BY Buddhika Samaraweera Courtesy The Morning

• Elections likely to be end-April or early-May

The Election Commission (EC) stated that all legal issues related to holding the Local Government (LG) Elections have been resolved and that the Election date will be announced in early March 2025.

It was reported that the EC is scheduled to meet tomorrow (27), during which a decision on the date for the LG Elections is expected to be made.

Speaking to The Daily Morning about the preparations for declaring the elections, EC Chairperson R.M.A.L. Rathnayake said that the declaration could not be made during the course of this month due to a certain administrative issue.

Nominations must be accepted within 14 to 17 days from the date of declaration. However, if the declaration is made in the remaining days of this month, the nomination period will have to begin in the week starting from 10 March. The Thursday of that week being a holiday is an issue as nominations should be accepted continuously for three and a half days. To avoid that, we will be making the declaration in early March,” he noted.

He also said that all legal issues related to holding the LG Elections have now been resolved as the decisions pertaining to the relevant legal proceedings have been delivered by the respective courts.

The LG Elections were initially scheduled for March 2023, but the Finance Ministry, along with the General Treasury, had not released the required funds to the EC. As a result, the EC rescheduled the elections to April 2023. However, since the funds were not released by that time either, the EC was forced to postpone it indefinitely. As per a recent gazette notification issued by the Ministry of Public Administration, Provincial Councils, and LG, the LG bodies are scheduled to convene for the first time on 2 June after the elections. 

Sources from the EC indicated that the LG Elections are expected to take place either at the end of April or in the first week of May.

Insight Written by Yunnan Chen, Tom Hart Courtesy ODI Global

This year’s G20 presidency has shifted to South Africa, under which sovereign debt will be a key priority. South Africa is pushing for a review of the G20’s Common Framework (CF) for debt treatments, five years since its creation during the Covid-19 crisis in 2020. It was part of broader G20 debt relief efforts to alleviate the economic impacts of the pandemic, but also to bring to the table both official creditors and commercial creditors and bondholders for the first time to work in tandem.

The CF has delivered substantive debt relief – as we show below – but these restructurings illustrate the significant challenges in how contemporary restructurings for low and middle-income countries work: that they are too little, too late and too complex.

Too little, reflecting tensions over the scope and size of debt relief, defined by the IMF debt sustainability analyses (DSA), and the treatment of domestic debt. Too late, due to the (weak) effectiveness of the Common Framework in enabling coordination and supporting inter-creditor equity to enable swift, efficient restructurings. And too complex because of the deployment of state-contingent debt instruments (SCDIs) in enabling restructurings, which may help incentivize bondholder participation – but at the cost of debt relief to borrowers.

Nearly three decades on since the HIPC initiative, the landscape of sovereign debt restructuring has shifted dramatically. Non-traditional creditors such as Chinese state-owned banks, as well as the growth of international bond markets, have transformed how and from whom countries borrow, and have complicated restructuring processes once dominated by the Paris Club.

Three landmark bondholder restructurings were concluded by the end of 2024: two, in Ghana and Zambia, were finalised under the Common Framework, and one, Sri Lanka, outside of the CF. A further Common Framework participant, Ethiopia, is yet to finalise negotiations. These cases illustrate the innovations and trends in bondholder restructurings, such as the CF and the use of SCDIs, but also the weaknesses of these tools, and of the broader debt restructuring architecture.

As these countries try to reset, what do their restructurings show about where the debt restructuring architecture is going? And how does the Common Framework need to evolve?

A tale of three restructurings: Ghana, Zambia and Sri Lanka

A debt restructuring aims to bring down a country’s debt burden to sustainable levels, providing sufficient breathing room in terms of debt relief so that these crises are resolved, and ensure that countries can once again gain access to international capital, and return to a sustainable economic growth path. The diverse cases over the last few years also illustrate the challenges and trade-offs involved in balancing the need for swift, efficient restructurings to restore capital market access, and the depth of debt relief needed to support longer-term sustainability.

The G20 Common Framework, used for Ghana and Zambia’s restructuring process, brings together all official creditors (Paris Club countries plus China and others) to negotiate in a single official creditor committee (OCC), which is then sequentially followed by negotiating with bondholder groups and commercial creditors. Ghana and Zambia respectively sought to restructure $13bn and $3bn of sovereign bonds. Sri Lanka, as an middle-income country, was not eligible for the CF, and pursued restructuring of their $12.5bn of bondholder debt through separate creditor committees with official creditors, Chinese creditors and bondholders.

Full Report

https://odi.org/en/insights/common-framework-uncommon-challenges-lessons-from-the-post-covid-debt-restructuring-architecture/

By A. Jathindra Courtesy Eurasia Review

We will not allow ourselves to be used against India – we will get help from anyone – on that basis we received help from China – for that China cannot use us to threaten India’s national security in the maritime area – we will not allow that,” stated the President of the Northern Province Rural Fishermen’s Association during a media briefing held in Jaffna recently, as reported by Eelanadu, a local Jaffna-based media outlet, on February 19, 2024.

Meanwhile, Jaffna-based local media has reported that fishermen from the Northern islands — Delft, Nainathivu, Eluvaithivu, Mandaithivu, Kayts, and Punkudithivu — plan to protest in front of the Fisheries Department office in Jaffna on the 27th of this week to condemn the encroachment of Indian fishermen. Earlier this month, senior Chinese embassy officials met with representatives of fishermen leaders at a hotel in Jaffna where the delegation was briefed on difficulties, particularly bottom trawling by Indian fishermen in the Northern Sea.

The categorization of Indian Fishermen’s Encroachments” and the opposition from Northern Fishermen” has paved the way for China’s involvement in this situation. Furthermore, this situation has the potential to heighten tensions between India and China in the Indian Ocean region. China appears to be trying to create the appearance of sympathy for the northern fishermen who are suffering from the encroachment of Indian fishermen. It should not be underestimated that sympathy shown to those affected may eventually turn into goodwill towards those who show sympathy.

The Northern Province fishermen’s associations have long alleged that their livelihoods are being affected by South Indian fishermen. However, there is a continuing stalemate in finding a permanent solution to this issue. South Indian fishermen continue to be arrested, and their belongings confiscated by Sri Lankan authorities. When South Indian fishermen are arrested, it is politicized in Tamil Nadu, while Northern fishermen in Sri Lanka continue to condemn and protest against the poaching by South Indian fishermen. This issue has also become a domestic political issue on both sides. New Delhi continues to insist on a humanitarian approach to this issue.

While the issue remains unresolved, antipathy towards Indian fishermen has strengthened among the coastal community in the Northern Province. In the past, the fishermen associations have also been involved in protests in front of the Consulate General of India, Jaffna in Sri Lanka. In a way, this issue has become a domestic factor for leveling accusations against India. It was against this backdrop that the Chinese Embassy in Sri Lanka reached out to the fishermen of the Northern Province and extended to the Eastern Province. However, historically China had never extended its helping hands to Tamils in the North and Eastern provinces until 2021.

In December 2021, the Chinese Ambassador Qi Zhenhong visited Jaffna for the first time. It was seen as an initial visit to gauge the mindset of Tamils in the North. During the trip, the Ambassador, wearing a Vesti (Hindu Traditional cloth) paid homage with Jaffna devotees at the Nallur Kandaswamy Temple, which is seen as a cultural symbol of the Jaffna middle class. Similarly, the Chinese Ambassador also visited the Jaffna Library, which is seen as a symbol in Tamil nationalist politics.

During this visit, China provided dry food items worth 20 million to the fishing community affected by Indian fishermen and granted Rs 1.5 billion worth of humanitarian assistance, which included a prefabricated housing scheme, fishing equipment, and packets of rice for fisherfolk communities in the Northern and Eastern provinces. This is only the start, the first phase,” Zhenhong promised fishermen in Jaffna.

In 2023, Zhenhong emphasized that No matter what kind of challenges and difficulties you face, the Chinese people will firmly stand with you, no matter in the past, now, or in the future,” Qi Zhenhong told a public gathering in Jaffna. He added further, We have great potential… Chinese investors and entrepreneurs have great interest in coming to the Northern Province. I hope the Northern Province also warmly welcomes Chinese investors and tourists to come to the Northern Province.”

The Chinese Ambassador was the first foreign diplomat to visit the North following the general election in November 2024 and appreciated that Tamils had made ‘a correct decision’ in helping the ruling National People’s Power (NPP), a cadre-based Marxist-Leninist party in Sri Lanka. Historically, northern-based Tamils have largely voted for Tamil parties that represent Tamil nationalism, but for the first time, they turned towards a deep south-based national party.

When it comes to the question of the ethno-politics of Sri Lanka, it is ironic that the Chinese embassy, which tactfully dismisses the issue with the rhetoric of ‘we do not interfere in the internal affairs’ of other countries, now says that China welcomes the Tamil people voting for the NPP. There is a hidden point in this too. India has always had a ‘say’ in the ethnic question of the Tamil people. If the Tamil people turn towards a national party, then China can also assume that India will no longer have a voice in the Tamil issue.

It is clear that China, which initially showed its main interest only in the Southern part of Sri Lanka, is now showing greater interest in the North and East provinces as well. After Gotabaya Rajapaksa came to power, the political environment pushed Colombo further into China’s lap. According to sources, the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government facilitated several Chinese ventures in northern Sri Lanka. During Rajapaksa’s tenure, his main point of contact, Eastern Province Governor Anuradha Yahampath, was keen to closely work with China. She convinced them of potential investment projects as well as plans of land available for Chinese projects, including land belonging to the Trincomalee Harbour and investment using Pulmoddai mineral sand. She also advocated for collaboration with Yunnan province of China. Even after being removed from governorship by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, she met with the Governor of Yunnan Province, China, Wang Yubo, who appreciated her efforts to develop the relationship between Yunnan province and the Eastern Province.

Apart from the efforts of the Eastern governor, China was eager to seek spaces to enhance its foothold in the Eastern province. When Ambassador Qi visited the Kayakerni archaeological site in the Eastern Province, he highlighted that Sri Lanka’s eastern coast has always been an important global trade hub on the Maritime Silk Road.

Why does China want to make inroads into the North and Eastern parts of Sri Lanka? Definitely, the answer is not for economic benefit. Many of India’s major strategic investment projects are based in the North and Eastern parts of Sri Lanka. Against this backdrop, China is seeking loopholes to increase its involvement in these provinces. According to the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, the North and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka are identified as the historical habitation of Tamil-speaking people, who have ethnically, linguistically, and culturally intertwined relationships with South India. In the understanding of the international connection of Tamils, India has always been the primary focus. China definitely would not underestimate this. However, China may consider this situation to be potentially reversible. It is imperative that India approaches this situation with the utmost seriousness.

• This article was published at The Centre for Strategic Studies — Trincomalee

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Security tightened outside Hulftsdorp court complex moments after underworld kingpin alias Ganemulla Sanjeewa was shot dead inside a courtroom

Last week, underworld kingpin Sanjeewa Kumara Samararathne, alias ‘Ganemulla Sanjeewa’, was shot dead inside the Colombo magistrate court by a gunman disguised as a lawyer. The killing, as shocking as it was, also highlighted major security lapses: Producing a high-risk inmate before the magistrate was unwanted at a time when much of bail hearings are taking place over Skype. 

However, what is equally disturbing is hyperventilating over the incident, projecting it as an existential threat to national security, which is not the case.

Sri Lankans have an obsession with lumping everything together in the realm of national security -from egg imports to the Millenium Cooperation grant of 480 million dollars, which the country lost due to a similar fallacy.  That effectively provides an expansive interpretation of national security, which not only makes the whole affair confusing but also dangerously leviathan. 

National security should be gauged in matters of priority concern for sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of the people – and challenges which may be latent now but have a historical record of seriously undermining the state and its very survival as a functional unit. 

The underworld is still law and order- concern unless the Sri Lankan underworld morphed into the kind of narco-mafias in much of Latin America, which are essentially states within states.

While this description may sound superficial or overly philosophical, there is a point where the difference between the two would be laid bare most graphically. If a nation is faced with a serious threat to its national security, which, by extension, is an existential threat to its survival and security of its people, a state worth its salt would use all means available, right and wrong, and necessary evil, to defeat it. In the extremes, though not unusual, the law and order and moral and ethical conventions take a back seat because the state should survive in a functional form for the law and order within it to exist. 

That is not a benign state of affairs. That was how the JVP was defeated in 1989-90, and the LTTE’s sleeper cells in Colombo were liquidated, and that is why Israel has pulverised Gaza.

Those are extreme examples. But, under any circumstances, invoking national security grants the government a large gamut of laws and regulations which curtail personal liberties and civic freedoms while also turning a blind eye to the excesses and violations of law enforcement agencies and security forces. 

Mahinda Rajapaksa thrived in creating imaginary national security boogeymen, at the same time, cultivating a personal cult and dynastic rule. Journalists and political dissenters were hunted down, and then the investigations were obstructed under the pretext of national security. 

I, myself, do not want to test the resolve of the NPP government in fighting an imaginary national enemy because when Marxists and communists do that, they have historically made tinpot despots like Rajapaksas look like convent nuns.

Sajith Premadasa keeps hyperventilating about a crime wave. However,  statistics beg to differ. Sri Lanka is, by international comparison, a low-crime country. Its homicide rate ( 3 for 100,000 people) is below the world average (6) and low and middle-income countries (6), OECD countries ( 5) and on par with high-income countries (3).
You are extremely unlikely to get mugged in the street or carjacked in this country. The obsession to oversell a non-existing crime wave is common in two groups. One is the NGO captains looking to skim some money by solving imaginary problems. The intensity of this campaign may reduce as the US curtail USAID funding and Scandinavian good Samaritans get busy with their own migrant problems. The second group is the self-interested politicians and their acolytes, who amplify isolated incidents to generate a public perception that runs counter to reality. That was how Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the presidential election.

There are also more sinister elements who had internalised the securitised state of the past. Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekara was heard lamenting about opening roads for the public and removing checkpoints. 

Hyperventilating about imaginary threats and marginal grievances is not necessarily new in this country, and like everyone else, the stakeholders in this government excelled in it. However, now that it is in power, it should not give a free pass to the opposition to indulge in the same. Legitimate criticism of the government and selfish ploys to undermine the collective prosperity of people are two totally different matters. An imaginary crime wave would effectively sully Sri Lanka’s image as a safe destination for travel, effectively ruining the livelihood of many hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans. Such degenerative scheming should be exposed.

Sri Lanka, nonetheless, has an emerging law and order problem where growing underworld gun violence is concerned.

For instance, in  2024, a total of 103 shooting incidents were recorded, with 56 linked to underworld activities. Of the 63 fatalities,  45 were connected to organised crime. 

Thirteen shootings were reported in the first month of this year, with seven linked to organised crime.
Police say intensified gang rivalries between underworld gangs have contributed to the rise of gun violence. There are 58 identified underworld gangs with 1400 members, many operated by their exiled leaders from foreign countries, mainly Dubai and India.

Sri Lanka needs a practical approach to neutralise the underworld, and considering the experience of local security apparatus in fighting more sophisticated terrorist groups and its intelligence cells, that should not be much to ask. Yet, the country needs political will to dismantle the underworld rather than trying to contain it, as most law enforcement officials and politicians prefer. Sri Lanka did not strategise to contain the LTTE, but to annihilate it. So does El Salvador, in its successful fight against the underworld, which has now made the once world’s homicide capital into Latin America’s safest country, safer than many cities in America.

 However, Sri Lanka’s fight against the underworld is compromised by its catch-and-release strategy, where underworld kingpins are produced before the court and released on bail after completing the bare minimum of the mandatory remand custody. The whole idea of flight risk is not counted, and most suspects, released on bail, simply disappear and reappear in a foreign safe haven to remotely manage criminal operations. This sinister cycle continues. If Sri Lanka is to combat the underworld decisively, it should revamp its legal system and introduce mandatory prolonged detention for the underworld, similar to the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Combatting the underworld would address other major societal problems- drug addiction and petty crimes mainly associated with drug addicts to finance their daily doses.

Wimal Weerawansa

මහාචාර්ය ටියුඩර් වීරසිංහ මහතා විසින් ජාතික අධ්‍යයන කේන්ද්‍රය සංවිධානය කළ නිරුවත් වානරයාගේ කතා වස්තුව බුද්ධිමය සම්මන්ත්‍රණයේදී සිදුකළ ආරාධිත දේශනය

Hiru News

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

පාතාලය මර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා හමුදාවෙන් පැන ගිය සොල්දාදුවන් අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම් නියෝග කොට තිබේ. ඔවුන් අත් අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට ගැනීමෙන් පමණක් මේ ප්‍රශ්නය විසඳිය නොහැක. යුද ආතතියට ලක්ව සිටින සහ සමාජ විරෝධී පෞරුෂ ලක්‍ෂන පෙන්වන කොටස් මනෝ විද්‍යාත්මක සහ මනෝ සමාජීය පුනරුත්තාපනයට යොමු කල යුතුය. ඒ සඳහා දැණුමක් තිබෙන කණ්ඩායමක් ස්ථාපිත කල යුතුය.

මෙය දශක ගනනාවක් පුරා මා සහ මනෝ වෛද්‍ය නීල් ප්‍රනාන්දු වගකිව යුත්තන්ට කියූ දෙයකි. එහෙත් අපගේ සමාජය ලොල් වූයේ ශෝට් කට් වලටය. ආයුධ පෙන්වීමට ගෙන යාමෙන් පාතාලය අහෝසි කල හැකි බව ඔවුන් සිතුවෝය. මෙවර වත් නව ආණ්ඩුවට සහ ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්වරයාට මේ මිනිසුන් පුනරුථාපනය කිරීමට යොමු කිරීමට අන්තර් ඥානය පහල වේවා. මේ ලිපිය කියවන්න. එය පලාලි සින්ඬ්‍රෝමය හෙවත් යුද ආතතිය විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා සමාජය වෙනස් කරන ලද අයුරු පිලිබඳව කියවෙයි. ;

Palali Syndrome..!
*****************

Palali Syndrome represents the symptom complex of battle stresses that has been experienced by the new generation of combatants. It has developed into a syndrome. Palali syndrome describes various clinical and psychosocial ailments experienced by the Sri Lankan combatants and in the final score how it affects the society at large.

The Country was in an armed conflict for thirty years and during that period, the society was severely traumatized. Even three years after the war the Sri Lankan society is still experiencing the repercussions of the Palali syndrome. Many distressing and heartbreaking stores reveal the magnitude of combat trauma in the country. If necessary psychosocial rehabilitation is not provided adequately to the victims of war trauma it would harm the spirit of the Nation.

Read more; https://lankapowernews.com/palali-syndrome-in-civil-war/

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 16-22 February 2025

The deadly, malignant role played by England’s Ceylon Tobacco Co (CTC) in Sri Lanka is a story yet to be told, and the media sure ain’t gonna tell it. The media’s function in Sri Lanka is to create diversionary dramas that take us away from the manoeuvrings of huge multinational corporations (MNCs) – with budgets larger than countries. The media have to churn out soap operas (for they own the soap, too), that have absolutely no impact on – nor offer insight into – transforming the merchant-run plantation economy that dominates the country. Then again, why should they bother? The media, too – at least the variety mislabelled as ‘free’ and ‘independent’ and ‘national’ – is controlled by these very MNCs. 

     This week’s ee begins a glimpse into CTC, owned by British American Tobacco (BAT), which operates an over-100-year monopoly. The media & those thinktanks that love to whinge & whine about the economy – that love to go on about free trade, etc – dare not approach, let alone touch CTC. How CTC not only deprives the country of revenues but also spreads cancers to both smokers & the peasants that grow their tobacco, leaving the state with a huge health bill!

     The news this week was dominated by the farce of a boxed-in 2025 budget, ‘formulated to augment state revenues within limited fiscal space’.  Imposed by the IMF’s ‘parameters’, the ‘appropriations’ are being accompanied by screeching hallelujahs in high notes (‘positive’, ‘bold’); by bass demurrals in low notes from the merchants (‘the proof of the [English] pudding is in the eating’). Meanwhile, chattering ‘renewable’ green monkeys trip the national grid. And fearsome falsettos crescendo about murder most foul in a courtroom where justice is otherwise meted out (with a little help from USAID, see ee Random Notes). 

*

In Sri Lanka too, the true history of the media

and its oligarchic owners is yet to be written…

(see ee Focus)

Not a day – nay, a minute – goes by without some negative media reference to China – the People’s Republic, that is – and its ‘conniving’ Communist Party. This week we heard again in the supposedly nationalist Island newspaper from ‘a PhD candidate of political science at Wayne State University, USA’, one ‘Mitchell Gallagher’. This ‘doctor in training’, ominously intones – ‘As Africa toes Chinese line’:

‘Yet as CGTN Africa & Xinhua become entrenched in African media

ecosystems… Will Africa’s journalists & press be able to uphold

their impartiality & retain intellectual independence? As China

continues to make strategic inroads in Africa, it’s a fair question.’

(Island, 21/02/25, see ee Media)

*

Really! In Sri Lanka, 90% of all foreign news, even about countries right next door, has to come from the English King’s BBC, etc. Talk about trenches! This constant demonization by the ‘global’ north’s media of a rising Asian country blathers on, despite revelations of how ‘USAID spent $7.9mn to train Sri Lankan media’. This ee Focus therefore reproduces Shiran Illanperuma’s foray into ‘How Chinese Capacity Building & USAID Slush Funds Reveal Ideological Biases of Our Media’, and offers startling revelations about China’s media.

    And as for USAID, while the media focuses on their more wild & weird ways, they yet lament that ‘poor’ countries will now suffer minus the USA’s weaponized philanthropy. This ee Focus therefore peeks also into their more pernicious role in Sri Lanka, with the CTC, the US NGO Care International & the local Ministry of Health (!!!) pushing US soya beans: Charles Abeysekera’s ‘A Transnational in Peasant Agriculture: the Case of the Ceylon Tobacco Company’ (1985) looks at how the monopoly of CTC in the manufactures & sale of cigarettes continues undisturbed. CTC impoverishes Sri Lankan farmers and holds them hostage to their financing & inputs. Meanwhile, CTC, which plays tax-collector for the state, has ‘brought no foreign capital into its operations in Sri Lanka’ since at least 1932, and ‘all capital increases since then have been derived from accrued earnings in Sri Lanka’! FDI, anyone!

     Abeysekera also exposes how CTC uses third countries – where they do not have industrial operations – as channels to transfer ‘inputs’ (cigarette papers!) from countries where they do have industrial operations, to Sri Lanka, to inflate prices & avoid paying taxes. Even more interesting is the role played by numerous accounting firms in the game of transfer pricing, an act which would surely burn a hole in the widespread huffing and puffing about local ‘corruption’. He quotes an UNCTAD report of 1978: 

‘One of the salient features of TNC operations… is the absence

of rigorous public accountability of their corporate practices.

Discourse & analysis is all the more vital since economic

intelligence of such relevance is invariably shrouded in secrecy,

strikingly so in respect to transfer pricing techniques. This is

particularly evident in the Developing countries where knowledge

of the financial marketing & output decisions of the TNCs’ global

decision making power is confined to rudimentary data eg, the

conventional corporate balance sheet which is largely stripped of

any content. Data concealment is assisted by the giant accounting

firms acting in alliance with corporate power.’ (see ee Focus)

While recognizing the straitjacket the government must operate within, the Sri Lanka Administrative Service Association (SASA) praised the budget, and the government’s commitment to curbing ‘tax evasion by implementing digital financial transaction systems’. But what of the massive evasions of CTC, Unilever, Exxon and other multinationals? Indeed, we look forward to a government that can also ensure investment in modern industry, but this can only be enabled by controlling these MNCs, their accounting firms and their ‘chambers’ of merchants, that get away with a more pernicious form of robbery and murder in the country.

     The Frontline Socialist Party (FSP), which is deployed by the media to hit the government with Left hooks, recalls Margaret Thatcher saying her greatest accomplishment was ‘Tony Blair & Blairism’. The decades-long effort to tame the JVP through mass murder and now sweet lullabies, recalls SBD de Silva’s cautioning about how ‘merchant interests’ have resisted the progressive policies of governments with ‘boundless ingenuity’. Hence one of the SJB’s leading merchant triplets, Kabir ‘Kanay’ Hashim, has offered to cut off his ear, Van Gogh style, if the government actually establishes a development bank, as promised in the budget. Meanwhile, the government has also promised an ‘Industrial Zone dedicated for Chemical Manufacturing’ in its budget: 

     We have noted over the last few months benign and intriguing references to the Institute of Chemistry Ceylon, holding a Christmas Party (toasting themselves with lots of local chemicals no doubt), and then recently hosting a ‘Global Women’s Breakfast 2025’ with the US-based International Union of Pure & Applied Chemistry. England’s Royal Society of Chemistry also had their ‘delegates’ visit the Institute of Chemistry Ceylon. We wonder why? England’s CTC & Unilever & ICI’s CIC are among the biggest importers of chemicals into the country. eewill also look into CTC’s umbilical links to gaseous Exxon and Deloitte.

     ee Readers may recall our recent references to Germany’s dye industry, which during their First World War quickly turned their dye factories in making ‘high explosives & noxious gases’, and another ee Focus on US-occupied Korea’s Heavy-Chemical Industrial (HCI) policies, which shifted Korean manufacturing into ‘more advanced markets’. Unilever et al would not be amused…

*

CTC and their English twin Unilever operate in Sri Lanka through 100s of ‘independent’ front companies, and we therefore found it intriguing this week that Unilever launched a ‘Rs3.8mn malt drink & food manufacturing plant’, claiming it is their ‘largest investment in South Asia’. Hindustan Lever anyone? ‘Industry & Entrepreneurship Development Minister Sunil Handunnetti calls the ‘investment’, ‘a testament on confidence on the Sri Lankan economy by a leading multinational such as Unilever’. Apparently, it was ‘built using state-of-the-art technology’, ‘with local engineering.’ There is no mention of where and how the raw materials, including chemicals and machinery and parts, have been and will be made. Which again makes us invoke VS Naipaul’s classic novel The Mimic Men (1967):

*

‘Industrialization, in territories like ours, seems to be a process of

filling imported tubes & tins with various imported substances.

Whenever we went beyond this, we were likely to get into trouble…’

*

Contents:

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

දේශපාලකයන් පසුපසින් අතීතය ලුහුබැඳ ඒම වැළක්විය නොහැකිය.

නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමැති චතුරංග අබේසිංහ සහ මන්ත්‍රී නිලන්ති කොට්ටහච්චි වැනි ජාතික ජන බලවේගයේ සාමාජිකයන් අතීතයේ සිය සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ගිණුම් ඔස්සේ ප්‍රකාශ කළ ප්‍රකාශ සහ ඔවුන් කළ ප්‍රසිද්ධ ප්‍රකාශ දැන් ඇතැම් විට ඔවුන්ට පාරාවළල්ලක් වී ඇති බව දැකගත හැකිය.

නියෝජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍ය විශ්‍රාමික මේජර් ජෙනරාල් අරුණ ජයසේකර සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද මේ දිනවල එම තත්වය සමානය.

ඔහු පසුගිය මැතිවරණ වේදිකාවේ කළ ප්‍රකාශයක් මේ දිනවල වේගයෙන් සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ සංසරණය වේ.

එහිදී ඔහු පවසන්නේ, ‘ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව පිළිබඳව නොදන්නා’ අය මේසයක් සහ පුටුවක් රැගෙන් තමා හමුවීමට පැමිණෙන ලෙසයි. එවිට ඔහුට මෙම විෂය පිළිබඳව ‘ටියුෂන්’ ලබාදිය හැකි බව ඔහු පවසයි.

කෙසේවෙතත් පසුගිය දිනවල වාර්තා වූ වෙඩි තැබීම් සහ ඝාතන හමුවේ එම ප්‍රකාශය ඔහුට එරෙහිව පාරාවළල්ලක් වී ඇත.

ඊයේ පොලිසිය කියා සිටියේ, ‘සැඟවුණු ආයුධ’ සොයාගැනීමට රැගෙන ගිය පසු, නිලධාරීන්ගේ ගිනි අවි පැහැර ගැනීමට සහ ඔවුන්ට පහර දීමට උත්සාහ කළ සැකකරුවන් දෙදෙනෙකු පොලිස් වෙඩි පහරින් මියගිය බවයි.

සිකුරාදා රාත්‍රියේ කොටහේනේදී පුද්ගලයෙකුට මාරාන්තික වෙඩි තැබීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඔවුන්ව අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන තිබිණි.

පොලිසිය එය නිවේදනය කළ විගසම ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකගේ පැරණි වීඩියෝ පටයක්ද සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ වේගයෙන් සංසරණය විය.

ඔහු විපක්ෂයේ සිටියදී, පොලිසිය විසින් කරන ලද එවැනි ප්‍රකාශ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැඩි විවේචන එල්ල කරන අයුරු දක්නට ලැබිණි. මෙම වීඩියෝ පටය 2021 දෙසැම්බර් මාසයේදී විපක්ෂ මන්ත්‍රීවරයකු ලෙස අනුර දිසානායක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කළ කතාවක කොටසකි.

පොලිස් අත්අඩංගුවේදී වෙඩි වැදී පුද්ගලයන් මියයෑම ඔහු හඳුන්වන්නේ තිර පිටපතකට රඟදක්වන නාටකයක් ලෙසිනි.

එවැනි සිදුවීම් හරහා ප්‍රචලිත වී ඇති ‘ඝාතන සංස්කෘතිය’ පොලිසිය විසින් අවසන් කළ යුතු බවත්, වැරදිකරුවන් නීතිය හමුවට ගෙන ඒමට පියවර ගත යුතු බවත් අවධාරනය කරමින් ඔහු තම කතාව අවසන් කරයි.

මෙම වීඩියෝ පට නැවත හුවමාරු කරගන්න අය ප්‍රශ්න කරන්නේ, අනුර දිසානායක නායකත්වය දෙන ආණ්ඩුවක් යටතේ එවැනි සිදුවීමක් වාර්තා වී ඇති විට ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස ඔහු කෙසේ ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වනු ඇත්ද යන්නයි.

by Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

Spokesman for the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) Pubudu Jagoda yesterday said that the government owed an explanation regarding the circumstances the courtroom killing took place on 19 February and two suspects who died in police shooting two days later.

Jagoda pointed out that Ganemulle Sanjeewa had been produced in court without a specific court directive and those in authority were yet to explain as to why he was brought in regardless of intelligence warning issued the previous week regarding a possible attempt on the suspect’s life.

Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara yesterday (23) said that the NPP government hadn’t considered re-implementation of judicial executions under any circumstances.

Attorney-at-Law Nanayakkara said so when The Island asked him whether the government would examine that option as part of its overall response to tackle the underworld, in the wake of the assassination of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararatne, aka Ganemulla Sanjeewa, in court room 05 of the Aluthkade court complex on 19 February.

Barely 24 hours before thecourtroom killing an unidentified gunman killed Aruna Vidanagamage aka Meegas-are Kajja, 39, and his six-year-old-daughter and nine-year-old son. The triple-murder took place in the Middeniya police area.

Minister Nanayakkara said that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who also holds the defence portfolio, has been quite clear that resumption of judicial executions wouldn’t be an option. What you mentioned never came up for discussions held following the courtroom killing, the minister said.

Sri Lanka suspended implementation of capital punishment in 1976 though the court continued to pass death sentences. Sri Lanka has reached an understanding with the European Union that judicial executions wouldn’t be resumed.

We are taking tangible measures to address issues at hand. Discussions are taking place at the highest level to map out strategy,” lawmaker Nanayakkara said.

President Dissanayake assured the Ministerial Consultative Committee on Defence on February 20, the day after the courtroom killing that the underworld would be wiped out. Acknowledging that the underworld had infiltrated institutions responsible for public security, President Dissanayake said that the eradication of criminal gangs would take some time. Justice Minister Nanayakkara explained the measures taken to enhance security at courts and subject of all entering court rooms, including lawyers.

The Island also raised the recent killing of a gunman and his accomplice apprehended by the Grandpass police soon after they killed a person at Galpoththa Junction in Kotahena. The police identified the victim as 38-year-old Shashi Kumar. Justice Minister Nanayakkara said that the government would take appropriate measures in this regard. The death of persons who had been taken into custody were the first since the last presidential election held in Sept 2024.

The minister emphasized that they were concerned about the development and would take appropriate measures.

President Dissanayake during his parliamentary career repeatedly attacked successive governments over deaths in government custody.

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) constantly called for a halt to deaths in custody, especially during Saliya Peiris, PC, tenure as the President of the body.

In April 2023, the Supreme Court summoned the then IGP Chandana Wickremaratne to seek an explanation why police failed to comply with an order made by the SC to formulate guidelines to police officers to prevent deaths in police custody.

In a judgment dated 3 February, 2023, the Supreme directed the IGP to formulate, issue and implement, guidelines to the police, elaborating the steps that should be taken by each officer to avoid such deaths.

The Pathfinder Foundation

The Pathfinder Foundation and the Heritage Foundation (USA) will conduct a joint briefing session online on 28th February 2025 at 7:30 p.m. (SLST), which is 9:00 a.m. (EST), via Zoom. The session’s main topic is titled Prospects for US-Sri Lanka Relations: Impact of the Second Trump Administration.” It will also address US-South Asia relations and American policy on significant global issues.

The Heritage Foundation is an American conservative think tank based in Washington, D.C. Founded in 1973, it took a leading role in the conservative movement during the 1980s under the presidency of Ronald Reagan, whose policies were derived from Heritage Foundation studies, including its Mandate for Leadership. It is a research and educational institution dedicated to building and promoting conservative public policies. Heritage’s world-renowned experts—deeply experienced in business, government, the military, non-profits, academia, and communications—devote each day to developing innovative solutions to the issues America faces. They also engage with the international community to promote freedom, peace, and trade that benefits America and the world.

The Heritage Foundation’s experts who will speak at the event include Diana Roth (Energy), Steve Yates (US-China Policy), Brent Sadler (US Defence and Maritime Policy for South Asia), Eric Holtz (US Economic and Trade Policy), Mike Gonzalez (US Politics), and Jeff Smith (US South Asia Policy).

Dr. Dayaratna Silva, Executive Director of Pathfinder Foundation; Amb. (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha, Executive Director of Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute; Prof. Rohan Samarajiva, Founding Chair and CEO of LIRNEasia; and Admiral (Prof.) Jayanath Colombage, Distinguished Fellow of Pathfinder Foundation, will serve as Expert Commentators. Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman of the Pathfinder Foundation, will moderate the session.

The event will be an open forum, inviting pre-registered individuals and institutions to participate in the discussion. Further information can be obtained by contacting pm@pathfinderfoundation.org.

by, Professor Nishan C. Wijesinha

First of all, it is highly important to note, that after the incorporation of the 

Dutch East India Trading Company (VOC), on the 20th of March 1602; thereafter 

soon afterwards, within a month and ten days; on the 2nd of May 1602, the Dutch Admiral Joris van Spilbergen’s arrival in Batticaloa, with three ships from the Dutch port of Veere.

It should be pointed out here, that, although, through the passages of time vivid changes occurred in the body of Ceylon; yet it sustained itself as the trader’s paradise of the Indian Ocean; with its remarkable “Thearavada Trading Economy”.

This is the reason, which led the Dutch, to arrive in Batticaloa, the very moment after they incorporated the Dutch East India Trading Company as mentioned above.

From 1602 to 1706, a hundred years later, the corruption builds up, as the reigning Dutch Governor Simons, destroyed the core essence of the Dutch role 

in Ceylon, with the 1706 Dutch Codification of the Tesawalami regulation, giving 

predominance to the Malabar caste of the Tamil people as the indigenous Tamil people, of the Northern Province of Ceylon; which gave them hope of a Tamil Eelam State.

The embodiment of its practice was preserved in the unique monuments which I have managed through great and profound struggle to take it to my custody from it’s hideout in the Nainativu Nagapooshani Amman Kovil.

The total history of it and my intentions of its preservations for public homage and education is given by me separately; in another message.

සිංහල දීප ජාතික පෙරමුණ විරෝධයක

Ven. Ampitiye Sumanarathana Thero

Patali Champika Ranawaka

Somar Wijayadasa Courtesy The Island

Kuru as a cadet sergeant and Queen’s Scout meeting the Queen at India’s 1961 Republic Day.

A talented son of Sri Lanka, Dr. Mahinda Kurukulasuriya (1942-2025) passed away peacefully in Vientiane, Laos on 29 January 2025 – with his daughter Liza by his side. According to his wishes, a three-day memorial service was held in a Buddhist temple in Vientiane, Laos.

Among close friends, he was fondly referred to as ‘Kuru” and as Dr. Kuru” among his professional colleagues.

He was born in 1942 to a wealthy family in Nakulugamuwa. His father owned the Ruhunu Transit Bus Company that was nationalized in 1957.

Kuru had his Education at Mahinda College, Galle, where he excelled in studies, sports, and athletics. In 1961, as a Cadet and a Queen’s Scout, he had the rare opportunity to greet Queen Elizabeth II at the Republic Day Celebrations in New Delhi.

After a 13-year hiatus of losing cricket matches to Richmond College, in 1962, Mahinda College under Kuru’s captaincy won a memorable victory against Richmond.

In 1962, he won a Scholarship to pursue engineering studies at the Moscow State University. That same year, I met Kuru in Moscow, and we forged a friendship that lasted 65 years.

Kuru married his University batch-mate Elena – an amiable person who also completed her Ph.D. and the rare Doctor of Science (D.Sc.) degrees along with Kuru. She predeceased him in 2015 leaving two equally brilliant daughters who live in Europe.

Kuru’s education abroad opened up the world for him to explore. Upon his graduation in 1968, he returned to Sri Lanka and worked for the River Valleys Development Board (RVDB). From 1971-1976, he and his wife Elena were appointed as water engineers in Zambia. They returned to Moscow and completed their Ph.D.’s. Kuru returned to Sri Lanka in 1979 and worked for the Mahaweli River Development.

Later, he worked on United Nations assignments as a senior engineer and Program Manager in Zaire, Congo, Maldives, Myanmar, Cambodia, Thailand, and Laos. He was fluent in English, Russian, French, Burmese, Khmer and Thai, and he excelled in his UN assignments.

In 2006, he garnered another Ph.D. from the Postgraduate Institute of Agriculture of the Peradeniya University. Over the years, he wrote several books, including his memoirs One Drop of my Sweet Sweat”.

Upon his mandatory UN retirement, the Government of Laos – aware of Kuru’s technical expertise, commitment and integrity – persuaded Kuru to lead several key development projects in Laos. It allowed Kuru to continue working with the perks of a UN official, and the Government took good care of him as he was away from his native Sri Lanka, and his beloved family. He had many Laotian friends.

Above all, he was kind and friendly to everyone he knew. Despite many achievements, Kuru was the most virtuous and unassuming person I came across in my life.

Kuru is survived by his sisters Indra and Lalita, daughters Angelika and Liza, and his wife Seuth and his son Souminta.

His family and friends will miss him dearly. Yet, we shall cherish his memory forever.

May he attain the supreme bliss of Nirvana.

Somar Wijayadasa

Courtesy The Sunday Island

Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara informed Parliament on Thursday (20) that armed officers will be deployed inside courtrooms to ensure the security of special detainees during proceedings.

Responding to a question from Kalutara District NDF MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena, the Minister highlighted that the absence of armed officers within courtrooms poses a security risk. He noted incidents of individuals disguising themselves as lawyers, emphasizing the urgent need for enhanced security measures.

A special committee will be formed to engage with key stakeholders, including the Judicial Service Commission, the police, and the Bar Association, to implement armed security when necessary. Additionally, advanced screening procedures will be introduced to further bolster courtroom safety. The government also aims to improve the welfare of prison officers, including aligning their salaries with those of the police service.

As part of broader judicial reforms, an amendment to the Criminal Procedure Code will be introduced, allowing detainees to testify via video link, reducing the need for their physical presence in court, the Minister said.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

LTTE සංවිධානය ඇතුළු ත්‍රස්තවාදී සංවිධාන 15ක් තහනම් කරමින් අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කර තිබේ. 

ආරක්ෂක අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම් සම්පත් තුයියකොන්තා මහතාගේ අත්සනින් යුතුව මෙම අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කර ඇත.

මෙලෙස තහනමට ලක් වූ සංවිධාන, ත්‍රස්තවාදය හා සම්බන්ධ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් සඳහා වරින්වර මුදල් සැපයීම සිදු කර ඇති බව සදහන් වේ.

ඒ අනුව එම සංවිධානවන මූල්‍ය වත්කම් සහා ආර්ථික සම්පත් තහනමට ලක්කර ඇත.

මීට අමතරව ත්‍රස්තවාදය හා සම්බන්ධ පුද්ගලයන් 222කගේ නාම ලේඛනයක් ද මෙම අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රය මගින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කර තිබේ.

තහනම් කළ ත්‍රස්තවාදී සංවිධාන 15

1 ද්‍රවිඩ ඊලාම් විමුක්ති කොටි සංවිධානය

2 දෙමළ පුනරුත්ථාපන සංවිධානය

3 දෙමළ සම්බන්ධීකරණ කමිටුව

4 ලෝක දෙමළ ව්‍යාපාරය

5 දේශසීමා ඉක්ම වූ දෙමළ ඊලම් රාජ්‍යය 

6 ලෝක දෙමළ සහනසාධක අරමුදල

7 මූලස්ථාන කණ්ඩායම

8 ජාතික තව්හිද් ජමාත්

9 ජමාතේ මිලාතේ ඊබ්‍රාහීම්

10 විලයාත් අස් සෙයිලානි

11 කැනේඩියානු දෙමළ ජාතික කවුන්සිලය

12 ද්‍රවිඩ තරුණ සංවිධානය

13 දාරුල් අදර් අත්තබවියා

14 ශ්‍රී ලංකා ඉස්ලාමීය ශිෂ්‍ය ව්‍යාපාරය

15 සේව් ද පර්ල්ස් 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• The causes behind these crimes range from gang-related activities to deep-seated personal disputes
• In response to the rise in criminal activities, Police said they had implemented various measures to address the escalating crime rates   

By DARSHANA SANJEEWA BALASURIYA   

Shortly after the shocking murder of underworld drug lord ‘Ganemulla Sanjeewa’ inside the Colombo Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday morning which left the government rocked over a serious security lapse, and the tragic death of two innocent children and their father in Middeniya, killings have continued to plague the country with three deaths reported within the past 48 hours.   

Despite ongoing efforts by authorities to combat crime, and the tightening of security islandwide, Sri Lanka’s crime rates have soared, leaving numerous families devastated by senseless violence.   

The causes behind these tragedies range from gang-related activities to deep-seated personal disputes, but the consequences remain the same, as innocent lives are also lost.   

On Thursday, 24 hours after the devastating murders in court and Middeniya, a 29-year-old man from Kadawatha was shot and killed in Moganwatta, Ja-Ela. The police are investigating the motive behind the shooting and working to identify the suspects involved. This shooting marks the sixteenth of the year, concerning the persistent issue of gun violence in the country.  Police said that seven of the 16 shooting incidents were due to personal disputes, while 13 persons were killed in shootings connected to organised crime. Police have arrested more than 35 suspects in relation to these incidents so far.   

In a separate incident on Thursday in Nittambuwa, a married couple was severely injured after being hacked in front of a grocery store. The victims, a 43-year-old man and a 35-year-old woman were attacked while they were shopping. The suspect fled the scene in the same three-wheeler the couple had arrived in.   

Police suspect that the attack was due to a financial dispute. The couple’s son sold cashew nuts on buses along the Kandy-Colombo Road, and the suspect is believed to have had an argument with the family over money. The suspect had reportedly threatened to kill the entire family because of the financial disagreement. 

 
Meanwhile, in another incident in Welimada, a 52-year-old man was fatally stabbed at Ambagasdowa. The victim had been working as a tree cutter and had offered to cut down a tree at Thawalampala Vidyalaya for free. Initial investigations have revealed that he was stabbed after an argument escalated when the suspects inquired about the reason for cutting down the tree without charging any money. After being rushed to Badulla Teaching Hospital, the victim succumbed to his injuries.   

Three suspects have been arrested in connection with the stabbing while the Ambagasdowa Police are conducting investigations.   

In response to the rise in criminal activities, Police said they had implemented various measures to address the escalating crime rates.   

Last week, Police said they had taken measures to establish a Central Crimes Investigation Bureau (CCIB) in order to increase the efficiency of the investigation of cases under the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).   
Police said that the new bureau will oversee investigations into a range of crimes, including the Illegal Assets Investigation Unit, Homicide and Organised Crime Investigation Unit, Financial and Commercial Crime Unit, Computer Crime Investigation Unit, Human Trafficking, Smuggling and Maritime Crime Investigation Unit, as well as the Criminal Intelligence and Intelligence Analysis Unit. 

(Additional reporting by Nishantha Kumara & Pushpakumara Mallawarachchi)

Courtesy Adaderana

Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP) Priyantha Weerasuriya stated that criminal activities in the Western and Southern provinces have increased. 

However, he assured that security has now been strengthened in these provinces.

He made these remarks during a special press conference held at the Government Information Department today (22).

The Acting IGP also noted that the Sri Lanka Police have taken steps to ensure security within court premises in the country. 

While police officers have been deployed outside the courts, he clarified that no police officers are assigned for security within the court premises. 

However, a private security agency is currently responsible for internal security, and discussions will be held with relevant authorities to address this issue, he said.

Furthermore, the Acting IGP revealed that criminal gangs continue to be led from foreign countries, emphasizing that such gangs no longer receive political protection. 

He also pointed out that in the past, criminals operated freely under political patronage.

Highlighting an increase in crimes since 2023, the Acting IGP stated that criminal activities are being orchestrated not only from abroad but also from within prisons. 

To counter this, security operations within prisons have been intensified, he said.

Additionally, he disclosed that some criminals attempt to flee the country not only by air but also via sea route. 

However, he assured that the Navy and Coast Guard have heightened operations to prevent such attempts and apprehend the fugitives.

Madyawediya

Country singer and Republican press secretary Alexis Wilkins attended Kash Patel’s swearing-in as FBI director. Patel, confirmed by the Senate in a 51-49 vote, took the oath in the presence of his girlfriend Wilkins, who shared the moment on social media. Wilkins, a PragerU contributor and political commentator, has gained prominence in conservative circles through her work and public appearances.

Indian-origin Kash Patel has been confirmed as the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Patel, a loyalist of US President Donald Trump took over after winning the Senate vote 51-49. Dan Scavino, Trump’s assistant and White House Deputy Chief of Staff congratulated Kaash Patel in Bollywood style. Watch this video for more information.

By Sena Thoradeniya

Julie Jiyoon Chung (aka Chung Ji-yoon), the Korean- American US Ambassador to Sri Lanka is unperturbed  and carrying on regardless (reminding us the 1961 British comedy film Carry on Regardless”), even after the recent events in America:  viz. President Trump’s executive order  curtailing USAID aid, Elon Musk’s remarks on the USAID and his DOGE (Department of Government Efficiency) working to take control over the USAID and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s dismantling (or bring it under the control of State Department ) of USAID and in Sri Lanka, protests in front of the US Embassy in Colombo demanding Julie Chung Go Home” and Recall Julie Chung”,  accusing her promoting LGBTQ activities in Sri Lanka, violating diplomatic protocols, using USAID funds for undermining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and her role in regime change in Sri Lanka respectively.

Chung works like a street urchin who repeats what (he) was accustomed to do despite receiving brickbats from the urban populace.

On the 13 February 2025, Chung posted in her X account Trump’s executive order issued on 12 February, establishing a unified, clear voice for America’s foreign relations, aligning diplomacy with America’s interests (President Donald J Trump   establishes one voice for America’s Foreign Relations”).

Following day, on the Valentine’s Day Chung met with Namal Rajapaksa, another SLPP MP and a group of ex-SLPP parliamentarians.  Her message after this meeting echoes Trump’s latest executive order.  This has not been read correctly by the followers of SLPP who hailed this meeting as a victory for them.

Although Namal Rajapaksa says in his X message that they briefed Ambassador Chung on SLPP’s proposal for a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate the use of USAID funds by both registered and unregistered NGOs in Sri Lanka with a focus on ensuring transparency in the allocation of US taxpayer resources”, Chung does not mention anything about this Parliamentary Select Committee. Its absurd Namal worrying about ensuring transparency in the allocation of US taxpayer resources”! 

He was not concerned with how US funds were disbursed to Galle Face protest, setting fire to over 43 houses of SLPP supporters by the NPP goons and the ouster of Gotabhaya regime.

A wrong interpretation was given by Namal’s supporters to this meeting, that Chung has apologized (for what?) and made a confession with tearful and swollen eyes.  

Chung in her X message posted on 14 February says, Met today with Namal Rajapaksa and SLPP officials as part of our cross-party outreach.” No mention about Namal’s proposal for a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate the use of USAID funds by both registered and unregistered NGOs in Sri Lanka.  This message was a very brief one compared to her messages she had posted after meeting with NPP Ministers and even NPP minions.

Is she a woman who apologizes and confesses? It’s a fantasy of those who had not studied her diplomatic career.

Chung was posted to Sri Lanka immediately after the assassination of Haitian President Jovenal Moise. As US Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs Chung met with Moise a few days before his assassination. Chung and Victoria Nuland were accused for the assassination of Moise. If GR did not vacate the Presidential House at the correct time he would have been lynched as Gadhafi by the US funded protesters.

Giving all of them a thundering knock Chung in her web page included a Sinhala video clip of NPP Deputy Minister Chaturanga Abeysinghe dated 15 February, Julie Chung told me that even those in SLPP have benefitted from USAID funds”. Abeysinghe in this video clip whilst lauding the USAID says that the SLPPers went around the country using USAID funds. Abeysinghe does not mention when and on what occasion Chung had revealed this to him.

This is a clear indication of Chung – NPP nexus working together to achieve her shared priorities”.

According to our records Chung met with Abeysinghe on 11 February, to learn more about NPP’s plans to build a strong resilient economy” and to create a more level playing field”. Chung may have told him about SLPP being benefitted from USAID funds” on this occasion or on some other occasion she met with him before the elections, if what the NPPer says is true.

It was not a new revelation for those who followed the activities of the Sri Lankan Women Parliamentary Caucus’ study tour” to New Zealand funded by USAID and National Democratic Institute (NDI). Among the tour party were NPP’s Harini Amarasuriya, SJB’s Thalatha Atukorale and Rohini Kumari Wijeratna, SLPP’s Sudharshani Fernandopulle, Geetha Kumarasinghe, Pavithradevi Wanniararchchi, Kokila Gunewardena, Muditha Prisanthi, Rajika Wickremasinghe, Manjula Dissanayake and GR’s Viyathmaga political bombardier”Seetha Arambepola, who shredded ACSA and SOFA into pieces at Viyathmaga  and Eliya meetings and the Secretary General of Parliament, wife of GR’s Legal Director and some women parliament officers.  Before their departure and upon arrival Chung entertained them. In this tour they all discardedtheir sarees and osariyas and dressed in denim like Harini Amarasuriya. We have written about this in August 2023.

Namal’s acolytes participating in YouTube interviews and TV talk shows and in their Facebook posts, openly admit how they were benefitted from USAID and US State Department training programmes and at present from a Dutch programme on maritime security. According to them, all foreign aid agencies work for the benefit of Sri Lanka and say that they should be thanked for the great service they render, that they are closely working with Indian, American and Western diplomatic missions. Cheerfully they say that LGBTIQ issue does not concern them.  

Namal Rajapaksa will never become a national leader if he continues to keep this type of people as his mentors.

So NPP’s Abeysinghe needs not worry about revealing how the SLPP benefitted from the US largess. Namal’s acolytes say both NPPers and them were such beneficiaries. 

Chung on 17 February in her X message welcomed the recent interest about the US ongoing global review and realignment of US foreign assistance.” As Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said (foreign aid) exists for the purpose of advancing the national interest of the United States. Every dollar we will spend as long as I’m Secretary of State and as long as President Trump is in the White House is going to be a dollar that’s advancing our national interests. So, we’re not going to eliminate foreign aid. We’re going to have foreign aid that works”.

So, if any sceptic thought that the US is going to eliminate foreign aid is mistaken to the core. What is happening now is a global review and realignment of US foreign assistance.” Foreign assistance will be given for the purpose of advancing the national interest of the United States”. Every dollar will be spent advancing national interests of the US.

A question arises here whether Sri Lankan recipients of US aid received those for the purpose of advancing the national interests of Sri Lanka or as pawns used in US power games in furtherance of US national interests.

With this license of Marco Rubio, Chung recommenced her meetings with NPP Ministers and Deputies.

Now we continue from our earlier article posted on February 14.

It’s a delusion if someone thinks that Chung under Trump will stop interfering with the internal affairs of Sri Lanka and her destabilization process in the above context.

On February 18 she met with the Minister of Youth Affairs and Sports and his Deputy, the latter a prominent figure in Galle Face charade. US-Sri Lanka friendship, mutual commitment, empowering youth, fostering sports excellence, merit -based achievement were the hackneyed words used in her message. Investing in youth development and the Nextgen” is a long-term strategy Chung envisages.

On February 20 she met with the Minister of Rural Development, Social Security and Community Empowerment and discussed how the government will support rural communities” and US-Sri Lanka partnership.

On the same day she met with the Leader of the Opposition as a part of her cross-party outreach”. Meeting with Namal Rajapaksa she posted the same as part of our cross-party outreach.” So, there is nothing significant for Namal’s hurrah boys to celebrate.

Thus, Chung has met with (including Anura Kumara and Harini Amarasuriya), 20 Cabinet Ministers, 4 Deputy Ministers, 4 NPP MPs, 4 key Secretaries, 2 Speakers (one disgraced), 3 NPP appointed Governors and JVP General Secretary since the formation of the NPP government.

February 19 was a great day to Chung. As the modern Viceroy of Sri Lanka, she met with Sri Lanka’s Tri-services commanders to discuss the strengths of US-Sri Lanka security partnership including maritime response. Ensuring the Indo-Pacific remains secure with open maritime routes” was Chung’s focus.

Can a Sri Lankan Ambassador/ High Commissioner meet with Tri-services commanders of any country as Chung does? Sri Lankan Tri-services commanders meeting with Chung and discussing vital security issues with her is intolerable. These Tri-services commanders cannot meet with Chung without the full blessings of Anura Kumara, the Commander-in-Chief. It is a pathetic affair, playing with national and maritime security.

Chung can vindicate herself as she had acted according to Trump’s executive order issued on 12 February, establishing a unified, clear voice for America’s foreign relations, aligning diplomacy with America’s interests and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s directive for the purpose of advancing the national interest of the United States. Every dollar she had spent here was a dollar that’s advancing US national interests, she can claim.

Chung will remain in Sri Lanka until her successor Elizabeth Kathryn Horst, a nominee of Joe Biden, currently the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asia (ACA)assumes duties as the US Ambassador in Sri Lanka.It is wishful thinking that Chung will be recalled. Horst served as the Deputy Economic Counsellor in Kyiv, Ukraine during the 2014 Ukraine Colour Revolution”.

Americans are good at selecting the RIGHT person for the RIGHT place at the RIGHT time. First it was Chung with Haiti experience. This time Horst with Ukraine experience!

Anura Kumara has appointed an NPP supporter, a doctoral student attached to an obscure Scottish University as the High Commissioner in London! New Delhi, Beijing, London and Washington are the key diplomatic postings in the foreign service of Sri Lanka!  That’s the difference between Trump and Anura Kumara, who is following the footsteps of his predecessors!

Shenali Waduge

තිස්ස විහාරය : ජාතිවාදීන් වන්නේ ගජෙන්ද්‍රකුමර් පොන්නම්බලම් හා ඔහුගේ සියා හා පියා මිස – සිංහලයන් නොවේ

ගජෙන්ද්‍රකුමර් පොන්නම්බලම් යනු ජි ජි පොන්නම්බලම්ගේ (G G Ponnambalam) මුනුබුරාය, කුමාර් පොන්නම්බලම්ගේ (Kumar Ponnambalam) පුතාය.

සමස්ත ලංකා දෙමළ කොංග්‍රසය අගෝස්තු 29, 1944 පිහිටවන ලදී. නිදහස දීමට පෙර 50-50 ඉල්ලු ජි ජි පොන්නම්බලම්, එය බ්‍රිතාන්‍යසෝල්බරි කොමිසම (Soulbury Commission) ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ලදී.

18% නියෝජනය කරන දෙමල ජනතාවට 50% අයිතිවාසිකම් දිය නොහැක ලෙසයි.

දෙමල ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් 1988 මාලදිවයිනට (Maldives) කඩාවදී එරට බලය අත්පත් කිරීමට තැත් කල විට මොහුගේ පියා ඒ පුවත දැනගත්විගසම අපිටම කියා දෙමල රාජ්‍යක් ලැබූ බව” ප්‍රීතියෙන් ප්‍රකාශ කල බව එවකට මාධ්‍යයේ ප්‍රසිද්ධ විය.

මොහුගේ පක්ෂය දෙමළ ජාතික ජනතා පෙරමුණ (Tamil National People’s Front) ආධාරකරුවන් හා වෙනත් ආධාරකරුවන් සමග ඇවිත්නදුන්කෙර්නි වද්දමාන පබ්බත විහාරය විනාස කොට ශිව ලිංගයක් තැන්පත් කල පක්ෂයකි.

තිස්ස රජ මහා විහාරට අයත් ඉඩම් මීට වඩා විශාල වශයෙන් තිබිය යුතු අතර, බ්‍රිතාන්‍යන් විසින් උවමනාවෙන්ම උතුරේ යාපනයේබෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථාන විනාස කොට හින්දු කෝවිල් 300 පමණ සැදීමේදී හා මුලුන් මලබාර්වරුන් (Malabars from India) ලෙස හැදින්වූඋදවියට මෙම ඉඩම් ලබා දී නමුත්, 1956 දී මිනින්දෝරු දෙපාර්ත්තමේන්තුවේ අගලේ සිතියමේ අනුව මෙම විහාරයට අක්කර 20 පමණක්තිබු බව පැහැදිලිය.

1958 ජාතිවාදී දෙමල අන්තවාදීන් විසින් සිංහල ජනතාව පලවා හරිම නිසා එම විහාර වනගත වී ඇත.

කෙසේ වෙතත් 1971 නගර සැලැස්ම (Town Plan) අනුව එහි අත්හරින ලද පන්සල හැටියට අක්කර 14, පෙර්චස් 5.79 ප්‍රමාණයක් තිස්සවිහරට තිබු බව තහවරු වී ඇත.

මේ සම්බන්දව 2024 මිනින්දෝරු දෙපාර්තුමේන්තුව කරන ලද මැනීම් වලදී මෙම විහාරයට අයත් අක්කර 14 නැවත තහවරු කර ඇත.

පුද්ගලික ඉඩම් යයි පවසන ලද කිහිපදෙනකුගේ ඔප්පු – ප්‍රකාශන ඔප්පු වේ – ඒවා නීත්‍යානුකුල නොවන අතර – ඒවා හොර ඔප්පු ලෙසඅපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තුමේන්තුව මගින් පරීක්ෂණ කොට මෙම හොර ඔප්පු ලිවීම පිළිබද නීතිමය පියවර ගත යුතුය.

මෙම ඉඩම් මංකොල්ල හොර ඔප්පු මගින් උතුර හා නැගෙනහිර රාජ්‍ය ඉඩම් හා විහාරස්ථාන, හා අතීත සිංහලයන්ට තිබු ඉඩම් මෙසේහොර ඔප්පු ලියමින් මන්කොල්ලට විරුද්ධ නීතිමය පියවර ගත යුතුය.

මේ සිදුව ඇත්තේ, යුධ හමුදාව දෙමල ඉඩම් මන්කොල්ලකමක් නොකරන අතර, සිදුව ඇත්තේ යුධ හමුදාව විසින් පවතින ආණ්ඩුවේඋවමනාව මත තිස්ස විහාර සතු සාංගික දේපල / ඉඩම් – දෙමල ජනතාවට පැවරීමයි.

බෞද්ධ සම්මේලනය පැහැදිලිව තම ස්ථාවරය ඉඩම් සම්බන්දව යාපන දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම්ට හා වලිකාමන් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්ට ලිකිතනිත්‍යානු තත්වය පැහැදිලිව දන්වා ඇති අතර කිසිම හේතුවක් මත බුද්ධ සාසනයට අයත් ඉඩම් අන්සතු කල නොහැකි අතර පවතිනරජයන්ගේ උවමනාවන් මත සංහිදියාව නමින් හෝ බටහිර රටවල බලපෑම් මත මේ වන කොට විහාරයට අයත් ඉඩම් වලින් ලබා දී ඇති ඉඩම් වල පදිංචි කර ජනතාව වෙනත් ස්ථාන වල පදිංචි කොට විහාරයට සතු ඉඩම් වල බුක්තිය රාජ්‍යයේ ව්‍යවස්තානුකුලව රජයේ වගකීම වන අතර එම තත්වය උල්ලංගනය කිරීමට කිසිම දේශපාලන බල අධිකාරියකට, යුධ හමුදාවට හෝ කිසිම රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරියෙකුට කල නොහැක.

හිතාමතා වාර්ගික අගතිය (racial prejudice) බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථානවලට කරන විනාශය 1983 ජුලි 20 දින එවකට සිටි සිරිල් මැතිවු Cyril Mathew ඇමති UNESCO පෙත්සමක් මගින් දන්වන ලදී.

ඊට අමතරව 1978 සන්සෝනි කොමිසම (Sansoni Commission) වාර්තාවේද උතුරු නැගෙනහිර බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථාන වලට සිදු වනවිනාශය හේතුකොට ගෙන ඒවා ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට රජයට නිර්දේශ කරන ලදී. ඊට අමතර බෞද්ධ වන්දනාකරුවන්ව ආරක්ෂා දීමට පියවරගත යුහ්ටු බවට එම නිර්දේශයේ තව දුරටත් සදහන් කොට ඇත.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාදවලට හැංගි මේ වන විට ගජෙන්ද්‍රකුම පොන්නම්බලම් මන්ත්‍රීවරයා මඩකලපුවේ දිවුල්පතානේ පාරම්පරික සිංහලජනතාව එම ප්‍රදේශවලින් පලවා හැරීමට උත්සාහ කරන ලදී.

අන්ත ජාතිවාදීන් වනුයේ ඔහු හා ඔහුගේ පියා හා ඔහුගේ සීයා මිස බෞද්ධ සම්මේලනයේ නිමල් චන්ද්‍ර වාකිෂ්ට නොවන බව ඉහත කරුණුවලින් පැහැදිලි වේ.

Shenali Waduge

On 6 February 2025 abusing parliamentary privileges Gajendra Ponnambalam representing the TNPF eloquently uttered falsehoods while Parliament sat & listened primarily due to their own ignorance of history & facts. Leaving aside the string of falsehoods that were uttered, not one MP chose to even interrupt & defend the Sinhalese against the charge of racism” hurled upon them. In times where misinformation, disinformation & fact checkers” jump to defend the guilty, it becomes a grueling task to present the facts to those willing to accept facts.

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How many are aware of G G Ponnambalam? He formed the All Ceylon Tamil Congress in August 1944 (4 years before independence).

https://elections.gov.lk/web/wp-content/uploads/pdf/pol_party_list/Constitution/01_01_Ahila%20Ilankai%20Thamil%20Congress.pdfThe Election Commission has only the Tamil version of its constitution & though RTI requests for English translations have been made they have failed to do so.

When G G Ponnambalam requested 50-50 representation the British Governor Lord Soulbury refused request claiming it was a mockery of democracy when an ethnic group before 18% sought 50% representation in par with an ethnic group that was over 70%. The 50-50 demand highlights the selfish nature of Tamil separatism & racism.

The ACTC joined ITAK in 1971 to form Tamil United Front which became TULF in 1976.

ACTC was also part of the LTTE-backed TNA & contested in 2001 & 2004 under TNA umbrella. ACTC left TNA after LTTE was defeated & grandson Gajendra formed TNPF in 2010.

An interesting event took place in 1988 when LTTE boats attempted an unsuccessful coup in Maldives. The response to this by Kumar Ponnambalam as per then media was to happily declare we have got a Tamil state of our own”. The thinking of separatists is highlighted once more.

G G Ponnambalam passed away in 1977 while his Kumar Ponnambalam was assassinated by the LTTE on 5 January 2000.

What everyone must bear in mind is that the quest for a separate Tamil only state was sought not by LTTE but by the Tamil politicians far before even independence. These were all Tamils that belonged to the Malabars of India’s souther coast. When looking at the present Greater Eelam quest, we should compare this to the Malabar-political demands from 50-50, to Tamil Nation by ITAK, to calls to take up arms in 1976 to armed Tamil militancy that was launched with Indian assistance & resulted in 30 years of terror till they were militarily defeated in May 2009.

People must be intelligent enough to join the dots & the demands.

Taking what is not theirs, demanding what is not theirs, destroying what is not theirs appears to run in their DNA.

Similarly, the supporters of this grandson, joined by groups of other vandals forcibly entered the ancient Vaddamana Pabbatha vihara and destroyed the Buddhist heritage while installing a shiva lingam as a symbolic gesture that the Buddhist heritage site now belonged to Malabar Hindus.

Historical data by Western colonials that referred to settler colonization schemes launched by them bringing Malabars from South India to settle in Sri Lanka while pushing the Sinhalese out of North & East suffices to question the ground on which present day Tamil politicians are claiming North & East as theirs”. Their roots will only take them back to Malabar Coast.

The present debate surrounding Tissa Raja Maha Vihara reveals that the lands belonging to the temple were larger than what is available at present as the British had destroyed Buddhist shrines and had given the lands to Malabars from India while building 300 hindu temples.

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According to the 1956 Survey Department map, the temple had 20 acres.

In 1958, the Sinhalese were drive out of North by racist Tamil extremists leaving the temple & temple lands neglected and full of shrubs.

The Town Plan of 1971 re-established Tissa Vihara had 14 acres 5.79 perches.

In 2024 area had been re-surveyed & the 14 acres belonging to the temple had been re-confirmed by the survey department.

The MP hiding behind parliamentary privileges claims the lands are private” but his claims of these lands being private” are purely based on declaration deeds” which are not valid or legal.

This is a good opportunity for these deeds to be taken & investigated by the CID & other relevant authorities for fraud & legal steps must be taken against those presenting falsified declaration deeds.

Thus, what can be seen & should be understood by all is that the claims to private lands are all based on bogus declaration deeds” and wild allegations in parliament while using social media outlets to spread lies.

Theft of lands fraudulently cannot & should not be taken lightly as the issue has gone out of hand & legal measures must be taken for the theft of temple lands in the North & East & lands that belong to the Sinhalese in the past.

The MP also made unfair claims against the armed forces & it must be corrected that the armed forces have never plundered any lands but the armed forces have been faciiating bogus reconciliation drives spearheaded by numerous governments simply to please certain quarters that enjoy blowing steam to scare governments into bowing down to their demands. The armed forces has no authority to be handing over lands to anyone at the behest of governments.

The All Ceylon Buddhist Congress has correctly presented the legal position regarding the land to the Jaffna District Secretary & the Valikaman Divisional Secretary regarding the ongoing situation.

What has to be reiterated is that lands belonging to the Buddha Sasana cannot be alienated for any reason & no government cowing to foreign governments or foreign envoys using bogus reconciliation has any right to give away Buddha Sasana lands. If people have been wrongfully settled in lands belonging to the Temple, the government must take action to resettle the people in lands that are not contentiousl

The vandalism and extremism against Sinhala Buddhist heritage sites in the North is nothing anyone can deny or negate.

On 20 July 1983 then Minister Cyril Mathew presented with photos the vandalism & destruction by Tamil racists to Buddhist shrines in the North & East of Sri Lanka to UNESCO.

Prior to this the 1978 Sansoni Commission report is another example of setting the story straight & correcting the lies of Tamil politicians like Ponnambalam.

The Commission recommended to the government to protect Buddhist shrines due to the attempts to destroy them in the 

North & East while further recommending that measures be taken to protect the Buddhist pilgrims visiting North & East.

For the Commission headed by Justice Sansoni to make such recommendations proves that intentional & premeditated destruction of Buddhist sites had been taking place for decades. Have governments followed this recommendation?

Hiding behind parliamentary privileges MP Ponnambalam has recently been involved in attempting to chase away Sinhalese living in Divulapatana, in Batticoloa district. Having been involved in such racism, he has the audacity to call others racists.

What is obviously clear is that the racism that prevailed in his grandfather & father is definitely running in his veins. Such people are quick to call others racist” to hide their own racism which is why he is pointing fingers at the head of the ACBC Mr. Chandra Nimal Wakista & hurling abuse at him.

It is for the people to identify the true racists & put facts in proper perspective.
Shenali D Waduge

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from Monday, February 17, 2025

When I am formulated, sprawling on a pin” (from T.S. Eliot’s poem ‘The Love Song of Alfred J. Prufrock’ first published 1915)

In moments of self-reflection, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake probably feels the way Prufrock does, helplessly exposed to the probing, judgemental gaze of the public  like an anaesthetised insect, say a cockroach, pinned down on a dissecting table in a school science lab. There are a number of  similarities and dissimilarities that can be discerned between the fictional Prufrock and the real Dissanayake, such as those in relation to their culturedness or lack of it and self conscious pretences. But this is no time for a lecture on English poetry.. 

I ended Part II with the question (as rephrased) whether the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) members believe that all ordinary Sri Lankans approve of their method of combating corruption, while also sharing their deeply negative view of 76 years of post-independence national development, with equal conviction and commitment. The obvious answer is that the Malimawans do believe so. But the reality is not what they believe. The reality is that growing numbers of ordinary Sri Lankans have begun to think that the Malimawans are not actually serious about eliminating  corruption, for they seem to be beholden to certain sleazy big businessmen for having contributed lavish  funds to the JVP party coffers, and that they are succumbing to the neoliberal (open market) economic policies introduced 47 years ago that they then fought tooth and nail, even shedding their blood. They are now doing the exact opposite of what they promised. 

 The resultant public dissent from these unexpected about-turns of the Malimawans could trigger  not so gentle a reaction from them; the JVP has a history of resorting to violent repression out of a sense of righteous indignation based on their own logic. A Meta/FB video critical of the government uploaded by a Ranil Wickremasinghe supporter in Matale in central Sri Lanka went viral a couple of days ago. The FB activist was expressly visited by a local member of the JVP to warn him and demand that he take down the offensive video immediately, but he refused to do so, even after the JVP’er issued a dire warning. This could be regarded as an early sign of possible, even probable, future authoritarian suppression of democratic dissent under the Malimawa administration. More serious similar cases of suppression of opposition (like the recent physical attack on a rival activist in Kamburupitiya) are becoming daily occurrences. 

Does the current performance of the NPP promise a good enough change from the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa legacy to justify their arrogant intolerance of adverse criticism?

The previous presidential and parliamentary elections held respectively on  November 16, 2019 and August 5, 2020 and won by Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Sri Lanka Podu Peramuna (SLPP or Pohottuwa ) led by his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa  would provide an informative contrast to those held respectively on September 21 and November 13, 2024 and  won by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of the JVP/NPP (Malimawa). There was a clear-cut policy framework to be implemented in a unitary state with a single legal system based on the One Country, One Law principle. A common judicial system for the whole country was considered so important for social cohesion in the multiethnic society and  for national security that after assuming the office of president, GR appointed a presidential task force to prepare the ground for implementing the One Country One Law principle with the democratic consent of the general multiracial, multireligious multicultural public. The highest priority was given to national security. This was natural to a country just rescued from separatist terrorism. Other key election pledges included a homegrown people-focused economic development system with special attention to the semi urban and rural sectors, an independent, non-aligned foreign policy for maintaining well balanced friendly relations with other nations, a corruption-free civil administration, and a knowledge and technology-based society consisting of disciplined, law-abiding citizens committed to high moral and ethical values (as spelt out in the SLPP election manifesto of 2019). 

What the SLPP manifesto promised was a reinforcement of the successful economic policies of ten years of MR rule (2005-2014) which raised the country to the status of a middle income country with a growth rate of 7-8% by the end of 2014 in terms of World Bank assessments.. This was achieved while fighting a wasteful terror elimination war amidst powers that be throwing spanners in the works. Five years of Yahapalanaya (2015-2019) installed courtesy those sinister forces, reduced the country to penury and the growth rate down to 2-3%. Did the Malimawa manifesto promise anything different from the IMF dependent economic model followed during the Yahapalanaya? 

The JVP/NPP manifesto of 2024 did not offer as clear a vision for the future as the SLPP one of 2019. The reputedly Marxist  Malimawans promised to continue with the neoliberal economic reforms Ranil Wickremasinghe proposed in his Economic Transformation Bill of May 2024 in terms of which  …Foreign investments shall be permitted into all sectors and regions of Sri Lanka. Foreign investors shall be permitted to own one hundred per centum of the shares in entities engaged in such sectors and regions, unless otherwise determined by way of regulations made under the provision of this Part or any other written law…” in compliance with stringent IMF regulations that contra-Marxist Ranil Wickremasinghe had accepted. The budget proposals (announced February 17) are a hardly veiled confirmation of those economic policies.

 Days prior to the Budget debate, ex-MP Wimal Weerawansha, leader of the Jathika Nidahas Peramuna (National Freedom Front) who had remained a JVP member until 2008 described the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) as a left-neoliberal alliance. Essentially the Malimawa manifesto seems a virtual replication of  economic and constitutional reforms the Yahapalanaya attempted after the foreign engineered regime change of 2015 (connected, in retrospect, with the ongoing USAID controversy).

At the Independence Day ceremony named ‘Nava Yugayaka Arambuma’ (Beginning of a New Era)  held at the Independence Square in Colombo on February 04, 2025, president Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared: ‘Instead of celebrating the Independence Day with a backward look at the past, this time, we observe the day looking towards the future’. But he made passing mention of the republican change introduced in 1972 (probably only to salve his conscience). In his brief address, president Dissanayake repeated, with one important substitution, the famous Five Great Forces (Pancha Maha BalaWegaya) that the left leaning nationalist SWRD Bandaranaike, leader of the SLFP-led MEP (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna) mobilised while spearheading the historic soft revolution of 1956 (i.e., the democratic overthrow of the pro-West/rightwing UNP, that had ruled during the previous eight years). AKD left out the Sangha (Buddhist monk) Force, and included instead the Security departments (implying the security, civil defence, and police forces): Thus he briefly touched on farmers and fishers, teachers, health personnel, security forces, and workers. The deliberate exclusion of the Sangha (Buddhists monks) as an influential section of the national polity was perhaps meant to emphasise his secular credentials, his ‘secular’ approach to governance. 

This is not the first or the last time that his deliberate suppression of his own culturedness or his insensitive display of lack of it angered the ‘baiyas’, especially, the Sinhalese Buddhist majority who have no other country to proudly express and freely assert their hallowed, over two millennia old Buddhist cultural identity as a sovereign nation. His public desecration once of the ‘pirith noola’ that the Mihintale monk tied on his arm as a blessing (by tearing it off as soon as he left the monk’s presence), his dispensing with the long established ritual of singing Jayamangala Gathas by a bevy of schoolgirls at the opening of parliament, and  his curt dismissal of a monk’s offer to administer pansil as a customary blessing at the inauguration of a public party event recently at Kurunegala have not endeared him to the sensible public. AKD must get rid of his obsession with  publicly showing off his ‘secularism’ (that I am 100% sure he, his party and followers have thoroughly misconceived)  for his own good and more importantly, for the good of the country..

 It was rumoured that attempts were being made to revive the UNP by bringing the deserters back to its fold along with their leader Sajith Premadasa. At the time of writing this, the proposed reconciliation appears to have been worked through ahead of the impending Provincial Council elections. Despite this, it has also been hinted that the two groups are not likely to face the provincial council elections as a common front. One factor that would give AKD a sense of frustration in this context is: Although  the well known history of the aged politicos executing this latest manouevre who were key figures of the controversial Yahapalanaya regime (2015-19) whose unpopularity and bad governance paved the way for the resounding victory of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 election, the voters of the North and East provinces might switch their allegiance back to Ranil and Sajith. The prospects of such attempts at bringing about a reconciliation between RW and SP succeeding looked rather dim before. But now, that is not the case. They seem to have patched up their relationship at least temporarily so as to pose a strong challenge to the NPP. This and other deft opposition moves will not augur well for the longevity of AKD’s fledgling presidency and the future functioning of his government.

 Behind the blown-up bravado that AKD attempts to maintain when abroad, he seems to be as shy as a cockroach. At home, he might be trying to fight shy of having to face the implications of the cockroach hypothesis of the efficient market theory (The cockroach hypothesis says that when a company announces bad news, more bad news is sure to follow).

But, this is only to pep you up Mr President.

Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them” as a character in a Shakespeare play says. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake! Please prove worthy of the greatness that you have both achieved by the dint of hard work and have also thrust upon yourself  by the maelstrom of global politics. Please make use of the unprecedented opportunity  you have won to save our  beloved Motherland without selling her and her children down the river for short term political gain. I know that you, as a genuine baiya, are patriotic and self- denying. Good Luck to you!

Concluded

Jayantha Liyanage

Date – 20. 02.2025
The President,
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights (OHCHR), Palais des Nations, CH-1211 Geneva 10, OPEN LETTER
Switzerland.

Dear Sir,

THE 2025 MARCH GENEVA HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL REPORT SHOULD INCLUDE
A LIST OF THE LTTE WAR CRIMES

I refer to the report Number A/ HRC/ 57 / 19 by the OHCHR dated 22nd August 2024. I would like to make the following observations & comments by focusing on the subjects of War crimes & Crimes against humanity.
War crimes & Crimes against humanity
The report under section – III, Page 9 & 10 states that,

36. This year, Sri Lanka marks 15 years since the end of the devasting civil war. During its 30-year duration, persistent and grave human rights violations and abuses were committed by both security forces and the LTTE. The United Nations previously established that there are reasonable grounds to believe that grave violations of human rights, war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed during the conflict. To date, the Government has rarely even acknowledged the serious violations that occurred in the conflict or provided victims with adequate redress”.
    SJP’s response the above statement
    The report while admitting, that grave violations of human rights, war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed by both security forces and the LTTE during the conflict has failed to mention about any incidences of the LTTE war crimes and crimes against humanity. Instead, the report was totally dedicated to put the entire blame on the Sri Lankan Government’s security forces by ignoring the LTTE’s genocide against the Sri Lankan civilians by exploding bombs in crowded areas, killing pilgrims in religious sites intentionally with no military value in order to achieve its military objectives. It was the LTTE that started the killing culture of its rivals with the assassination of the then member of Parliament Mr. Alfred Duraappa in the year 1975. Thereafter the LTTE started eliminating its rival Tamil terrorist groups in order to achieve its supremacy before it started to target the ordinary civilians, mainly the Sinhala villages.
    Also, the report failed to mention the fact that while the LTTE was committing acts of war crimes, the respective Sri Lankan Governments continued to maintain the government’s administrative structure in the LTTE occupied areas. The Government paid salaries to the Tamil government servants and sent food, medicines and other household items to the LTTE held areas and the best part of it were taken by the LTTE.
    Can the next report mention any example in human history where a group of fighters eating food given by their enemy and boosting about their military invincibility? Therefore, the said report failed to appreciate such humanitarian acts by the respective Sri Lankan governments but the drafters of the report continued to display their dislike of the Sri Lankan government & its security forces.
    (1)
    The report while mentioning about the 30-year period of the armed conflict failed to mention about the LTTE’s inhuman, barbaric, cowardice acts of terrorism.
    Here are a few incidences of such acts.
    (1). Murdering of about 120 Buddhist pilgrims in cold blood – (Annexure – 1).
    (2). Exploding a bomb near the Temple of Tooth – (Annexure – 2).
    (3). Exploding a bomb in front of the Central Bank (Annexure – 3).
    (4). Attacking Katunayake civilian airports which killed even western tourists (Annexure – 4).
    (5). Exploding a bomb inside a civilian bus at Kebethigollawa (Annexure – 5) .
    The following list is attached to imclude in the next Geneva Report
    A booklet published by the late foreign minister, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera containing the LTTE attacks on civilians from the year 1984 to 1994. It was published in 1996 February 29th under Sudu Nelum Movement.
    Under the International Humanitarian Law, attacking civilians intentionally in order to achieve an objective during an armed conflict constitute a war crime & a crime against humanity.
    Therefore, I, the general secretary of Sinhaladeepa Jathika Peramuna political party respectfully request the Human Rights Council in Geneva to include the above lists as a part of the next Geneva Report on Sri Lanka due in March 2025.
    (2)
    THE ACTS OF LTTE WAR CRIMES THAT THE DRAFTERS OF THE RESPECTIVE GENEVA REPORTS FAILED TO SEE