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While delivering the Budget 2024 speech today President Ranil Wickremesinghe said that Presidential Election and the General Election would be held next year.
Sri Lanka’s government-owned Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) is inviting applications for the development of 1 MW to 5 MW ground-mounted solar projects – totaling 70 MW – with 20-year power purchase agreements (PPA).
The Sri Lankan government’s CEB has kicked off a 70 MW ground-mounted solar tender in the South Asian country. According to recently published tender documents, the Sri Lankan-based projects will range from 1 MW to 5 MW and be developed on a 20-year build, own and operate (BOO) basis.
The projects will be connected to existing grid substations. These are the 1 MW (AC) Kurunagala grid substation; the 2 MW (AC) Ampara grid substation; the 2 MW (AC) Habanara grid substation; the 3 MW (AC) Veyangoda grid substation; the 5 MW (AC) Kosgama grid substation; and the 5 MW (AC) Pannala grid substation. Developers must procure 22-year lease agreements for 1.21 hectares per 1 MW of land.
Projects will be awarded 20-year PPAs with a maximum tariff of LKR 34.93/kWh ($0.11/kWh).
The project’s technical requirements are not specified in the tender documents.
Applications must include a feasibility study covering costs, technical details, and environmental and archaeological impact. Projects will be selected as part of the competitive bidding” process.
The plant’s commercial operation date is expected to be roughly two years after the letter of award is issued. Deadline for applications is Dec. 19, 2023.
This tender is the third launched in the country since October. Sri Lanka recorded 714 MW installed solar PV capacity at the end of 2022, according to the most recent data published by the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA).
People walk along the Pettah Market in Colombo, Sri Lanka. ReuersSri Lanka’s government projected a lower-than-anticipated budget deficit for 2024 on Monday on the back of a significant jump in revenues which are crucial to keep its bailout programme from the International Monetary Fund afloat.
The government set a fiscal deficit target of Rs2.85 trillion Sri Lankan ($8.73 billion) in 2024, or 9.1 per cent of GDP, higher than the revised 8.5 per cent of GDP in the current year. The original target for this year was 7.9 per cent.
Next year’s deficit target, however, is smaller than the 12 per cent backed by the IMF, after the fund warned of revenue shortfalls when reviewing the country’s finances as part of the $2.9 billion bailout package.
The government also projected total tax revenue at Rs4.1 trillion for 2024, sharply higher than Rs2.85 trillion in the current year, with the biggest jump coming from the goods and services tax receipts, the budget document showed.
This is a budget to build the foundation of Sri Lanka’s recovery. We cannot continue as a people who depends on others,” President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is also the island nation’s finance minister, told the parliament.
To ensure that Sri Lanka does not collapse again we have to renew and recreate our economic and political systems.”
Sri Lanka’s economy contracted 7.8 per cent in 2022, forcing it to default on its foreign debt in its worst financial crisis since Independence in 1948.
Budget expenditure has been set at a record 6.98 trillion rupees in 2024, an increase of nearly 33 per cent compared to 2023, with capital expenditure more than doubling and 450 billion rupees reserved for bank recapitalisation.
The budget deficit is lower than anticipated but if we add the allocation for bank recapitalisation the deficit increases,” said Dimantha Mathew, head of research, First Capital Research.
The island will allocate Rs3 trillion to repay international sovereign bonds in 2024 after ongoing debt restructuring talks with bondholders are finalised, Wickremesinghe said, proposing to raise Sri Lanka’s debt ceiling by 3.45 trillion rupees to 7.35 trillion rupees.
The central bank expects growth of 3.3 per cent in 2024, when the country will hold presidential elections.
The cabinet had already approved raising Value Added Tax (VAT) by 3 per cent from Jan. 1 and broadening collection.
The government has projected a primary account deficit of 0.6 per cent of GDP, slightly smaller than 0.7 per cent in 2023, with the IMF requiring the nation to reach a primary surplus of 2.3 per cent by 2025 and reduce its debt to GDP to 95 per cent by 2032.
The debt to GDP ratio stood at 113.8 per cent as of end-December.
Meanwhile Sri Lanka’s consumer price inflation rate eased to 0.8 per cent year-on-year (y-o-y) in September from 2.1 per cent in August, the statistics department said.
The National Consumer Price Index captures broader retail price inflation and is released with a lag of 21 days every month.
Food prices fell 5.2 per cent in September after declining 5.4 per cent in August, from a year earlier, the Department of Census and Statistics said in a statement.
Prices for non-food items, however, climbed 5.9 per cent in September after rising 9 per cent year-on-year in August.
Sri Lanka experienced record high inflation after its economy was pummelled by the worst financial crisis in decades.
But since June, its inflation has come down sharply, partly due to the statistical base effect, but also helped by a stronger rupee currency, and improved harvests.
Sri Lanka’s sovereign dollar bonds fell more than 2 cents last week, Tradeweb data showed, after authorities from the island nation expressed serious reservations” about a debt restructuring proposal put forward by international bondholders.
Sri Lanka is in the midst of a debt restructuring after defaulting last year during a punishing economic crisis. The November 2025 maturity fell at the quickest pace, losing 2.45 cents as of 0946 GMT, but most of the country’s sovereign dollar bonds had lost 2 cents or more.
International bondholders sent a proposal to the government on Oct. 2 on how to overhaul its $12 billion of Eurobonds that envisaged a write-down, or haircut, on both capital and interest as well as the issuance of a so-called macro linked bond.
The plan, which was widely seen as beneficial for the country’s bondholders, saw bond chalk up some healthy gains in recent days.
But Sri Lanka’s finance ministry said in a statement dated Oct. 18 that the country was not happy with proposal.
The authorities have already expressed to the bondholders’ their serious reservations about the construct of the macro-linked bonds proposed by the group,” it said in the statement.
Separately, Japan’s top currency diplomat said one more push was needed to resolve Sri Lanka’s debt problems.
Ranatunga’s comment came days after the International Cricket Council (ICC) suspended SLC for excessive political interference.
Former Sri Lanka World Cup winning captain Arjuna Ranatunga has blamed BCCI secretary Jay Shah for running and ruining Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC).
Ranatunga’s comment came days after the International Cricket Council (ICC) suspended SLC for excessive political interference.
Because of the connection between SLC officials and Jay Shah, they (the BCCI) are under the impression that they can trample and control SLC,” said Ranatunga during a recent interview.
Jay Shah is running Sri Lanka Cricket. SLC is being ruined because of pressure from Jay Shah. One man in India is ruining Sri Lankan cricket. He is only powerful because of his father, who is India’s home minister,” he added.
Notably, Ranatunga is a key figure in the middle of a power tussle within the SLC. Following the debacle in the ICC ODI World Cup 2023, Sri Lanka’s sports minister Roshan Ranasinghe had sacked SLC board and installed an interim committee headed by Ranatunga.
However, the decision was quashed by Sri Lanka’s Court of Appeal. The Court also restored the officials pending further inquiry after SLC President Shammi Silva moved to the judiciary.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who delivered the 2024 Budget Speech in Parliament today (13), proposed to increase Sri Lanka’s borrowing limit by Rs. 3,450 billion.
As such, the borrowing limit for the next fiscal year will be raised from Rs. 3,900 billion to Rs. 7,350 billion.
Addressing the House, the Head of State explained that bank recapitalization and external debt restructuring will require the issuance of new debt instruments with longer maturities.
Therefore, budget allocations are needed to settle the existing debt and the borrowing limit needs to be increased, he added.
In the budgetary allocations for the fiscal year of 2024, the Sri Lankan government has earmarked Rs. 3 trillion for the implementation of foreign debt restructuring and settlement of international sovereign bonds.
Delivering the 2024 Budget Speech in the parliament this afternoon, President Ranil Wickremesinghe spoke on the measures the island nation has taken to bounce back from the economic crisis.
Due to the space created by the debt restructuring process, the government was able to find resources for relief measures, the Head of State added.
He pointed out that under the debt restructuring supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Sri Lanka’s public debt as a percentage of GDP is expected to go down from 128% in 2022 to 95% in 2032.
After the completion of the debt restructuring process, the overall macroeconomic stability and the stability of the financial sector will be further strengthened. We have now been able to achieve significant progress in the debt restructuring process. Key aspects of domestic debt optimization are completed.
As part of the restructuring of International Sovereign Bonds under the External Debt Restructuring process, Sri Lanka’s net debt is reduced to its present value. USD denominated new financial instruments should be issued to settle existing international sovereign bonds. Accordingly, for the settlement of existing International Sovereign Bonds, budgetary allocations are required to record the transaction in the government book of accounts.”
Minister of Sports Roshan Ranasinghe has filed a motion requesting the lifting of the stay order issued by the Court of Appeals preventing the operation of the seven-member Interim Committee appointed by him for the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) and the relevant gazette notification issued by him in this regard.
The motion including the objections related to the relevant stay order, has been filed before the Appeals Court through Attorney-at-Law G.G. Arulpragasam.
On November 07, the Court of Appeal issued 14-day stay orders preventing the operation of the seven-member Interim Committee appointed for the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) and the relevant gazette notification issued by Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe in this regard, after considering a writ petition filed by the Chairman of SLC Shammi Silva.
Accordingly, the court had issued three stay orders in total pertaining to the matter: the first to prevent the gazette issued by the Sports Minister appointing the interim committee for the SLC, the second to prevent the committee members chaired by Arjuna Ranatunga from acting in their respective positions and the third to prevent the respondents including the Sports Minister from interfering the activities of the petitioner and the other officials of cricket board.
Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe appointed a seven-member Interim Committee for Sri Lanka Cricket, chaired by World Cup-winning former Sri Lanka captain Arjuna Ranatunga on November 06, 2023, under the authority granted to him by the Sports Law No 25 of 1973, while the previous board was also suspended.
SLC and the Selection Committee have been under fire after the national team’s recent repeated defeats, but backlash snowballed after India demolished the Lions to register a 302-run victory in ODI 33 of the ongoing ICC World Cup.
Meanwhile the chairman of the newly-appointed Interim Committee, Arjuna Ranatunga yesterday vowed to transform the country’s cricket into a game loved by the Sri Lankan audience once again and create a group of players who are passionate about the country.
In a bid to enhance tax compliance and streamline the taxation process, Sri Lanka’s proposed 2024 Budget includes several stringent measures targeting individuals and entities that fall short in fulfilling their tax obligations. The outlined provisions aim to strengthen the tax system, improve clarity, and ensure the timely submission of required documentation. Here are key highlights from the tax-related proposals:
1. Prosecution for Non-Submission of Tax Returns:
A special penal provision is set to be introduced to prosecute individuals and entities failing to submit required tax returns and information as mandated by tax officials. This measure underscores the government’s commitment to enforcing tax compliance.
2. Clarity Enhancement in Specific Sections:
Amendments will be made to Section 18, 67, and 163 to enhance the clarity of these sections’ application. The move is aimed at reducing ambiguity in the interpretation and application of these tax-related provisions.
3. Strict Submission Deadlines for Documentary Evidence:
To expedite tax audits and administrative reviews, the proposed budget introduces strict timelines for the submission of documentary evidence. Failure to submit required documentation within a reasonable period (6 months from the original date of the call for evidence for cases in Sri Lanka and 9 months for others) will result in the exclusion of such evidence during hearings at the Tax Appeals Commission.
4. Mandatory Tax Identification Number (TIN) Submission:
The budget proposes making the submission of a copy of the Certificate of the Taxpayer Identification Number (TIN) mandatory for various transactions, including opening a bank current account, obtaining building plan approval, registering a motor vehicle, renewing a license, and registering land or titles to land. Guidelines for compliance will be issued by the Commissioner General.
5. Income Tax Treatment on Salary Arrears:
Effective January 1, 2024, the existing tax treatment on salary arrears will be revised to alleviate excessive tax liabilities for employees. The change seeks to provide relief to individuals receiving salary arrears and ensure a fair and balanced taxation approach.
6. Value Added Tax (VAT) Amendments:
Tax Invoice Format Specification: The Commissioner General will be empowered to specify the format of the tax invoice, introducing a standardized approach to documentation.
Uniform Return Filing Frequency: An amendment will define the expression “taxable period” in section 83 of the VAT Act, ensuring a uniform return filing frequency for all taxpayers.
VAT Rate Increase: A gazette notification will be issued to implement a VAT rate increase, effective from January 1, 2024.
Encouragement for POS Machines: Registered persons will be encouraged to utilize Point of Sale (POS) machines for automated invoicing and sales recording, supporting VAT collection for goods or services.
In his capacity as the Minister of Finance, President Ranil Wickremesinghe is set to unveil the much-anticipated 2024 Budget to the Parliament today, marking the country’s 78th Budget Speech.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, the President stated today (13) that the Cost-of-Living Allowance of Rs. 7,800 government employees are currently receiving shall be increase to Rs. 17,800 by Rs. 10,000 from January, 2024 while presenting the budget speech.
The President further stated that this allowance will be added to the monthly salary from the month of April and that steps will be taken to pay the balance accumulated from January to March 2024 in installments within a 6-month period, starting from October 2024.
The President further stated that the monthly Cost of Living Allowance of public pensioners will be increased to Rs. 6,025 by Rs. 2,500.
It was also stated that steps have been taken to establish four new universities considering the current trends for the technical sector.
Accordingly, steps have been taken to establish Seethawaka Science and Technology University (Lalith Athulathmudali Post Graduate Institute will be incorporated to this University), Kurunegala Technology University under the Kothalawala Defence University, Management and Technology University, International University of Climate Change.
The President arrived at the Parliament premises at around 11.30 this morning to deliver the budget speech. Thereafter, the President presented the budget speech for the year 2024 at around 12 noon. This was presented as the 78th budget speech of an independent Sri Lanka.
Following the presentation of the budget speech, the President, the Prime Minister and the Ministers and diplomats joined for lunch held in the Members dining room.
According to the Appropriation Act of 2024, the total government expenditure is approximately Rs. 7,833 billion out of which Rs. 3,861 billion have been allocated.
The Second Reading debate on the 2024 Budget will extend for seven days, from November 14 to 21, excluding Sundays. The key vote for the Second Reading is slated for November 21 at 6.00 p.m.
The subsequent committee stage debate is scheduled for an extensive 19 days, spanning from November 22 to December 13, excluding Sundays. The final decision on the Third Reading of the budget for the financial year 2024 is set to take place on December 13 at 6.00 p.m.
Sri Lanka’s proposed budget for the fiscal year 2024 sets an ambitious goal of raising tax revenue by 47.1%, aiming to reach 3,820 billion rupees compared to this year’s estimated 2,596 billion rupees. The official government budget document highlights that the majority of the tax revenue is anticipated to come from taxes on goods and services.
The proposed budget outlines specific targets for different categories of tax revenue. Income tax is expected to see an increase, reaching 1,080 billion rupees compared to this year’s estimated 864 billion rupees. Levies on external trade are targeted to rise, aiming for 505 billion rupees compared to this year’s 854 billion rupees.
The government also aims to significantly boost the tax on goods and services, targeting 2,235 billion rupees compared to this year’s estimated 1,376 billion rupees.
The proposed budget reflects a strategic fiscal plan, emphasizing the importance of meeting international commitments and addressing economic challenges. The government’s focus on increasing tax revenue is expected to play a crucial role in steering the country towards financial stability and meeting the conditions set by international lending institutions.
Some key Points;
10,000 in cost of living expenses allowance of government employees.
Cost of living expenses allowance for pensioners will be increased by 2500.
The percentage deducted from salary for contribution to widow and orphan pension is increased to 8%.
Distress loans are being provided to all government employees as before.
Allocations to Aswasuma program as social security schemes are increased by three times.
The monthly allowance of 2000 rupees for senior citizens will be increased to 3000 rupees.
Arrangements are being made to provide credit facilities of 30 billion rupees for small and medium enterprises.
Municipal housing of the rental base for low income earners. The collection of rent from these families will be completely stopped. And full ownership of these houses is given to them.
In the year 2024, around 50,000 families will be given home ownership in Colombo. Land and housing rights are being fully given to the people. According to this system, about 70% of the country’s population become land and house owners eventually.
Arrangements are being made to provide land rights for the construction of houses for plantation community. An amount of 4 billion is allocated as a basic step here.
600 million rupees will be allocated for the Bhimsaviya program.
Allowance for disabled and kidney patients will be increased from 5000 to 7500 rupees.
An additional allocation of 55 billion allocated to be used to restart projects that were stopped due to the economic crisis Total allocation Rs. 1,260 billion.
10 billion rupees will be allocated for upgrading public facilities in hilly areas.
10 billion rupees will be allocated for the maintenance of dilapidated rural roads.
Steps to establish four new universities.
Steps to implement a comprehensive set of education reforms.
2 billion rupees will be allocated for the maintenance of bridges, roads damaged by natural calamitie
1 Badulla is given a cardiopulmonary resuscitation unit. 300 million rupees will be allocated.
Efforts are being made to bring medical research in Sri Lanka to the level of other countries. 75 million rupees will be allocated for its first phase.
A separate agency will be set up to formulate guidelines for procurement of medicines.
500 million rupees will be allocated for imparting English language literacy.
150 million rupees are being allocated to the Sri Lanka Foundation for training courses.
A credit system through commercial banks is suggested. Once you get a job, you will be able to repay the loan.
200 million rupees will be allocated for the development of freshwater fishing industry.
>Working to increase paddy production. 2500 million rupees will be allocated.<br /><br />1.5 billion will be allocated for the development of school and provincial cricket.
200 million will be used for the next year for the Kandy Buddhist Civilization Museum.
250 million rupees will be allocated for the construction of the Bandarawela Economic Centre.
450 million rupees will be allocated for the construction of Maha Vihara University.
Another 1000 million rupees will be allocated to speed up the payment of compensation for the missing persons.
Another 2500 million is being allocated for the Lower Malwatu Oya project.
500 million rupees are given for the development of Punarin city.
250 million rupees will be provided for basic work to provide a solution to the water problem in Jaffna.
Despite the end of the internal conflicts in the northern and eastern provinces, there are still places that have not been resettled. 2000 million rupees will be allocated for that this time.
Legislation is also introduced to empower women.
Proposals to invite local and foreign investment for the construction of railway station cities in the vicinity of big cities like Pettah, Galle, Matara, Anuradhapura, Jaffna.
700 million rupees will be allocated for the establishment of Janasabha secretariats.
2 billion rupees will be allocated for the basic works of Higurakgoda International Airport.
The work on the section of the Central Expressway from Kadawatha to Mirigama will be started jointly with China.
700 million rupees will be allocated for the establishment of Janasabha secretariats.
20% of the shares of the two state-owned banks to investors.
Increases borrowing limit from Rs 3900 billion to Rs 7350 billion.
Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement with India.
Pinnawala – Kithulgala Tourism Corridor – 750 million rupees will be allocated for the 03-year project.
600 acres of land beyond the Kothmale Reservoir will be allocated to establish an International Climate Change University.
Nov.11th 2023
It has finally happened and the axe has fallen on Sri Lanka Cricket confirming everyone’s fears including the President’s that the ICC will suspend Sri Lanka’s membership.
What an ignominious shame and what an insult to a country renowned for her cricketing prowess and flair that goes back decades and has a World Cup win in two formats and what a sad day it is for Sri Lanka Cricket regardless of the theoy that this was induced by some of the Cricket Administers on request which by itself is implausible given the facts leading upto the suspension.
“ ICC suspends Sri Lanka Cricket with immediate effect“ headlined the decision of The International Cricket Council Board which has suspended Sri Lanka Cricket’s membership of the ICC with immediate effect and splashed around the globe.
The internal affairs of Sri Lanka Cricket undoubtedly has been closely watched by the ICC and it comes as no surprise that the axe has fallen as recent events within the SLC Administration were definitely questionable as has been in the recent past with corruption and misappropriation rife and integrity lacking in decisions made by the top administrators where it appeared to be“ a source of income and getting rich“ for some who appear to have robbed the coffers blind as had been in other areas of Sri Lanka`s Administration in recent times much to the chagrin of the Nation so what else is new! To add to this there has been Government interference, political cronyism and jingoism at an unprecedented level;which in all probabilities has been the last straw !! and who pays for it but the cricket loving Sri Lankan public undeservedly and the pride of a Nation that once held her head high in what was achieved as a foremost cricketing nation with an impressive cricketing past..
In a statement released on Friday night, the ICC has said that Sri Lanka Cricket had breached its obligations as a member, in particular the requirement to manage its affairs autonomously and without government interference.which really is putting it mildly as far worse is purported to have taken place behind closed doors which has also sadly led to the demise of once glorious Sri Lanka Cricket per se having to bear international ridicule and insults from many quarters especially at the ongoing World Cup for which the administrators of Sri Lanka Cricket are truly and shamefully to blame.
The ICC Board which met Friday has determined that Sri Lanka Cricket is in serious breach of its obligations as a Member, in particular, the requirement to manage its affairs autonomously and ensure that there is no government interference in the governance, regulation and / or administration of cricket in Sri Lanka.
In its statement, the ICC said the conditions of the suspension will be decided by the ICC Board in due course.The ICC Board is set to meet on November 21, after which the future course of action is expected to be ratified and clarified.
Sri Lanka is scheduled to host the ICC Under-19 Men’s Cricket World Cup across January and February 2024. This has now been obviously put in abject jeopardy unless some favorable resolution is made by the ICC but appears unlikely.
The Sri Lanka team have had little to be proud of at the 2023 ICC Men’s Cricket World Cup, winning just two of their nine matches and finishing with four points. They sit at No.8 in the points table with three more matches to be played in the league phase.
Whatever the outcome, this appears to be a body blow Sri Lanka Cricket will take a long time to recover from unless it convinces the ICC to revoke the suspension through viable means and prompt remedial action and all good wishes towards this.
Everything in this world must come to an end. This happened to Gamini Weerakoon, Journalist and former Chief Editor of The Island,” Gamini Weerakoon, who passed away on 11 November 2023 peacefully after a brief illness. I saw it, the ‘Sunday Observer.’ With deep sadness, I announce the death of the Chief Editor, who passed on Tuesday, 11 November 2023. He is surviewed by his wife Rajitha, who is also a well-known journalist and one daughter.
He was an old boy of St. Thomas College, Mount Lavinia. He began his journalistic career at the Sunday Observer five decades ago. There, he served as a News Editor.
When I was living in London as a student, and I had gone through a course in Journalism, in between my studies, the Chairman of the ‘Island’ Dr Sivali Ratwatte arrived in London. He was a friend of the High Commissioner at the time, Mr. Chandra Monerawala. I received a telephone call from Mr. Chanan Monerawala at about 4.30 p.m. I was not living far away from the High Commission. I immediately went to the High Commissioner’s room. Messrs. Prema Abeysekra (brother of Karunaratne Abeysekera) was with the Charman Dr Shivali Ratwatte and the High Commissioner. With the High Commissioner’s recommendation, Dr Shivali Ratwatte spoke to me and said, I say, we don’t have a London correspondent, and why not you write to us to the ‘Island’? This resulted from my writing a middle-page article for an Indian tabloid with a picture of Chandra Monerwala about the Independence Day celebration carrying the Buddha Statue. He was the first High Commissioner to approve a Pirith Ceremony throughout the night. Before that, it was a case of consuming alcohol and chattering going on. After some time, everyone departed. Mr Chandra Monerawala was the first High Commissioner to adopt the Pirith ceremony overnight. Dr Ratwatte wanted me to write about privatisation. I told him that I was not an economist either. Then Dr Ratwatte said why don’t you contact a few banks, get some data, and write to the Island.”
This was how I began to write to the ‘Island’. Gamini gave me a column as Letter from London”. I came to Sri Lanka on holiday, and we have become friends with him ever since. When he came to London once, I took him shopping after seeing a shirt in London. He said, Why should I pay extravagantly? I can buy the same shirt at a lesser cost!”
When he retired, he worked briefly for ‘The Sunday Leader, mainly on world politics ‘and contributed numerous articles for English Newspapers. He was well-known for his persuasive editorials and columns. He was kept at A.F. Raymond’s Funeral Parlour in Borella and cremated at the general cemetery at Borella on 12 Sunday at 2.30 pm.
God called you home, and you left us peaceful memories. Your talent and memories are still with us. Although we cannot see you personally, you are always at our side, giving sound advice when you were the editor-in-chief of ‘The Island’. I can always remember you and Dr. Sivalai Ratwatte gave me a hand in Journalism.
May you be blessed with the triple Gem
Tilak S.Fernando
Asoka Bandarage is known for her unconventional approach in several of her publications on development which extensively draw case study material from Sri Lanka. Her examination of the current crisis in Sri Lanka also employs an innovative analytical approach, setting it apart from most existing studies on the subject. Her willingness to depart from convention in this exercise is commendable. Notably, emerging economies like Sri Lanka are increasingly finding themselves in turmoil during this era of neoliberalism. Bandarage’s book, therefore, is a must-read for those seeking alternative methodological stances and more comprehensive perspectives on the analysis of socio-economic crises in emerging economies.
The crisis that emerged in Sri Lanka in 2022 has turned out to be of unprecedented severity, leading the country to declare insolvency and debt default for the first time in its history. At the time of the declaration of insolvency, the government reached out to the IMF for a package of measures to resolve the crisis. At the time of writing, the country has been on an IMF package for about eight months. The IMF package has brought about some changes in the appearance of the crisis. However, many of the fundamental factors, viewed from a holistic angle, that led to the crisis appear to have been further aggravated by the solutions applied. The crisis continues to take its toll on the people in numerous ways.
Most available accounts, including that of the IMF, perceive this crisis as predominantly economic and financial in nature. However, what Sri Lanka is experiencing is a multi-faceted crisis characterized by diverse causes, consequences, and processes. It encompasses not only economic and financial dimensions but also social, nutritional, and health aspects, political and democratic failures, debt-related challenges, institutional and governance lacuna, bribery and corruption allegations, and ecological concerns. Each of these aspects interacts with the others in complex ways. The remedial measures taken by the government, according to the IMF-written policy package, addressing as they do only a restricted part of the problem, have now made the crisis a very real and pressing concern for the ordinary people in the country. Regrettably, many analysts, particularly economists and financial analysts, continue to emphasize the economic, financial, and debt-related aspects of the crisis, thus neglecting other important factors of grave relevance. Some analysts bring some history into consideration in explaining the crisis, but for many of them, the relevant history does not go beyond a few years in the immediate past. Furthermore, many accounts tend to view the crisis as a fundamentally Sri Lankan phenomenon, bringing into analysis only some international influences like fluctuations in oil prices or critical commodity scarcities in the world market, failing to recognize the critical influence of holistically viewed global developments as having pushed the country into this predicament.
In this context, Asoka Bandarage’s Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World (hereafter referred to as Crisis) stands out as a refreshing and much-needed addition to the body of literature addressing the Sri Lankan crisis of the 2020s. She provides a holistic viewpoint, highlighting the multifaceted nature of the crisis and tracing its origins back to Sri Lanka’s historical evolution from colonial times. The Crisis is perhaps the only comprehensive publication written from such a holistic approach so far.
The book commences with a conceptual overview in Chapter 1, where Bandarage combines different themes that she develops in further detail in subsequent chapters. She places particular emphasis on the historical origins of the crisis. In Chapter 2, she delves into the development of the plantation economy in Sri Lanka during the colonial era. The subsequent three chapters cover the early post-Independence period (Chapter 3: 1948-77), the early phase of the post-liberalization period (Chapter 4: 1977-2009), and the period immediately preceding the crisis of the early 2020s (Chapter 5: 2009-19). In this comprehensive historical analysis, Bandarage offers a bird’s-eye view of Sri Lanka’s key socio-political and economic trends over nearly two centuries and their evolving dynamics. She underscores the global influences, originating from diverse sources and with varying degrees of impact, on Sri Lanka’s domestic economy and its trajectory. Within this historical account, Chapters 4 and 5, which cover the closest influences on the early 2020s crisis, hold particular significance.
Chapter 5 delves into the evaluation of geopolitical rivalry, neocolonialism, and political destabilization, exploring the range of international factors influencing the crisis that emerged in the early 2020s. Influences from Chinese, Indian, and U.S. expansionism into the Indian Ocean region, and interventions from international organizations like the UN Human Rights Council (UNHCR). Mainstream reviews of the 2020s crisis do rarely cover as extensive a terrain as this dealing with the international political economy of the Sri Lankan crisis. Bandarage thus brings in a fresh and innovative perspective, shedding light on uncharted terrain of profound relevance to the subject under consideration. Noteworthy in this regard, is her scrutiny of the contemporary influences of the United States, through diplomatic efforts, to secure agreements signed with Sri Lanka in respect of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact, the Acquisition and Cross Services Agreement (ACSA), and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA).
Chapter 6 encompasses various themes that both characterize and explain the crisis. A central factor is Sri Lanka’s excessive and unbridled debt, particularly its heavy borrowings through International Sovereign Bonds. Bandarage labels this as “debt colonialism” imposed on the country. She also draws attention to the extreme income inequality and widening disparities in the country resulting from decades of neoliberalism. The adverse impact of these factors has been exacerbated by the crippling effects of COVID-19 during 2020-21 and the political turmoil following the protest movement known as the “aragalaya” against the then incumbent regime. The events set in motion by these protests, culminating in the country’s submission to an IMF program, are well-documented. The rise, during this kerfuffle, of a political leader known for his extreme right-wing views, described by Bandarage as a “long-time US collaborator” (p. 82), to the all-powerful position of the country’s presidency enabled the seamless implementation of the IMF program with minimal resistance from the Sri Lankan government.
Bandarage concludes Chapter 6 by illustrating how the cumulative events led to Sri Lanka’s collapse, not only economically but also politically, socially, culturally, and psychologically. She paints a grim picture, stating, “Forces of global financial and corporate power are not leaving any room for the survival of a local economy or a national government that can meet the needs of its people. The multifaceted crisis is leading to the demise of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, turning the country into a mere shell of a state, wide open for more external political, economic, and military exploitation” (p. 198). The situation, no doubt, appears dire, but it is worth also noting that Sri Lanka has a history of resilience in overcoming challenges and emerging from crises.
Completing her holistic analysis, Bandarage explores the ecological dimension of the crisis in her final chapter, which has been used to examine ecological and collective alternatives to neoliberal globalization. This chapter hints at some underlying optimism she shares for Sri Lanka’s future. Bandarage seeks “collective and ecological alternatives to the globalized system underlying perennial socioeconomic, cultural, and political crises, war and refugee crises, leading us to an existential crisis” (p. 204). In alignment with Karl Polanyi’s viewpoint, she argues (pp. 207-8) that allowing the market mechanism to solely determine the fate of human beings and their natural environment would result in the destruction of society. Bandarage draws inspiration from the Middle Path in Buddhist philosophy, proposing it as a non-violent alternative to extremism of all kinds (p. 211). She advocates policies guided by the Middle Path philosophy to achieve the desired ecological and collective alternatives to neoliberal globalization.
Several essential themes developed in the Crisis pertaining to the economic, financial, and indebtedness aspects of the 2020s crisis in Sri Lanka merit attention. These themes resonate with my own thinking and published work and hold significance, as they are often disregarded by independent reviewers and government advisors, both domestic and international, including those from International Financial Institutions (IFIs).
One such theme investigates the influence of extreme socio-economic inequality on the 2020s crisis in Sri Lanka. Inequality has persisted in Sri Lanka since the establishment of mercantile capitalism, i.e., the early stages of the colonial plantation economy. After gaining independence from colonial rule, there were brief spells of dominance of social democratic policies that aimed to reduce inequality. The neoliberal regime introduced in 1977 has exacerbated income disparities offsetting the egalitarian trends of the preceding decade. This trend towards increasing inequality is a common feature of financialized global capitalism, particularly under neoliberal conditions. The super-rich oligarchy in society, often evading foreign exchange regulations and income and other tax rules, acted with detrimental effects on the country’s foreign exchange receipts and tax revenues, contributing to the foreign exchange and fiscal crises of the 2020s.
The rich trading classes (including large industry owners dependent heavily on imported inputs) and those engaged in the underground economy tend to maintain very large funds offshore. The changes in exchange control laws introduced in 2017 have facilitated these practices. Bandarage describes this behaviour as “plunder” by the country’s super-rich through “intentional, dodgy invoicing and stashing the foreign exchange earnings offshore” (p. 13). She refers to a total of US$ 36.833 billion as funds so kept illegally overseas. More recently, a cabinet minister in the incumbent government mentioned an even larger sum, $53.5 billion, held illegally overseas by Sri Lankan oligarchs (see Island, 24 August 2023). Either figure can be compared with the officially reported total foreign debt of $49.7 billion at the end of 2022 (Central Bank Annual Report, 2022, pp. 185-6). Furthermore, a significant part of the fiscal deficit issue, lying behind the huge public debt crisis, can be attributed to the non-payment of substantial volumes of tax dues by the wealthiest individuals in society. Tax avoidance and evasion are widely discussed topics. Rich mercantile classes avoid paying not only income tax but also the more revenue-generating indirect taxes of VAT, Import Duty, and Excise taxes.
The next point worth highlighting here is Sri Lanka’s well-known social democratic stance in respect of social policy matters – a matter already referred to briefly. This has been the case even during the post-1977 neoliberal period in matters pertaining to parts of production, trade, and finance. In this respect, the following statement of a leading political analyst is worth citing: ” … (T)he abiding democratic ethos of Sri Lanka (…) has never succumbed to dictatorship of the right or left, despite several civil wars. … This resilient electoral democracy has demonstrated a proclivity for social welfarism. Savage capitalism has never been sustainable here, nor has a foreign policy alien to the values of nonalignment” (Dayan Jayatilleka in the Island, Oct. 26, 2023). This social ethos came to be established in the Sri Lankan political economy from as early as the 1930s. In 1931, a semi-independent governance system was set up, with a legislature (State Council) elected by the people on universal adult franchise and a Board of Ministers, three-tenths of which comprised of elected State Council members. A strong and widespread left-wing political movement, led by a group of charismatic leaders committed to Marxist thinking and practice, developed in the country from this period onwards. The principal elements of the social democratic stance in social policy, which evolved from this period onwards, was maintained even during the post-1977 neoliberal period. Key aspects of this social democratic ethos include free education, free health services, and the use of consumer and producer subsidies to support the average consumers and small-scale farmers and producers. Although changes have been introduced over time, especially following IMF programs, the social democratic ethos remains robust. This is a main reason why conventional economic solutions failed to eliminate the dual deficits and debt issues in Sri Lanka. Out-of-the-box thinking is essential to devise mechanisms that the people can accept to address these economic challenges. The IMF Extended Fund Facility of March 2023 further illustrates the challenges of implementing a stabilization package defined and drafted without giving due care to socio-political peculiarities in Sri Lanka. Policy makers and their advisers are well advised to carefully read Bandarage’s Crisis in search perhaps of useful insights into how policy processes could be modified to achieve improved results.
W. D. Lakshman, Professor Emeritus, University of Colombo
ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනය කරන ලද ඉල්ලීමකට අනුව ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලයේ සභාපති ඉම්රාන් කවාජා ඇතුළු ප්රධානීන් පසුගිය වසරේ නොවැම්බර් මසදී මෙරටට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවේදීත් ක්රිකට් සඳහා දේශපාලන මැදිහත්වීමක් පිළිබඳව සාක්ෂි සොයාගැනීමට නොහැකි වූ බව සුප්රකට ක්රික් ඉන්ෆෝ වෙබ් අඩවිය අනාවරණ කරනවා.
එම අනාවරණය සිදුකර ඇත්තේ ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් සාමාජිකත්වය තාවකාලිකව අත්හිටුවීමට ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලය පසු ජූලි මාසයේදි සුදානම් වු අවස්ථාවේදි සිය මැදිහත්වීමෙන් එය නතර කරගත් බවට ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් සභාපති ශම්මි සිල්වා ඊයේ පැවති මාධ්ය හමුවේදී සිදුකළ ප්රකාශයට ප්රතිචාර දක්වමින්.
ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් සාමාජිකත්වය තාවකාලිකව අත්හිටුවීමට ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලය ගත් තීරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කරුණු දැක්වීම සදහා ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනයේ නිලධාරින් ඊයේ අදාල මාධ්ය හමුව පවත්වා තිබුණා.
කෙසේවෙතත් සුප්රකට ක්රික් ඉන්ෆෝ වෙබ් අඩවිය පවසන්නේ ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලයේ උප සභාපති ඉම්රාන් කවාජා ඇතුළු නිලධාරින් පිරිසක් 2022 වසරේ නොවැම්බර් මස මෙරට සංචාරයක නිරත වූයේ ද ක්රිකට් පරිපාලනයට දේශපාලන මැදිහත් වීමක් ඇති බවට වත්මන් ක්රිකට් සභාපතිවරයා ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලයට කළ පැමිණිල්ලක් සැලකිල්ලට ගනිමින් බවයි.
ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනයට ශ්රී ලංකා රජයෙන් දේශපාලන මැදිහත් වීමක් ඇති බැවින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණයක් සිදුකරන ලෙස ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනය ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලයෙන් ඉල්ලීමක් කර තිබු බව එම වෙබ් අඩවිය පෙන්වා දෙනවා.
ඒ අනුව 2022 වසරේ නොවැම්බර් මසදී ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලයේ සභාපතිවරයා ඇතුළු නිලධාරීන් පිරිසක් මෙරට සංචාරයක නිරත වුවත් ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනය කළ පැමිණිල්ලට අදාළ කිසිදු සාක්ෂියක් එම අවස්ථාවේ ඔවුන්ට සනාථ කර ගැනීමට හැකි නොවු බවයි බවයි ක්රික් ඉන්ෆෝ වෙබ් අඩවිය වැඩිදුරටත් සදහන් කර ඇත්තේ.
මේ අතර, ලබන ජනවාරි මාසයේදී මෙරට පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත වයස අවුරුදු 19න් පහළ ලෝක කුසලාන ක්රිකට් තරගාවලියේ සත්කාරකත්වය ද පවතින තත්ත්වය හමුවේ ශ්රී ලංකාවට අහිමි විය හැකි බවද ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනයේ පැවති මාධ්ය හමුවේදි ක්රිකට් සභාපතිවරයා වැඩිදුරටත් කියා සිටියා.
කෙසේ නමුත් ක්රික් ඉන්ෆෝ වෙබ් අඩවිය සඳහන් කරන්නේ තවමත් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් තීරණයක් ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලය ගෙන නොමැති අතර අවුරුදු 19න් පහළ ලෝක කුසලාන ක්රිකට් තරගාවලිය සඳහා ශ්රී ලංකාවට සත්කාරකත්වය ලබාදීමට අවස්ථාව ලබා දෙනවාද ? නැද්ද ? යන්න සම්බන්ධයෙන් අවසන් තීරණය ගනු ලබන්නේ එළඹෙන නොවැම්බර් 21 වැනිදා අහමදාබාද්හිදී පැවැත්වෙන එහි විධායක කමිටු රැස්වීමේදී බවයි.
– Hiru
ජාත්යන්තර ක්රිකට් කවුන්සිලය විසින් ශ්රී ලංකාවට ක්රිකට් තහනම් කළේ ක්රිකට් පාලක මණ්ඩලය විසින් ඉල්ලා සිටීම නිසා බව ක්රීඩා ඇමැති රොෂාන් රණසිංහ මහතා සඳහන් කරයි.
එම තහනම ලැබීම ගැන පාලක මණ්ඩලයේ තිරිසනුන් සතුටුවෙමින් සාද පවත්වා ඇති බව ද ඔහු පැවසීය.
ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කරන්නේ අන්තර්ජාල නාලිකාවක සාකච්ඡාවට එක්වෙමිනි.
ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනයේ මුදලට යටවුණු අය ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය තුළ ද සිටින බවද පවසන ඔහු ජනාධිපතිට දැන් හොර සූදු ෂම්මිද, රොෂාන් රණසිංහ දැයි තෝරා ගැනීමට සිදුවන බවද කියා සිටී.
ශ්රී ලංකා ක්රිකට් ආයතනය හොරු යැයි කිව්වේ තමන් නොව විගණකාධිපති වාර්තාව ද පවසන ඔහු තීරණ ගැනීමට බැරිව ඇමතිකමක් තබාගෙන සිටීමද වැඩක් නැති බවද සදහන් කරයි.
Collaboration between private sectors, regular exchanges of trade delegations is essential for improved ties.
KARACHI:
Consul General of Sri Lanka Jagath Abeywarna mentioned that despite 75 years of good diplomatic relations and a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) since 2005, Sri Lanka-Pakistan trade volume remains ‘insignificant’ at US $440 million due to certain barriers preventing trade between both sides.
Pakistan’s exports to Sri Lanka stood at $360 million, and Sri Lankan exports remained at $80 million. To enhance this trade, the FTA has to be revisited, and a mechanism must be devised to facilitate transactions between exporters and importers of both countries facing a dire shortage of foreign currency. As we both are going through a difficult economic situation, hence, we have to help each other,” he said during a meeting at his visit to the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI).
Pakistan was the number one buyer of Sri Lankan products, particularly Ceylon tea, which, unfortunately, is no longer being exported to Pakistan as the importers here are now importing tea from Kenya and other countries,” he said.
He highlighted that collaboration between the private sectors through participation in trade fairs and regular exchanges of trade delegations is essential to achieving the common goal of improved trade ties. Several sectors can promote trade between the two countries, including pharmaceuticals, fabrics, leather, etc., which are being imported by Sri Lanka. We can also provide construction materials, ceramics, false ceilings, cosmetics, rubber-based products, and agricultural products to Pakistan,” he added.
In response to escalating revenue losses, Sri Lanka Customs plans to enforce maximum penalties for individuals smuggling over 100 grams of gold and substantial quantities of restricted items including mobile phones, a spokesman said Sunday.
A recent report from the Parliamentary Committee on Ways and Means highlighted a loss of 1.4 billion rupees in recent times, attributing it to discretionary powers granted to customs officers in determining fines for smuggling restricted goods into the country, said customs media spokesman Sivali Arukgoda.
The committee also revealed a surge in the smuggling of gold, mobile phones, and other valuable items over the past three years following import restrictions.
Arukgoda said since June 2023 individuals caught bringing in restricted valuable items could face fines three times the value of the goods or a 100,000 rupees penalty.
As of October 31, customs had collected 760 billion rupees in revenue, with expectations that total customs revenue for the year would surpass 925 billion rupees, Arukgoda said.
The Sri Lankan government set a revenue target of 1,226 billion rupees for 2023. (1 US dollar equals 328 Sri Lankan rupees)
COLOMBO (Daily Mirror) – Sri Lanka’s 1996 World Cup winning captain Arjuna Ranatunga has alleged that Secretary of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) Jay Shah was responsible for the issues plaguing Sri Lankan cricket.
In an interview posted on YouTube, Ranatunga alleged the close connection with officials of Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) had created a situation where submissive to the BCCI.
“Because of the connection between SLC officials and Jay Shah they (the BCCI) are under the impression that they can trample and control SLC,” Ranatunga claimed.
“Jay Shah is running Sri Lanka Cricket. SLC is being ruining because of pressure from Jay Shah. One man in India is ruining Sri Lankan cricket,” Ranatunga said, emphatically, adding “He is only powerful because of his father, who is India’s home Minister.”
SLC was suspended by the International Cricket Council (ICC) on Friday, citing political interference in the governance of SLC
World Cup-winning former Sri Lanka captain Arjuna Ranatunga, expressing his views regarding the suspension imposed by the International Cricket Council (ICC) on Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC), has called for a comprehensive investigation into the matter.
Ranathunga further highlighted that President Ranil Wickremesinghe has to stand by his commitments against corruption and launch a separate investigation into the matter, in his official capacity, with the intention of punishing those who are responsible for betraying Sri Lanka.
We should investigate how we ended up here, and expose everyone responsible for leading us here.”
If there is a system which allows someone to betray the entire country for self-protection, the President should take tough decisions by conducting proper investigations”, he stressed.
This is the best time to clean this up,” said Ranatunga, who is the Chairman of the SLC Interim Committee which was later suspended through a court order.
I urge the President to conduct a thorough investigation into the pressure exerted on the Minister of Sports to change his decision”.
Meanwhile, he stated that the President’s priority must be to inquire into who laid the foundation for the suspension of SLC’s membership, what statements were made abroad betraying the country, in doing so who tried to destroy Sri Lanka Cricket and what punishments should be given to those people.
However, we must try to get this ban lifted as soon as possible. I am unhappy about the procedure too”, he added.
Ranatunga, who expressed that this investigation must be handed over to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and other respective authorities, also said that nevertheless, it is more important that the President conducts an investigation to uncover the individuals responsible for destroying Sri Lanka Cricket and to punish them.
Commenting further regarding the matter, the former Sri Lanka captain highlighted that even the ruling party and the opposition in the Parliament got together in order to halt the corruption in Sri Lanka Cricket.
Moreover, he said: During the war time in this country, even fighting was stopped for a day because we were playing for the country in 1996. It was neither Arjuna Ranatunga’s team nor Ranatunga’s cricket administration”.
When the Sri Lankan cricket team was playing, even the LTTE stopped the war and watched the cricket match”, he claimed.
(848) ආන්ඩුව මට ගැහුවා – Ampitiye Sumanarathana Thero – YouTube (ඉරාජ්)
ලබ්බෙක් (සේපාල්) හා <පිස්සෙක්> (අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන හිමි)
රටේ හාමුදුරුවරු අතලොස්සකගේ අඩුපාඩු/දුර්වලකම් හුවාදක්වමින්, යූටියුබ්-ෆේස්බුක් හරහා මුළු සංඝ සංස්ථා පදනමට පහර ගැසීමේ ව්යාපාරයක් සංවිධානාත්මක ලෙස මේ වනවිට ක්රියාත්මක වන බව පැහැදිලිය. යහපාලන කාලයේ රංජන් රාමානායකගෙන් ඇරඹුණ මෙම ක්රියාවලියේ බර දැන් කරට ගෙන සිටින්නේ සේපාල් අමරසිංහ, ප්රංශයට පැනගොස් සිටින බරත තෙන්නකෝන්, අමිල සුයාමා එගොඩමහවත්ත, සුදා තිලකසිරි, සන්නස්ගල හා පානදුරේ ලාල් යන නඩයය. මෝඩාභිමානයේ බෲනෝ හා අභිෂේකා කෙලීද ගිනිපෙල්ලෙන් බැටකාවුන් සේ දැන් පරිස්සමෙන් මීට ඈඳෙමින් සිටී. මොවුන් හැමදෙනාම වාගේ JVP ට කඩේ යන පංචස්කන්ධය. මහාවංශ විරෝධී කළුසුද්දන් අවුස්සා ඔවුන්ට කිසියම් මෝඩ සුදියක් සපයාදී ඩොලර් කොමිස් ගරා ගැනීමද ඔවුන්ගේ උපක්රමයය. බරත, හා ක්රිස්තියානි අමිල නීති වෘත්තියද කෙළසමින් යූටියුබ් අවභාවිතය කරමින් සිටී. යුද්ධයක වුනත් යම් හොඳක් තිබිය හැකි මෙන් මේ අයගේ කටින්ද යම් සමාජ සේවයක් සිදුවියහැකි වුවත් ඔවුන්ගේ සැඟවුණු මූලික චේතනාව දුෂ්ඨය.
අශීලාචාර මුඛ සහිත මේ පංචස්කන්ධ අතරින් සුදාටත් වඩා ඉදිරියෙන් ඉන්නේ සේපාල්ය. යමෙකුට සිය ඕමාර් කයියාම් න්යායට අනුව නිරාගමිකවීමට හෝ මාක්ස්වාදියෙකුවීමට හෝ නිදහස ඇත. එහෙත් JVP එකට සපෝට්කිරීම වැනි ක්රියාවක් තමන් නොදැනම කඩේයාමක් වන්නේ අසත්ය හෝ අර්ධ සත්ය කියමින් ජනයා නොමඟ යවන විටය. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් ගෝල්පේස් කුමණ්ත්රනය <මහජන විප්ලවයක්> යයි සේපාල් කියන්නේ රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ මෙන්ම ජුලී චංද එහි පිටිපස සිටි බව දැන දැනමය. මීට කලකට පෙර ඥානසාර හාමුදුරුවන් අරාබි තානාපති සාදයේදී බුරියානි කෑවා, අරාබි ඔත්තුකරුවෙක් යයි ඔහු කිව්වේ කාරණා නොදැන වෛරී සිතකින්ය. සේපාල් විසින් අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන හාමුදුරුවන්ව පිස්සෙක් ලෙස හැඳින්වීම ඔහු (සේපාල්) විසින් කරණ ලද ලබ්බේ කතාවට සමාව ගැනීම වංචාවක් බව තහවුරුකර දෙන්නේය. ඔහු රාසමානික්කම් කොල්ලා සමඟ ලඟිනා නාකි ඊළම් කොටියෙකි.
‘සිවුර කියන්නේ කැළයක්’
අවිනීත කටවල් සහිත මේ පංචස්කන්ධ මෙසේ හැසිරෙන්නේ, ලෝක ඉතිහාසය අමතක කලත් අඩු තරමින් තමන් උපන් රටේ, භූගෝල විද්යාව හා ඉතිහාසය (ඉතිහාසය යනු අතීත භූගෝල විද්යාවය) නොදන්නා නිසාද? යම් ශාස්ත්රීය දැණුමකින් පිරි සන්නස්ගලත් මෙය උවමනාවෙන්ම මඟ හරිනවා පෙනේ. ලෝකයේ වෙන කොහේවත් නැති ලංකාවේ මුරදේවතා සංකල්පය හා ඊට බද්ධ වුනු සිංහල බෞද්ධ නමැති සංකල්පයත්, නෝත් ආණ්ඩුකාරයා 1799 දීම වටහා ගත්තත්, 1930 කාලයේ හෝ දැන් 2023 අගදී සේපාල්-සන්නස්ගල වැනි යූටියුබ් මාක්ස්වාදී නායාචාරීනුත් එයට ගරහමින්, ථෙරවාදි ත්රිපිටකය හා බෞද්ධ දර්ශනය, සිංහල බෞද්ධ ආගම හා ශිෂ්ටාචාරය සමඟ පටලවා ගෙන සිවුරට තඩිබෑමේ මුග්ධ ක්රියාවලියක නිරතවී සිටී.
‘සිවුර කියන්නේ හොරුන්ට සැඟවිය හැකි කැළයක්’ යන කියමන සනාථ කරමින්, සිවුරු පොරවා ගැනීමෙන් ලැබෙන සමාජ වාසිය ප්රයෝජනයට ගනිමින් සිවුර කෙලසූ, බුද්ධරක්ඛිත වැනි පංචස්කන්ධ ලංකාවේ සිටියෝය, සිටින්නේය. එහෙත් ඇමෙරිකාවේ සමහර කාදිනල්ලා, ලිංගික අපචාරවල යෙදුනු පාදිලිවරුන් ආරක්ෂාකලා මෙන් වසංගතයක් ලංකාවේ නැත. ගමක වසන අශීලාචාර හාමුදුරුකෙනෙකුට ගම්වැසියන්ගෙන් ආරක්ෂාවක් නොලැබේ. සේපාල්ගේ ක්රමයට අනුව ඔහුගේ මාකස්වාදී ලෝකයට එකඟවන, අන්තරේ පෙලපාලියන, අරගලේට වැඩියායි කියන, හෝ කටේ බ්රේක් නැති දඹරාවේ අමිල වැනි චීවරධාරින් <ධර්මධර, විනයධර> හික්ෂූන්ය. රට-ජාතිය- ආගම-භාෂාව වෙනුවෙන් දිවිපරදුවට තබා ක්රියාකල හාමුදුරුවරුනමකගේ කටින් ඉවසීමේ රතු කට්ට පැන පරලවූවාමෙන් යම් අසභ්ය වචන පිටවුවවොත් උන්නාන්සේ දුශ්ශීල භික්ෂුවකි. මෙය සේපාලලාගේ ඩබල්ගේම් එකය. නාගානන්ද කොඩිතුවක්කු පෙන්වා දෙන ආකාරයට මේ අය වනාහී හෘදය ශාක්ෂියක් නැති මිනිස් පුළුටුය. අම්පිටියේ හාමුදුරුවන්ව උවමනාවෙන්ම ප්රකෝපකරවා වීඩියෝකර මුදාහැරීමක් කරනවා යන සැකයක්ද මෙහිදී මතුවේ.
ගඩොල් මෝඩයා
ඊජිප්තුවේ පිරමිඩ් අගයන මේ මාකස්වාදීන්, රුවන්වැලි මහාසෑය සැදූ දුටුගැමුණු රජතුමාට ගඩොල් මෝඩයෙක් යයි අපහාස කලේ මෙම වෙනස වටහාගන්නට අපොහොසත් වීම නිසාය. 1505 දී පරංගීන් ලංකාවට ඒම හා 1551 දී දොන් ජුවන් ධර්මපාල රටේ එකම ක්රිස්තියානි රජු වීමත් සමඟ රටේ බිහිවූ සිංහල ක්රිස්තියානි කළු සුද්දන්, පාලක සුද්දන්ට ආවඩමින්, බුද්ධාගම කියන්නේ බොරුවක් යයි ගෙනගිය ව්යාපාරය, 1873 දී පානදුරා මහා වාදයෙන් වළලා දැමුවත් එය මියගියේ නැත (buried, but not dead). මෙය පැහැදිලි වන්නේ ලංකාවේ මෑත ඉතිහාසය, පෘතුගීසි, ලන්දේසි, ඉංග්රීසි හා නිදහස් යුග වශයෙන් නොව, එක පැත්තකින් රට යටපත් කරගෙන සිටි සුද්දන් හා 1948 න් පසු ඔවුන් සිය යටත් විජිතය පවරාදී ගිය කළු සුද්දනුත්, අනිත් පැත්තෙන් පන්සල/ගම යන දෙපාර්ශය අතරත්, ඇතිවූ නොනවතින අරගලයක් නොවේද යනුවෙන් විමසා බලන විටය.
එකිනෙකට බැඳුණු මෙවැනි ගැටුම් අවධි 14 ක් පමණ හඳුනාගත හැකිය. මෙම හැම අවධියකදීම එහි පෙරමුණ ගත්, ඊට මුලිකව ක්රියාකල හාමුදුරුනමක් හෝ කීපනමක් සිටියෝය. වැලිවිට සිරි සණංකර සංඝරාජයාණන් වහන්සේ (1698-1778) කන්ද උඩරට වඩිග රජුගෙන් මෙන්ම කොළඹින් ගිය චරපුරුෂයින්ගේ ඝාතන සැළැස්මවලින් ගැලවීමට සිදුවූ හිමිනමක් විය. 1815 දී වාරියපොල සුමංගල හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ ආදර්ශය මෙන්ම, 1818, 1848 හා අනිකුත් අප්රසිද්ධ කැරළිවලදී පසුබිමින් සිටියේ ගමේ පන්සලය. ඉන්පසු කාලයේදී පානදුරේ වලානේ සිරි සිද්ධාර්ථ, මිගෙට්ටුවත්තේ ගුනානන්ද යන හාමුදුරුවරුන්ගෙන් පටන් ගෙන, මෑත කාලයේදී යක්කඩුවේ ප්රඥාරාම, කළුකොඳයාවේ ප්රඥාශෙඛර, වල්පොල රාහුල, කොටගම වාචිස්සර, පානදුරේ සාසනරතන, දිඹුලාගල හිමි, ඇල්ලේ ගුණවංශ, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට රිංගීමට පෙර ආත්මයේදී අතුරැලියේ රතන, ගංගොඩවිල සෝම, සිය දිවියේ අවසානකාලයේදී යහපාලන මරාලයට අසුවු මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත, අරගලයේ පිණ්ඩපාතේ යෑමට පෙර ඔමල්පේ සොභිත හිමි හා සිංහල කළුසුද්දන්/දේශපාලකයින් විසින් නොමරා මැරූ බොදු බල සේනාවේ ඥානසාර වැනි හාමුදුරුවරු සිය ජීවිත අනතුරේ දමා ගනිමින් රටේ මුරදේවතා කාර්ය්යයට කැපවුවන් විය.
නිවන්මඟ කල්දැමීම
නිවන සොයා යෑම කල්දමා සමාජ ක්රියාවලට මැදිහත්වූ භික්ෂූන් සෑහෙන සංඛාවකගේ ජීවිත හදිසියේ, සැකසහිත ආකාරයට අවසානවීම ලංකාවට විශේෂවූ සංසිද්ධියක් සේ පෙනේ. සෝම හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ අවාසනාවන්ත වියෝවෙන් පසුවත් (2003/12/13), උන්වහන්සේගේ නමට පෙම් සම්බන්ධයක් පටලවා අපහාසකරමින් වික්ටර් අයිවන් ලවා පොතක් ලියවීමේ (පන්සලේ විප්ලවය, 2006) ගණුදෙණුවක් පවා සිදුවිය. R. G. සේනානායක මහතා ත්රිකුණාමළයේ සිංහල ජනයා පදිංචිකරවීමට කල ජාතික මෙහය හා සමාන කරණ විට අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන හිමියන් කරණ ජාතික මෙහෙවර මාරයා සමඟ කරණ දෛනික සටනක් වැනිය. පන්සලේ මුරට දමා ඇති පොලිස්කාරයා ඔහුගේ මුරකුටිය අසලට ආ හාමුදුරුවන් හොල්මනක් යයි සිතා හදිසියේ රෑ නින්දෙන් අවධිවී භයවී හාමුදුරුවන්ට වෙඩි තබන්නට යෑම වැලකුනේ ජාතියේ පිනට අනුනමයෙනි. මෙවැනි දෙයක් ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ සිදුවී ඇද්ද?
සිංහලේට (සිංහල බෞද්ධයින්ට) වටින්නේ සේපාලද, මඩකලපුවේ හාමුදුරුවන්ද?
ඔහුගේ ආගම් විරෝධී, මාකස්වාදී, සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී ව්යාපාරයට විරුද්ධව යයි ඔහු සළකන හාමුදුරුවරුන්ගේ දුර්වලකම් පස්සේ හඹායන සේපාල්, උමංදාවේ හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ (ආගමික නොව) යහපත් සමාජ දේශපාලන සේවයට ඊර්ෂ්යාවෙන් පහරදෙන්නේ තමන්, සේපාල් නම් කෙලෙස්භරිත පංචස්කන්ධය, රටේ බුද්ධ සාසනයේ නිලනොලත් භාරකාරයා යයි සිතාගෙනය. මොහුගේ මේ ඩබල්ගේම් එක එලිකලයුතු ඒ නිසාය. 1988/89 කාලයෙදී සේපාල් නමැති දඩබ්බර පුත්රයාව ඔහුගේ අම්මා විසින් රටින් පිටකරගත්තේ මරණයෙන් ගලවා ගැනීමටය. සේපාල්ගේ පිස්සු සහෝදරයාවූ රාසමානික්කම් කොලුගැටයාද මෙසේ රටින් පිටවූවායයි පිල්ලෙයාන් පවසයි. කලකට පසු සල්ලි ටිකකුත් හොයාගෙන ලංකාවට ආ සේපාල් යම් සේවයක් රටට කලාදැයි මම නොදනිමි. මේ වන විට ඔහු JVP එකට කඩේ යමින් ඉන්නේ වෙනකල හැකි දෙයක් ඔහුට ඉතිරිව නැති නිසාය. අරගලයට ඔහු, සුදා හා සන්නස්ගල තැබූ බලාපොරොත්තු සුන්වූයේ නිර්මාල් දේවසිරි, ජයදේව උයන්ගොඩ වැනි JVP න්යායාචාරීන් ඒ ගැන සිහින මවා සිටි අන්දමටමය.
මෙම සේපාල්ගේ හිස් ජීවිතය, ඔහුත් රාසමානික්කම් කොල්ලාත් පිස්සෙක්යයි කියන මඩකලපුවේ හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ ජීවිත කතාව සමඟ සසඳා බලමු. මෙම සටහනේ ඉහළින් ඇති වීඩියෝ දෙක සේපාලලා විසින් බැලිය යුතුව ඇත.
*1. මහින්ද බණ්ඩාර දිසානායක නම් දරුවාට වයස අවුරුදු 4 දී, ඔහුගේ පියාව ඔහු බලා සිටියදී ඊළම් කොටින් විසින් කපා මරා දමන ලදී. අම්මාද මිය ගියේය.
*2. ඔහුගේ සහෝදරයින් 5 දෙනාවම ඊළම් කොටින් විසින් ඝාතනය කරන ලදී.
*3. වයස අවුරුදු 18 දී මහින්ද බණ්ඩාර මහණවූයේ ඔහුව හදාගත් මවගේ හා පියාගේ අකමැත්ත තිබියදීය.
*4. ඊට කලින් ඔහු නැටුම්-ගැයුම්-වැයුම් වල නිරතව සිටියේය. සබීතා පෙරේරා, ජීවන් කුමාරතුංග සමඟ චිත්ර පටියකද රඟපෑ ඔහුට ලතා වල්පොල වැනි අයගේ ආශ්රයද ලැබුණේය. සංගීත කණ්ඩායමක් සමඟ විදේශ සංචාරවලද නිරතවිය.
*5. මහණවී කෙටි කලකින් 1997 දී නුවර සිට අම්පාරට මේ හාමුදුරුවන් වැඩියේ පන්සලේ ගුරු හාමුදුරුවන්ටත් නොකියා හමුදා කඳවුරක බෝධි පූජාවකට සහභාගිවීම සඳහාය. ඉන්පසු මඩකලපුවේම නතරවීමට හාමුදුරුවන් තීරණය කලේය. මේ වනවිට පන්සල් ඉඩමේ පවා කොටින්ගේ තිප්පොලවල්ය. පන්සල ගිනිතබා විනාශකර තිබුණි.
*6. 1998 මැයි 17 දා පන්සලට ගැසු බෝම්බයකින් 48 දෙනෙක් මියගියේය.
*7. මායිම් ගම්මානයක්වූ ගෝනගලට රෑ පැමිණි කොටින් 58 දෙනෙක් මරණ ලද්දේ බඩේ ඉන්නා දරුවන් බඩකපා එලියට ගනිමින්ය.
*8. ආපසු නුවර බලා නොගොස් මඩකලපුවේ කොටින්ට මුහුණ දීමට හාමුදුරුවන් තීරණය කලේ සේපාල්ලා කියන අන්දමට දැනට අවුරුදු 25 කට කලිනුත් හාමුදුරුවන් <පිස්සෙක්වූ> නිසාද?
*9. ඊලමක් සඳහා අවශ්ය එක කරුණක් නම් තමන්ට අයිති භූමි ප්රදේශයක් තිබීමය. යුද්ධය කාලයේදී නැඟෙනහිර පලාතේ තිබූ සිංහල මායිම්ගම් විනාශ කිරීම කොටි ප්ලෑනවූයේ මේ නිසාය. බොහෝ මායිම් ගම් වැසියන් කොටින්ට බයේ ඒවා අතහැර ගියේය. මඩකලපුවේ මංගලාරාමය පුරාණ රජමහා විහාරයකි. දැනට මේ ප්රදේශයේ තිබෙන එකම සිංහල බෞද්ධ විහාරය එය පමණය.
*10. කෙවිලියාමඩුව වැනි ගම්මානවල කොටින් රජකලේය. මේවායේ සිංහල මිනිසුන් නැවත පදිංචිකිරීම සඳහා හාමුදුරුවන් තනියෙන් මාරාන්තික සටනක් කලේය. හැමපැත්තෙන්ම වෙඩිවර්ෂාය. හාමුදුරුවන් කොටින්ගේ අතින් මරණයෙන් බේරුණේ සටන් විරාම කාලයේදී කොටි හිරකඳවුරක සඟවාගෙන සිටියදී රතුකුරුස නියෝජිතයින් සමඟ පැමිණි යුද හමුදාවේ (?) ලතිෆ් මහතා විසින් අහම්බෙන් හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ සිවුර දුටු නිසාය.
දකුණේ පන්සල්වල හාමුදුරුවරු හා (අ)සිංහල දේශපාලකයින් මේ මඩකලපුවේ පන්සල හා නැවත පදිංචිවන ජනයා රැකගැනීමේ වැදගත්කම තේරුම් නොගැනීම විෂ්මය දනවයි. කොටින් විනාශකල පන්සල සදාගැනීමට ගෝඨාභය ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් වශයෙන් උදව් කිරීම හැර වෙන කිසි දේශපාලකයෙක් ඒ කාලයේත්, දැනුත් පන්සල අමතක කර ඇත. ශාරියා අරාබි විශ්ව විද්යාලයට මඟ සළසා දීමට ඩලස් අලහප්පෙරුම උදව් කලත්, මේ පන්සල බලන්නටවත් ඔහු පැමිණ නැත!
අමාරුවෙන් පන්සල සාදා ගත්තාට පසුව, මෛත්රීපාල ජනාධිපති මඩකලපුවට පැමිණි අවස්ථාවකදී ඔහුට එය නිලවශයෙන් විවෘත කරණ ලෙස අරාධනය කලවිට ඊට වේලාවක් නැතැයි කියා ඔහු පිල්ලෙයාන් බැලීමට හිරගෙදරට ගියේය. මේ නිසා හාමුදුරුවෝ ඔහුගේ නම කොටා සාදා තිබූ සමරුඵලකය බිමදමා කුඩුකර දැම්මේය.
*11.13 සංශෝධනයේ රඟ හාමුදුරුවන් විසින් රටටම පෙන්වා දෙමින් සිටී. නැඟෙනහිර පලාතේ සිංහල ජනයාට ඔවුන් දෙමළ නොදන්නා නිසා දෛනිකව බිම් මට්ටමින් මුස්ලිම් හා ද්රවිඩ නිලධාරීන් හා උසාවි විසින් කරණ හිරිහැර වල සීමාවක් නැත. මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අනුරාධා යහම්පත් ආණ්ඩුකාරයාවූ කාලයේ යම් පියවර ගත්තත් දෑන් තොන්ඩමන් ඉන්දියාවක් හා හිස්බුල්ලා ශාරියා අරාබියක් සඳහා තරඟයක යෙදී සිටී.
*12. ක්රිස්තියානි මූලධර්ම වාදී යාඥා ස්ථාන 400 කටත් වඩා මඩකලපු ප්රදේශයේ තිබෙන බව හාමුදුරුවන් පවසයි. මොවුන් ඩොලර් බලයෙන් ගම්වලට රිංගා බෞද්ධ හා හින්දු ජනයාගේ මොළ සේදීමට විරුද්ධව ඉඳහිටවත් නැඟීසිටින්නේ හාමුදුරුවන් පමණය.
අවුරුදු 30 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් පුරා මේ හාමුදුරුවන් කරන්නේ මුරදේවතා යුතුකම නොවේද යන්න ඉහත වීඩියෝ දෙකෙන් පෙනී යන්නේය. එක්තරා කාලයකදී ගනින්නාන්සේලා යනුවෙන් හැඳින්වූ හාමුදුරුවරු අඹුවන් තබාගෙන පවුල්කෑම කෙතරම්ද යත්, කසාදයක් බැඳීමේ වයසේ ඉන්නා තරුණයෙකුගෙන් වැඩිහිටියන් අසන්නේ දැන් ඉතින් පවුල්පන්සල් වීමට කාලය නොවේද කියාය! දුෂ්කර කාලවලදී, බුද්ධාගම පිරිහී වල්වැදී ගිය කාලයේදී බෞද්ධ උරුමය රැකදුන්නේ මේ ගනින්නාන්සේලාය. මේ කාලවල සේපාල්ලා සිටියා නම් මොනවා කියයිද?
වෙන ආගම් වල මෙන් නොව ලංකාවේ සාමනේරවරු සිය ගිහිනම අතහැර උපන් ගමේ නම භාවිතයට ගනී. මවට-පියාට වැඳ මහණවන දරුවාට ඉන් පසු මව හා පියා විසින් වැඳින්නේය. ගම-වැව-දාගැබ යන ත්රිත්වය ආශ්රිතව ගොඩ නැඟුණ ලංකාවේ <සභ්යත්ව රාජ්යය> රැක ගැනීමේ මුල් පාදම වූයේ ගමේ පන්සලය. රජුන් බිහිකිරීම, රැකීම , දමණය කිරීම හෝ ඉවත්කිරීම හාමුදුරුවරුන්ගේ වගකීමක් විය.
දැන් අපි ඉන්නේ කොසොල් රජතුමාගේ සීන දාසැය සැබෑවෙමින් පවතින අවධියකය. බෞද්ධ සාහිත්යයට අනුව අවුරුදු 5000 කින් බුද්ධ සාසනය නිමවේ. හාමුදුරුවරු යයි කියා ඉතිරිවෙන්නේ අතේ කහනූලක් බැඳගත් අයලු! සංඝ සාසනය බලවත් සෝදාපාළුවකට අසුවී ඇත. ඉන්දියාවේ හෝ අනිකුත් මුස්ලිම් රටවලදී මෙන් ලංකාවෙන් බුද්ධාගම අතුගෑවී නොගියේ ගනින්නාන්සේලා මෙන්ම සිල්වත් හාමුදුරුවරුන්ගේ ක්රියාකලාපය නිසාය. අද ලෝකයට ගැලපෙන ලෙස ලංකාවේ සංඝ සමාජය ක්රියා නොකලොත් සතුරු බලවේග විසින් එය ගිලගන්නවා නිසැකය. පක්ෂ දේශපාලනයට ගොදුරුවූ රටේ හාමුදුරුවරුද අනිකුත් කොටස් මෙන් රටට කල විනාශයට වග කිවයුතුය. බෞද්ධ මහා සම්මේලනය, කොළඹ තරුණ බෞද්ධ සමිතිය, මහා බෝධි සමාගම වැනි ආයතන කළු සුද්දන් විසින් සිය ග්රහනයට ගෙන ඇත. ඒවායේ ක්රියා ක්රිකට් බෝඩ් එකට සමාන නොවේද?
ක්රිස්තියානි මූලධර්මවාදය, ශරීයා ඉස්ලාම් ව්යාප්තවාදය, ඊළම් වාදය, බටහිරින් එන නව අධිරාජ්යවාදය, ඉන්දියන් ව්යාප්තිය, ඉන්ටර්ෆේත් ජරමරය (හෙවත් හැම ආගමක්ම සත්යය යන මිථ්යාව), ජාතිකත්වය වෙනුවට බහු ජාතිවාදය, ලෝක කොම්පැනි විසින් දුගී රටවල් සූරාකෑම, දේශපාලකයින් විසින් ලංකාව අතිදූෂිත, අශීලාචාර රටක් කිරීම යනාදී විෂබීජ ඉදිරියේ මුරදේවතා සංකල්පය දෙදරා යමින් පවතී. මෙවැනි පසුබිමක් යටතේ සේපාල් වැන්නන් කරණ ඝෝෂාවට තර්ජනයක් ලෙස අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන, කුරුන්ද පන්සලේ හාමුදුරුවෝ වැනි පංචස්කන්ධ විසින් කරණ කැපවීමට සිංහල බෞද්ධයින් උන්වහන්සේලාට ණය ගැතිය.
නොයෙක් නිකායවල හාමුදුරුවරු එකතුව සංඝ සංගායනාවක් කලයුතුය. සිවුරු ගලවා ඉවත් කිරීමට බලය ඇති සංඝාධිකරණයක් පිහිටුවා ගත යුතුය. විදේශවල මහානායක තනතුරුදීම නතර කල යුතුය. සමාජවාදය පන්සල් අතරටද යායුතුය. දකුණේ කොළඹ ධනවත් පන්සල් දුප්පත් ගරා වැටුන උතුරු නැඟෙනහිර පන්සල් රැකබලා ගතයුතුය.
Cricket fans who gathered near Sri Lanka Cricket a few days ago stage a protest demanding a shake-up in the sport’s administration following the disastrous performance of the national team at the ongoing cricket World Cup, being held in India. (Pic by Pradeep Dilrukshana)
After the special audit draft report on SLC came to light in August, SLC immediately stated that the institution is not subjected to government audit
SLC has further sent its responses claiming that it is a volunteer organization and is independent of any external/ regulatory control
The AG’s report further states that financial statements certified by the Executive Committee (Ex-Co) must be submitted to the AG
Even when the host party bears the cost of the airfare, food and lodging, SLC officials still can claim the money as it was not provided by the Cricket Board. These are the tactics of the Ex-Co members to amass money from SLC coffers,” Sources
The newly proposed constitutional amendments is the only way forward to arrest the dishonourable administration, for the greater betterment of SLC, and for the only sport we can compete internationally as a renowned cricket playing nation. If new amendments are not brought to the constitution it is unlikely that SLC would make better progress as we have experienced how hard it was for us to qualify for the T20 and ODI World Cups; a clear sign of deterioration in what we were good at,”
– A Former National Cricketer
While Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) is toiling to return to its glorious match winning trend, members forming the ‘Cricket Board’ and handling cricket administration are accused of abusing their positions and milking the rich coffers of the controlling body for cricket to their own whims and fancies.
With the release of the Auditor General’s (AG) report on SLC astonishing details have surfaced as to how the hierarchy forming the Cricket Board’s administration is plagued with corruption.
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| Shammi Silva |
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| Jayantha Dharmadasa |
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| SLC CEO Ashley de Silva |
After the special audit draft report on SLC came to light in August, SLC immediately stated that the institution is not subjected to government audit as it is not funded by the government or the general treasury. SLC maintained that it generates income to cover its institutional expenses from grants received as a member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) by sale of various rights and shares relating to sports derived from organising and conducting international tournaments in Sri Lanka.
Responding to the special audit draft report sent to the Secretary Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs on June 23, 2023, by the Deputy Auditor General Sudeesh Rohitha- on behalf of the Auditor General (AG)- SLC has further sent its responses claiming that it is a volunteer organization and is independent of any external/ regulatory control.
SLC further stated, ‘SLC is controlled by a constitution that has been passed and is neither an institution established under the Companies Act nor an institution incorporated by a special Parliamentary Ordinance, Law or Act. The Cricket Institute is not a public enterprise with shares held by the government or under the control of the government’.
However, AG’s Report No: SPR/2023/02 dated September 11, 2023, states that every sports association registered in terms of Sub Section 21(a) (3) of the Sports Law No: 25 of 1973 as amended by Act No: 47 of 1993 is subject to the audit of the AG. As SLC has obtained ICC membership and represents Sri Lanka under the brand ‘Sri Lanka’, it represents the State and operates as an entity subject to the government regulations. Considering these facts, SLC cannot be considered as a voluntary organization capable of deviating from the government relating process or financial oversight of Parliament. The AG’s report further states that financial statements certified by the Executive Committee (Ex-Co) must be submitted to the AG in accordance with the sports regulations published by the Extraordinary Gazette No: 1990/23 of October 27, 2016.
Meanwhile, it is learnt that former Sri Lankan cricketers and administrators have submitted a report to the Minister of Sports Roshan Ranasinghe seeking to amend the current SLC constitution; which they claim is the root cause for the unethical governance of the much respected game played in the island.
According to this report submitted to the Minister, the sole cause for this present situation in cricket is connected to Cricket Board elections and the habit of bringing to power the same faces to form the executive committee of SLC. The same administrators elected to the Cricket Board enjoy financial benefits which are then channeled to the respective cricket clubs which they are associated with.
Comparing to other Test playing nations, it is only in Sri Lanka that there is a need to garner 147 votes to elect a board comprising the executive committee (Ex-Co). This cannot be justified as in other Test playing countries their Ex-Co members are selected from within a number less than the fingers in one’s hands. The newly proposed constitutional amendments is the only way forward to arrest the dishonourable administration, for the greater betterment of SLC, and for the only sport we can compete internationally as a renowned cricket playing nation. If new amendments are not brought to the constitution it is unlikely that SLC would make better progress as we have experienced how hard it was for us to qualify for the T20 and ODI World Cups; a clear sign of deterioration in what we were good at,” a former national cricketer told the Daily Mirror newspaper.
AG’s report
According to what has been revealed in the AG’s report, officials have obtained SLC funds running into millions of rupees and crookedly in the guise of their entitlements.
As SLC is governed by the Sports Act, it is the responsibility of the Sports Minister to take disciplinary action against Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Ashley de Siva and the Chief Financial Officer (CFO) Mahesh Bopegamage for making payments for office bearers/Ex-Co members and other staff during this tournament when they were not entitled to such benefits.
The CEO has to carry out and implement whatever decisions taken by the Ex-Co. Knowing how much each member is entitled to in the form of foreign travel allowance (per diem), he is still allowed as the CFO to pay more than what they have to be given,” highly reliable SLC sources alleged.
Astonishing details in the report reveal how much funds suspended SLC President Shammi Silva has obtained to travel to Australia on two occasions during T20 world cup matches. Silva has spent a staggering Rs 10.953 million which includes a business class return air ticket that has cost Rs. 2.619 million.
At the 11th SLC Executive Committee Meeting held on July 7, 2022, a decision was taken to bear the cost of the business class tickets for office bearers- Suspended President Shammi Silva, former Secretary Mohan de Silva, Vice Presidents Jayantha Dharmadasa, Raveen Wickremaratne and CEO Ashley de Silva, while other Ex-Co members were paid for regarding their economy class air tickets. In addition they were entitled to visa fees, domestic airfare and a per diem of US$ 700. Per Diem could be claimed only for a maximum period of 10 days.
Silva went to Australia on October 10, 2022, and returned on October 18. Although he was in Australia only for nine days and the total per diem entitlement for this duration was US$ 6, 300 (SLR 2.298 Million), he has obtained the maximum entitlement of US$ 7,000 (SLR 2.554 million) for ten days through SLC payment voucher PY2022008100 dated October 3, 2022. After the initiative of the government audit, he has paid back US$ 700 to SLC on August 14, 2023.
Meanwhile at the 12th Ex-Co meeting held on September 23, 2022, permission was granted to Silva to attend the ICC, Executive Committee meeting scheduled from November 11 to 13, 2022. But he was not granted permission to witness matches; which means he was not entitled for any allowances from SLC during his tour which was to be present at the ICC meeting. However, the audit report states that De Silva had still obtained the allowances disregarding the decisions taken at the 12th Ex-Co meeting.
As per Page 24 of the audit report, it was the ICC that has borne Silva’s air fare, food and lodging for the ICC’s Ex-Co meeting. ICC has paid him a per diem of US$ 500 and for five days; which totals to US$ 2,500.
Despite having been paid a per diem for five days by the ICC, Silva has obtained the travel allowance of US$ 3,500 from SLC for the same period at a rate of US$ 700 per day. In addition, he has also obtained an additional allowance of US$ 3,500 for five more days, claiming that he went to watch the matches; which happened despite the decision taken at the 12th Ex-Co meeting. According to the report a total of US$ 7, 000 has been obtained from SLC during his second trip to Australia through paying voucher PY2022008927 dated October 20, 2022.
Following the initiative of the special government audit, on February 3, 2023, Silva reimbursed US$ 2, 100 (Rs. 767,550) to SLC. This was out of the US$ 7, 000 that he obtained from SLC.
Ashley’s and ICC meetings
Meanwhile CEO Ashley de Silva although paid for by the ICC for taking part in the ICC Committee Meeting held from November 11 to 13, 2022, too had obtained US$ 3,500 from SLC for the days he attended the ICC meetings.
It was the ICC that had spent for Ashely de Silva’s air ticket, food and a per diem of US$ 125 for five days which amounts to a sum of US$ 625. Despite having been paid for by the ICC, he had obtained US$ 3,500 from SLC, for the days he attend the ICC committee meeting and an additional US$ 3,500 for five more days amounting to a total of US$ 7, 000 (SLR 2.788 million)
However, he too has reimbursed US$ 2,100 (SLR 767,550) to SLC on February 3, 2023, following the government audit.
According to the report, SLC spent a staggering Rs. 68.237 million for 14 Office bearers/Ex. Co. members to travel to Australia. Later, Silva, Lasantha Wickremasinghe, Sujeewa Godaliyadda and Krishantha Kapuwatte had reimbursed Rs.2.65 million from the amounts they had received.
SLC had paid ousted President Silva Rs. 10.95 million for his business class air ticket and as foreign travel allowances and former SLC Secretary Mohan de Silva Rs.5.44 million while Vice Presidents Upali Dharmadasa and Raveen Wickremaratne were paid Rs. 5.19 million and Rs. 4.74 million respectively. Treasurer Lasantha Wickremasinghe had been paid Rs.4.81 million, Assistant Treasurer Sujeewa Godaliyadda Rs.4.6 million, Assistant Secretary Krishantha Kapuwatte Rs. 2.3 million, Executive Committee Members Janaka Pathirana Rs. 4 million, Thilak Wathuhewa Rs.3.92 million, Samantha Dodanwala Rs. 4 million, Priyantha Algama Rs. 3.95 million, Bandula Dissanayake Rs. 3.82 million, Nishantha de Silva Rs. 3.61 million and Nalin Aponsu Rs. 4.08 million; taking the total amount to Rs.65.096 million.
Meanwhile, it had come to light how the CEO and former SLC Secretary had issued a request letter for visas to the Australian High Commission. The letter contained 35 names recommended for visas although they were not attached to the Cricket Board. They were of family members and friends of Ex-Co members. Out of these 35 names, 21 were family members and friends of ousted President Silva. Amongst his family members were his wife Roberta Helloise, Mother-in-law Zena Maizie Jeanette Coenraad and brother-in-law Lawry Jude Coenraad. There are also allegations that amongst his friends taken abroad on this tour was the present Ceylon Electricity Board Chairman Nalinda Sampath Illangakoon.
Out of the 35 visa request letters, two letters have been submitted on the request of the Vice President Jayantha Dharmadasa, for two film artist friends of his. Quoting SLC response, the report further states, ‘ They were very fond of watching cricket matches (domestic/foreign)’. These two artists are G.P.S. Tharaka and A.S. Edirisinghe. As per the audit report, SLC has stated that these two artists were regular spectators and were from Cine Star Foundation when Dharmadasa was the Chairman of National Film Corporation.
Amongst the others were nine family members and friends of eight Ex-Co members, two wives of SLC members and one person by the name of Sanjeewa Nishantha Perera, a sports instructor attached to the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC). Up to the date this report was issued, Perera has not returned to Sri Lanka.
In the visa request letter to the Australian High Commission, the Cricket Board has stated that they are footing the bill for match tickets for all 35 individuals.
It is reported how SLC has spent Rs. 8.747 million to purchase tickets for the matches although the ICC has issued a certain number of tickets free of charge to every match that was played.
As per paragraph 5.1, of 2022, T20 World Cup instruction Hand Book, 125 free tickets are given for each preliminary match and 155 tickets for each semi-final and final match. Out of what is given for each match, 75 tickets should be given to the players in the team. In addition, 20 complimentary hospitality tickets are also offered free of charge specifically to be given to the relatives and friends of team players.
According to the report, although the national team was entitled to 100 complimentary hospitality tickets for the five matches that Sri Lanka featured in, the ICC had given them only 69 tickets. Though all these tickets should be given to team players for their family/friends, only three tickets have been given to the players and 38 tickets have been given to the Ex-Co members and seven to other SLC officials. Twelve tickets are believed to have been given to those who accompanied the Ex-Co members while nine tickets have been destroyed.
If these complimentary hospitality tickets were set aside for the players, why were they given to Ex-Co members and others,” sources queried.
As per Sections 5.1 and 5.2 of the said Hand Book, if the Sri Lankan team qualified for the semifinals and finals, for each match, SLC was entitled to 175 tickets. Regardless of that possibility, SLC had purchased 150 tickets to the value of Rs. 8.74 million. Out of this, 90 tickets were for the semi finals and 60 for the final. Out of the 150 tickets, the Government Audit has observed that 76 tickets worth of Rs.3.582 million remained unused.
SLC’s Head of Administration Aruna de Silva giving a statement to the Audit has said that out of the 150 tickets purchased only 74 tickets worth of Rs. 5.16 million had been distributed amongst the EX-Co members and other SLC staff.
Out of them 54 tickets, worth of Rs. 3.59 million, have been given to Shammi Silva while the remaining were distributed as given below-
Mohan de Silva -03 tickets (SLR 223, 754), Sujeewa Godaliyadda- 06 tickets (SLR 447,500), Nalin Aponsu -04 tickets (SLR 298, 339), Priyantha Algama- 02 tickers (SLR 149, 169), Saman Dodanwala-02 tickets (SLR 149, 169) and Ashley de Silva- 03 tickets (SLR 299, 603).
Meanwhile, it is also reported how SLC has foot the bill amounting to Rs. 2.538 million on behalf of six- players/officials who have got their travel itineraries changed due to personal reasons during T20 cricket series.
Niroshan Dickwella, Matheesha Pathirana, Thimothy Maccasil, Kasun Rajitha, Asitha Fernando and Mahela Jayawardena have got the dates of their return journies changed for personal reasons which resulted in the SLC having had to bear the cancellation cost amounting to Rs. 2.538 million.
Although the dates have been changed for personal reasons, without charging them, SLC has made the payments instead,” SLC sources revealed on conditions of anonymity.
The report also reveals how daily foreign travel allowances have been revised to increase the per diem paid to Ex-Co members, managers and other staff when accommodation wasn’t provided by the hosts in European/ African countries.
From March 15, 2022, the per diem rate has been increased by 75% for the Ex-Co. members, the Management staff by 71% while the others enjoyed an increase of 46%.
From May 2014 up to March 15, 2022, per diem rates for Ex-Co members was US$ 500, Management Staff US$ 450 and US$ 400 for others. With the increase it went up to US$ 700, 600 and 475 respectively.
When amending these rates in May 2014, the decision was taken on the basis of ‘if food and accommodation are provided’ and ‘if food and accommodation are not provided’. However, these rates were revised in 2022 and the change now specifies two categories ‘if food and accommodation are not provided by SLC’ and ‘if food and accommodation are provided by SLC’.
This decision has been taken for the sole benefit of Board members. Even when the host party bears the cost of the airfare, food and lodging, SLC officials still can claim the money as it was not provided by the Cricket Board. These are the tactics of the Ex-Co members to amass money from SLC coffers,” sources accused.
At the last meeting held in March 2022, another decision had been taken to increase the entertainment allowance from US$ 1,000 to US$ 2, 000 and a mobile telephone allowance of US$ 150 for each Ex-Co member when travelling abroad.
SLC’s decision to amend the per diem rate is totally against Finance Ministry Circular No: 01/2015/01 dated May 15, 2015; issued to minimise unnecessary expenses on foreign travel, combined allowances and incidental allowance paid to Ministers and Ministry Secretaries.
As per the said circular, Ministers and Ministry Secretaries were earlier entitled to a per diem of US$ 530 and an incidental allowance of US$ 75. This was further reduced by the President’s Secretary through Circular No: PS/CSA/00/1/4/8, dated March 15, 2023; slashing the rates by 30%. Hence the new per diem rate Ministers and Secretaries eligible for is US$ 371.
When the government has slashed the rates of their allowances, why can’t the Cricket Board follow these instructions? It is surprising why rates were increased during Covid 19; at a time the country was undergoing economic hardships in the backdrop of lack of foreign exchange. The Cricket Board is not a private institution, but a national sports body,” sources alleged.
Meanwhile, it is also reported how SLC has not paid the players amounts agreed upon for participating in the 2022 T20 preliminary series.
As reported, SLC has entered into an agreement with the players to pay them a sum of US$ 300,000 as ‘Ex-gratia Payment’. After the audit draft report was issued, SLC immediately paid the players a mere US$ 144,748 and not the promised US$ 300, 000.
Who has bagged the balance money,” questioned the sources.
Further, SLC is accused of remitting US$ 20,000 (SLR 7.335 million) to Commonwealth Bank of Australia on December 14, 2022, to sponsor five players representing a ‘Sri Lanka Cricket Team’ that was contesting a World Cup Cricket Tournament for players over age 50.
As per a request made by a Sri Lankan in Australia, this money has been remitted to an account in Commonwealth Bank of Australia, but SLC has failed to provide details to the audit whether they knew that such an organizing committee exists in Australia and whether the request made to sponsor the players is genuine.
This request was made to SLC via an e-mail on January 6, 2022, and surprisingly approvals have been granted the following day- January 7, 2022. Even though, the request was made in January and approvals were given regarding payment the very next day, why did SLC take more than 11 months to remit this money? Does SLC know when this tournament was held? As stated in the audit report this is unusual. This too has to be investigated,” sources said.
COLOMBO (Daily Mirror) – Reiterating an earlier claim that he had received threats to his life, Sports Minister said that he would not drink even a glass of water at the Presidential Secretariat because it could be poisoned.
“I have faith in the President (Wickremesinghe), I go to see him. But I will never drink even a glass of water from the Presidential Secretariat because I can’t be sure if it has been poisoned,” the Minister alleged.
I am concerned about my life to that extent,” the Minister said.
While stopping short of naming those he believed posed a threat to his life, he alleged people associated with cricket administration would poison him if they could.
The Minister also lashed out at Sagala Ratnayake, who is an advisor to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, for showing compassion towards corrupt” SLC officials.
I don’t know why he is compassionate towards the cricket board officials, who have been shown to be corrupt (in the special audit report),” the minister claimed.
He should be compassionate and praise me,” a visibly agitated Ranasinghe said.
ක්රිකට්වලින් ලැබුණු ඩොලර් මිලියන හයක් විදෙස් ගිණුම්වල ගිණුම් ගත කර ඇති බව විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්රේමදාස ප්රකාශ කර තිබෙනවා.
ඔහු මේ බව කියා සිටියේ කොළඹ අද (11) පැවති වැඩසටහනකදීයි.
දූෂිත ක්රිකට් පාලක මණ්ඩලයට එරෙහිව සියලුදෙනා පෙළ ගැසිය යුතු බවයි විපක්ෂ නායකවරයා කියා සිටියේ.
ක්රිකට්වලින් ඉපයූ ඩොලර් මිලියන 6ක් මෙරටට ඇවිත් නැහැ”
ලංකාවේ ඇති දූෂණ ක්රිකට් ආයතන සියල්ලම විසුරුවා හරින බව ක්රිඩා අමාත්ය රොෂාන් රණසිංහ පවසනවා.
ඔහු මේ පිළිබඳව සඳහන් කරන ලද්දේ අද (11) ක්රීඩා අමාත්යාංශයේදී කැඳවා තිබූ විශේෂ ප්රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාව අතර තුරදීයි.
එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දක්වමින් ඔහු ප්රකාශ කරන ලද්දේ මෙවැනි අදහසක්.
” මහනුවර කිව්වොත් ක්රිකට් හොර ගුහාවක්. මහනුවර ක්රිකට් හොරුන්ගේ පාරාදීසයක්. මේවා විසුරුවා හරින්න. ලංකාවෙම ක්රිකට් ආයතන සියල්ල මට තියෙන බලතල ප්රකාරව විසුරුවා හරිනවා. අවුරුදු හතරකට වඩා බලතල තියෙන කිසිම කෙනෙකුට ඉල්ලන්න බෑ, මෙතන තියෙන ජාතික ක්රීඩා අභියාචනා කමිටුව තව පුළුල් කරලා ලංකාවෙම දූෂණ ටික විමර්ශනයට ගන්නවා. මේ ක්රිකට් එක හදන්නනම්. ඒ අරගෙන පනතේ බලතල තියෙනවා ජීවිතාන්තය දක්වා සංගම්වලට ඉල්ලන්න බැරිවෙන්න නීතිය ගෙන්න. මං මේ හංගලා ගහන්නෑ. කියන්න තියෙන දේ කියන්න එපැයි. ඒ ටික ගෙනල්ලා මේ අයට සංගම්වලට ඉල්ලන්න බැරි කරන්න ඕන. ක්රිකට් එක හදන්න බෑ නැත්නම්. ඒ කරලා ක්රිකට් එකත් අධිකරණයට ගිහිල්ලා පිළිගත්ත නීති රාමුවක් තියෙනවා, අන්න ඒකට ක්ර්රීඩා සංගම් නැවත ස්ථාපනය කරන්න ඕන. ඒකට ඔබතුමන්ලගේ සහාය ඕන. සමහරු සංගම් හතර පහේ ඉන්නවා.ඊයේ ඩීජී හෙනල්ලා කිව්වා වහාම ලිපි ලියන්න කියලා, සංගම් දෙක තුනක ඉන්නවනම් වහාම අහෝසි කරන්න කියලා. ඒ දේ කරලා අපිට පුළුවන් පනත සම්මත කරගෙන ඊට පස්සේ අලුත් සංගම් ටික පිහිටවලා නිලවරණයකට යන්න. සමහර විට මාස 6ක් යන්න පුළුවන්. මාස අටක් යන්න පුලුවන්. ඒ අතර තුළ අපිට තියෙන්නෙ අහන්න Iccයෙන් අහන්න. ද්වේශ සහගත ලෙස ඇයි අපිව තහනම් කළේ කියලා. ”
“ලංකාවේම තියෙන දූෂිත ක්රීඩා සංගම් මම විසුරුවා හරිනවා” – “පනත සම්මත කරලා නිලවරණයට යනවා”
HamasSri LankaWar Against TerrorA.J. Caschetta
Sri LankaiStock
There are many parallels between Sri Lanka’s decades-long fight against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelan (LTTE), more commonly known as the “Tamil Tigers,” and Israel’s decades-long fight against the Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiya, more commonly known as Hamas. And while Hamas may be now stronger than ever, the Tamil Tigers are only a memory, thanks to the government of Mahindra Rajapaksa [raa·juh·paak·suh], who ended Sri Lanka’s 40-year war against the terror organization by killing its leaders and destroying its war-making infrastructure.
Israel should take a page from the Rajapaksa playbook and do the same to Hamas.
The LTTE was founded in 1976 when Velupillai Prabhakaran took control of the Tamil New Tigers (TNT) and renamed it. Soon he transformed the group from a clandestine terrorist organization into a sprawling mini-state, complete with a navy, air force, and infantry divisions.
Hamas also grew from a clandestine organization that emerged from the 1987 Intifada protests into a sprawling mini-state with a massive stockpile of Iranian and homemade weapons.
French counterterrorism analyst Xavier Raufer coined the term “gray area phenomenon” to denote a middle ground between covert, anti-state terror organizations and nation states that control their own citizens through terror. Like a nation state, a gray area group controls territory, provides services, and functions in many ways as a nation state. Both the LTTE and Hamas fit neatly into this category, and both benefitted from the services provided such as schools and orphanages, where young minds are twisted and child soldiers are forged.
Suicide Attacks
The LTTE is the only non-Islamic group to conduct a sustained campaign of suicide bombings, beginning coincidentally in 1987, the year Hamas was founded. However, as Paul Moorcraft shows in his book, Total Destruction of the Tamil Tigers (2012), Prabhakaran “inspired a cult of suicide as a form of martyrdom for the cause which they described as punitha yutham (pure/holy war).”
Over a 22-year period, the LTTE conducted hundreds of suicide attacks using a variety of methods, including trucks, boats, and airplanes. According to Rohan Gunaratna, the LTTE sent members to the Beka’a Valley in Lebanon and “translated many of the training manuals of the Middle Eastern terrorist groups into the Tamil language.”
Moorcraft explains that the LTTE was instrumental in bringing about “a series of innovations to improve the suicide jackets” that Gunaratna credits the LTTE with inventing. It is “essentially a denim vest equipped with explosives,” Gunaratna explains, adding that, “The idea for this suicide device came from the jacket that the Tamil Tigers generally wore.”
Hamas adopted the same design.
Hamas began conducting suicide attacks against Israelis in 1993, and soon became the most prolific of the many Palestinian Arab terrorist groups to do so.
Foreign Sponsorship
Both the LTTE and Hamas have received assistance from nation states. In February 2000, Gunaratna claimed that the LTTE “operates in 46 countries. In other countries, it has either opened offices, mostly in western democracies, or it has clandestine cells.” For a time, India was an LTTE sympathizer, due to the large Tamil population in the south. India’s friendly relations with the Soviet Union and Sri Lanka’s with the West added a Cold War element to the conflict, but warming relations between India and Sri Lanka changed that. From 1987 to 1990, 100,000 members of Indian peacekeeping forces were in northern Sri Lanka to deter violence.
In 1991, a female LTTE suicide bomber killed Rajiv Gandhi in the Tamil Nadu region of India as he was campaigning for reelection as Prime Minister, an office he assumed after his mother, Indira Gandhi, was assassinated.
Hamas openly receives support from Iran, Turkey, and Qatar. It receives aid and comfort from any nation that has outlawed its “military wing” but not its “charitable and political wings.”
Decades of Appeasement
Successive governments of Sri Lanka spent decades appeasing and negotiating with the LTTE. The pattern was the same: LTTE violence led to peace talks, which inevitably stalled when Sri Lanka did not give over the northern third of the island nation to the Tamils for a Tamil nation state, followed by more LTTE violence, and then Sri Lankan retaliation, and so on.
The pattern changed when Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected president in 2005.
Though he campaigned as a peace maker, events forced him to take a different approach. The first thing he did upon winning the election was to make his brother Gotabaya the Secretary of Defense. Gotabaya selected Sarath Fonseka to command the military and together they invested in Sri Lanka’s fighting capabilities, increased military spending, and developed counterinsurgency strategies. But they also bowed to pressure from the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, a “peace-processing” diplomatic mission led by Norway that had been trying to enforce a “permanent ceasefire” since 2002.
General Fonseka complained that the LTTE used the ceasefire to restock supplies and plan future attacks. And the attacks continued, though the LTTE claimed that they were conducted by independent, non-LTTE Tamils.
The Turning Point
Two events hardened the Rajapaksa brothers’ resolve – an attempted assassination via suicide bomber on Fonseka in April 2006 in which he was seriously wounded, and the bombing of a bus in Kebithigollewa in June 2006, killing 60 civilians. The ceasefire was off, and the LTTE’s days were numbered, though it took over two years of fighting before the final battle. 2007 and 2008 were particularly grim with increasing casualties on both sides.
When the final victory came in 2009 at the Battle of Puthukkudiyirippu, the Sri Lankan military outflanked and surrounded the LTTE, killed all of its top leaders and most of its elite fighters. On May 19, 2009, President Mahindra Rajapaksa announced to the nation that LTTE had been defeated.
Israel has spent decades appeasing and negotiating with its Palestinian Arab enemies. It has entertained dozens of efforts by other countries to forge peace deals with Palestinian Arabs whose leaders wanted only a temporary truce to build up forces and plan for the next attack, the next Intifada. Burned out by the Oslo Syndrome, and frustrated by trading land and not getting peace in return, Israel’s voters elected Benjamin Netanyahu again in December 2022.
But it was the Hamas pogrom on October 7, 2023, that forced Israel’s hand.
Resisting Calls for a Cease Fire
Israel could defeat Hamas in minutes if it cared as little for human life as its enemies do. Nevertheless, its battle to destroy Hamas in Gaza should not take long to complete, unless it bows to pressure to wage “proportionate” warfare and consents to more ceasefires. Sri Lanka also faced pressure from the “international community” which urged Columbo to reinstate a ceasefire, but the Rajapaksas understood how the LTTE used ceasefires in the past to resupply and plan future attacks, so they were having none of it.
Ban Ki Moon, Secretary General of the UN at the time, wanted to send a fact-finding mission to the battleground. British Foreign Secretary David Milliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner also tried to broker a ceasefire. Gotabaya Rajapaksa told the foreign diplomats that they were being led astray by the LTTE propaganda, and the battle continued.
Today’s “peace-processors” are being led astray by Hamas propaganda. Believing casualty and death counts from the “Gaza Health Ministry” is like believing Baghdad Bob’s reports in 2003 that there were no American tanks in Iraq. Many have been urging Jerusalem to halt the IDF campaign in Gaza almost from the moment it started. Joe Biden and his Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, have been pushing Israel unsuccessfully to implement a 3-day ceasefire. They have, however, convinced Jerusalem to implement a “4-hour pause” each day for an unspecified period of time. It’s hard to imagine the Rajapaksas acquiescing to such demands.
After Velupillai Prabhakaran was killed at the Anandapuram junction, Sri Lanka released a grisly photograph of him with bullet holes in his head, likely under the assumption that cults tend to dissipate when the cult leader dies.
That tactic won’t work with Hamas. After its founder and “spiritual leader,” Ahmed Yassin, was killed in an Israeli strike on March 22, 2004, he was quickly replaced with Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi who was killed in an Israeli strike on April 17, 2004. Others have followed.
Since Hamas is more than a cult, it will not be defeated by killing only the leaders. The infrastructure, middle-managers, recruiters, and financiers will also have to be either killed or forced to accept their defeat and face consequences.
Finally, at the Battle of Puthukkudiyirippu, the LTTE used the civilian Tamil population as human shields, refusing to let them flee the advancing Sri Lankan military. Similarly, Hamas is very proficient at using civilians, both Palestinian Arab and Israeli, as human shields.
In the aftermath of their victory, the Rajapaksa brothers came under even more scrutiny from the U.N. but refused to cooperate with international investigations looking to substantiate rumors of war crimes perpetrated by the Sri Lankan military and the “unnecessary” civilian deaths.
Once Hamas is totally defeated, Israel should do the same.
IPT Senior Fellow A.J. Caschetta is a principal lecturer at the Rochester Institute of Technology and a fellow at Campus Watch, a project of the Middle East Forum where he is also a Ginsberg-Milstein fellow.
In recent times, Sri Lanka has been rethinking its approach to exports in response to global economic changes. It’s moving away from its traditional exports like tea and rubber and exploring new avenues to make the most of its rich agricultural resources.
Coconut: A Versatile Agricultural Resource
Among the main agricultural exports, coconut is one such resource that has numerous opportunities. Coconuts, deeply ingrained in Sri Lanka’s agricultural heritage, are now at the forefront of this transformation. These versatile fruits play a vital role, contributing approximately 12% to the nation’s overall agricultural output.
Abundance and Demand
The island nation boasts an annual coconut crop of 2.8 to 3.2 billion nuts, according to the Coconut Research Institute (CRI) statistics. Yet, this abundance falls short of the annual requirement of 4.6 billion nuts, a demand driven by domestic consumption, coconut oil production, and exports.
Global Recognition in the Coconut Industry
On the global stage, Sri Lanka has gained recognition in the coconut industry, primarily through products like Desiccated Coconut (DC) and brown fibre. The nation’s DC stands out with its distinct white colour and exquisite taste, securing Sri Lanka’s position as the fourth-largest exporter of kernel products worldwide. Additionally, Sri Lanka excels in brown fibre production, known for its exceptionally long and pristine strands, making it the world’s leading exporter in this category, even finding applications in the brush industry.
Embracing the Global Shift Towards Healthier Alternatives
However, the most remarkable aspect of this transformation is Sri Lanka’s shift from traditional exports to innovative and value-added coconut products. This transition underscores not only adaptability but also the immense potential that coconuts offer as a versatile and lucrative export commodity.
In an era where global preferences are shifting towards healthier, plant-based alternatives, coconut-based products, especially coconut milk, are experiencing an unprecedented surge in demand. Embracing this transformative wave allows Sri Lanka to maximise its abundant coconut resources and align perfectly with the evolving tastes and desires of global consumers.
The Booming Demand for Coconut Milk
Against such a backdrop, the potential for export revenue from coconut milk is staggering. Sri Lanka could tap into international markets hungry for this creamy delight. Beyond its renown in culinary applications, Sri Lankan coconut milk, extracted by pressing grated fresh coconut kernel, has garnered global demand. It is available in various forms, including undiluted and diluted liquid versions, as well as skimmed and spray-dried powder forms.
Meeting the Needs of Health-Conscious Consumers
The production of coconut skimmed milk, obtained through centrifugal separation to remove fat, provides a high-quality protein source, ideal for various food products. This aligns with current global trends, such as vegan, gluten-free, and soy-free foods, contributing to the surge in popularity of coconut milk as a dairy milk substitute. Sri Lanka has capitalised on this opportunity by manufacturing and exporting a wide range of flavoured and unflavoured drinking coconut milk to the world. Sri Lankan coconut milk stands out in the world market due to its distinct white hue, unique aroma, and delectable flavour.
Steady Growth in Export Earnings
The demand for coconut milk, with its diverse culinary applications and growing popularity in global cuisines, is on the rise. Export earnings from coconut milk have steadily climbed, providing a ray of hope in an otherwise challenging economic landscape.
Efficiency Gains Through Industrialization
Traditional methods of extracting coconut milk involve grating the coconut kernel and manually squeezing the fresh meat to yield the milk. However, this age-old practice results in significant economic loss, with only 30 to 40 per cent of the coconut’s potential value being realised compared to industrial methods.
Comparing domestic and industrial milk extraction, the disparities become glaringly evident. While domestic usage recovers only 15 to 20 per cent of the coconut’s fat content, industrial methods boast a more efficient 30 to 35 per cent recovery rate. The residue from domestic extraction often goes to waste, whereas in industrial settings, it’s repurposed or sold. Even coconut water, shells, and parings, which are discarded domestically, find productive use in industrial applications like activated carbon production and oil production.
Maximising Coconut Resources
Despite the shortfall of 1.4 to 1.6 billion coconuts, the nation still uses 1.8 billion coconuts domestically, primarily for culinary purposes. By reallocating a larger portion of this consumption for the production of industrial value-added products like coconut milk and coconut cream, Sri Lanka could harness its coconut resources more efficiently.
Multifaceted Benefits
The benefits of such a shift are multifaceted. Factories could supply high-quality, safe, and value-added products for domestic consumption, often additive-free and organic, mitigating health concerns. Sri Lanka could also bolster its foreign exchange reserves through improved exports of coconut-based products.
By reevaluating the role of coconuts in both its cultural and economic narrative, the nation can bridge the gap between abundance and scarcity, transforming its coconut resources into a source of prosperity and sustainability.
A Vision for Economic Growth
In 2019, Sri Lanka faced a local oil requirement of 140,000 metric tons, with a substantial portion being imported, equivalent to a staggering 840 million kgs of coconuts, or roughly 1.4 billion nuts. This substantial coconut resource was harnessed to produce 240 million kgs of coconut milk, valued at USD 480 million (approximately Rs 91.2 billion).
This transformation from coconuts to coconut milk not only created a value addition of USD 126 million (around Rs. 24.5 billion) but also generated a net profit of Rs. 66.7 billion or USD 354 million. These statistics highlight the immense economic potential that Sri Lanka can unlock by maximising the use of its coconut resources, not only meeting local demands but also creating profitable opportunities through value addition.
Innovative Proposals for Economic Growth
To bolster Sri Lanka’s economy through its coconut kernel industry, a groundbreaking proposal has emerged: the implementation of a value-based rebate certificate system. Under this proposal, manufacturers of coconut kernel-based products would be granted tax quotas of Rs 50 for importing coconut oil, with the allocation determined by their contribution to exports. This allocation could be based on the foreign revenue they bring into the country or the volume they export.
Efficient Resource Allocation
Consider an example of a revenue-based quota system, where 1 kg of quota is granted for every 4 USD in foreign revenue generated. In this scenario, the total foreign exchange earnings from the coconut kernel industry amount to an impressive USD 350 million. Using the revenue-based quota system translates to an allocation of 87.5 million kgs, equivalent to 87,500 metric tons of coconut oil to be imported. This imported oil would be sufficient for approximately 700 million coconuts.
Innovative Solutions to the Coconut Shortage Predicament
From a cost perspective, the government’s investment in this system would be approximately LKR 4,375 million (or USD 21.8 million). However, considering Sri Lanka’s existing coconut shortage for both domestic consumption and industrial usage, this strategy presents an innovative solution. It would alleviate the coconut shortage predicament and allow for the allocation of more coconuts to produce value-added coconut kernel products, consequently boosting the country’s foreign exchange reserves.
Economic Gains from Coconut Milk Production
By producing coconut milk from the 700 million allocated coconuts, this initiative could generate foreign revenue of USD 280 million. After deducting the initial government cost of USD 21.8 million, the net gain for the country would amount to USD 258.2 million. Simultaneously, the importation of fresh coconuts would bolster local coconut supplies, stabilising prices for both farmers and consumers.
Addressing the Critical Deficit
The current expected foreign exchange revenue stands at an impressive $1.2 billion, with existing earnings from both kernel and non-kernel-based products at $400 million each. However, a critical $400 million deficit looms on the horizon.
Safeguarding Coconut Growers
To bridge this gap and secure a brighter future for Sri Lanka, the nation envisions importing fresh coconuts. These coconuts will be the raw materials for producing high-demand products like coconut milk, Virgin Coconut Oil (VCO), and Desiccated Coconut (DC). Each kilogram of coconut used in these processes promises significant foreign exchange gains, further enriching the nation’s coffers.
Preserving Local Coconut Farming Communities
This visionary proposal doesn’t just reflect economic ambition; it reflects a deep commitment to safeguarding local coconut growers. When coconut prices at the Colombo auction dip below the threshold of Rs 65 per nut, imports can be judiciously curtailed. This safeguard is more than a mere economic manoeuvre; it’s a lifeline for local growers, preserving their livelihoods and maintaining a fair minimum price for their produce.
Ensuring Stable and Improved Income
Foremost among these advantages is the assurance of stable and improved income. Historically, coconut growers have grappled with the unpredictability of local coconut prices, which often fluctuate due to market dynamics. However, with the increase in coconut exports, demand for coconuts will rise, leading to higher and more stable prices for their produce. This means that coconut growers can look forward to a reliable source of income that not only sustains their livelihoods but elevates their economic well-being.
Coconut Exports in the Region: A Lesson in Economic Growth
Coconut exports in the region have been a significant driver of economic growth and stability for several countries, including Sri Lanka. Neighbouring nations such as Thailand and Indonesia have successfully leveraged their natural coconut resources to establish themselves as major players in the global coconut market.
Thailand, for instance, has become a leading exporter of coconut products such as coconut milk, coconut water, and coconut oil. The country’s coconut milk, known for its quality and taste, has gained popularity in international markets and is widely used in various cuisines. Thailand’s success in coconut exports has contributed to its economic growth and stability.
Indonesia, another regional powerhouse in coconut production, has also diversified its coconut exports. The country is a major exporter of products like coconut oil and desiccated coconut. Indonesia’s coconut oil, in particular, is in high demand globally, with applications in food, cosmetics, and industrial sectors.
Embracing Adaptability and Pragmatism in Sri Lanka
These neighbouring countries have not only bolstered their economies through coconut exports but have also made pragmatic choices like importing coconuts for domestic consumption. This strategic approach allows them to focus on producing high-value coconut-based products for the global market.
Coconut exports in the region, led by countries like Thailand and Indonesia, have demonstrated the economic potential of coconut-based products in the global market. Sri Lanka is following suit by diversifying its coconut exports, aligning with contemporary consumer preferences and global trends, and aiming for economic growth and sustainability.
Preserving Tradition and Promoting Sustainability
Sri Lanka, recognising the success of its regional counterparts, is also shifting its focus towards coconut-based exports, particularly coconut milk. This shift reflects a broader change in mindset, emphasising adaptability and pragmatism. By learning from its neighbours and maximising the potential of coconut exports, Sri Lanka aims to unlock a future where coconuts are not wasted but celebrated as a valuable export commodity.
Promoting Sustainable Agriculture and Economic Prosperity
Furthermore, the expansion of coconut exports safeguards the future of these farming communities. By creating a more lucrative market for coconuts, this initiative encourages the younger generation to embrace coconut farming as a viable profession. This not only preserves the traditional knowledge and practices of coconut cultivation but also injects fresh energy into the industry, ensuring its continuity for generations to come.
The ripple effects of this growth extend beyond financial gains. With increased income and market stability, coconut growers can invest in the modernisation of their farms, adopting advanced farming techniques and technologies. This not only enhances productivity but also promotes sustainable and eco-friendly farming practices, aligning with global demands for responsible agriculture.
Coconut Milk: A Sustainable Future
These countries’ success in coconut milk exports reflects the increasing popularity of coconut-based products, driven by global trends favouring healthier and plant-based food alternatives. As consumers worldwide continue to seek coconut milk for its culinary and health benefits, the region’s coconut-producing nations are poised to play a crucial role in meeting this demand and expanding their export markets further. Coconut milk exports are not only economically beneficial but also align with the shift towards sustainable and plant-based food options, making them a significant part of the region’s agricultural exports.
Unlocking Economic Advantages Through Coconut Milk Exports
Exporting coconut milk holds significant economic advantages for Sri Lanka. This strategic shift from traditional exports like tea and rubber diversifies the country’s export portfolio, reducing reliance on a few commodities and spreading economic risk. The global demand for coconut milk is on the rise, thanks to its versatile use in various cuisines and as a dairy milk substitute, providing Sri Lanka with an opportunity to tap into a lucrative market.
Adding Value and Promoting Sustainability
Moreover, processing coconut milk adds value to raw coconuts, enabling higher pricing and profit margins. This value addition contributes to increased revenue, strengthens foreign exchange reserves, and fosters job creation along the coconut milk production chain. Importantly, it stabilises coconut prices for farmers and consumers, ensuring fair returns for agricultural efforts. By adapting to global food trends favouring healthier and plant-based options, Sri Lanka’s coconut milk exports not only boost the economy but also promote sustainability in the country’s rich coconut industry.
Conclusion: A Prosperous Path Forward
Sri Lanka’s journey towards coconut-based exports, especially coconut milk, is a transformative and forward-thinking approach that capitalises on the nation’s abundant coconut resources. It offers economic growth, stability, and sustainability while preserving the cultural and agricultural heritage of coconut farming. This strategic shift holds the promise of a brighter future for Sri Lanka, where coconuts are not just a local tradition but a global export commodity driving prosperity and well-being.
About the Author:
Randeewa Malalasooriya is President, Coconut Milk Manufacturers Association
South African High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, His Excellency Sandile Edwin Schalk met Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne at the Defence Headquarters Complex, Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte today (Nov 10).
Gen. Gunaratne warmly received the South African envoy and had a discussion on the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on the defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and South Africa.
The MOU will enhance the relationship between the two countries by fostering mutual trust promoting stability and strengthening strategic ties.
Military Liaison Officer Major General Dhammika Welagedara and Senior Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Defence Mr. Harsha Withanarachchi were also present at the occasion.
ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩාවේ පවතින දූෂණ අක්රමිකතා සොයා බලා සියලු පරිණත ක්රීඩකයින් එකතු කළ යුතුයි..
බංකොලොත් වී ඇති රටේ ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිමත් කිරිම සියලු දෙනාගේම සාමූහික වගකීමක්..
ලංකාවේ companies ලක්ෂ එකහමාරක් තියෙනවා බදු ගෙවන පයිල් තියෙන්නෙ 20 දාහයි..
සමස්ත රාජ්ය සේවයෙන් 15% 20% රාජ්ය නිලධාරීන් මේ රට නොමඟ යවලා තියෙන්නේ…
ලබන වසර මැතිවරණ වර්ෂයක්. මැතිවරණ කිහිපයක් පැවැත්වීමට නියමිතයි…
රට පත්ව තිබුණු අඳුරු කාල පරිච්ඡේදයෙන් යම් මට්ටමක ඉදිරියට පැමිණෙන අවස්ථාවක අපි සියලු දෙනාගේම වගකීම එකට එක්ව කටයුතු කිරීම බවත්, ක්රිකට් ආයතනයේ පවතින වංචා දූෂණ නැති කර පරිණත ක්රීඩකයින්ට අවස්ථාව ලබාදෙමින් එය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට පියවර ගත යුතු බවත්, හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්ය රවි කරුණානායක මහතා පවසනවා.
අද වන විට අපේ රට අඳුරු කාල පරිච්ඡේදයකින් ගමන් කරන අවස්ථාවක රටේ ආර්ථිකය කඩා වැටී තිබුණු අවස්ථාවේ ඒකට යම් පුනර්ජීවයක් ලැබිලා යන මොහොතකයි අපි සිටින්නේ, ලබන වර්ෂය මැතිවරණ වර්ෂයක් බවත් මැතිවරණ කිහිපයක් පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත බවද හිටපු අමාත්යවරයා පැවසුවා. ඔහු මෙම අදහස් පළ කළේ Grand Oriental හෝටලයේ පැවති විශේෂ උත්සවයකින් අනතුරුව මාධ්ය වෙත අදහස් දක්වමින්.
මෙහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වූ හිටපු අමාත්ය රවි කරුණානායක මහතා,
මම හිතන්නේ අපේ රට ඉතාමත් අඳුරු කාලයක් තුළින් ගමන් කරන වෙලාවක් ආර්ථිකය කඩාගෙන වැටුනා එකට පුනර්ජීවයක් ලැබිලා තිබෙනවා. අපි කවුරුත් ආදරය කරන ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩාවට යම් ගැටලු සහගත තත්ත්වයක් උද්ගතව තිබෙනවා ඒක යථා තත්ත්වයට පත් කරලා එහි පවතින දූෂණ අක්රමිකතා නැති කර පරිණත ක්රීඩකයන්ට අවස්ථාව ලබාදීම සඳහා කටයුතු කිරීම හැම දෙනාගෙම ප්රාර්ථනාවක්. මේ සඳහා අනිසි ඇඟිලි ගැසීමක් අනවශ්යයි. අපේ ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩකයන්ගේ සහජ හැකියාව ඉස්මතු වන ආකාරයේ වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ක්රියාත්මක කරන්න ඕනි.මෙතන අක්රමිකතා වෙලා තියෙනවා නම් එවැනි අය වහාම ඉවත් කළ යුතුයි.ඔවුන්ට දඬුවම් ලබා දිය යුතුයි.
ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩාවේ පමණක් නොවේ දූෂණය වංචා වෙන සියලු තැන් පිරිසිදු කිරීම අත්යවශ්යයි. ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩාව තුළ වෙනස්කම් ඇතිකළ යුතුයි රටේ ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිමත් කරනවා වගේම ක්රිකට් ක්රීඩාවත් ඒ වගේම කරන්න ඕනේ ඒකට මම හිතන විදිහට වෘත්තීය පදනමක් ඇති මේ රටට කීර්ති නාමයක් ගෙනාපු ක්රීඩකයින් සම්බන්ධ කරගෙන ඔක්කොම එකතුවෙලා වැඩපිළිවෙළක් හදන්න ඕනේ.
ඉදිරියේදී ගෙන ඒමට නියමිත අය-වැය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මාධ්යවේදීන් නැගූ ප්රශ්න වලට පිළිතුරු දුන් හිටපු අමාත්යවරයා, මං හිතන විදිහට වර්තමාන ජනාධිපති වික්රමසිංහ මහතා අපේ රට පැවැති අඳුරු යුගයෙන් යම් තරමකට ඉදිරියට ගෙනත් තිබෙනවා ඒක ලෙහෙසි ගමනක් නෙමෙයි, නමුත් මේ අය වැයත් අමාරු දුශ්කර තාවයෙන් උඩට ගේන්න පුළුවන් නායකත්ව වැඩපිළිවෙළක් එතුමා පෙන්වයි. මේ අවස්ථාවේ අපි සියලු දෙනාම සහ මූහික හැඟීමකින් ඔහුට උදව් කළ යුතුයි. වැටිලා තිබෙන ආර්ථිකය ගොඩ නැගීමට එතුමා කටයුතු කරනවා මේ රට බංකොලොත් භාවයට පත් කළේ එතුමා නෙමෙයිනේ එනිසා මේ ආර්ථික අවපාතයෙන් එලියට එන එක ලේසි කටයුත්තක් නෙමෙයි. මේ අවස්ථාවේ හොඳම දේ තමයි වියදම අඩු කරල ආදායම උපයන්න පුළුවන් නිර්මාණශීලී භාවයක් ඇති කළ යුතුයි. විශේෂයෙන් ම කළ යුත්තේ අපනයන ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමයි.
මම නැවත කියන්නේ රටේ ආර්ථිකය කඩා වැට්ටුවේ කවුද අපිට ඒ නිසා ජාත්යන්තර අරමුදලට යන්න වුණා නමුත් අපි එකෙන් එළියට එන්න ඕනි වගේම ප්රායෝගිකව ජාත්යන්තර අරමුදල කියන හැමදේකටම නැමෙන්න ඕනි නෑ. අපේ රටේ ක්රමවේදයක් හරහා හැමදේම නිකං දෙනවට වඩා ස්වාධීනව මහන්සිවෙලා වැඩ කරලා ආර්ථිකය ශක්තිමත් කරගත යුතුයි. ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම සාමාන්ය10% අපරාධ නිසා තමයි සියයට අනුවක් බැටකන්නේ, දැන් අද කම්පැනි ලක්ෂ එකහමාරක් පමණ තියෙනවා රටේ, නමුත් බදු ගෙවන ෆයිල් තියෙන්නේ විසිදාහයි. ඉතින් මේක පුදුම රටක් මේ තත්ත්වය අපි වෙනස් කළ යුතුයි.
අනිත් එක තමයි මම හැමතිස්සෙම ආදරෙන් කියනවා රජයේ නිලධාරීන්ට වැඩ කරන දක්ෂයින් ඉන්නවා. නමුත් 15%, 20% කට්ටිය මේ රට නොමඟ යවලා තියෙනවා.
හැමෝම දේශපාලනඥයන්ට ඇඟිල්ල දික් කරනවා. අද ලංකාවේ ඉන්නේ ඔක්කොම ගත්තොත් දේශපාලකයෝ නව දහක් විතර අපි කියමුකෝ මේ දේශපාලඥයෝ ඔක්කොම එපයි කියලා. එතකොට ලක්ෂ දාහතක රාජ්ය නිලධාරීන් මොකද කරන්නේ, මේ හැමදේම කරන්න තියෙන්නෙ ඔවුන් තුළින්. මේ රට අවුරුදු 71 තිස්සෙම එක් එක් කෙනාට ඇඟිල්ල දික් කරලා ප්රශ්න මග ඇරලා තියෙන්නෙ. දැන්වත් ඒ තත්ත්වය වෙනස් කළ යුතුයි.
එන වසරේ ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදී විදියට මැතිවරණ පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත බවත්, බොහෝ දුරදුරට මැතිවරණ දෙකක් තුනක් පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත බවද මෙහිදී හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්ය රවි කරුණානායක මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් පවසා සිටියා.
Ever since February 2022, Western mainstream media has been telling us that Russia cannot possibly win its war in Ukraine. Zelensky, with his hundreds of billions of dollars’ backing from the West, would surely prevail. Russia has always been taking unbearably heavy losses. Putin is always about to keel over dead. A fresh shipment of US wonder-weapons will turn the tide. A crushing Ukrainian victory is always at hand.
Because they could not imagine Ukraine losing, Western pundits could not see that it was losing. They missed the fact that from the moment the non-Western world majority refused to accept US sanctions on Russia, it was effectively over. Virtually the entire war has been fought under the shadow of an inevitable Russian victory. It has always been just a matter of time.
Might a similar situation prevail in the war for Palestine? The non-Western world majority has turned sharply against Israel—even more sharply than it turned against the US in its war on Russia through Ukraine. Yet Western media continue to manufacture and inhabit a bubble completely divorced from moral and strategic reality. They can’t even imagine Israel being in the wrong, even though it obviously is. They can’t imagine Hamas being noble and chivalrous fighters, and Israelis being cowardly child-killing terrorists, though such is obviously the case. They can’t acknowledge that the vast majority of the world disagrees with them for very good reasons, not because of anti-Semitism.” And above all they can’t imagine that Israel, despite (or because of) its genocidal assault on civilians, is losing the war.
Just as you had to read pro-Russian” sources (like Col. Douglas MacGregor) to get the truth about the war in Ukraine, you need to stay abreast of the pro-Resistance global majority view to get an accurate picture of the war for Palestine. To that end, check out my quick, Google-translate-assisted rendition of an enlightening article published yesterday by Al-Jazeera.
Zuhair Hamdani and Talal Mushati for Al-Jazeera
Israeli leaders are preparing a tense and frustrated Israeli public for unforeseen surprises in their war on Gaza, by talking about a long, costly, and cruel war. The high expectations they have set for their war will be difficult to achieve, lacking as they do a clear military or political plan.
Israeli Chief of Staff Herzi Halevy says, We are waging a war with a cruel enemy, and this war has a painful and heavy price,” while Defense Minister Benny Gantz sums up the difficulty of the ground war: The images coming from the ground battle are painful, and our tears are falling when we see our soldiers falling.”
The Israeli leadership has launched its war on Gaza at a time when it has the confidence of only 27% of the Israeli public, while only about 51% trust the Israeli army. Added to this are the burdens of 250,000 people seeking refuge from the Gaza region and the northern areas near Lebanon, as well as the more than 240 Israelis held prisoner by the resistance in Gaza.
Accordingly, for Israel, this war is not like previous wars. Israel is suffering huge daily losses and erosion of resources, including soldiers, equipment, time, money, and legitimacy (internal and external support). The cost will continue to rise as the war lengthens or expands.
Israel Will Lose. Here’s Why., by Kevin Barrett – The Unz Review
During his recent visit to the United States, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of the National People’s Power, addressed an interesting question from a Sri Lankan resident. The person highlighted the significant dominance of the white population[S2] in the US but also emphasized their peaceful coexistence with other migrant communities despite their majority status. In drawing a comparison to Sri Lanka, the person underscored the prevalent presence of the Sinhala people yet pointed out instances of discrimination[S3] [S4] faced by them, particularly in specific areas where it is more pronounced. He appealed to the NPP leader to recognize the challenges currently faced by the Sinhala community in their homeland. This interaction prompted us to examine and discuss the ever-evolving nature of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, particularly in light of the expanding influence and affluence of the global Sinhala diaspora[S5] . This essay seeks to foster a discussion on how the growing support from this thriving Sinhala diaspora for contemporary temples[S6] might shape the future of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism within the realm of long distance nationalism.
What is long distance nationalism[S7] ?
As of 2020, Sri Lanka had an estimated three million emigrants, with one million having permanently settled abroad, creating a unique one-to-twenty diaspora to population ratio for the country (Jayawardena, 2020). Considering the increased outmigration during the financial crises, this figure is likely higher now. A recent survey by the Social Indicator – Centre for Policy Alternativesrevealed that 67.7% of Sri Lankans express a willingness to migrate and reside in other countries, a percentage that continues to rise. In light of these trends, the significance of the diaspora is expected to grow in the coming years.
Long distance nationalism denotes various identity assertions and activities that connect individuals across different geographical regions to their ancestral homeland. These activities span from political participation, such as voting and lobbying to financial contributions and artistic expression(Schiller, 2005[S8] ). Commonly referred to as the diaspora in everyday conversations, this group plays a crucial role in the political, economic and cultural landscape of Sri Lanka. According to the National Peace Council’s study titled Language of Peacebuilding in Post-war Sri Lanka, while the term Tamil diaspora has historically carried negative connotations among the Sinhalese, it is important to shift some focus to the increasingly influential Sinhalese diaspora, considering their status as the majority ethno-religious community in the country. Notably, the Sinhalese diaspora has become a significant patron for artists, businesses, media outlets, and politicians, as well as modern temples and influential monks. This essay seeks to raise pertinent questions regarding the potential impact of this diaspora on the future of Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism[S9] .
Sinhala Buddhist nationalism: dominance and impact
Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism is a political ideology that emphasizes the significance of Sinhalese culture and ethnicity, intertwining elements of national identity and pride. Initially conceived as a response to the British colonial rule, which promoted Christianity and adopted divisive strategies favoring minorities over Buddhists (DeVotta, 2007[S10] ), this ideology gradually evolved to foster discrimination against other minority groups in the country, particularly gaining prominence after Sri Lanka gained independence[S11] . A key tenet of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism is the notion that Sri Lanka inherently belongs to the Sinhalese Buddhists with minorities permitted to reside only due to the tolerance of Buddhists (Kapferer, 1988[S12] ). The ideology also relies heavily on the significant influence wielded by the Sangha, the community of Buddhist monks, within the political sphere. It is widely recognized that Buddhist monks possess the capacity to impact the establishment and dissolution of governments, as well as to exert pressure on elected representatives[S13] (Seneviratne, 2007).
The rise of Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology during British colonial rule was significantly influenced by the leadership and affluence of intellectuals, elites and the middle class. Notably, the advancement of education for Buddhist girls was propelled by the wealth generated from profits in the liquor and plantation industries[S14] . This advancement aimed to cultivate educated Buddhist wives, seen as a countermeasure against the perceived threat of Christian or non-Sinhalese spouses, thereby safeguarding Sinhala Buddhist identity. It was believed that educated mothers would be instrumental in producing the next generation of Sinhalese Buddhists. This perspective primarily stemmed from the efforts of national minded Buddhist intellectuals and the middle tier of Sinhala Buddhist shopkeepers and traders (Jayawardene, 2007). On the other hand, the contributions of individuals such as Anagarika Dharmapala, a prominent figure in the Buddhist revival of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, were particularly notable owing to his affluent background (Roberts, 1997). Dharmapala played a pivotal role in establishing the Sangha’s involvement in secular activities, which significantly contributed to the evolution of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism in the subsequent years (Seneviratne, 2007).
Over the past two decades, there has been a noticeable surge in Buddhist activities, often backed by funding from successive governments and business entities. This trend has contributed to the pervasive influence of Buddhism in the public domain and within the political system, often encroaching upon and marginalizing other communities[S15] (Dewasiri, 2019). Recent Budhisisation endeavors have demonstrated a keen interest in reaping political and commercial benefit. Notably, these interventions seem to coincide with the timing of significant events such as the 2019 presidential election and the commercial peak seasons during the Sinhala-Hindu New Year and Christmas (MinorMatters, 2022[S16] ).
The predicament with Sinhala Buddhist nationalism lies in its dominant position, which despite its historical roots as a response to British colonial rule, has increasingly curtailed the rights of other ethnic minorities over time[S17] . This has been evident in various practices such as successive governments prioritizing Buddhism over other religions, the political sway exerted by Buddhist monks and also in certain instances targeted violence against minority religious groups[S18] . These developments have underscored the complex challenges stemming from the influence of this ideology on the sociopolitical landscape of Sri Lanka.
Modern temples and long-distance nationalism
In this essay, the term modern temples refer to temples that operate at the national level, assuming more extensive political, economic and social roles compared to the traditional duties of village temples[S19] , which primarily participate in local religious ceremonies such as bangedara, pansukulaya deema and other religious events. Many of these modern temples actively contribute to the promotion of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism by engaging in national level politics assuming the belief that Buddhists should have greater autonomy in governance[S20] . Umandawa Global Buddhist Village and Sandagiri Maha Viharaya serve as examples of such temples that benefit from the Sinhala diaspora.
In the case of Umandawa, the temple openly aligns itself with specific political figures while voicing discontent with others. Moreover, it has garnered support from influential entities for its construction initiatives. These temples frequently engage in critiquing government policies and actively participate in endorsing particular political agendas. They also utilize their extensive reach on social media platforms to disseminate their opinions and ideas effectively. Likewise, the monk associated with Sandagiri Seya has shown support and loyalty to specific political ideologies. For instance, in 2014, he embarked on a 30-day walk to bestow blessings upon the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government for their endeavors in defeating forces opposing Sri Lanka. The temple currently receives support from Dilith Jayaweera, a businessman turned politician actively involved in various political campaigns over multiple elections. It is essential to note that the construction of the stupa at Sandagiri Seya was carried out on government[S21] owned land in an area where the predominant community is the Malaiyaha[S22] Tamils, with a smaller population of Sinhala Buddhists[S23] residing in the same area.
The increasing popularity and appeal of these modern temples have positioned them as trusted recipients of financial support from the Sinhala diaspora[S24] . These funds are often allocated for various purposes including the construction of religious sites, the implementation of youth training programs, engagement in social welfare initiatives and, in some exceptional cases such as Umandawa, the establishment of hospitals. Remarkably, even during the initial phase of the financial crisis when many construction projects across the country came to a halt, these prominent temples continued their construction activities without impediment. Social media plays a pivotal role in enabling these monks to connect with the diaspora while providing diaspora members who contribute funds the opportunity to witness how their financial support is being utilized through these online platforms. Engagement with these temples facilitates a connection between diaspora members and their home country, offering them a sense of social recognition that might not be easily attainable in their host countries. Notably, this practice has created opportunities for individuals from diverse backgrounds, ranging from unskilled laborers to professionals, to make financial contributions toward these initiatives[S25] .
In a recently published YouTube video, Sri Samanthabhadra from Umandawa emphasized the potential to secure essential financial support from the diaspora for his projects if the government were to endorse his initiatives. He has been actively engaging in foreign tours and meetings with members of the diaspora, cultivating their assistance for his endeavors. During these visits, the monk expresses gratitude for the diaspora’s support and ensures that these patrons receive social recognition from their home country by featuring them in his YouTube videos. Likewise, as seen in videos released by the Gangasiripura Dhammaloka monk from Sandagiri Maha Viharaya through their Facebook page, it is evident that the Sinhala Buddhist community has been contributing funds for the construction projects at the temple and the social service initiatives led by the monk. Moreover, the diaspora sponsors meals for individuals taking part in the shramadhan activities at the temple. It is also observable that these sponsored activities from the diaspora hold a particular appeal among the youth users of various social media platforms. Long distance nationalism to Sinhala Buddhist nationalism[S26]
In this context, one might perceive the funding directed to modern temples as indirect support for Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, considering its role in reinforcing the political influence wielded by these modern temples. However, an alternative perspective could argue that the diaspora’s support for modern temples does not necessarily aim to promote Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Engaging in a deeper discussion could involve probing into the reasons why the Sinhala diaspora chooses to fund these modern temples[S27] .
Long distance nationalism often resonates among individuals who reside away from their home country but seek to have some form of political influence in their country of origin (Skrbi, 1999 as cited in Schiller, 2005[S28] ). This may not directly apply to the majority of the Sinhala Buddhist diaspora, primarily driven by aspirations for financial prosperity. Nonetheless, many individuals who migrate to developed nations encounter challenges related to being perceived as the other” and experience a decline in social standing within the host country, regardless of their citizenship status. Consequently, they may be driven to strengthen their connection with their homeland to bolster their personal self-esteem (Schiller, 2005[S29] ). This scenario could significantly resonate with the growing Sinhala diaspora, suggesting that their involvement with Sri Lanka is likely to increase in the future[S30] .
Evidently, the migrating community may uphold Sinhala Buddhist ideological practices more fervently compared to those living within the homeland. This observation finds support in the earlier discussion, where the diaspora recognizes the significance of their homeland while navigating a host society where they may not be fully integrated.
The active participation of the Sinhala diaspora was observed during the 2019 presidential election with many Sinhalese living abroad returning to the country to support Gotabaya Rajapaksa. This action carries significant ideological weight, especially considering the heavily Sinhala Buddhist nationalist driven campaign led by Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Additionally, various political parties continue to receive crucial backing from the Sinhala diaspora, highlighting the ideological commitment of this community. In the recent visit to the US, Anura Kumara was urged by an individual to protect the country,” further underlining the diaspora’s ideological interests. Thus, it is worth reflecting whether the contributions of the Sinhala diaspora to modern temples can be interpreted as more than just financial assistance[S31] .
The funding provided by the Sinhala diaspora to modern temples has significantly bolstered the secular role of the Sangha, an integral aspect of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Even during times of financial crises, this support has enabled modern temples to maintain a robust presence. While one can appreciate the work carried out by the Sangha in terms of their involvement in social work and other construction projects, this significant contribution could also have the potential to nurture influential Buddhist monks capable of exerting influence in governance in the future[S32]
long distance nationalism and the promotion of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism are expected to become increasingly pertinent in future[S33] . In contemplating the impact of the diaspora’s increasing engagement and assistance on the future power dynamics and beliefs in Sri Lanka[S34] , this essay aims to stimulate a discussion and encourage readers to consider how the evolving roles of the diaspora and modern temples might shape the social and political landscape of the country in the years to come[S35] .
Devotta, N. (2007). Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in Sri Lanka. East-West Center Washington. https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/45634/ps040.pdf
Dewasiri, N. R. (2019). Lankawe Samakaaleena Bauddhathwaya” Ha Ehi Ayithihaasikathwaya Pilibanda Wiwechanaathmaka Aawarjanayak. In Lankawe Ithihaasaya: Drushtiwaadi Wichaarayak. Vidarshana Publishers.
Jayawardena, P. (2020). Sri Lankan Out-Migration: Five Key Waves Since Independence. University of Colombo Review (Series III), 1(1), 101–118.
Jayawardena, K. (2007). White Women, Arrack Fortunes and Buddhist Girls Education. In Religion In Context: Buddhism andSocio-Political Change in Sri Lanka (pp. 45–55). Social Scientists’ Association.
Kapferer, B. (1988). Legends of People, Myths of State. Smithsonian Institution Press.
Minor Matters. (2022). A Review of the State of Religious Freedom in Sri Lanka. https://www.minormatters.org/storage/app/uploads/public/632/ad8/cad/632ad8cad2ca0916665134.pdf
Roberts, M. (1997). For Humanity. For the Sinhalese. Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat. The Journal of Asian Studies, 56(4), 1006–1032. https://doi.org/10.2307/2658297
Schiller, N. G. (2005). Long-Distance Nationalism. Encyclopedia of Diasporas, 570–580. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-29904-4_59
Seneviratne, H. L. (2007). Buddhist Monks and Ethnic Politics. In Religion in Context: Buddhism and Socio-Political Change in Sri Lanka (pp. 88-101). Social Scientists’ Associati[S36]
[S1]Both Loos non S.B
[S2] They are not native of US Invaders and migrants only with 300 years history No surprise they tolerate other migrants also. Situation in This country is different Sinh are owners of the country All others are migrants only So cannot compare.
How can the JVP under AKD resolve discrimination against the Sinhalese and Buddhist in this country when their party does not has a clear policy on the nationhood in Sri LAnka?
[S5] + point
[S6]No wonder. Yes it is a problem for Shashik Silva who was earlier associated with the survey research arm of Centre for Policy Alternatives, and the Applied Research Unit of UNOPS.and a as a person currently working as an independent research consultant for both national and international non-governmental organizations in the areas of peacebuilding, social cohesion, hate speech, and religious freedom areas mainly associated with anti-Sinhala and Anti-Buddhist activities as stated in his bio data sheet and Ammaarah Nilafdeen looks a Muslim. h
[S7]What do you people mean by long distance here
In terms of history, it is 307 BC to date. As the Sinhala saying goes it Buddhism and the Sinhala Jathiya are like the (bark to the tree” That is if the Sinhala nation is the tree, then Buddhism is like the bark of that tree. That means you can’t separate the two They are one.
So no one can visualize a distance between these two.
[S8]An asset Good development
[S9]Are you jealous?
[S10]This is the crust of the present-day problem. What Sinhalese are trying to do at present is restore their lost rights. How can it be aa disclination against the minorities DeVotta?
[S11]Naturally they are only regaining what they have lost
[S12]Yes, it is a fact what is wrong with it Mr Kapferer?
[S13]Yes, of cause. They have done it from 307 BE. And we had a just society. Monks are the Guardians of the Sinhala Buddhist nation
[S14]What is wrong in investing for a good cause
[S15]Who said this lie Dewasiri must be out of his nuts
[S16] Are you jealous to see a once Great nation is trying to restore what was destroyed by invaders and to raise their head as a nation?
[S17]Blatant lies by misguided lump an intellectuals
[S18]You cant give equal treatment for religions imposed by for in colonial times and minorities recent origin like Tamils and Muslims in a country where Buddhism had been the State religion form 307 BC
[S19]Do you people know the trigonal role of the Temple in a Sinhala Village Pl don’t expose you intellectual bankruptcy.
[S20]Why not They are sons of the soil for 2600 years here DO you want them to be again governed by foreigners as it has happened from 1505 -1948?
[S21]In our tradition the government or the king did not own land They were only the custodians of the country on behalf of the people. The real owners of the land and the country are the people. Government owning land was a colonial concept. Introduced by the e British after illegally grabbing the land that belong tot the Sinhala people after murdering them en masse.
[S22]Pl refrain from writing filth. You are trying to create another new nation as if already what the colonial invaders had done for 500 years on this land are not enough. In future if you intend to write on this country, please call it the hill country. Don’t try to Tamil place names in this country.
Remember the scanty Tami Indian Tamils who live in and around this temple are defendants of Indian cooly labour brought by the British to work in their newly opened up tea plantations on the land grabbed by force at gun point that belonged to the Bhoomi putra Sinhalese of this land
[S23]Please don’t propagate criminal lies. Please come and see who are the smaller population here. We can sue you for this type of false propaganda against the e Sinhala nation.
[S24]Don’t be jealous of these temples of the Sinhala nation who are trying to raise their head against the discrimination inflicted upon them for 5ooyears by the Western colonial invaders.
[S25] I propose to the Sinhala diaspora to take legal action against these writers for blaspheme, defamation and character assassination
Where were you people when TAmil Diaspora was collecting Trillions of Dolars to support the separatist LTTE to wage war against a democratically elected government in trying to create their mythical EELAAM , a thing never existed on this planet on this traditional home land of the Sinhala Nation for the pas 2600 years?
[S26]You journalist brats why are you so jealous against the Sinhala Buddhists of this country who are struggling to raise their heads after suppression, oppression, exploit EELAM Exposed. A Magnum opus on the Eelam myth
Posted on November 4th, 2023ation and discrimination by colonial murderess for 500 years How many millions of $ have you got from the LTTE Diaspora for this assignment? Only a Sinhala Buddhist can comment on this subject. Both of you are not.
[S27] They are funding the Sinhaal Buddhist cause The is no argument about it. Do you wat them to support tigers and Swabians who are doing everything to destroy the Sinhala Buddhist civilization as it was done by the Portuguesa, Dutch and English for 500 years.
[S28]So what is wrong in it, .Do you expect them to support ani Buddhist Anti Sinhala forces like Tigers or Wahabians?
[S29] This man Schiller is doing the same thing So what is wrong for anyone else to do it?
[S30] Yes, it has to be with one’s’ attachment to his own Motherland. It is like his treating his own mother and Father
[S31]The multinodular question I have to ask from these writers is at whose request are you writing this and whose money nonsense. It is for nation building. So why are you bothered about it? You fool it had been there from the 307 BC. The temple and the Robe had been the deciding factor in the Sinhala Buddhist society throughout. If that had been the practice il all Catholic and Muslim countries, why it interprets as Something bad, when it is done In Buddhist country
[S32]Yes, of cause. Why are you bothered about it. It is none of your business to tell the Buddhist monks as to what they should and what they should not do. There is a centuries of Sangha hierarchy armed with a strict code of conduct t do that.
[S33]Of cause yes. As their patriotism grow and their economy improves certainly, they will do that.
[S34] What these people are trying to do is to restore their age-old pristine heritage that was n destroyed by the Western enemies from 1505 to 1949 using their military power in earlier days for 500 years and what they are continuing to do in collaboration with the misguided Tamils and Muslims, who were given political asylum by our great Kings in the pas on humanitarian grounds.
[S35] I am requesting you people, to stop writing this type of rubbish on behalf of the Sri entire Sri Lankan nation and the Sinhala Buddhists, in particular who had been the Boomiputras of this Island for the past 2600 years and find better source of earning your Dollars in future..
[S36]A word on these people cited as Authorities Except H.L.S,. Kumari J and Dewasiri all others are none Sinhalese and non-Buddhists who look in at the Sri Lankan Society with a Western colonial eye. That is anti-Sinhala anti Buddhist. Therefore, they always look at Sri Lankan Sinhala Buddhist people as anti-European, anti-Tamil and anti-Muslim angle. Further none of these cited has a deep understanding on the Sinhala Buddhist Social system If you want to learn about Sinhala Buddhist, I suggest you read books written by people like Wilhelm Giger Rhys Davi et. jut to mention two and Mahavamsa. Reg H.L. I know him as my two years senior at Peradeniya. Sarath Arumugam’s Contemporary. Although he studied here, I think his whole life he has spent in US and he is also well known as a Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah type of man who never tried to understand the true Sinhala Buddhist Society and always work for the west. His ritual s in the Kadyan Kingdom is a glaring example about his suint eyed type of scholarship on Sri Lankan culture. Kumari though known as a Feminist and a human rights scholar and her husband Laal Jaaywardhana, an economist is well known for their Western bias. Being full time Colombians”, I am still to find something worthwhile done uphold the native culture and lives of the people of this country and its people Dewasiri is also not regarded as serious scholar by people who matter in this country. He is also identified as radical who despise the native culture.
As such the sources you have cited are not seriously taken by the people by this country. As such you can’t create any public opinion by this type of stuff. Finally I would like you not to write this type of rubbish on a subject you don’t know in future with to fatten your purse or satisfy few clients throw mud at a world renown great culture of a people in the East.
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