් කිවුවා…

එහෙමනම් අපි මේ අවස්ථාවේදී අපි චෝදනා කල යුතුයි පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවටත්. මේක උතුරවත් නැගෙනහිරවත් නෙවෙයි. මේ වැව් බැදී රාජ්‍ය. අපිට නෑකම් කියන තැන. හදුනාගත්තනම්, අවමතරමින් හෝ මෙය පුරාවිද්‍යා භූමියක් බවට බෝර්ඩ් එකක්වත් ගහන්න බැරි නොහැකියාව කුමක්ද? මීට වසරකට ඉහතදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා මුණගැහිලා එවකට බුද්ධශාසන ඇමතිවරයාත් සමගින් පුරාවිද්‍යාවට අදාළ සියලු නිලධාරීන් ගෙන්වා… එකගකරවා ගත්තා, අවම තරමින් හදුනා ගත් ස්ථානවල බෝර්ඩ් ලෑල්ලක්වත් එල්ලන්න කියලා. ඒවා හුදු කතා සාකච්චා පමණයි.

පවුකාර තක්කඩින් මේ වනසන්නේ අපේ පරපුරේ උරුමය

ඒ නිසා අපි අතිශයින් කම්පාවට පත්වෙනවා මේ වනසන්නේ අපේ පරපුරේ උරුමය. මේ සඳකඩ පහනක, ගල්කනුවක තිබෙන වටිනාකම සැගවුන යටගියාව කොතෙක්දැයි අපිට කියා නිමකළ නොහැකියි. එනිසා මේ පවුකාර තක්කඩින්ට අපි කියනවා උබලා මේ වනසන්නේ අපේ පරපුරේ  උරුමය බව. මේ පුරාවස්තු සිංහලයන්ට පමණක් නොවෙයි. මේ රටේ උපදින හැම එකාලටම අයිතියි. ඒ බව අන්‍ය ජාතිකයන්ද දැනගත යුතුයි.

මහ දහවල් ජාතිය සතු වත්කම් කොල්ලකෑමක්

මේ සංවර්ධනයට මුවා වෙලා නිධන් පැහැර ගනිමින් සිද්ධකරන, මේ ජාතික මංකොල්ලය නතර කිරීමට බලධාරීන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වියයුතුයි. මේ කරලා තිබෙන විනාශයට තීන්දු ගත්තවුන්ගේ වැඩ තහනම් කර විනාශ කර ඇති දේවල් තිබූ තැන්වල පිහිටුවා වහා පුරාවිද්‍යා රක්ෂිතයක් බවට නම් කර අනාගත පරපුරට බාරදිය යුතුයි. අපි දැක්කා ලංකාවේ කොහෙවත් නොදැක්ක පහන් ගලක්. එය අපේ දරුවන් දැක ගත යුතුයි. චෛත්‍ය විනාශ කර නිධන් හාරලා. දකුණු පසට ගියහම විශාල ගබඩාවක් විනාශ කරලා. මෙතන පාරක් හදන්න ගියානම් මේක අමුතුමු සැලැස්මකට වැඩකරලා තිබෙන්නේ. පාර අටපට්ටම් කරලා. ඒ වගේම ගල උඩත් ගිහිලා බොරත් දාලා. මේක හරි අමුතු එකක්. පැහැදිලිවම මහ දහවල් ජාතිය සතු වත්කම් කොල්ලකෑමක් මේ කරලා තිබෙන්නේ. බලධාරයන්ද ඇවිල්ලා මේවා බලන්න ඕනි. කොතනකවත් හමු නොවුණු ඉතිහාසක් මෙතන තිබෙන්නේ. බලුම්ගලටත් බෝර දාල විනාශ කරන්න සැලසුම් කරලා.

නිතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ නැත්නම් අපි නීතිය අතට අරගෙන හරි මේවා ආරක්ෂා කල යුතුයි.

මේ ගම්වැසියන්ට අපි කියනවා මේ… පාදඩ දේශපාලන බලවේගවලට  බය වෙන්න එපා. ඕනෑම දෙයක් වෙනුවෙන් අපි පෙනී ඉන්නවා. ඔය ඇත්තෝ මේක මෙතෙක් ආරක්ෂා කළා වගේ ඉදිරියටත් ඇහැ ගහගෙන ඉන්න. නිධන් හොරු එනවනම් ඒකට මේ රටේ නිතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ නැත්නම් කරුණාකරලා අපි නීතිය අතට අරගෙන හරි මේවා ආරක්ෂා කල යුතුයි.

ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරිය මෙතන බරපතල වරදක් කරලා තිබෙනවා. ඇය තනතුරේ වගකීම පැහැර හැර තිබෙනවා. මේ ඉතිහාසය නොදන්නා මිනිසු එක්ක අපි කොහෙද යන්නේ. මේ උන්ගේ අම්මගේ අප්පාගේ භුදල් නෙවෙයි. මේ සිද්ධියට අදාළ නියෝග දුන් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්, ග්‍රාම නිලධාරී, නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ නිලධාරීන්, අහිංසක ගම්මුන්ට තර්ජනය කල නිලධාරීන්, නිධන් සොරුන් ඇතුළු මීට අනුබල දෙන්නන්ට විරුද්ධව වහාම නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන ලෙසට අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා පුරාවිද්‍යා අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජෙනරාල් ඇතුළු බලධාරීන්ගෙන් කරුණාකර පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්ථාන වැනසීම පිලිබදව පුරාවිද්‍යා ආඥ්ඥා පනත ක්‍රියාත්මක කර වහාම මේ අයව නීතියේ රැහැනට කොටු කර ඔවුන්ට අදාල නිතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න කියලා. මලකඩ කන්න ඔය අණ පනත් තිබිලා වැඩක් නෑ…

එරන්ද කේ නවරත්න.
බොදු බල සේනා මාධ්‍ය අංශය වෙනුවෙන්.

නරින්ට කුකුළන් බාරදීම

May 9th, 2018

උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

අල්ලසට හා දූෂණයට විරුද්ධව ලෝකයේ වැඩිපුරම කතා කරන රට කුමක්දැයි ඇසුවහොත් ඊට පිළිතුර “ශ්‍රී ලංකාව” යන්නය. ලෝකයේ අල්ලස හා දූෂණය වැඩිපුරම පවතින රටවල් අතළොස්ස අතරද ලංකාව ඉදිරියෙන්ම සිටී. අපේ රටේ අල්ලස් දීමත්, ගැනීමත්, දෙකම නීතිය ඉදිරියේ වරදක් බව නීති පොතේ තිබේ. පොතේ තිබීමේ කිසිම වැදගැම්මක් නැත. රථවාහන පොලිසියට අල්ලස් නොදුන් රියැදුරකු ලංකාවේ සිටී නම් එය ලෝක පුදුමයකි. අල්ලසට යට නොවූ රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයක් ඇඟිල්ල දිගුකර පෙන්වන්නැයි කීවොත් පෙන්වීමට එවැනි ආයතන තිබේද යන්නත් සැක සහිතය. අඩුම තරමින් කිරිහට්ටියක් හෝ අල්ලසක් ලෙස ගන්නට අතීතයේ සිටම ලොක්කෝ පුරුදුව සිටිති.

එක දිගට ලෝකයේ බලයේ සිටි ජනාධිපතිවරුන් තිදෙනකුගේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍රධානියන් දූෂණ, වංචා, නඩුවලට අසුවූ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළේ ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේනය. අල්ලසට යටවී ඇත්තේ දේශපාලකයන්ම පමණක් නොවේ. අල්ලසට, දූෂණයට යටවූ නිලධාරි පැළැන්තියක්ද රටේ මුල් බැස සිටිති. ඔවුන් හිතන්නේ රට ගැන නොව සාක්කුව ගැනය. ඔවුන්ට තනතුරු පිරිනමන්නට දේශපාලනඥයෝද සැදී පැහැදී සිටිති. රාජ්‍ය ආයතන පරිහානිය කරා පල්ලම් බසින්නේ මේ දූෂිත නිලධාරි පැළැන්තිය නිසාය. අර්ධ රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවල, සංස්ථා ව්‍යවස්ථාපිත මණ්ඩලවල අධ්‍යක්ෂ මණ්ඩල පිරී තිබෙන්නේ දේශපාලන හෙන්චයියන්ගෙනි. ඔවුන් පුටුවල වාඩි වෙන්නේම හොරකම් කරන්නට බලාගෙනය. කොයි ආණ්ඩුව මාරු වුවත් මෙරිගෝරවුන්ඩ් යනවා වගේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ මණ්ඩලවලට පත්වන්නේ එකම පිරිසකි. ඔවුන්ට විරුද්ධව වෘත්තීය සමිති සහ සේවකයන් කොතෙක් පැමිණිලි ඉදිරිපත් කළද ප්‍රතිඵලයක් අත් නොවේ.

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් කිරීමේදී පෙරමුණ ගත් සමාජ ව්‍යාපාරයේ මූලික ඉල්ලීමක් වූයේද රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවලට අරක්ගත් දූෂිතයන් ඉවත්කොට සුදුස්සන්ට වගකීම් පැවරීමය. මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත හිමියන් එවැනි දූෂණයෙන් තොර, වගකීම් සහිත විෂය ප්‍රවීණයන්ගේ නම් ලැයිස්තුවක්ද නායකයන් දෙදෙනාට භාරදුන් බවද එකල දැනගන්නට ලැබිණි. එහෙත් මේ ආණ්ඩුව යටතේද සිදුවූයේ නම් දැරූ දූෂිතයන් රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවල ඉහළ තනතුරුවලට පත්කිරීමය. අද එය නැවත නැවතත් සිදුවෙමින් තිබේ.

හොඳම උදාහරණය රාජ්‍ය දැව සංස්ථාවේ සභාපති රුපියල් කෝටි ගණනක් අල්ලස් ගැනීම සම්බන්ධව අත්අඩංගුවට ගත් විට පැය 24 යන්නට මත්තෙන් එවැනිම චෝදනාවලට ලක්වූවකු හිස් වූ සභාපති ධුරයට පත්කිරීමය. මේවා නොදැන, ආවා-ගියාට සිදුවන්නේ යැයි තීරණය කිරීම ඥානාන්විත නොවේ. තමන්ට ඉදිරියේදී දේශපාලන වශයෙන් වාසි ගැනීමේ යටි අරමුණ ඇතිව දේශපාලන හෙන්චයියලාට තනතුරු පිරිනැමීමද අල්ලසකි. ලංකාවේ අර්ධ රාජ්‍ය ආයතනවල ඉහළ පුටුවල වැජඹෙන්නේ එසේ පත්කළ විශේෂ හැකියාවන් ප්‍රදර්ශනය නොකළ පුහු මිනිසුන්ය. ඔවුහු කඳ පණුවන් ලෙස මහජනතාවගේ ආයතන කා දමනවා මිස ප්‍රගතියක් පෙන්වීමට අසමත් වෙති. ප්‍රගතියක් පෙන්වීමට අවශ්‍ය නොවන්නේ එකී තනතුරු තමන්ට ලැබුණු වරදාන බව ඔවුන්ද හොඳින් දන්නා නිසාය.

අදාළ විෂයන් පිළිබඳව විශේෂඥ දැනුමැති, විනයක් සහිත උගත් බුද්ධිමත් ක්‍රියාශීලී රටට ආදරය ඇති තරුණයන් ඇතුළු සුදුස්සන් කොතෙක් සිටියත් ඔවුන්ට ඉහළ වගකීමක් දරන අවස්ථාව දෙන්නට ලංකාවේ දේශපාලනඥයන් සූදානම් නැත.

දේශපාලන ඇම්බැට්ටයකු ඉහළම පුටුවේ වාඩි කරවා සමස්ත ආයතනික ව්‍යුහයම කඩා වැටෙන්නට සැලැස්වීම පාලකයන් අනුදත් ක්‍රමවේදයයි. රටට ප්‍රේම කරන බුද්ධිමතුන් රට හැර යන්නේ, උගතුන් පිටුදකින මේ අපකීර්තිමත් ක්‍රියාව නතර කරන බවක් පේන මානයක නැති නිසාය. එය රටට ජාතියට ඔරොත්තු නොදෙන මහා සෝදාපාළුවකි. නරින්ට කුකුළන් භාරදීමේ අඥාන ක්‍රියාව දැන්වත් නතර කළ යුතුය. අල්ලසට දූෂණයට විරුද්ධ බව කන්‍ෙදාස්කිරියාවක් වන තරමට පුන පුනා ප්‍රකාශ කරමින් සොරුන් වැදගත් තනතුරුවලට පත්කිරීම දැන්වත් නතර කළ යුතුය.

Rajitha becomes speechless…

May 9th, 2018

Sheain Fernandopulle Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Cabinet spokesman and Minister of Health, Nutrition and Indigenous Medicine, Rajitha Senaratne became speechless during a news briefing held yesterday when a journalist asked about the appointment of Anuruddha Polgampola as the new Chairman of State Timber Corporation who had been arrested over two alleged major financial frauds during the past.

Journalist: What is your stance on the President’s appointment of Anuruddha Polgampola as the new Chairman of State Timber Corporation who had been arrested over two major financial frauds earlier?

Minister: Anuruddha Polgampola was the one who went to Bribery Commission to lodge a complaint against me.

Journalist: Is this your Good Governance to give him such a post merely because he was so active during the Local Government elections and supporting the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

Minister: Normally, such helpful persons are the ones who are appointed to such posts.

Journalist: Your government is boasting that the portfolios are given according to scientific basis. Has any scientific basis been used to this appointment.

Minister: Even those who were appointed under the scientific basis have been caught and arrested.

Meanwhile, Minister Thalatha Atukorale who also participated in the news briefing was seen gesturing to the journalist who asked the questions stating that it is getting late. Parakku Wenawa”.

Politics just shifted in the world and Sri Lanka

May 9th, 2018

Things just moved, changed, in the world and Sri Lanka, and I hope we are taking notice. Let’s start with the world and move on to Sri Lanka.

President Trump’s pullout from the Iran deal sharply enhances the prospect of war in the Middle East, with devastating consequences for the world economy as a whole and the economies of developing (or in our case, under-developing) countries of the global South, in particular. The neoconservative hawks in the Trump administration—most notably National Security Advisor John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo—and their allies the Netanyahu administration and the Saudi monarchy, are clearly hoping to provoke Iran into resuming its nuclear weapons programme which it had abandoned even before the signing of the deal.

Iran may then become the target of an attack on the ground that itis “racing” towards a nuclear weapon. The gamble is that the US will back Israel and that the two military machines, being the most formidable alliance on the planet, supported by the far less impressive Saudi Arabia, will be able to prevail over Iran. The ultimate goal is that military defeat will trigger regime change in Tehran, reversing the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

For Israel, the goal is strategic and regional: weaken Iran, the Hezbollah and Hamas. For the US, the goal is grand-strategic and global: push Russia back in the region, and tighten the encirclement of Moscow, thereby weakening Putin– and by weakening Russia, also weaken China, the ultimate enemy. This is how the hawks in the US hope to reverse the relative decline of US global hegemony and the rise of Eurasia, chiefly China backed by Russia.

Matters may not be that easy. Iran is a highly motivated state and society. It is motivated by a combination of factors that social scientists recognize as the strongest combination of motivational factors in the world: religion (any theistic religion) and revolution (any type of real revolution). In the Iranian case there is also the powerful motivator of civilisational nationalism/patriotism.

The Iranian military, the elite Revolutionary Guards, their strategic allies Hezbollah (which, through its political proxies and partners, has just secured preponderance in the Lebanese parliament, defeating the pro-western bloc), Hamas, and the Shiite militias in Iraq, have developed an impressive capacity for asymmetric warfare. The entire Middle East region may turn into a new Vietnam for the US and may even alter the situation for Israel in a manner that Tel Aviv least expects—now that the demonstrations on the Gaza border, where unarmed teenagers are shot dead by Israeli snipers with explosive bullets, show just how much self-sacrificial desperation the Palestinian people have been driven to.

Sri Lanka: The candidacy stakes

In Sri Lanka, the balance of forces is shifting. Veteran politician Dinesh Gunawardena notes that the recent SLFP rebellion marks the largest number to cross over from Government to the Opposition at any one time, in the history of the Sri Lankan parliament. When traffic flows usually from opposition to government for reasons of opportunism and purposes of patronage, any reverse flow is noteworthy. Such reverse flows, such as in 1964 and 1975 are signs of a government doomed to be defeated at the next election. So it is with the rebellion of the SLFP Sixteen.

The SLFP rebellion is noteworthy not only because of quantitative factors, but qualitative ones. As Dayasiri Jayasekara pointed out on Derana 360, of the 16 rebels, 14 have university degrees, eight are lawyers and one is a specialist doctor.

The Sri Lankan political scenario registered yet another change at the Sugathadasa Stadium, with Sajith Premadasa receiving sustained applause; far more so than any other personality. His speech which was punctuated by lusty cheers, was a full-on attack on the neoliberal economic orthodoxy that has brought the UNP’s base vote from 40%-45% down to 32%. He didn’t stop at that but went on to invoke his father’s memory – President Ranasinghe Premadasa was a local equivalent of a Juan Peron or Salvador Allende—and unfurl what sounded suspiciously like an election manifesto.

With the UNP’s crisis having triggered boycotts from within the parliamentary group, ghettoized its May Day in the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium, and manifested disaffection from supporters outside the stadium, Sajith Premadasa emerged clearly as the most popular personality in the UNP and the only hope – and outside chance at best– of avoiding a catastrophe at the Presidential election next year.

Already the UNP’s rightwing elite has begun to counterattack in the mainstream and social media, arguing that the UNP does not need a “duplicate Mahinda Rajapaksa”. In the first place that’s overly flattering – and today’s UNP would be lucky to produce anyone who could be credibly compared with the country’s most loved personality who will doubtless become a folk deity when he is no more.

In the second place, these rightwing propagandists have dismally failed to understand the lessons of the miraculous 1988 turnaround, where the UNP snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. It was precisely by fielding a candidate who was even more patriotic and populist than Mrs. Bandaranaike. As UNP Gen Sec Ranjan Wijeratne’s survey had clearly indicated, the mood in the country was such that Premadasa was the only acceptable option; the only one with even half a chance. Had Gamini Dissanayake been the candidate in 1988 instead of Premadasa, not only would the UNP have lost; it would have been overrun and massacred by the violent xenophobes—so hated was the governing party, for its perceived treachery and manifest insensitivity to the poor. Ranasinghe Premadasa was the only exception.

If the UNP does not repeat the move of the maestro, President Jayawardene, in 1988 when the party and government’s back was to the wall, and play the Premadasa card, then, as Sajith said, to the assembled party loyalists in his Sugathadasa stadium May 7th speech (referring to the need for total change and radical democratization of the party and its policies): “May God help us!”

Meanwhile, the SLPP-JO was the sole formation among the serious national contenders for state power next year, to have a May Day procession and rally, signaling that it is still the largest political formation in the island. The number of references to Basil Rajapaksa made it clear that the race for the Presidential candidacy is underway.

There are SLPP voices supporting Basil but the SLPP is not the JO and not even the whole of the SLFP group with Mahinda. The JO parliamentarians as a bloc are loyal to Mahinda and no one else. Any aspiring candidate will not only have to secure MR’s fullest support but also earn the trust of the JO parliamentarians. Among the broader public; i.e. in society at large, the groundswell is for Gotabhaya. Inexorably, the choice before Mahinda Rajapaksa is becoming Gotabhaya (or Chamal).

Unless Mahinda Rajapaksa can become Prime Minister and revise the 19th Amendment before late 2019—which is the best possible outcome for the country—then the choices have to be made as to the candidates of the respective sides. The increasingly restless and rebellious social mood will impact the final choices.

article_image

Indian who complained against Mahanama, other receives death threats

May 9th, 2018

By Rathindra Kuruwita Courtesy The Island

The Indian investor who complained that President Maithripala Sirisena’s Chief of Staff, I. K. Mahanama and Chairman of State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake, had allegedly taken a bribe from him, has informed the Cinnamon Gardens Police that he has been receiving death threats.

On Tuesday morning, an unidentified person visited the Indian businessman’s office, in Colombo 07, and gave his receptionist a two-page letter, threatening him with death. The man also threatened the receptionist.

“The letter has been handed over to the Cinnamon Gardens Police,” the Police Media Unit said.

Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) Executive Director, Keerthi Tennakoon said the Board of Investment and ministries, established for investment promotion, had done nothing to ensure the Indian’s safety. “There is no one to look after investors. They are harassed by politicians and officials alike. How can we promote investment? SSP Priyantha Chandrasiri, Director of the Investigation Division of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption said that they were continuing with their investigations and they had a strong case against Mahanama and Dissanayake.

Now, Mahanama is accused of using dead minister’s name to get a bribe

May 9th, 2018

By Rathindra KuruwitaCourtesy The Island

President Maithripala Sirisena’s Chief of Staff I. K. Mahanama, who was arrested recently while allegedly taking Rs. 20 million bribe from an Indian investor, is alleged to have abused the late Minister M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana’s name to solicit bribes,

Mahanama was the Secretary to the Ministry of Lands when M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana was the minister of lands. The late minister’s son Nalin Gunawardena said yesterday: “I have learned that Mahanama told the Indian investing in Kantale Sugar factory, in 2016, that my father in his death bed, had instructed him to obtain a bribe from the investor. Mahanama has said my father wanted to secure our future with the money. I was my father’s coordinating secretary and I can assure that my father was not involved in any such rackets.”article_image
Gunawardana

Executive Director of the Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) Keerthi Tennakoon said that on February 14, 2015, one month after the Good Governance administration came to power, the approval to recommence operations of the Kantale Sugar factory had been given.

“This was to be one of the first large scale projects under the new administration. The investor got the nod from the Cabinet on June 17, 2015. An agreement was signed between MG Sugar and the BoI. One of the conditions of the agreement was that MG Sugar should deposit US $ 10 million with the Sri Lankan government and on August 08, 2015 the company fulfilled that obligation.”

The Minister of Lands at that time was M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana, who represented the Trincomalee District. The Minister died in January 2016 and was succeeded by John Amaratunga.

ගෝටාභය අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න සූදානම්.. ඉහල අණින් සාක්‍ෂි හදයි..

May 9th, 2018

– අරවින්ද අතුකෝරල 

පිවිතුරු හෙල උරුමය පක්‍ෂ මූලස්ථානයේදී පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී එම පක්‍ෂ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී උදය ගම්මන්පිල මහතා මෙසේ අදහස් පල කලේය.

මේ දිනවල ආණ්ඩුවට තියෙන ලොකුම භය තමයි ගෝඨාභය. ගෝඨාභය මහතා ඉදිරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වුනොත් අනේ අපි සුනේ සුන් කියලා හිතලා එතුමව හිර කරන්න පසුගිය අවුරුදු තුන පුරාවටම විවිධ ආකාරයේ නඩු ගොඩ නැගුවා. හැබැයි මේ සුරංගනා කතා පමණක්මය කියන එක ඉහල උසාවියෙන් තීරණය කරලා ඒ සෑම අවස්ථාවකදීම එතුමන්ව අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම උසාවි නියෝග හරහා තහනම් කලා. දැන් මොකක්ද කරන්න යන්නේ.

අපට හමුදාවෙන් තොරතුරු ලැබුනා හමුදා බුද්ධි අංශ ප්‍රධානියා එක්නැලිගොඩ අතුරුදහන් කිරීම පිලිබඳ චෝදනා කරලා අත් අඩංගුවට ගත්ත හමුදා භටයන්ව ගෙන්වලා ඔවුන්ට බලපෑම් කරන්න සූදානමක් තිබෙනවා කියලා.  ඒ සදහා අවශ්‍ය දේශපාලන උපදෙස් ඉහලින් ලැබී තිබෙනවා.

ඒ අනුව හමුදා බුද්ධි අංශ ප්‍රධානියා එක්නැලිගොඩ අතුරුදහන් කිරීම පිළිබඳ අත් අඩංගුවට ගත්ත හමුදා භටයන්ය තමන් ලගට ගෙන්වලා, තමන් මේ වරද කල බවත් ඒ කලේ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමන්ගේ බලපෑම් මත බවත් පොලීසියට ප්‍රකාශකරන්න යැයි ඔවුන්ට බලපෑම් කරන මෙන් ඉහලින් ඔහුට උපදෙස් ලැබී තිබෙන බවට හමුදාවේ ඉහලම නිළධාරීන් මාර්ගයෙන් අපට දැන ගන්න ලැබුනා.

මේ කතාව ඇත්තනම් අපි බුද්ධි අංශ ප්‍රධානියාට අනතුරු අගවනවා. සාක්ෂිකරුවන් සහ වින්දිතයන් සුරැකීමේ පනත යටතේ සාක්ෂියක් වෙනස් කරන මෙන් සාක්ෂියක් ප්‍රකාශ කරන මෙන් බලපෑම් කිරීම සිරදඩුවම් ලැබිය හැකි වරදක් කියන එක අපි හුමදා බුද්ධි අංශ ප්‍රධානීයා ඇතුලු දේශපාලනයට යට වෙන්න හදන හමුදාවේ ඉහල නිළධාරීන්ට සිහිපත් කරනවා. ඒ වගේම දේශපාලකයන්ට කඩේ ගිහින් හමුදාවේ ගෞරවය රණ විරුවාගේ අභිමාණයත් කෙලසන්න එපා කියලා අපි හමුදාවේ ඉහල නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

https://youtu.be/B5zNuthGUQo

Bond Scam Vs. Sugar Scam

May 8th, 2018

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Sri Lankan newspapers and certain foreign papers on 4th May, Friday morning were full of details relating to the arrest of President Maithripala Sirisena’s Chief of Staff Dr. I.H.K Mahanama and the Chairman of the State Timber Corporation, which also comes under the purview of the President Mr. Piyadasa Dissanaake who was formerly the Chief of Staff of former President Chandrika. Many websites however jumped the gun by reporting the incident on 3rd night itself relating to these arrests which had taken place on the 3rd evening.

Lana E News (LEN) reported the incident under the caption that President Gamarala‘s Rs. 540 million bribe taking..! His Chief of Staff and Timber Corp. chairman collect Rs. 20 million as down payment -caught red handed!!”  It said that the two officers who were nabbed while collecting a bribe of Rs. 20 million at the Colombo Taj Samudra hotel car park were close cronies of the President and this criminal transaction had taken place with the aiding and abetting of the president himself, based on reports reaching Lanka e news. 

Elaborating further, LEN said that Mahanama formerly was the permanent secretary of Lands Ministry where he earned the inglorious distinction as a massive bribe taker and about two months ago he went on retirement and the President gave him an extension despite his notoriety and appointed him as his chief of staff saying that he has taken into his fold the best officer.

The website explained that Mahanama and Dissanayake have collected the bribe from an Indian businessman promising they would obtain the necessary cabinet approval through the President to entrust the Kantalai sugar factory to him. It said that initially they have demanded a sum of Rs. 540 million as the bribe to be paid to the president and however that the sum was later reduced to Rs. 100 million. It said that it was while they were collecting a sum of Rs. 20 million as an advance they were nabbed by the Bribery and Corruption Commission officials when they were gleefully and blissfully counting the bribe.

The LEN said that it is very clear that these two bosom pals of Gamarala have taken this bribe with Gamarala’s aiding and abetting and if President Gamarala has any sense of shame he should resign at once.

Mr. Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, Executive Director of CaFFE/CHR writing to Lankaweb the history of this bribe taking deal said that the proposal to recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory was first forwarded in 2006 during the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration and in 2010, international bids were called to find a suitable investor but however the deal was put on hold.

On February 14, 2015, a month after this government came to power, on the initiative of Minister M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana, the approval to recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory was given and it was with India’s MG Sugar an agreement was signed between MG Sugar and the BoI. One of the conditions of the agreement was that MG Sugar must deposit US $ 10 million with the Sri Lankan government and on August 08, 2015 the company fulfilled that obligation.

However the Ministry of Lands kept on delaying what it needed to do on its part and placed many hurdles to prevent the investment from taking place. Dr. IK Mahanama, who was the secretary to the Ministry of Lands informed the investor, repeatedly, that he can prevent the delays from the AGs department and that nothing will be done without his approval and informed the investor that he needs US $ 3 million to ensure that the deal goes through.

Mr. Tennekoon said that on September 2017 Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake also approached the investor and demanded a bribe during a meeting at Waters’ Edge Hotel. Between October 2017 and February 2018 Mahanama and Dissanayake demanded a bribe from the investor on four separate occasions and threatened that they won’t allow the project to take place unless the bribe is paid.

He said that on April 2017 land for the cultivation of sugar cane was given and on September 17, 2017 the cultivation began. At this point Mahanama once again threatened the investor that unless he received his bribe he will retake the land earmarked for sugar cane planting. By this time the investor had brought his British and South African partners to Sri Lanka.

Feeling that he has no other choice the investor approached the Bribery Commission on February 2018. MG Sugar also went for arbitration in Singapore against the constant harassment and during this time Mahanama became the President’s Chief of Staff. He again approached the investor promising to iron out the problems and brought in Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake to act as a mediator.  As per Mr. Tennekoon, Dissanayake who was the secretary to former President Chandrika Bandaranaike was a past master of extortion, known as ‘Bar Piya’ among MPs in the 90s and early 00s and has amassed considerable assets including two two-storied houses at Gregory’s Road, an apartment at Union Place, three bars in Gampaha, one in Matara and two houses in Battaramulla. Mahanama has told the investor that he needs to take a bribe because he wants an income after he retires. Mahanama has also told the investor that he plans to construct a building near the University of Kelaniya and rent it out.

A report on this bribe taking published in the Sunday Times on 6th May said that parties from the aggrieved investors’ side met Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe in Kantale when he attended election meetings there earlier this year and told him about their dilemma and then the PM advised them to send their complant in writing to his office. Accordingly, a letter was sent to the Prime Minister, the President’s Office and Lands Minister Gayantha Karunatilleka. The report said that the PM’s office then encouraged the investor to lodge a complaint with CIABOC and this was done on the assurance that the informant would not face victimisation. As regards the letter sent to President’s office no action has been taken perhaps due to the alleged involvement in the deal by President’s son and the son-in-law as it was reported by the Lanka-E-News.

The Sunday Leader reported that Sirisena’s Chief of Staff Mahanama was reportedly going to pay a VIP a part of the money. It said that a VIP was also involved in the whole deal and part of the bribe was to be paid to the VIP.

The Website Ecnomynext said the incident was a major setback for Sirisena who is embroiled in a cold-war power struggle with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. It said Sirisena used the Central Bank bond scam to discredit Wickremesinghe’s United National Party, arguing that the fugitive former central bank governor Arjuna Mahendran was a nominee of the Prime Minister but the tables have now turned and by Sirisena’s own logic, he should accept responsibility for Mahanama taking a bribe from a foreign investor. It further stated that Sirisena was dislodged from his moral high ground last month following reports that his daughter had obtained a liquor licence although he himself had restored a ban on women buying or serving liquor at restaurants and the sugar deal that went sour is only making things worse for Sirisena. It also stated the sugar scandal could be a blot on Sirisena’s record and strengthen allegations of other wrong doings including the purchase of a naval craft from Russia.

So the so-called two headed inept government is now led by one Bond Scam manipulator and the other Sugar Scam manipulator and because of them unfortunately the country has suffered losses that could have been  adequate to sustain several generations of yet unborn children of this country.

Meanwhile,Lanka E News in its follow up report posted on 6th May with photo evidence (visit https://server2.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sbgpzrozdrd/sqrs/p2/news/7506/si) said that President’s family and family of Dissanayake who took 20 million bribe on behalf of President are closest pals ! The above referemced photograph showed Sashimal Dissanayake the son of P.Dissanayake, Daham Sirisena (son of the president) and Thilina Suranjith the notorious wheeler dealer son in law of the president posing together, and said that the saying that buddies of the same  crooked  feather flock together is indeed true ! The LEN said that when the President Gamarala went for the Commonwealth conference in London with an over bloated delegation of over 100 members, it was Sashimal who was caught taking bribes from them and interestingly, Sashimal and Daham Sirisena occupied the same room It also stated that Thilina the wheeler dealer son in law of Gamarala had been roaming the streets of America, Japan, Korea, Germany and England  On most occasions he has been accompanied by Sashimal the son of culprit Dissanayake  now in prison) .LEN with this news report also published the following phoographs attended to the bottom of the respective item:

  1. Shashimal, Daham Sirisena and Thilina Suranjith taken in England
  2. Daham and Shashimal sitting together at the Independent Festival,
  3. Daham and Shashimal in a foreign location
  4. Shashimal, Daham Sirisena and Thilina trio – place not mentioned
  5. Shashimal, Daham and Thilina trio with Mrs. Jsayanthi Sirisena in England

These photographs show how intinate had been the families of Sirisena and Dissanayake, 

The Website further stated that it was learnt that the night before Mahanama and Dissanayake were nabbed, they had been at the Galle Face hotel with the complainant who is the Indian national, along with two Russians and it is there  the final decision was taken  to collect the bribe the following day and Mahanama and Dissanayake have finally wound  up that night with two Russian whores in bed supplied by the Russians.

The LEN also reported that in place of Dissanayake, the President has appointed another corrupt scoundrel as though the President has never known what integrity, honesty, or who are ‘clean’ individuals. The new State Timber Corporation chairman is Anurudha Polgampola, who was best noted for his criminal activities and sordid pole vaulting habits. The website said that he was earlier with Wimal Werawansa and later somersaulted to Maithripala‘s camp saying he wanted to strengthen the latter. The LEN said that while he was with the so called JVP, he smuggled some individuals to Japan, and for this crime he was jailed there. The JVP chased him out in 2008 and thereafter he joined with Weerawansa and even as recent as 2017, he was taken into custody by the anti corruption unit of Mirihana police, because he defrauded two businessmen in a sum of Rs. 7.5 million.(end)

UNHRC RESOLUTION 30/1 AND THE TWO SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT ON WHAT TO DO ABOUT IT

May 8th, 2018

DHARSHAN WEERASEKERA

I have been involved in some of the actions that a number of Sinhala organizations have been taking in Geneva to counter resolution 30/1, so I hope I have some credibility to speak on the related issues.  To the best of my knowledge, there are at present two schools of thought on how the next Sri Lankan President or ‘Leader’ (whoever that might be) ought to handle resolution 30/1.  The first is to renegotiate the resolution, keeping whatever is good in it, rejecting what is undoubtedly bad, and proceeding thereon.

The second is to reject the resolution completely, and if the UNHRC balks at this to file for an Advisory Opinion at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) obtain the relevant rulings and proceed thereon.  Much of the work that I have been involved with re Geneva over the past year or so has been in establishing the factual basis along with compiling the relevant documents to make this second option possible, if and when a future Sri Lankan ‘Leader’ were to decide to take it.

There is a rumour of an effort by some to undermine, dilute or belittle this second option and take it off the table for the next Sri Lankan ‘Leader,’ who everyone is confident will come to power with an overwhelming mandate from the Sinhalas, and therefore have the power to initiate inter alia fundamental changes to the Constitution including, at long last, repeal the 13th Amendment.

I am not saying that the next Sri Lankan ‘Leader’ must invariably and inevitably reject resolution 30/1, only that it must be one of the main options open to him or her when he or she takes power.  In this article I shall briefly point out what I see as the drawbacks of the first ‘school of thought’ and reiterate the positives in the second.

OPTION NO.1:  RENEGOTIATE RESOLUTION 30/1

The main problem with the first option is that even if one renegotiates every single paragraph of resolution 30/1 but leave the final paragraph, Paragraph 16 intact – Paragraph 16 calls for constitutional reform involving devolution of power and the full implementation of the 13th Amendment – the Sinhalas still lose in the long run, because they will never again be able to make a run to repeal the 13th Amendment.

To the best of my knowledge, the persons urging the renegotiation of resolution 30/1 have never advocated changing Paragraph 16.  Paragraph 16 says:

‘[The Council] Welcomes the commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka to a political settlement by taking the necessary constitutional measures, encourages the Government’s efforts to fulfill its commitments on the devolution of political authority, which is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population; and also encourages the Government to ensure that all Provincial Councils are able to operate effectively, in accordance with the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka.’[1]

If Paragraph 16 is re-affirmed by a future Sri Lankan Government, one with an overwhelming mandate from the Sinhalas themselves, it will be impossible not to carry out what the international community demands, and any attempt to do so might raise the presumption for a right to self-determination by the Tamils, something which they will no doubt exploit to the fullest in order to get the international community to endorse a move for secession.

The most controversial if not hated provisions of resolution 30 at least as far as Sinhalas are concerned are the recommendations for:

  1. a) A ‘Truth Commission, (Para 4)
  2. b) An Office for Reparations, (Para 4)
  3. c) An Office of Missing Persons, (Para 4)
  4. d) Ratification of the International Convention on Enforced Disappearances, (Para 13)
  5. e) A ‘Special Court’ to try Sri Lanka’s military and civilian leaders for purported war crimes, (Para 6)
  6. f) Amending the domestic criminal statutes to permit prosecution of persons even without the aforesaid ‘Special Courts,’ (Para 7)
  7. g) A ‘political settlement’ involving devolution of power as a means of addressing the problems of the minorities. (Para 16)

Let’s now turn to the issue of renegotiating resolution 30/1.  The question is, ‘What exactly is there to renegotiate?’  Note that, of the matters set out above, the OMP is already established, the Convention on Enforced Disappearances ratified, the Office of Reparations (we are told) is in the pipeline, as are the amendments to the criminal statutes.  That leaves the Special Courts, the Truth Commission and the ‘Political Settlement’ involving devolution.

Special Courts are now redundant because much of what was sought to be achieved through them can now be done through the OMP and the relevant provisions under the Convention on Enforced Disappearances including extradition of our people for prosecution before international tribunals.

So, if by ‘renegotiation’ what our folks mean is getting the Council to remove or modify the recommendations on Special Courts and the Truth Commission in return for a renewed commitment by us to the full implementation of the 13A, Sri Lanka’s enemies will be quite happy to cut that deal because they lose very little and gain everything.

Meanwhile, from the point of view of the Sinhalas, the aforesaid ‘deal’ is not a deal at all but a trap.  For these reasons I maintain that renegotiating resolution 30/1 is not in the best interest of the Sinhalas.

OPTION 2:  REJECT RESOLUTION 30/1 LOCK, STOCK AND BARREL

The Eelamists wanted to achieve two things through the Geneva ‘accountability’ process:   first, to get revenge from key Sinhala political and military leaders for defeating the LTTE; and second, to ‘create the conditions for international recognition of Tamil self-determination,’ which is to say, to create the conditions for an international endorsement for Eelam.

I quote below a statement by Vishvanadan Rudhrakumaran one of the most hardcore of Eelamists and head of the self-proclaimed ‘Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam’ operating out of the United States,’ from an article in 2013, that is, at the very onset of the aforesaid accountability process in Geneva.  He says:

‘The Tamil struggle in Sri Lanka for an independent and sovereign State has two dimensions. One is to create conditions for international recognition and full realization of the Tamils’ right to self-determination and the other to bring to light what happened in the final stages of the war in 2009…..

After justice is done to our people, we want the UN to deliberate, similar to its deliberations pertaining to Kosovo, about the measures that should be taken to prevent reoccurrence of genocide on the island of Sri Lanka.

As Tamils who have been subjected to genocide, despite our repeated efforts over three decades to peacefully cohabit in the island, today we firmly believe that only an independent sovereign state can ensure the Tamils’ physical security.

And we hope that the UN will organize a referendum to ascertain the will of the people in the North Eastern parts of the island of Sri Lanka.’

In all the referendums held in recent years, whether it is Kosovo, South Sudan or even East Timor, the Diaspora was entitled and allowed to vote. Tamils inside the island of Sri Lanka and those outside it are indeed like two sides of the same coin, namely the nation of Tamil Eelam.’[2]

I must now say a word about devolution of power.  To the best of my knowledge, for the Tamils, ‘devolution of power’ means they get to ask for as much power as they want, and the Sinhalas have to give it, and if they don’t the Tamils reserve the right to cry ‘Foul!’ and demand self-determination.   Here, for instance, is R. Sampanthan from a well-known speech in April 2012.  He says:

‘Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self respect and self-sufficiency….Our acceptance of this position does not mean that we consider the 13th Amendment to be an acceptable solution, nor that, in the event of our right to internal self-determination is continuously denied, we will not claim our right under international law to external self-determination.  It only means that this is the only realistic solution today.’[3]

Note that, Sampanthan wants all the powers of government needed to live with self-sufficiency,’ and it is the Tamils themselves who are to decide how much power that is.

If one combines the observations of Rudhrakumaran and Sampanthan, and bring to mind Paragraph 16 of resolution 30/1, it is clear that they have got exactly what they want. All that they have to do is to keep insisting that Paragraph 16 be fully implemented, and if it isn’t to ask the international community to recognize a purported right of Tamils in Sri Lanka to self-determination under international law.

If there’s international recognition of a purported right of Sri Lankan Tamils to a specific and defined area of land within Sri Lanka, no Sri Lankan Government will be able to resist the subsequent pressure by the international community to allow a referendum on secession (the option that Rudhrakumaran is plugging) or some other mechanism to achieve formal separation.

Let’s now look at Paragraph 16 from the point of view of the Sinhalas.  In Paragraph 16 the Council asserts that ‘devolution of political authority’ is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population, meaning that, in the Council’s opinion, whatever final political settlement is reached between the minorities and the Sinhalas, if it is to be viable, it has to involve devolution of power.

(If devolution of power is integral to reconciliation, one must presume that, without it, no reconciliation is possible, i.e. the purported political settlement will be a failure.  Therefore any solution, if it is to be viable, must involve devolution.)

So, if Paragraph is allowed to remain – or more important is re-affirmed by a future Sri Lankan Government – it will permanently lock the Sinhalas into accepting devolution as the solution to the purported ‘ethnic problem,’ even if the Sinhalas after due reflection on the relevant issues formulate alternatives to devolution, alternatives that in their view better serve the interests of the country. In short, it will make devolution non-negotiable for a future Government.

As far as I’m concerned, persons such as Rudhrakumaran, Sampanthan and others of their ilk are not interested in a ‘solution’ to the purported ‘ethnic problem, or rather, the only solution they are interested in is Eelam.   Devolution is a trap and a shibboleth they are using in order to keep the Sinhalas dancing to their (i.e. the Eelamists’) tune.

The point is this.  The next Sri Lankan ‘Leader,’ who as I mentioned earlier everyone is confidant will come to power with the overwhelming support of the Sinhalas, if he or she is to vindicate the trust and faith placed in him or her by the Sinhalas, must solve the purported ‘ethnic problem’ once and for all.  It cannot be postponed or handed over to the next generation.

(I realize that many Sinhalas dispute that there is any such thing as an ‘ethnic problem’ in this country, and that if there was a problem at all if was a terrorist problem.  Fine.  But in that case, the next Sri Lankan ‘Leader’ still has to establish before the world, with cogent evidence, that there is no further problem, and that continuing cries by the minorities especially the Tamils that they are being subjected to shabby treatment is baseless.  Either way, the point remains the same.  The matter must be decisively settled.)

If the aforesaid ‘leader’ is to do the above, he or she must have all options on the table, and if all options are to be on the table, then by definition it must include the possible repeal of the 13th Amendment.  Besides, the 13A was never subjected to a referendum, and it is only fair that the Sinhalas be given a shot at it.  If Paragraph 16 remains intact, it will preclude the next Sri Lankan ‘Leader’ from even considering that option, so I cannot countenance renegotiating resolution 30/1.  It is far better to reject the resolution in toto.

[1] A/HRC/RES/30/1, 15th October 2015 Paragraph 16, www.ohchr.org

[2] ‘Diaspora Tamils should be a part of U.N. referendum on Eelam, ‘ Vishvanadan Rudhrakumaran, The Weekend Leader, www.theweekendleader.com, 3rd April 2013

[3] ‘Address of R. Sampanthan at the 14th National Convention of ITAK in Batticaloa,’ www.dbsjeyaraj.com  27th May 2012

මැයි දින රැළියේදී විමල් වීරවංශ කළ කතාව..

May 8th, 2018

Wimal Weerawansa’s speech at Joint Opposition May Day rally in Galle

මේ දූෂිත වැඩපිළිවෙල පරාජය කිරීමට සියලු දෙනා එක්වන්න… මැයි දින රැළියේදී හිටපු ජනපති පවසයි

May 8th, 2018

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s speech at Joint Opposition May Day rally in Galle

Sri Lanka’s external sector under severe stress, contrary to Central Bank’s favourable comments

May 8th, 2018

By Prof. Sirimevan Colombage Emeritus Professor of Economics, Open University of Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is facing harsh external financing vulnerabilities contrary to the Central Bank’s recent claims that the country’s gross official foreign reserves have risen to the historically highest level of US $ 9.9 billion, reflecting improved economic prospects.

According to a press release issued by the Central Bank last week, oversubscription of the International Sovereign Bond (ISB) amounting to US $ 2.5 billion (largest ever), which was offered in April, signals foreign investors’ confidence in Sri Lanka’s economic performance and potential. The Central Bank goes on to say that it has received favourable response from the international community for a proposed term loan of $ 1 billion, which is to be utilised by the government to repay more expensive existing debt.

article_image

The affirmative statements issued by the IMF with regard to the country’s economic performance and the better credit ratings given by two international rating agencies are also a reflection of positive foreign sentiments, according to the press release.

As regards the ongoing depreciation of the rupee, the Central Bank authorities are reported to have dismissed the popular “myth” of aggravating foreign debt liabilities by rupee depreciation, and expressed their unwavering capacity to tackle any resulting inflationary pressures through monetary policy.

Central Bank’s complacency unwarranted

The above statements indicate that the Central Bank is quite complacent about the economic achievements, particularly on the balance of payments front, and thus, the general public is given the impression that there is no reason to panic.

However, the rapid exchange rate depreciation during the past couple of weeks itself reflects the external finance fragility. Such fast depreciation, of course, is inevitable given the grave balance of payments situation. The depreciation has far reaching repercussions on debt service payments from the viewpoint of fiscal balancing, although the Central Bank denies such adverse effects. The supply-side effects of exchange rate depreciation on inflation and cost of living too are undeniable, and the central bank has limited ability to control such price increases through its demand-side policy tools within the now famous inflation targeting monetary policy framework.

We cannot afford to be too complacent about the unprecedented rise in foreign reserves, as those are nothing but funds borrowed from international capital markets, which are subject to stringent terms and conditions. Oversubscription of the ISB to the tune of 2.6 times is undoubtedly a reflection of the improved foreign sentiments, as claimed by the Central Bank. However, it should be noted that these foreign loans are taken at very high cost to the country. Such market borrowings further enhance the already unsustainable debt stock posing severe debt sustainability risks in the near future, though they may help to ease the present external financing problems and to postpone the inevitable economic reforms.

Private foreign lending institutions are ever ready to disburse sovereign loans to governments in poor countries at premiums favourable to them. Many countries in the regions of Latin America, Africa and Asia have fallen into this debt trap.

Foreign reserves raised by commercial borrowings

The increase in foreign reserves is no reason for complacency, as it is entirely an outcome of borrowings from overseas capital markets, rather than a result of any improvement in the domestic economy. The Central Bank itself admits in its press release that the inflow of recent ISB proceeds is the reason for the rise in international reserves to the peak level. The increase in gross official reserves from $ 7,959 million at the end of 2017 to $ 9,927 million by now is entirely a result of the foreign borrowings raised through the ISB.

Foreign borrowings through an ISB amounting to $ 1.5 billion issued by the Central Bank last year too helped to improve the reserve position previously. It was complemented by a net inflow of Treasury Bond proceeds amounting to $ 360 million in 2017. Thus, debt security inflows were the major contributory factor that led to an external financial account surplus of $ 2,068 million in 2017, and the resulting equivalent amount of increase in foreign reserves.

The rise in foreign reserve stock, for whatever reason, is a temporary phenomenon in the current context, as it is going to fall down soon due to the upcoming foreign debt repayments. The net drain on foreign reserves within the next 12 months is estimated to be $ 7.5 billion, of which $ 6.3 billion is for foreign currency loans, securities and deposits, and the balance $ 1.2 billion is for foreign currency forwards and futures.

Hence, unless the Central Bank borrows continuously from foreign capital markets, it is impossible to maintain the foreign reserve position at a satisfactory level. This means further acceleration of the country’s foreign debt burden.

Rupee depreciation mirrors the economic downfall

The rupee has depreciated sharply against the US dollar since the beginning of this year, as shown in the Chart. The weakening of the currency is largely a reflection of the continuing setback in the external sector characterized by the wide trade gap and heavy external debt commitments. The rupee fell by 3.3 percent against the dollar this year so far, compared with a drop of 2.5 percent last year. In April alone, the rupee fell by 1.1 percent reflecting a sharper depreciation.

Undoubtedly, freer movement of the exchange rate is essential to improve the country’s export competitiveness and to discourage imports so as to reverse the weakening of the balance of payments. Such an exchange rate system is compelling, as the Central Bank is in the process of moving towards an inflation targeting monetary policy framework in which it is not permissible to have a nominal anchor such as the exchange rate or the money supply. In terms of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement with the IMF, the Central Bank is committed to pursuing a flexible exchange rate regime with intervention limited to preventing wide fluctuations and building up official reserves.

The adverse effects of the Central Bank’s previous attempts to defend an overvalued currency on the external sector were clearly evident. Hence, the shift towards a more flexible exchange rate regime is commendable.

Nevertheless, certain statements issued by the high-ranking Central Bank officials few days ago with regard to the rupee depreciation tend to mislead the public. They have dismissed the “myth” of aggravating foreign debt liabilities by rupee depreciation. They also defended the rupee fall on the grounds of their ability to intervene in the foreign exchange market at any time due to the strong foreign reserve position. They further claim that any inflationary pressures arising from the rupee depreciation could be tackled by adjusting their policy (interest) rates.

Exchange rate pressures on foreign debt burden undeniable

The effects of currency depreciation on foreign debt burden are well known. Although the depreciation does not cause any rise in the foreign debt stock in US dollar terms as claimed by the Central Bank, the external debt stock as well as its service costs in rupee terms go up proportionately due to the depreciation causing severe burden on fiscal operations.

The rupee depreciation resulted in a rise in the foreign debt stock by a staggering Rs. 225.2 billion at the end of 2017, according to the Central Bank’s latest Annual Report. This year’s depreciation to date has led to increase the foreign debt stock further by around Rs. 155 billion.

The main reason for the rise in foreign debt is the financing of budget deficit through foreign sources, mainly commercial borrowings. As a result of these continuous foreign borrowings, the debt service payments have bunched heavily at present costing the government a whopping US $ 17.8 billion during the period 2018-2022; $ 2.8 billion 2018, $ 4.2 billion in 2019, 3.7 billion in 2020, $ 3.3 billion in 2021 and $ 3.7 billion in 2022.

In rupee terms, the external debt service payments for this year is likely to go up by over Rs. 14 billion as a result of the exchange rate depreciation that took place to date. These costs will increase further during the rest of the year depending on the extent of depreciation.

Balance of Payments is in crisis

The country’s external sector is in a dismal state. The trade deficit widened from $ 8.9 billion in 2016 to $ 9.6 billion in 2017. The rapid increase in imports outpaced the slower export growth. The export sector, which still depends largely on garments and commodity exports, has failed to increase its share in the global market with innovative, knowledge-based, high-tech products, unlike in the fast-growing neighbouring countries. In contrast, imports rise at a faster pace calling for monetary policy tightening.

The larger surplus generated in the services account in 2017, which was due to increased earnings from transport and tourism, was inadequate to offset the negative impact of the huge trade deficit on the balance of payments. The situation is being worsened by a slowdown of worker remittances due to unsettled conditions in West Asia.

Overall, the current account recorded a deficit of $ 2.3 billion amounting to 2.6 percent of GDP in 2017. This had to be financed mainly through foreign borrowings consisted of Sovereign Bonds, Treasury Bonds and long-term loans. In the absence of dynamism in the export sector and the weak macroeconomic fundamentals which hinder foreign direct investments, the balance of payments situation is unlikely to improve in the near future.

Exchange rate pass-through to inflation

The rupee depreciation obviously has had cost-push effects on import prices and consequently on domestic consumer prices. This process is usually measured through the ‘exchange rate pass-though’, defined as the effect of exchange rate changes on domestic inflation.

Evidently, rupee depreciation has varying upward effects on both wholesale and consumer prices with the maximum effect occurring in the second month of the shock on wholesale prices and between the second and the third month on consumer prices. Around 25 percent of the variation in consumer price inflation could be explained by external shocks including exchange rate, oil price and import price shocks.

The initial round of inflationary effects of the rupee depreciation is already evident with the recent price increases in milk powder, LP gas and fuel. Inflation is likely to escalate further in the coming months owing to the currency depreciation. Needless to say, that high inflation has adverse spill-over effects on the living standards of the poor and lower middle-income class families.

Pragmatic economic strategies lacking

The country’s GDP growth rate slumped to 3.1 percent in 2017 – the lowest since 2001 – reflecting the economic downturn. The growth prospects are severely constrained by the balance of payments difficulties discussed in this article. The increasing debt burden has adverse effects on both the external and fiscal sectors. The country does not have the capacity to repay its foreign loans, and therefore, maturing debt has to be rolled over into new debt posing painful rollover risks in the coming years.

In the meantime, the ongoing rupee depreciation resulting from the weak external finances exerts adverse effects on the cost of living, debt burden and many other economic variables.

Amidst this precarious economic plight, the government is preoccupied with its own political agendas such as strengthening the political parties, frequent cabinet reshuffles and cross-overs. In the circumstances, adequate attention is not given to tackle the current economic crisis. The current political instability has disastrous effects on the country’s international image discouraging prospective foreign investors.

The government is engaged in firefighting exercises to tackle the day-to-day problems rather than addressing the underlying economic disarrays with comprehensive economic strategies from a long-term perspective. The Vision-2025 launched with grand fanfare not so long ago seems to be sidetracked as in the case of previous economic policy statements. In any case, all those policy documents contained only wish-lists rather than any pragmatic macroeconomic policy frameworks that are geared to resuscitate the falling economy.

In this context, the Central Bank has the leading role to play in rectifying the disarrays in macroeconomic fundamentals, rather than consoling itself with the success of foreign loan mobilization.

Two officials interdicted over destruction of archaeological site

May 8th, 2018

Two officials of the National Housing Development Authority have been interdicted in connection with the incident of an ancient archaeological site being destroyed at Ipalogama, Minister Sajith Premadasa told Ada Derana.

He stated that the authority’s Anuradhapura District Manager and a technical officer have been suspended in connection with the incindet.

It had recently been revealed that the archaeological site known as ‘Balumgala’, which is considered to be fortress belonging to King Elara’s Vijithapura fortress city, had been destroyed in Anuradhapura.

Ada Derana uncovered that an area of 15 acres at the location had been bulldozered and destroyed for the alleged purpose of commencing a housing project under the National Housing Development Authority.

කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගම ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක කප්පම, කෝටි 10 ක අල්ලසක් වුනා නිලධාරීන් ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගන්නේ මෙහෙමයි!

May 7th, 2018

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය හිටපු උපදේශක/දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ගැනීම ගැන හොදම සාක්ෂිය ‘ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී සහ දැව සංස්ථා සභාපතිගේ කෝටි 10 අල්ලස් කථාවයි.  මෙය හුදෙකලා සිදුවීමක් නොව, ඉතා සැලසුම් සහගත ක්‍රියාවලියකි. ලංකාවේ  දී අත්සන් කරන ආයෝජන ගිවිසුම් ක්‍රියත්මක නොවන්නේ දේශපාලනඥයින්, නිලධාරීන් එක් වී සිදු කරන මෙවැනි කප්පම් ගැනීම් නිසාය. 

කන්තලේ අතීත කථාව

කන්තලේ සීනි කර්මාන්තය නැවත ස්ථාපනය කිරීම සදහා රාජපක්ෂ රජය යටතේ 2006 දී පළමු යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් වන්නේය. ඒ සදහා ජාත්‍යන්තර ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවීම සිදු කරන්නේ 2010 වසරේ දී රාජපක්ෂ රජය යටතේ ය. 

එහි දී සාර්ථකම ගැණුම්කරුවා බවට පත් වන පුද්ගලයා පසෙක සිටිය දී, එවකට රාජපක්ෂ රජයේ ප්‍ර‍බලම ලේකම්වරයෙකු මේ ආයෝජනය  තුන්වන ස්ථානයේ සිටි ගැණුම්කරුවාට ලබාදීමට උත්සහ කළේය.  මේ බව මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වාර්තා වූ විට ඔහු එය නවතා දැමීය.

2015 ජනවාරි 8 යහපාලන රජය බලයට පත් වන්නේ ය.  නවතා දමා තිබූ ‘කන්තලේ පුනරුත්තාපන ව්‍යාපාරයට‘ 2015 පෙබරවාරි 14 දින අනුමැතිය ලැබෙන්නේය.  ඒ යහපාලන රජයේ මුල්ම ජාත්‍යන්තර ආයෝජන කිහිපයෙන් එකක් ලෙසිනි. කෙටි කලකින් මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය සදහා ආර්ථික කටයුතු පිළිබද කැබිනට් අනුකමිටුවේ අනුමැතිය ලැබෙන අතර, නැවත මේ සදහා වන කැබිනට් අනුමැතියක් 2015 ජූනි 17 දින හිමිවේ.  ඒ අනුව කන්තලේ සීනි ව්‍යාපෘතිය සදහා වන ගිවිසුම ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය සහ එම්.ජී. ෂුගර් සමාගම අතර අත්සන් තබනු ලබයි. ඒ සදහා, පූර්ව කොන්දේසියක් වන්නේ ඇ.ඩෝ. මිලියන 10 ක් මුල්‍ය තැම්පතුවක් ලබාදීම යි.  එම මුදල මෙම සමාගම 2015 අගෝස්තු 08 දින ලංකාවට රැගෙන විත්, අදාළ සුදුසුකම් සපුරනු ලබයි. 

නමුත්, ඉඩම් අමාත්‍යාංශය මේ කටයුත්ත දීර්ඝ ලෙස ප්‍ර‍මාද කරන්නේය.  ආයෝජකයාට සිය කටයුත්ත සිදු කිරීමට බාධා පමුණුවන්නේය. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ප්‍ර‍මාදයන් තමන්ට වැලැක්විය හැකි බවත්, තමා නැතිව කිසිවක් කළ නොහැකි බවත්, විටින් විට ආයෝජකයාට දන්වන්නේ අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් ආචාර්ය අයි.කේ. මහානාම ය.

එදා ඉඩම් අමාත්‍යාවරයා වූයේ කන්තලේ ප්‍රදේශයට අයත්වන  ත්‍රිකුණාමල දේශපාලනය කළ එම්.කේ.ඩී.එස්.ගුණවර්ධන මහතාට ය.  ඔහුගේ සැබෑ උවමනාව වූයේ කෙසේ හෝ කන්තලේ දියුණු කොට සිය දේශපාලන බලය තහවුරු කර ගැනීමය.  ප්‍ර‍මාදය ප්‍ර‍ශ්නයක් වන විට එහි චෝදනාව එල්ල වූයේ අමාත්‍යවරයාටය. මේ අතර, අමාත්‍යවරයා මිය යන්නේය.  අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්වරයා කරළියට ‘තමා නැතිව කිසිවක් කළ නොහැකි බවත් තමාට සැලකිය යුතු බවත්‘ දිගින් දිගටම ආයෝජකයා පවසයි. 

මේ වන විට ආයෝජකයා ඩොලර් මිලියන 10 ක් ලංකා ආණ්ඩුවේ ආයෝජනය කර අවසන් ය.  ජෝන් අමරතුංග නව අමත්‍යවරයාට වගකීම් ගොඩක් මැද පැවරෙන අමාත්‍යාංශය ගැන එච්චර තැකීමක් නොවීය. අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් මහානාම තමන්ට කැමති පරිදි අමාත්‍යාංශය පාලනය කරන සමය යි. ලේකම් මහානාම අමුතු කළාවක් ගොතන්නේය.  මරණ මංචකයේ දී, ගුණවර්ධන මහතා තමාට ‘අහවල් අහවල් දේ කළ යුතු යැයි‘ පැවසු බව ඔහු ආයෝජකයාට පවසයි.  එය ඉටු කිරීමට නම්, මුදල් අවශ්‍යය. 

මහානාම ආයෝජකයාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටි අල්ලස ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 කි!  

මේ සිද්ධිය පිළිබද තොරතුරු මා වෙත (කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්) ආරංචි වී කෙටි කාලයකින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව හෝ වෙනත් වාර්තාවක් මගින් යහපාලන රජය යටතේ විදේශ ආයෝජන බිදවැටී ඇති ආකාරය පිළිබද අනාවරණය විය.  මේ කරුණ, දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය විසින් නැවත නැවත අවධාරණය කරන ලදී.  එවකට ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපතිවරයා වූයේ මා මිතුරු ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතා ය.  ජයසූරිය මහතා මේ ගැටළුවට පිළිතුරු දුන්නේය. තමන් ආයෝජනය ගිවිසුම් අත්සන් කරන නමුත්, ඉඩම් ලේකම් මහානාම,  විදුලිබල හා බලශක්ති අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම් සුරේන් බටගොඩ එම ව්‍යාපෘති ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට බාධා කරන හැටි ඔහු සවිස්තරව ජනමධ්‍ය හමුවේ ප්‍ර‍කාශ කළේය. 

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍ර‍මසිංහ හා අමාත්‍ය මලික් සමරවික්‍ර‍ම කළේ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහතා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපති ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට මාර්ගය සැකසුනි. උපුල් සිය ඉල්ලා අස්වීමේ ලිපිය ලබා දුන්නේය.  

2017 මැයි මාසයේ මුල්ම දිනක ආචාර්ය මහානාම තමන්ගෙන් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක් ඉල්ලා සිටි බව මේ ආයෝජකයා අල්ලස් කොමිසමට ලබා දුන් කටඋත්තරයේ දැක්වේ.   වත්තල, ‘ස්ටීම් බෝට්‘ බෝට්ටු සවාරි සිදු කරන ස්ථානයේ අවන්හලේ දී,  මුහුණට මුහුණ සිදුවන හමුවක දී, මෙම මුදල් ඉල්ලා ඇති බව ආයෝජකයාගේ ප්‍ර‍කාශයේ සදහන් වේ.

2017 සැප්තෑම්බර් මාසයේ 5 හෝ 6 දිනෙක බත්තරමුල්ල වෝටර්ස් ඒජ් හි දී දැව සංස්ථා සභාපති දිසානායක මුල්ම වරට ආයෝජකයා සමග අල්ලස ගැන කථා කොට ඇත. 

2017 ඔක්තෝබර් සිට 2018 පෙබරවාරි දක්වා අවස්ථා 4 ක දී ආයෝජකයා දැව සංස්ථාවට කැදවා අල්ලස ලබා නොදෙන්නේ නම්, ව්‍යාපෘතිය කරගෙන යාමට ඉඩ නොදෙන බව දිසානායක-මහානාම යුවල දක්වා ඇත.

උක් වගාව ඇරඹීම

2017 අප්‍රේල් කන්තලේ උක් වගාවට ඉඩම් ලබා දෙන අතර 2017 සැප්තැම්බර් 17 බිම් සැකසීම ආරම්භවිය.  මහානාම, ආයෝජකයාට සිය කප්පම නොලැබෙන්නේ නම්, ව්‍යාපෘතිය නවතා දමන බවටත්, ඉඩම් ආපසු ලබා ගන්නා බවටත් තර්ජනය කරන්නේ මේ අතරය.  ඒ වන විට සමාගම එංගලන්ත හා දකුණු අප්‍රිකානු ආයෝජකයින් ලංකාවට ගෙන්වා ගෙන අවසන් ය.

මේ තර්ජනය නිසා 2018 පෙබරවාරි 22 දින ආයෝජකයා අල්ලස් කොමිසමට මෙම සිදුවීම පැමිණිලි කර ඇත. එතැන් පටන් කථාව මෙම විමර්ශන කාර්යයට අගතියක් විය හැකි බැවින් හෙළි නොකරමි.  නමුත්, අප්‍රේල් 27 අම්පාර සිට කොළඹට පැමිණීමේ සිට අල්ලස් ලබා ගැනීමට සැලසුම් කළ ස්ථාන, යුනියන් පෙදෙස ස්ථානයක මුදල් හුවමාරුවට සුදානම් වූ ආකාරය (දිසානායකට යුනියන් පෙදෙස මහල් නිවසක් ඇත), වෙසක් නිවාඩුවෙන් පසුව සදුදා උදැසන මුදල් ලබාදීමට සුදානම් වීම, අවසානයේ මැයි 3 උදේ 11.30 ට මුදල් ලබා ගැනීමේ උත්සාහය සහ එය සවස 4.30 ට වෙනස් කිරීම දක්වා ඇත්තේ දිගු කථාවකි.

තමාගේ මුදල් අවශ්‍යතාවට ගැන මහානාම අයෝජකයාට පවසා ඇත්තේ ද, අපූරු කථාවකි.   තමන් තවත් ටික දිනකින් විශ්‍රාම යන බවත්, එවිට තමාට කිසිදු ආදායමක් නොමැති බවත්, තමාට කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය අසල ඉඩමක් ඇති බවත් එහි ගොඩනැගිල්ලක් ඉදි කොට එමගින් ආදායමක් ලබාගැනීමට තමන්ට අවශ්‍ය බවත් ඒ කථාවයි!

ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ආචාර්ය අයි.කේ. මහානාම, දැව සංස්ථා සභාපති පී.දිසානායක යන අය අල්ලස් මුදල් ලබාගෙන, මුදල් ගණන් කරන අතරතුර, විඩියේ කැමරා මැද, අත්අඩංගුවට පත් වීමෙන් අවසන් වන්නේ මෙම සිදුවීමයි.

ආයෝජකයින්ගෙන් කප්පම් ලබා ගැනීම

ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය ගිවිසුම් අත්සන්කර, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ව්‍යපෘති ගිවිසුම් අනුමත කොට, එම ගිවිසුම් අනුමත කළ පසුව ආයෝජකයින් රටට මුදල් ගෙනවිත් ව්‍යෘපෘති අරඹයි.  ගිවිසුමට අනුව, රජයෙන් ලැබෙන ඉඩම් හා ගරා වැටුණු ගොඩනැගිලි, හා භාණ්ඩ වෙනුවෙන් ස්ථාපනය වන සමාගමේ 51%ක කොටස් අයිතියක් රජයට හිමිවේ.

මහානාම සිය කප්පම ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන 3 නොලැබූ විට කරන්නේ තමන් විසින් සකසන කැබිනට් පත්‍රිකාව අඩුපාඩුවක් ඇතිව සකස් කිරීමය.  එමගින් ඔහු පවසන්නේ කන්තලේ තිබූ පරණ බඩු කිසිවක් නව සමාගමට ලබා දින නොහැකි බවයි.  තමන්ගේ කප්පම නොලැබෙන්නේ නම්, මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය කළ නොහැකි තැනට දේශපාලනඥයින්ට ඔහු කරුණු දක්වයි.  මහානාම පවසන්නේ මේ ව්‍යාපෘතිය කළ නොහැකි බවත් සමාගම පරණ යකඩ ටික විකුණා ව්‍යාපෘතිය අතහැර දමන බවත් ය. ඒ සදහා ඔහු කෝටි 34 ක පරණ යකඩ ඇති බව ප්‍ර‍සිද්ධ කරයි.  ඒ සදහා තක්සේකරුවක් සිදු කරයි.  තක්සේරුවට ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවයි.  (මේ ටෙන්ඩරය හා දෙවන අදියරේ ගාන පහත දැමූ කප්පම අතර ඇත්තේ සෘජු සම්බන්ධයකි. මහානාම ලේකම්වරයා ජනාධිපතිවරයාට, අගමැතිවරයා ව්‍යාජ කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත.

Shareholders agreement හි   7.9 පරිච්චේදය මෙසේ ය.

The investor/company agrees to take possession of land and premises from the GOSL described in Article 7.1.1 (other than that described in Article 7.1.1 (c) with all the infrastructure and machinery, on an as is basis and no guarantee is given that any infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose.   The company may do as it may deem appropriate with the infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements at it’s own cost or use them as it may deem suitable.

ඒ අනුව, ලංකා රජය වෙත ලබා දෙන 51% ක කොටස වෙනුවෙන් කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගමේ ඇති ගොඩනැගිලි (බහුතරයක් අබලි හා අතහැර දමා ඇත), දිරිගිය යන්ත්‍ර‍, දිරාගිය වාහන, ආදිය මේ සමාගම සතු විය යුතුය.  නමුත්, ආචාර්ය මහානාම මේ ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය නිදහස් කිරීමට ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 3 ක අල්ලසක් ඉල්ලයි.  එය ලබා ගත නොහැකි විට කෝටි 54 ක පගාවක් ඉල්ලයි.  එය නොලැබෙන විට කෝටි 45 ක් ඉල්ලයි.  එයත් හිමි නොවන විට කෝටි 10 ක් හෝ ලබා ගැනීම4ට උත්සහ දරයි. 

ඒ සදහා ඔහු ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබන තර්කය මේ සමාගම උක් වගාව සිදු නොකර යකඩ ටික විකුණා දැමීමට උත්සහ දරන බවට ප්‍ර‍චාරයක් ගෙන යාමය. ඒ අතර, තම තර්කයට ශක්තිය සපයන්නට අමාත්‍යාංශයේ නිලධාරීන් යොදා ගනිමින් අබලි යකඩ සදහා තක්සේරුවක් ලබා ගනී.  කිසිදු නිත්‍යානුකුල පදනමක් නැතත්, අබලි යකඩ සදහා ටෙන්ඩර් කැදවයි.  ඇමතිවරු මැදිහත් නොවීම නිසා ද, මේ දුක් ගැනවිල්ල අසන්නට කිසිවෙකු නැති නිසා ද, ආයෝජකයා අමාරුවේ වැටේ.  එපමණක් නොවේ. මේ ආරවුල බේරන්නට පත් කරන කමිටුව වැඩ කරන්නේ ද, අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම්ට අවශ්‍ය ලෙසම ය.  අවසානයේ ‘පරණ යකඩ  ටෙන්ඩර් තොරතුරු සගවා එකම පුද්ගලයාට පළමු හා දෙවන ටෙන්ඩරය ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමේ අවස්ථාව ලබා දෙයි. සැබවින්ම, කන්තලේ සීනි ව්‍යාපෘතිය ‘පරණ යකඩ ගණුදෙණුවක්‘ බවට පත් කරන්නේ හිටපු ඉඩම් ලේකම් ආචාර්ය මහානාම ය.

පරණ යකඩවල වටිනාකම කෝටි 50 නම්, එයට කෝටි 60 ක පගාවක් ගන්නට බැරිය.  ඇ.ඩො. 3 ක පගාවක් ගන්නට ද බැරිය. අනික,  කෝටි 50 ක යකඩ ගන්නට ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන 10 ක් අත්තිකාරමක් ගෙවන පිස්සු ආයෝජකයින් ද ලෝකයේ විරලය.

දැන් නාටකයේ හොදම තැනට පත්වන්නේය.  පරණ යකඩ සදහා ඉහළම ඉල්ලුම කෝටි 54 කි. දෙවැන්න, කෝටි 46 කි.  තෙවැන්න, කෝටි 35 කි.  පළමු හා දෙවන ටෙන්ඩර දෙකම එකම හිමිකරුගේය. 

එම්.ජී. ෂුගර් ඉඩම් ලේකම් ගේ මේ අත්තනෝමතික තීරණයට එරෙහිව සිංගප්පුරුවේ ජාත්‍යන්තර බේරුම්කරණ මණ්ඩලයට යයි. තම ගොදුර වැරදී, ඉඩම් ලේකම් විශ්‍රාම යයි.  නමුත්, කුමන හෝ ක්‍ර‍මයකට ඔහු ජනාධිපති කාර්යාලයේ කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී තනතුරට පත් වෙයි. ඔහු ආයෝජකයාට කියන්නේ කන්තලේ සීනි සමාගම අයත් වන දයා ගමගේ අමාත්‍යවරයාට පවසා මේ ගැටලුව විසදා දියහැකි බවයි.  එපමණක් ද නොව, ජාත්‍යන්තර බේරුම්කරණයට තමා මැදිහත් වී එය ද විසදා දෙන බවයි.  රාජ්‍ය දැව සංස්ථාවේ සභාපති පි.දිසානායක හරහා පණිවුඩ යවන ආචාර්ය මහානාම කෙසේ හෝ තම කුට්ටිය කඩා ගැනීමට උත්සහ දරයි. 

‘බාර් පියා‘ යැයි පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු අතර ප්‍ර‍කට චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග ජනාධිපතිනියගේ ලේකම්වරයා වන මෙම නිළධාරියා එදා, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගෙන් අල්ලස් ලබා ගැනීමට සමත් වූ, මේ වැඩයට කප්පිත්තෙකි. අම්පාර ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරයා වූ ඔහු, අත්තනගල්ලේ දී එජාප මන්ත්‍රී පෝල් පෙරේරා ගේ දේශපාලන පළිගැනීමට ලක්ව ‘පරිපාලන සේවයේ සයිබීරියාවට‘ යවයි.  ප්‍ර‍ධාන ඇමති චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මිය ගේ ලේකම් බවට පත්වන්නට එය සුදුසුකමක් වන්නේය.  අල්ලස් කොමිසම ඔහුගේ දේපල පිළිබද විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කරන්නේ නම් ඔවුන්ට ග්‍රෙගරි පාරේ මහල් නිවාස දෙකක්, යුනියන් පෙදෙස මහල් නිවාසය, ගම්පහ (මොන්ටිකාලෝ) බාර් 3, මාතර තෙමහල් ආපන ශාලාව (තැබෑරුම), හා බත්තරමුල්ලේ නිවාස 2 කට ගොඩ වන්නට සිදුවුවහොත් එම නිලධාරීන් පුදුම නොවිය යුතුය.

ආචාර්ය මහානාම සහ සභාපති දිසානායක නොදැන සිටි කරුණ නම් මේ වන  විට අන්ත අසරණ වී සිටි ආයෝජකයා මේ පිළිබද අල්ලස් හෝ දුෂණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට පැමිණිලි කොට තිබු බවයි.  එපමණක් ද නොව, අල්ලස් කොමිෂන් සභාවේ අති දක්ෂ විමර්ශන නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක් කාලයක සිට මේ සිද්ධිය ගැන ඇස ගසා සිටි බවයි. 

ලංකාවට පැමිණෙන ආයෝජකයින්ට සිදුවන ගැහැට කොපමණද යන්න මැනවින් තහවුරු වන සිදුවීමක් ලෙස කන්නතේ අල්ලස් සිද්ධිය අප හදුණාගත යුතුය. සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආයෝජන විෂය භාර අමාත්‍ය මලික් සමරවික්‍ර‍ම ගේ ප්‍ර‍කාශය ගැන මම පුදුම නොවෙමි.  ශ්‍රී ලංකා ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය ලංකාවේ රාජ්‍ය සේවකයෙකු ලෙස වැඩිම වැටුපක් (රු. මිලියන 1 යි) ලබන පුද්ගලයා සිටින ස්ථානය යි. එහි සභාපතිවරයා වැඩට එන්නේ සතිකයට පැය දෙක -තුනකට පමණී. ආයෝජකයින්ට සේවා ලබා ගැනීමට දේශපාලනඥයින් පසුපස යා යුතුය.  අනෙක් අතට, අයෝජකයින් මෙවැනි පීඩාවට පත් වන තෙක් රජය, අමාත්‍යාංශ, ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලය කුමක් කළේ දැයි විමසයි. මේ ආයෝජකයා මා සමග පැවසුවේ මාගේ කථාව අහන්නට හෝ ඉදිරිපත් වුණේ හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්‍ය රවී කරුණානායක පමණයි කියාය.

මේ ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයා 1994 සිට ලංකාවේ ව්‍යාපාර කටයුතු සිදු කළ පුද්ගලයෙකි. ලංකාවේ බොහෝ තැන්වලට සබදතා ඇති අයෙකි.  ඔහු මුහුණ දුන් තත්වය වෙනත් ආයෝජකයෙකුට හිමි වූයේ නම්, ඔහු ආයෝජන හැර දමා ගොස් බොහෝ කල් ය.

අනෙක් අතට, ඇති තරම් දුෂණ චෝදනා තිබූ ආචාර්ය මහානාම වැනි නිලධාරියෙකු ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍ර‍ධානී වූයේ කෙසේ ද? යන්න වෙනම විමසා බැලිය යුතු කරුණකි. කැෆේ සංවිධානය, දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ හා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය යන මා සම්බන්ධ වූ ආයතන ලංකාවේ ඉහළම රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් 7 කට චෝදනා එල්ල කර ඇත.  ගල් අගුරු වංචාව, විදුලි මාෆියාව, බැදුම්කර වංචාව, ස්වදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය, ආයෝජන ප්‍ර‍වර්ධන, එයින් කිහිපයකි.  ඔවුන් කිසිවෙකු ගැන අදටත් විමර්ශනයක් හෝ නැත.  ආචාර්ය මහානාම වැනි පුද්ගලයින් විශ්‍රාම ගිය ද, රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ ඉහළම තැන් ඔවුන් වෙනුවෙන් වෙන් වී ඇත.  දේශපාලන නායකත්වයේ අසමත්බව කදිමට පෙනෙන්නේ එබැවිනි.

 

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/කැෆේ සංවිධානය

හිටපු උපදේශක/දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

 

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon
Executive Director/CaFFE
Executive Director/CHR-Sri Lanka
100/19 A, Welikadawatta Road,
Rajagiriya,Sri Lanka.

Unscrupulous state officials and the plight of investors to Sri Lanka

May 7th, 2018

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, Executive Director CaFFE/CHR

Unscrupulous state officials and the plight of investors to Sri lanka

The arrest of President Sirisena’s Chief of Staff, Dr I.H.K. Mahanama and Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake while taking a bribe from an Indian investor made headlines last week. As often the case in Sri Lanka different segments interpret this incident based on their political biases.

For some this is an indication of the growing corruption under the good governance administration while others interpret as an example of independent commissions exercising their autonomy, which was given by this government. However I think that the bigger issue here is how corrupt officials like Mahanama and  Dissanayake manage to stay on top of the administrative service and how their actions affect FDI to Sri Lanka. If we do not address these two questions, nothing we do, from depoliticizing the state sector to attracting FDI, is bound to fail. The people will lose faith in the state sector and corruption becomes more normalized than it already is.

Let’s first start with the history of  Mahanama attempting to take a bribe from the Kantale sugar investor.

A long history of attempted extortion 

 The proposal to recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory is first forwarded in 2006 during the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration. In 2010, international bids are called to find a suitable investor.

One of the most powerful secretaries under the Rajapaksa administration attempted to ensure that an investor, who was the third in line when it came to suitability, was awarded the tender. Due to the controversy which arose after this was exposed, the deal was put on hold.

On February 14, 2015, a month after the Good Governance administration comes into power, the approval to the recommence the operations of the Kantale Sugar factory is given.This was to be one of the first large scale FDIs under the administration. The selected investor is green lighted by the CCEM and by the Cabinet on June 17, 2015. Thus an agreement is signed between MG Sugar and the BoI. One of the conditions of the agreement was that MG Sugar must deposit US $ 10 million with the Sri Lankan government and on August 08, 2015 the company fulfills that obligation.

 

However the Ministry of Lands keeps on delaying what it needs to do on its part and places many hurdles to prevent the investment from taking place. Dr. IK Mahanama, who is the secretary to the Ministry of Lands informs the investor, repeatedly, that he can prevent the delays from the AGs department and that nothing will do done without his approval.

The Minister of Lands at that time was M. K. A. D. S. Gunawardana, who represented Trincomalee District and he wanted to develop Kantale, which in a part of Trincomalee District, which would have strengthened his hold in that area. However the Minister passes away on January 2016 and was replaced by John Amaratunga, who had a lot on his plate. Taking advantage of the lack of interest from the Minister Dr. Mahanama runs the Ministry as he pleases and he informs the investor that he needs US $ 3 million to ensure that the deal goes through. However at this point the investor had in fact deposited US $ 10 million with the government.

 

I received information of this development in early 2016 and I had exposed this on various occasions using the platform of Anti Corruption Front and the Centre for Human Rights. The head of the BoI at that time was Upul Jayasuriya who responded by saying that although he approves investments, secretary to the ministry of Lands, Dr. Mahanama and Secretary to the Ministry of Power, Suren Batagoda places constant obstacles, which delays the investments. After this revelation Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade, Malik Samarawickrama made life difficult for Jayasuriya, which eventually lead to his resignation.

On the statement the investor has given to the Bribery Commission, it is said that Dr. Mahanama again demanded US $ 3 million on May 2017. The payment was to be made at the parking lot of a restaurant in Wattala. On September 2017 Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake also approaches the investor and demands a bribe during a meeting at Waters’ Edge Hotel. Between October 2017 and February 2018 Mahanama and Dissanayake demands a bribe from the investor on four separate occasions and threatens that they won’t allow the project to take place unless the bribe is paid (meeting place State Timber Cooperation Chairman’s office).

Sugar cane planting begins

On April 2017 land for the cultivation of sugar cane is given and on September 17, 2017 the cultivation begins. At this point Mahanama once again threatens the investor that unless he receives his bribe he will retake the land earmarked for sugar cane planting. By this time the investor had brought his British and South African partners to Sri Lanka.

Feeling that he has no other choice the investor approaches the Bribery Commission on February 2018. According to what has been revealed, Dr. Mahanama has told the investor that he needs to take a bribe because he wants an income after he retires. Mahanama has claimed that he plans to construct a building near the University of Kelaniya and rent it out.

Extorting money from investors

One of the tactics used by unscrupulous people like Mahanama is that they prepare cabinet papers with that make it difficult for investors to commence work, unless a bribe is paid. For example when preparing the cabinet paper regarding this investment, Mahanama states that none of the old machinery of Kantale Sugar factory can’t be given to the new company and that he proposes to sell the old machines as scrap iron. In fact he calls for a tender to sell these machines at an estimated cost of Rs 340 million after misleading the President and the Prime Minister.

Article  7.9 of the shareholders agreement states that

The investor/company agrees to take possession of land and premises from the GOSL described in Article 7.1.1 (other than that described in Article 7.1.1 (c) with all the infrastructure and machinery, on an as is basis and no guarantee is given that any infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose. The company may do as it may deem appropriate with the infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements at it’s own cost or use them as it may deem suitable.

Thus all the ‘infrastructure, machinery, buildings or implements subsisting on the land or premises are usable or suitable for any purpose’must be handed over to the investor for the 51% stake the government gets. Mahanama attempts to create an impression that the company is trying to sell the machinery as scrap metal and obtains an estimate to sell them, since there is no assistance from the government, the investor gets into trouble. If they go for arbitration, that committee is appointed by the Ministry Secretary. Mahanama tried to obtain US $ 3 million to release these assets to the company or around Rs 540 million. Then he later reduces his demand to Rs 100 million.

MG Sugar goes for arbitration in Singapore against the constant harassment and Mahanama retires, only to return as President’s Chief of Staff. He again approaches the investor promising to iron out all the issues he has and brings in Chairman of the State Timber Corporation P. Dissanayake to act as a mediator.

Dissanayake who was the secretary to former President Chandrika Bandaranaike is a past master of extortion. He was known as ‘Bar Piya’ among MPs in the 90s and early 00s and has amassed considerable assets including two two story houses at Gregory’s Rad, an apartment at Union Place, three bars in Gampaha, one in Matara and two houses in Battaramulla.

However the two men didn’t know that the investor had already approached the Bribery Commission and that a number of officials had been keeping an eye on this case for a while.

This incident must not be considered an isolated incident or an indication of increasing corruption under the UNFGG government. For decades the investors who come to Sri Lanka have learnt that they need to pay large bribes to get their work on track. An investor who refuses to pay a bribe has no one to turn to. The BoI, whose Chairman is the highest paid state official (Rs 1 million), takes no responsibility after the initial agreement. In fact accessing the Chairman is more difficult than reaching the President or the Prime Minister. The Kantale investor told me that the only person who listened to his grievance was former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayaka.

He is also a businessman who has been working in Sri Lanka since 1994 and has high level connections. Any other investor would have just quit and told his collages never to invest in Sri Lanka.

The other point to consider is how Mahanama became the Chief of Staff of the President. I have repeatedly complained about Mahanama and a number of other organizations have raised concerns about his behaviour. However despite all of that he is appointed Chief of Staff of the President. I have also raised concerns about seven other state officials but there has been no investigations against them. This makes the public disillusioned about the government, which can only benefit the Rajapaksas.

(attached images of the Kantale during the early days of the project Nov. 2017 to March 2018)

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon,

Executive Director CaFFE/CHR

‘May ape Mahanama!’

May 7th, 2018

Reports that President Maithripala Sirisena was surprised at the recent arrest of his chosen Chief of Staff, H M Mahanama, and another senior aide, in a multi-million corruption scandal, should not shock the nation. It has been in the making for long, and in every administration for decades now, no questions asked, or no solutions sought to be found.

What, however, should surprise the Sirisena camp, though not the necessarily the nation as a whole, is the fact of the President seemingly caught unawares over the arrests. If the media narratives alone are to be believed at the moment, then no one seemed to have alerted the President’s Office about the ongoing investigations, however covet they maybe, involving a high-level official on his personal, political and administrative staff, when rolled into one.

article_image

Barring his closest acolytes nearer home and ‘friends’, if any, overseas, none had believed the ‘high moral ground’ that Sirisena had taken since the closing days of his ministerial career under then boss and President Mahinda Rajapaksa, whom he sought to replace – and replaced, indeed. But anyone who knew the trajectory of the nation’s politics and political class should have expected that his UNP allies would be waiting for the day when they could pull out the ‘corruption sword’ that he had dug deep into their skin and beyond, and push it deep under his own – without pain or prevarication.

Rather, as and when Sirisena took the pulpit on the bonds scam, it should have been known that given a chance, his political allies and adversaries alike would target him, if and when they found an opportunity. To think that the arrested duo, and whoever was behind them, if any, had not looked at the possibilities, and acted in such a callous manner should show how casual has corruption come to dominate the present government and the polity that they guide – as it used to be under the predecessor Rajapaksa regime.

The irony of the current situation is that even on the day his top aides were being hauled up for corruption President Sirisena was reported to be talking about his government having ended up as much. This does not mean that anyone can pre-judge the issue, particularly in the political and moral contexts of it all knocking at the doors of the President – but the dictum that ‘Caesar’s wife should be above suspicion’ is as much applicable here as with the ‘bonds scam’ as with every other graft charge, big and small, against the Rajapaksas.

Normal course…

“May ape Mahanama?”, or ‘Our Mahanama?”… Sirisena is reported to have exclaimed twice when the news about the arrest of his top aide was broken to him. News reports have also spoken about their long, personal equations even before Mahanama had retired as Secretary in the Land Ministry.

According to these reports, the President had been alerted TO some deal or the other of the kind where an aide or aides of his might have been involved, but no names seemed to have been mentioned, at least to him until after the arrests. Did it mean that Sirisena wanted to stay above all graft arrests of the kind, or his camp did not anticipate anything of the kind being investigated to the point of such arrests being made without informing his office, and possibly obtaining at least an informal clearance in the matter?

Since being informed of the arrests, Sirisena is known to have directed the sacking of the two, including State Timber Corporation Chairman, P. Dissanayake, and also strict action against the ‘offenders’. In the normal course, an outright sacking or a forced resignation would have preceded such arrests of top aides of highly-placed government leaders, if only not to ‘compromise’ the high constitutional positions they hold in the national scheme – whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere.

No-holds barred attacks?

If this has anything to do with the political one-upmanship between the UNP leader of the government and the SLFP leader of the State is anybody’s guess, but digging deeper, someone or the other is bound to throw up more mud against each other – especially the high offices that their leaders hold in the present dispensation. From now on, it could well be a no-holds barred attack on each other, to the merriment of their common SLPP-JO adversary and the utter dismay of the rest of the nation!

Mahanama was reported to have more skeletons in his cupboard for long, and was said to be under investigation not very long ago. Any full-scale probe just now could well seek to know the truth behind such allegations. More importantly, there could be questions why in such a case Sirisena put him up at an even more important post after his retirement.

If probed by a parliamentary committee, MPs may want to know the kind of pre-appointment verification processes, if any, to such high positions closer to the centre of power. Even without such a probe, parliamentarians would want to know if Sirisena would now want to appoint a presidential commission of inquiry to probe the case as with many others against the Rajapaksas in particular – and if so how does he intend insulating himself and his office, to make it all look non-partisan.

A sitting Supreme Court Judge heading such a probe alone may be in order, but that requires other formalities to be completed. A retired judge heading such a probe, where the appointing authority may also be the unintended subject matter of the probe, could create more problems of credibility than solving any in terms of morality – where Sirisena’s public standing from the day he became the presidential candidate first, and President later, is all at stake.

Quiet operator

It is not as if Sirisena’s moral standing was impeccable through his four decades and more in public life before he became the presidential candidate. Ahead of the presidential polls of 2015, anyone was better to a section of the voters (who were also the ‘deciding factor’ in a close tie) than incumbent Rajapaksa. Multiple factors, including the ‘ethnic issue’, were involved, and as Health Minister under Mahinda R, Sirisena was known to have quietly cultivated a section of the TNA leadership, both at the national-level and also in the Northern Province, where the Alliance had come to elected power in 2013.

But then, post-poll and after Sirisena had become President, a brother of his was killed in an ‘incident’ in native Polonnaruwa, where the family’s name was not as impeccable as was being sought to be made out later on. The fact that Sirisena did grow up in esteem and stature, and visibly so, could not be questioned, particularly in such departments as the one where Mahanama has since been arrested, cannot be questioned. But then, he retained and built upon his poll-image as a quiet operator par excellence may be working even more against him, now from the poll-time friends of his choice and making than the enemies that he had made then and continue to make them feel so, despite their advances during the later-day twin polls to Parliament first, and the local governments across the nation, more recently!

(The writer is Director, Chennai Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation, the multi-disciplinary Indian public-policy think-tank, headquartered in New Delhi. email: sathiyam54@gmail.com)

Having robbed CBSL, UNP eyeing Samurdhi bank – MR ‘President desperate to prevent more defections’

May 7th, 2018

Courtesy The Island


The UNP was now eyeing the assets of the Samurdhi Bank greedily after robbing the Central Bank, Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa said, yesterday, addressing the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) May Day rally in Galle.

Commenting on President Maithripala Sirisena’s declaration that he would not retire from politics in 2020, Rajapaksa said: “He has to say this. Otherwise, the few SLFP MPS who remain in the government will also decamp.”

By postponing the International Workers’ Day to May 07 the government had insulted the working class, Rajapaksa said, claiming that the government taxed the people in a worse manner than notorious British Governor Torrington.

Rajapaksa said: “This is the largest May day rally in our history. We brought the government to its knees by holding a massive rally in Galle Face last year. Now, the government will crawl.”

The former President said the incumbent government was not capable of governing even a Grama Niladari division and that the country had become a police state.

“Things are so bad that gangsters are given police protection for their weddings. There is no security for the people, but underworld goons are well protected. Due to political instability and the breakdown in the law and order situation, foreign investors are leaving the country.”

තවත් වැඩ තිබෙන නිසා 2020දී විශ‍්‍රාම නොයන බව ජනපති මඩකලපුවේදී කියයි.. හැරෙන තැපෑලෙන් පිලිතුරු ගාල්ලේදී විමල් දෙයි..

May 7th, 2018

 lanka C news

2020 වසරේදී තමන් විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නැති බව ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා සදහන් කරයි.

තවත් කල යුතු වැඩ බොහෝ තිබෙන නිසා තමන් විශ‍්‍රාම යන්නේ නැතැයිද ජනාදීපතිවරයා කියා සිටියේය.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව කියා සිටියේ මඩකලපුවේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂ මැයි රැළිය අමතමිනි.

තවත් වැඩ තිබෙන නිසා 2020දී විශ‍්‍රාම නොයන බව ජනපති මඩකලපුවේදී කියයි.. හැරෙන තැපෑලෙන් පිලිතුරු ගාල්ලේදී විමල් දෙයි..

ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ මෙම ප‍්‍රකාශයට ගාල්ලේදී පැවති ඒකාබද්ද මැයි රැළියේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පිලිතුරු දුන්නේය.

ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට අලූත්තෙන් විශ‍්‍රාම යන්නට දෙයක් නැති බවත් පෙබරවාරි 10 වැනිදා මැතිවරණයෙන් 14%ක ඇද දමා ජනතාව විසින් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විශ‍්‍රම ගන්වා ඇති බවයි.

පාක්ෂිකයන් රඳවාගන්න ජනපති 2020 ගැන කියනවා – හිටපු ජනපති

May 7th, 2018

රොමේෂ් ධනුෂ්ක සිල්වා සහ නාලක සංජීව දහනායක උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

‘ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයා මඩකළපුවේදී කිව්වා 2020 දී එයා විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නෑ  කියලා.  එතුමාට එහෙම කියන්නේ නැතිව මේ වෙලාවේ  ශ්‍රි ලංකා නිදහස් පාක්ෂිකයින් රඳවා ගන්න වෙන ක්‍රමයක් නැහැ ‘ යැයි හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පැවසීය.
 
ගාල්ල සමනළ ක්‍රීඩාංගණයේදී     පැවැත්වෙන මැයි රැලියේදී හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

 
‘‘මේ ආණ්ඩුව ජනතාවට කරපු ලොකුම අපහාසය තමයි  මැයි පළමු වැනිදා  සමරන්න තිබුණු ලෝක කම්කරු දිනය මැයි 07 වැනිදාට කල් දාපු එක. ඒ වගේම  කියන්න ඕනි  සුද්දගේ කාලේ ටොරින්ටන් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයා තමයි  වැඩිම බදු ගහපු කෙනා. ඊට පස්සේ   මේ වත්මන්  ආණ්ඩුව තමයි වැඩිම බදු ගහපු ආණ්ඩුවක් විදියට හඳුන්වන්න පුළුවන්.‘‘  

‘ජනාධිපති බලයට කෑදරයි‘- ටිල්වින් සිල්වා

May 7th, 2018

උපුටාගැණීම ලංකාදීප

‘ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්තයා මොනදේ කිව්වත් කළත් බලයට කෑදරයි. එතුමා කියනවා 2020 දී විශ්‍රාම යන්නේ නෑ කියලා.මෙච්චර කාලයක් කරපු දේවල් මදිද .මේ සේවය නම් තවත් එපා ‘ යැයි  ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණු  ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් ටිල්වින් සිල්වා මහතා පැවසීය.

කොළඹ බී.ආර්.සී. ක්‍රිඩාංගණයේ පැවැත්වෙන මැයි දින රැලිය අමතමින් ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වු ටිල්වින් සිල්වා මහතා.

‘මේ ජනාධිපති පුටුවේ කවුරු වාඩිවුණත්  දාලා යන්නේ නෑ.කූඩැල්ලා මෙට්ට් තිබ්බා වගේ තමයි.මෙය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයට මරු පහරක්. අපි ආරම්භ කරපු සටන ලේසියෙන් නවත්වන්නේ නැහැ. අපිට නැති නෙවන්න කිසි දෙයක් නැහැ. අපි ජයග්‍රහණය කරා යනවාමයි.

President says he won’t retire in 2020

May 7th, 2018

Courtesy The Island

President Maithripala Sirisena, yesterday, announced that he would not retire from politics in 2020, as a lot more remained to be done for the country. Addressing the SLFP May Day rally, at Chenkalady, Batticaloa, the President said the country needed many more honest politicians.

“The country does not need corrupt politicians. There are no political leaders who love the people. Some dream of forming a government in 2020. We will support a programme which promotes reconciliation.”

President Sirisena said those who dreamt of capturing power did not genuinely care for the poor and the people should be able to see their duplicity. The country had got an opportunity to achieve development, using the goodwill and the trust of the international community.

“Politicians must be honest and we need a group of honest leaders. Some say we are weak, but we will emerge stronger in the near future,” Sirisena said.

The President noted that trade unions and the working class could play a significant role in the reconciliation process.

“Some political groups disparage what we have done to promote reconciliation. We must understand that we can’t solve all the problems with the help of guns.”

TAMIL SEPARATIST MOVEMENT AFTER EELAM WAR IV

May 6th, 2018

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Rajapaksa government did not sit back after winning Eelam War IV in May 2009. They knew the LTTE was waiting to come back. After defeating the LTTE, the army continued to mop up LTTE cells. One group was operating in the eastern jungles at the end of 2009 supported by 50 armed cadres. There are sleeper LTTE cadres elsewhere in Sri Lanka, said the army in 2009. They are in the cities, doing odd jobs in different parts of the country and waiting till the time comes to activate themselves. They had hidden explosives and weapons in abandoned houses, bare lands, and unused boutiques.

Police had recovered several such stocks of explosives during the last few months, some after tip off by the public. Guns, explosives, and suicide jackets were recovered from abandoned lands in Mount Lavinia and Wattala. People should be concerned about houses which see a lot of activity at night but remain close during the day, warned the authorities. People should be vigilant about abandoned houses, small boutiques which have been closed for long and bare lands.

Huge caches of buried arms have been regularly unearthed from 2009 onwards. A separate LTTE group has been appointed to hide things, while another lot did the fighting.  In 2009, STF unearthed a large quantity of explosives in Iranamadu, also claymore mines and 87 other varieties of bombs and ammunition.

In 2010 Arms cache was found in Alanchipotha, Welikanda inside a sanctuary located 15 km away from Mahaweli River. It was buried by fleeing LTTE cadres. Assault rifles, T 56, mortar bombs, mortar weapons, RPG bombs, pressure mines, drums, walkie talkies chargers, walkie talkie parts, remote control devices, anti aircraft ammunition, claymore mines and more were found there.

Sri Lanka Air Force recovered two caches of arms from Pudukuduirippu, in 2010, with the assistance of LTTE cadres. They included ammunition, mortar bombs, mortar smoke bombs, air craft bombs, RPG bombs, hand grenades, fuses, mortars, pressure witches, pressure releases, instantiation fuses, explosives, claymore mines, anti tank mines, smoke bombs, rocket bombs and gunpowder. Arms and weapons were also found in Adampan, Alampil, Vishvamadu, and Oddusudan areas.

Weapons were found at Wellamulliwaikai beach, Vavuniya, including  guns, magazines, and three rifles.  Bullets were found in Karadippooval river bank, Batticaloa district. Explosives were found at Weli Oya in 2013. Army recovered an arms cache in Kumana National Park, including detonators, outboard motor, oil cans, and outboard motor RPG rounds.

In 2010, acting on information received from ex LTTE cadres in custody, Navy had recovered 1004 kg of C4 plastic explosives buried at Molikulam, Silavathurai. Three army personnel were injured in a blast while defusing bombs in Vilasikulam in Mannar in 2015. These bombs were detected by an NGO who informed the security forces.

There is no war on now, but war preparedness is necessary and the armed forces must continue as they are,  said Gotabhaya Rajapakse, then Secretary, Defence in 2012. Maintaining a sizeable army and establishing army camps in strategic locations throughout Sri Lanka is essential. Especially in the jungle areas in which the LTTE established camps and conducted operations. Defeating the LTTE was not an easy task. It took an integrated land, sea and air offensive to do so.

Army camps in the north will not be removed under any circumstances, said   President   Rajapaksa in 2014. The army will not be withdrawn from the Northern Province. ‘If all the Provincial Councils ask me to remove the army then where am I to keep the army?’

In 2009,   immediately after the war, the government announced that it would strengthen the military presence   in the north with permanent army bases and additional headquarters at Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi army camps were upgraded to the status of “Security Forces Headquarters” commanded by Major Generals, similar to the existing SFHQs in Vavuniya and Jaffna. Lands taken over for Eelam War IV will be progressively vacated but certain army camps, including Acchuveli and Mirusuvil camps will remain, said the army.

Military camps have been established in all districts, said the army in 2014. Officers and men would now reside in these camps. Permanent army bases would be established on either side of the A9 road. Land close to Ports and airports have been taken over. Private lands would be taken over, where necessary, paying compensation. However, land in the Jaffna High security Zone is mostly government land. Domestic security was not forgotten.Police stations would be set up in over 50 locations in the north and east with headquarters at Kilinochchi, said the government in 2009.

One of the greatest strengths of the LTTE was that it was   able to smuggle weapons through the sea. They smuggled light aircraft, surface to air missiles, surface to surface missiles, artillery guns, heavy and medium mortar, armored vehicles, and enormous amounts of ammunitions and explosives through the sea. LTTE had extensively used their bases along the north western regions to bring in supplies from India across the Gulf of Manner.

It is essential that the Navy be strengthened to prevent this happening, said Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in 2012. The government will reposition its naval and air assets to support ground deployment in coastal areas, and thwart any future attempt to open up illegal sea routes to the country, especially in the north eastern seas.

Of the six Naval commands four are in the north and east.  Navy has shifted its north western HQ from Puttalam to Mullikulam to exercise naval control from Udappuwa to Arippu. There will be navy cantonments at key locations in the north, east, and northwestern coast,

Sri Lanka Navy has established a cantonment camp at Mollikulam coastal areas. This was to be the first in a series of satellite camps along the coastal belt from Karuwalakuda to Pukkulam and 29 km extension in the Wilpattu National Park. A road will be constructed to run parallel to this. LTTE had used these areas for their activities. These camps will prevent this, reported the media.

NGOs had  objected to the reopening of the old Mannar road (Puttalam- Marichchikaddi) NGOs had also objected to other  such efforts   which were intended  to deny LTTE an opportunity to make a comeback.

Air defense was important and the Air force would not revert to its ceremonial role. Air defense cannot be neglected as long as the LTTE remained active overseas. Iranamadu and Mullaitivu   airstrips will become air force bases with runways.    Iranamadu, the main base, would accommodate fighter jets. A radar station has been set up at Pidurutalagala.

Sri Lanka had decided to drop the purchase of Russian fighter jet, Mikoyan MiG 29 since the war was over, but a veteran fighter pilot said that this jet should be the first choice of Sri Lanka when a replacement was sought for Kfirs and MIGs 27s.

The government of Sri Lanka continued to watch the LTTE after the end of Eelam War IV. The government found that LTTE was trying to revive the movement in Malaysia, using Malaysia as a transit point, hideout and a new base of operation. LTTE had transferred their centre of operations to Malaysia. There is a rapid buildup of the LTTE base in Malaysia. It will function as the major gathering point of top Tiger operatives,    said analysts. The navy had destroyed most of the vessels owned by the LTTE, but the group was still operating a few vessels and were on the lookout for fresh arms.

After the death of Prabhakaran, the leadership went into the hands of K. Pathmanathan, known as KP. “KP” was the LTTE chief procurement officer of arms and ammunition. KP has been criss-crossing the world in pursuit of the best weapons. He was also LTTE’s chief negotiator. KP is one of the most wanted men in the world, said the media. Interpol has issued a red notice on him. He is wanted for gun and drug running. He is also wanted for the murder of Rajiv Gandhi.

KP has been busy re-establishing the LTTE reported the media in 2009. Analysts predicted in 2009 that KP will focus on taking control of all financial deposits the LTTE keeps in various secret accounts. He will also secure control of the group’s most important assets, including its shipping operations. The LTTE is a resilient and versatile movement. It is not a spent force, said   KP.

Bogollagama said in 2009 that a determined effort was being made to revive the LTTE though the group had lost its fighting capacity. ‘They are planning ahead, may be to take us on in about ten years’. An international operation seemed to be underway in support of the group, added the media. A Colombo based diplomat had been spotted in Thailand talking to KP.

Sri Lanka asked for the extradition of KP”. They want him handed over to Sri Lanka for questioning. KP lived in both Thailand and Malaysia and the cooperation of both countries was needed to nab him. KP was arrested in August 2009. This was due to hard work done for nearly two months with the help of several countries.

It was a brilliant operation masterminded by Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, said Rohan Guneratne. The operation had begun even before Eelam War IV had ended. The key to fighting terrorism is firstly, innovative leadership and secondly, obtaining real time intelligence on terrorists, their movements and travel patterns, said Guneratne. Gotabhaya succeeded in both these. Gotabhaya is a master strategist, concluded Guneratne.

‘KP’ thought he would be killed. ‘We never expected the army to welcome us warmly, particularly at Palaly the main airbase in the Jaffna peninsula, said KP in interview. But the government allowed us to meet senior officials including top security forces commanders to exchange views. Yahapalana government however locked him up. He will be charged, said Yahapalana .

In what could be described as the third blow to the LTTE after losing the war, and getting hold of KP, Sri Lanka has seized three LTTE ships owned by KP, reported the media. They are expensive craft used by LTTE for transportation of arms, ammunition and human smuggling. They are coming into Sri Lanka under tight security, in December 2009.  The port of embarkation would be kept secret.

The Sri Lanka government  designated 424 individuals and sixteen organizations including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) under the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373 of 2011 ( UNSCR 1378) by Gazette Extraordinary No 1856/41 dated March 21st 2014.  424 individuals from 19 countries including Sri Lanka have been listed. Those listed are  preponderantly from the Global Tamil Diaspora. They are living in Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, India, Malaysia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, UK and the USA.

Among those listed as designated individuals are the self-styled Prime minister of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) Visuvanathan Ruthirakumaran, Global Tamil Forum (GTF)President Rev. Fr. Seemanpillai Joseph Emmanuel, LTTE International secretariat leader Perinbanayagam Sivaparan alias Nediyavan” and LTTE Headquarters leader Segarampillai Vinayagamoorthy alias” Vinayagam”. Apart from these four several present and former parliament members” from the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam have been listed.

Government has proscribed 16 organizations functioning as terrorist fronts on foreign soil. They are LTTE , Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO), Tamil Coordinating Committee (TCC), British Tamil Forum  (BTF),  World Tamil Movement (WTM), Canadian Tamil Congress, Australian Tamil Congress, Global Tamil Forum, (GTF), National council of Canadian Tamils, Tamil National Council, Tamil Youth Organization , World Tamil Coordinating Committee, Transnational government of Tamil Eelam, Tamil Eelam Peoples Assembly, World Tamil Relief Fund, and Headquarters group.”

Government intends to pursue and dismantle the LTTE overseas network, not allow them to continue to raise funds and have operations overseas and keep them on the run without allowing them to pursue their terrorist goals. They are looking into the possibility of overseas prosecutions. Also the possibility of extradition or having them prosecuted in their   countries of domicile. In 2002 the government was able to get the Australian authorities to prosecute the LTTE fundraising cell in Australia which is said to have financed the first Tiger aircraft.

However, that will not be easy. LTTE remains strong overseas. Although LTTE is weakened in Sri Lanka, the LTTE Global remained a very capable and active organization said Rohan Guneratne in 2009. . There is a vast LTTE network in North America, Europe, and Asia. The LTTE offices and assets overseas are largely intact.

The LTTE abroad has now broken into three sections, Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE). Global Tamil Forum (GFT) and ‘Nediyawan faction’ in Norway titled ‘International Council of Eelam Tamils’. The Tamil National Alliance of Sri Lanka (TNA) is the local representative in these three groups.

Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) was inaugurated in May 2010 in the US. It is composed of representatives of Tamil organizations from all over the world   and has a 14 member advisory group.  However, more than 85% refrained from voting” at the election in 2010, said an analyst, somewhat vaguely. The head of the TGTE is Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran, a lawyer living in New York. Rudrakumaran was formerly the legal adviser to the LTTE. TGTE has established offices in all the European countries where there is a significant number of Tamil Diaspora. It has held three sessions in USA in   2010 and 2011.

TGTE said that that like the Jews, the Tamil community was a transnational population, no longer confined to a single nation, a community like that needs a transnational government to meet its needs. Therefore, a government in exile will be set up. However,  an  expert on counter terrorism, Shanaka Jayasekera, did not think the world will take the TGTE seriously.

TGTE is also committed to an independent sovereign state of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka’s north and east.   ‘Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter’ of the TGTE states ‘the creation of an independent and sovereign state of Tamil Eelam remain the only viable option to lead a life with security, dignity and equality both individually and collectively. For over six decades we have struggled through both non violent means and armed resistance to protect ourselves from state sponsored genocide. The north east of Sri Lanka is our tradition homeland and will be the territory of Tamil Eelam. The maritime and aerial limits of Tamil Eelam will be established according to international laws.”

Global Tamil Forum (GFT) was started in 2010 and is headed by Fr S.J.Emmanuel, former Vicar General of Jaffna, now in Germany. Global Tamil Forum  consists of 14 Tamil Diaspora groups, including ATC Australia, BTF UK, DFTA Denmark, NCET Norway, NZTC and WTS New Zealand, STF Sweden, TRF Malaysia, USTPAC US, ETU Europe, TEMP France, CTC Canada, TCF+KV Netherlands, MT Mauritius, STF Switzerland, and GT Italy.

Global Tamil Forum grew out of the British Tamil Forum, (BTF) which had been established in 2006 to influence British opinion. All major British political parties were represented at the inauguration of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) in the House of Commons in February 2010. BTF funded the setting up of the GTF Secretariat in London.

BTF has a strong present in UK and does constituency based lobbying, influencing British politicians. In 2014 The British Tamil Forum organization a two day conference in the UK to censure Sri Lanka. One session was scheduled to take place in the House of Commons and a delegation of the TNA had arrived from Sri Lanka for this conference.

‘International Council of Eelam Tamils’ based in Norway, is  known also as the Nediyawan faction. The movement started in 2009 immediately after the war. It is  led by Perimpanayagam Sivapalan, known as Nediyawan, a hard core LTTEer.  Nediyawan is only a figure head, the matter is controlled by a group of pro LTTE activists said one analyst.  This movement controls more than 150 Tamil schools in Europe. These schools are used to inculcate Tamil nationalist sentiments and hatred toward Sinhalese in the mind of the younger generation of Tamils said an analyst.

The three factions cooperate, but they occasionally fight with each other. Nediyawan faction objected to the appointment of Rudrakumaran as head of TGTE. The leaders of these three groups are interested only in building their personal and political power and financial strength, said Rohan Guneratne. These leaders and their children are   very well off in Europe.

There are   smaller groups too. There is the ‘Tamilnet clique’ led by Jayachandran in Oslo and Sreetharan in Canada. Also Canadian HART  launched in 2008 by LTTE front organizations such as  the Canadian Tamil Congress  and the Tamil Youth Organization  of Canada (TYO). LTTE tiger flag flies on the home page of TYO Canada.

Global Tamil Forum is the nosiest and most visible of these organizations. In 2014, the Global Tamil Forum  urged the UK to intervene on its behalf at the UN Security Council to prevent Sri Lanka government exploiting UN Security Council Resolution 1373 of 2011 ( UNSCR 1378) to attack 16 Diaspora groups as well as 424 individual. This was its response to Sri Lanka’s action of March 2014. In 2016 a delegation of the GTF, representing US, UK, Canada, Australia and Germany met USA’s Assistant Secretary of State, Nisha Biswal and Assistant Secretary for Human rights,  Tom Malinowski at Washington.

In 2013, Global Tamil Forum stated that all concerned Tamil organisations had met in Berlin in January 2013, on Tamil genocide, destruction of Tamil people’s identity, oppression, threat to Tamil claim to north and east, and legitimate aspiration of Tamil people through negotiated political solution. This was a continuation of the discussion that started in Nov 2012. Participants included TGTE, GTF, and International Council of Eelam Tamils. The Sri Lanka component consisted of Tamil National alliance, Tamil National Peoples Forum, and Tamil civil society representatives.

Soon after the end of Eelam War IV,   there was a show of violence by the LTTE abroad. These were due to the disbelief, shock and other emotions over the fact that the so-called invincible LTTE had lost, said Shanaka Jayasekera  Pro LTTE sympathisers abroad are fast reaching a level of desperation.

There were demonstrations against the government of   Sri Lanka in London, Paris, Berlin, Toronto, Washington   and Brussels. For the Brussels demo, at the EU, demonstrators were brought in buses from neighboring countries.

LTTE protesters targeted embassies. They attacked the Sri Lanka embassy in Netherlands, and smashed window panes. In Britain, LTTE supporters in London attacked four embassies. They attacked the Sri Lanka and Indian High Commissions as well as the Chinese embassy. They also attacked the Vietnamese embassy. ‘That looks odd,’ said the media, and pointed out that Vietnam had opposed placing Sri Lanka on the Security Council agenda at the time.

In Britain, LTTE supporters had scaled the roof of Westminster Abbey in London and were arrested. Suspected LTTE supporters glass fronts of five ‘Sams Chicken’ outlets owned by Sam Chandrasena. He had donated a large sum to Api wenuwen Api.  More seriously, acid had been thrown at two Sinhala youth in Harrow, England. LTTE protesters blocked an express highway in Toronto.

There is new trend of violence initiated by Tamil Tigers in Australia, said H.L.D. Mahindpala in 2009. They have engaged in violent attacks of the Sinhalese there and attacked Sinhalese students who participated in a peace rally held in Victoria. One student was critically injured. Six Sinhala shops in Melbourne were attacked the same night. No arrests were made. The victims were blamed.

LTTE protestors also specially targeted Buddhism. A Buddhist temple in Paris was attacked in 2009. LTTE was suspected to be behind it.   In 2009 LTTE attacked Sri Saddhatissa International Buddhist centre in Kingsbury, London and smashed seven windows.  One of the CCTV cameras had been removed earlier.  This was the tenth time this temple had been attacked, reported the media.

In 2013 it was the turn of the Sri Lanka bhikkhus. Ven. Udathalawinne Wageesa was attacked, at Chennai railway station. He was leading a group of pilgrims returning from Buddha Gaya.  Also in 2013, Ven. Pathberiya Gnanaloka was assaulted by Tamil groups at Tanjavur where he was on a study tour, with students of the Institute of Archaeology of the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. He had been at the Institute, for the last one and half years.

Surprisingly Catholics were also targeted. In 2013 a group of catholic pilgrims were forced to abandon a pilgrimage to Velankanni and return. The windscreen of their bus was smashed.  Smashing up windows is the latest activity of the LTTE supporters, said the media.


Copyright © 2026 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress