Sugath Kulatunga

( Text of the speech is in ITALICS and the comments are in smaller fonts)

1.… we recently organized an all-party conference, which saw participation from representatives of various political parties, for which I am appreciative.  However, during the conference, we couldn’t arrive at a comprehensive agreement on power devolution.

In the Sinhala speech the term used is vimadyagatha kireema/ which is ‘decentralization.

2.In our region, notable examples from countries such as India and China, as well as in the Western world including the United States of America and Canada, reveal instances of successful power devolution. Even smaller countries like the United Kingdom, Netherlands, and Japan have adopted devolution.

They are large countries where some of the cities have larger population than that of SL.

Small Federations are where presently existing independent units like in the case of Switzerland or historically separate units have come together.

3.For instance, let’s consider China, where ethnic minorities account for less than 9 percent of the population. Despite this, China has granted autonomous powers to these minorities through various administrative entities such as zones, county (korale), and cities.

China is a one-party government, and the unity of the country is ensured by the party.

4. We must explore cases from different nations where national policies have effectively decentralized power. By learning from these experiences, we can identify a suitable system for our own country.

 All modern states have decentralized governance. We are concerned not with decentralization which is a must but inappropriate devolution. The socio-political condition of every country is unique. More important is regional politics in the neighborhood. In the case of Sri Lanka politics of India have influenced the power in SL historically and more so in the recent past where the hegemonic politics if the Gandhi family have been a threat on the territorial integrity and the political scenario of SL.

5. Our annual expenditure on provincial councils amounts to around Rs. 550 billion. Have these councils justified this investment? Has this substantial funding truly benefited the populace? This is a crucial aspect that deserves attention.

That is the very reason that Provincial Councils should be abolished. Other than the Western Province Council the other 8 are financially not viable and each of them have to be subsidized by the Central Government with tax revenue collected from the rest of the country.

6.The division of power and authority between provincial councils, central government, and local governing bodies lacks clarity. Consequently, subjects overlap between provincial councils and the central government, resulting in duplication of efforts and delayed actions. Instead of resolving people’s issues, problems are escalating due to these inefficiencies.

The confusion is inevitable as 13A is a hurried document prepared by two Indian Ministers based on the power sharing scheme between the Center and States of India. But in that outrageous rush 13A has in some cases exceeded the powers enjoyed by the States of India. It is more the reason that 13A has to be abrogated. Please see https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2023/01/26/13th-amendment-goes-beyond-the-indian-constitution/

7.Many of the Ministers currently seated in this House have traversed a path from provincial council members to Chief Ministers and beyond.

Many better examples have come from Local Government bodies. There were many more former Mayors as distinguished ministers in the Parliament like N.M. Perera, V.A. Sugathadasa, M.H. Mohamed.

8.During the inception of provincial councils, certain political parties expressed opposition. Some parties chose democratic protests, while others resorted to undemocratic means to voice their dissent.

13A was passed in Parliament in the most undemocratic manner where the Cabinet was bullied to submission by the Indian High Commissioner Dixit and MPs were detained in Hotels to ensure their presence in Parliament. It was a time that the President had the resignation papers of MPs with him. JR threatened to dissolve parliament if it was not passed.

9. An additional aspect demands our attention here. The devolution of power within provincial councils is governed by the 13th Constitutional Amendment, which holds the status of the highest law of our nation. We cannot afford to disregard it. Both the executive and the legislature are obligated to execute its provisions.

This is also the argument bandied by many lawyers who take a simplistic legal view. Constitutions are subject to change. We have had the 21 Amendment to the Constitution. Constitution itself provides for amendments to it at Article 94.

10.What characterizes modern democracies? The establishment of decentralized governance as opposed to devolution. Devolution of power serves to bring political, economic, social, and cultural matters closer to the people. This goal is pursued using diverse methods in different nations across the globe. Decentralization is recognized as a pathway to achieving a form of direct democracy.

This is confusing. President appears to support both Devolution and Decentralization.  In fact, devolution confers power to politicians whereas decentralization shares power with the people.

11.While no governmental system can fully transition to a direct democracy where all citizens gather to make decisions, it’s feasible to construct an institutional framework that facilitates people’s participation and their expression of will in political, economic, and social processes. The provincial council system serves as one such framework that brings power to the people.

People’s participation is best when it is ensured at the lowest level of a democracy where they have the capacity and the competence to participate effectively. This is at the district level, which has also been the existing level of governance. The present District administration can be reinforced with political representation from the present political hierachy. This will eliminate the massive cost of maintaining an unproductive provincial system. The justification of a District Council scheme is discussed at   https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2023/02/05/replace-provincial-councils-with-district-councils/

SL Constitution accepts Districts as administrative units and Article 5 of the Constitution state that The territory of the Republic of Sri Lanka shall consist of the 1[twenty-five] administrative districts, the names of which are set out in the First Schedule, and its 2[territorial waters:”

12.I believe our focus should be on devising methods and strategies to further empower the people through provincial councils. By doing so, we can transform provincial councils into institutions that safeguard national unity.

The operation of the PC system during the past in the North and the East has not brought national unity but national discord. It has encouraged separatism.

13. Among these documents is the interim report released on September 21, 2017, by the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Council of Sri Lanka, under my leadership. Importantly, all parties represented within the Parliament endorsed the recommendations outlined in this interim report.

If there was agreement by all parties why were those recommendations no implemented?

14. Furthermore, we’ve recently initiated several other strategies to empower the populace. We’ve bolstered sectoral committees and fostered youth involvement for this purpose.

All these strategies could support District councils as well.

15. The interim report offers recommendations concerning amendments to Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Constitution. We now bring forward these proposed constitutional amendments for consideration by the Parliament.

Articles 3 of the Constitution deals with the Sovereignty of the People.

Article 3:  In the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the people and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.

In terms of Article 83 articles 3 cannot be changed without the voting of

not less than two-thirds of the whole number of Members (including those not present), is approved by the People at a Referendum.

Article 4 stipulates the manner in which the Sovereignty of the People shall be exercised and enjoyed.

Supreme Court has held that Article 4 has to be read with Article 3. Therefore, restrictions of Article 83 will apply on Article 4 as well.

Article 5 deals with the territory of Sri Lanka which shall consist of the 1[twenty-five] administrative districts.

Please see my comments at para 11 above.

16. The interim report offers recommendations concerning amendments to Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Constitution. We now bring forward these proposed constitutional amendments for consideration by the Parliament.

1. Ensuring the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies concerning matters within the provincial list.

In formulating National Policy on matters contained in the Provincial List the Central Government shall adopt a participatory process with the Provincial Council;

2. No transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government through the creation of national policies related to topics within the Provincial List, nor any impact on the executive and administrative powers under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Council.

Formulation of National Policy on a Provincial List matter would not have the effect of the Centre taking over executive or administrative powers with regard to the implementation of the said devolved power;

3. The executive and administrative powers required to enact the decentralized subject will remain under the jurisdiction of the Provincial Councils.

The Province will retain the executive or administrative powers (implementation powers) with regard to the said devolved power;

All these proposals can be implemented in a decentralized DC scheme without constitutional amendments. It is not explained why there is the need for amendment to the entrenched Articles 3 and 4 to implement these proposals.

17. This reinforces the notion that the provincial council has become an enduring component that cannot be excised from Sri Lanka’s governmental structure or political landscape.

Provincial Councils are an festering cancer in the body politics of SL.

18. National unity is upheld by steering provincial councils in the right direction. Simultaneously, it can be confirmed as a more efficient and service-oriented organizational system. It presents a chance to decentralize power, bringing governance closer to the general populace. 

Provincial Councils have proved to be inefficient and distant from the people whereas District Councils are closer to the people and is a better instrument to decentralize power.

19. Therefore, our primary aim should be to develop the provincial council system as an institution that aligns with public needs, caters to public requirements, and contributes to national development.

To pave the way for this, I propose introducing several bills to the Parliament and implementing a series of new measures:

This would allow lack of uniformity across the country in important legislation and development programs where there should be a common ground.

All the measures mentioned above are better done by the Center and implementation delegated to District Councils.

20. On specific proposals: limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If this Parliament agrees, we’re ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.

This is reasonable for investment by locals but all investments of foreign funds must be approved by the Center and in the case of large investment should be approved by a Parliamentary Committee.

21.Establishment of District Development Councils in Accordance with the 13th Constitutional Amendment Develop a three-year development plan for each provincial council in alignment with central government national policies. Integrate central government development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils.

Even in 13A it has been conceded that development plans have to be done and implemented at the district level. This justifies decentralization at the District level.

22.Additionally, formulate a legal framework wherein Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Councils, and Members of Local Government Bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour

A legal framework for District Councils which describes the structure, the functions and the relationship with the Central Government and the District political framework has to be established. A tentative draft is attached as an annexure.

23. It is my sincere intention to progress without any political motivation, addressing the issues faced by the Tamil people in the North and East, in order to secure a much-needed sustainable national reconciliation in the country. Reconciliation undoubtedly is an indispensable factor for Sri Lanka’s own development. 

It is inconceivable that the President is making such a naïve statement that his intention is free from political motivation. This unholy rush in the face of an economic crisis and desperate attempt to revive a bankrupt and failed country cannot be explained other than by a frantic effort to win Tamil votes in the North and East in an impending Presidential election. Reconciliation undoubtedly is indispensable for development. But reconciliation by capitulation of national interests and alienating the majority community is reckless, selfish and irresponsible.

24. My recent meeting with the Tamil Parliamentarians representing the Northern and Eastern provinces, was premised on this aspect. Subsequent to this meeting, I believe it is important to keep the Members of this august House informed of the matters discussed, as it forms the basis of the proposed trajectory, the Government would seek to pursue in this regard.

In this context, continued action on the relevant issues are envisioned to contribute towards national reconciliation, which I will now seek to outline:

It is unthinkable that the President had discussions with only the Tamil Parliamentarians in the North and East and the matters discussed there forms the basis of the proposed trajectory”He does not care about the wishes of the Muslim and Sinhala community living in the North and East. Well, it is not part of his agenda for votes in a Presidential Election.

The issues he has outlined contributing to national reconciliation are national and not related to Provincial Councils. Out of the issues indicated the Issue j. on National Plan for Archaeology has to be considered carefully as it is a sensitive issue and already the President has issued illegal instructed to the Director of Archeology on the demarcation of an archaeological site. The obliteration of archaeological is an strategy to support the homeland theory. These sites are national sites, and do not belong to a particular community. Some of the kings who established these sites were of foreign origin like Nissanka Mallawa from Kalinga. Most of our ancient Kings had close relationship with South India and it is recorded that Tamil mercenaries were employed to protect even the sacred Tooth Relic.

25. Development Plans for North and East–

This is better done at District level. This has been conceded at para.21 above.

26. I hope that the some of the Hon. Members of the Parliament who continue a misplaced refrain of the Government purportedly selling out the country to a third party, will now constructively understand that no country can progress alone, that too especially in the instance of a nation emerging from an unprecedented economic crisis, as has been the experience of Sri Lanka. 

Members of Parliament and the public are aware of how the President as Prime Minister sold the Hambantota Port for a song. His credibility on selling national assets is questionable.

27. You have my assurance that I will not engage in initiatives inimical to the sovereignty and integrity of this country. In the same manner I urge all of you, for constructive engagement, in our quest for national reconciliation, considering that the interests of the people is the bedrock for our country’s development.

The sovereignty and territorial integrity of this country have been already placed at risk by his party with the Indo Sri Lanka Accord and 13A. The present attempt under a mask of reconciliation may become the match in the powder barrel.

28. In 1977, during President JR Jayawardene’s tenure, our nation experienced remarkable economic progress. Unfortunately, due to the war, that progress was impeded, affecting every citizen profoundly.

Rs Millions & % rate of growth	1977	1978	1979	1980
GDP @ current factor cost prices	27,950 (9.7)	34,432 (23.2)	40,242 (16.9)	49,542 (23.1)
GDP at constant . . (1970) factor cost prices	16,078 (4.2)	17,401. (8.2)	18,501 (6.3)	19,575 (5.8)
G N P per capita Current prices Rs. . .	34,432 (23.2)	40,242 (16.9	49,542 (23.1)	61,807 (24.8)
G N P per capita at Constant 1970 factor cost prices Rs	15,999 (4.3)	17,311 (8.2)	18,389 (6.2)	19,405 (5.5)

According to the information extracted from the Central Bank Report 1980 and given in the Table produced below the results of the open economy of 1977 were not that sensational. Both GDP and per capita growth at constant prices were average after the spurt from 1977 to 1978.

29. Under the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa, the war was successfully concluded. It has now been 14 years since the conflict ended. Regrettably, we have not yet managed to address the issues concerning power devolution and provincial councils.

Only Land and Police powers have not been devolved on Provincial Councils. The demand for these powers have come only from the Provincial Councils of the North and the East. They have now upped the ante and demands federal status. One cannot clap with one hand.

30.Amidst previous youth movements and a widespread demand for systemic change, the need for an altered approach was vigorously underscored. A substantial portion of our population is echoing this call for change. Just as in the steps mentioned earlier, we embarked on transformative measures, now we must steer this transformation towards the provincial councils.

The full implementation of 13A was not even dreamt in the demand for system change by the youth. Given the opportunity they will demand power sharing at the lowest level of governance at the District Councils where they can play a positive role. They have no place under 13A.

Annexure -District Councils -A Draft Outline

Sharing of power between the center and the periphery is essential for good governance. Delegation is an important management tool which is sharing of power and not surrendering of power. Power sharing in governance is best done on the universally accepted principle of subsidiarity of delegation to the lowest level of administration which is competent and has the capacity to accept the delegation. In SL this has been the District from British times. The Province lost its importance in administration with the Donoughmore Commission reforms. The 13A which has made the province not only the focal point of administration but the unit of devolved power is a refutation of history. The evil rationale for this was to confirm the homeland theory and to appease Prabhakaran.

It must be noted that Article 5 of the 1978 Constitution identifies the territory of the Republic in terms of districts and not Provinces. Even today, the District administration under the District Secretary and with the instruments of the District Coordination Committee and the District Agriculture Committee provides a critical service. The present District Concil could be strengthened and statutorily established without creating new political and administrative positions to take over the functions of the white elephant Provincial Councils.

It could be a tripartite body of Members of Parliament in the District, representative of the Pradeshiya Sabha and the Heads of Departments in the District. The Chairman of the DC should be elected by the Members of Parliament and the political representatives of the Pradeshiya Sabha. The Chairman will be designated the Commissioner and supervise the functioning of the Departments and agencies of the government in the District through the District Secretary. A District Council will have the power similar to what is enjoyed by Municipal Councils to make regulations and for administrative purposes adopt the system prevailing in the Municipal Councils.

A new law defining the structure and the powers of District Councils should be adopted by the Parliament. This law should avoid creating new posts.

There should be a re- demarcation of Districts only on a population basis where each District has a population of not less than. 500,000.  Some District may have to be joined together to achieve this.

There should be a Metropolitan District directly under the Central government.

It is also proposed that the territory of a Pradeshiya Sabhas (now 246) be reduced and made coterminous with that of an electorate and the Member of Parliament be made the Chairman of the Pradeshiya Sabha. Some Pradeshiya Sabhas have to be consolidated.

Composition with estimated maximum numbers under each category:-

Members of Parliament 10

Chairmen & Secretaries of Pradeshiya sabha 20

Heads of Departments (limited to 10)

Secretary of the DC will be the District secretary.

District Commissioner/ Chairman to be elected by the political representatives.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

We are now in the month of August, 2023 and public attention is once against focused on the   13^th Amendment (1987).  President Ranil Wickremesinghe stated that he wished to take further action on the 13^th Amendment. He wanted to grant police powers to the Provinces. The Tamil Separatist Movement has been asking for this for years. TNA would have asked him to make this announcement.

The proposal was, as usual   vehemently opposed. But for the first time in the history of the 13th Amendment, in addition to the usual Sinhala knee jerks, counter action has been proposed.  Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila has submitted to Parliament an amendment to the constitution which will remove police powers from Provincial Councils. This should have been done long ago, not only for police but for land was well.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe called an All Party Conference, on July 26, to   discuss the 13th Amendment and its Provincial Councils. The MPs attended in a body, looking grim. They were determined to oppose him. Nothing came of that meeting. 

President then    summoned Parliament on 9.8.23 and treated them to an address. It was a song about Provincial Councils, regarding which he appears to have an obsessive interest.  His views call for comment.

 He said that the Provincial Council system was introduced in 1987 through the 13th Amendment to the constitution. Provincial Councils have been functioning in the island for 36 years. These Councils are well accepted, well entrenched, and have performed efficiently.

 It is not possible to accept this flattering description of the Provincial Councils. The real position is quite different. The Provincial Councils and its Councilors have earned the utter contempt of the public. The Councils have been described as useless, money-guzzling, inefficient white elephants.

President Ranil also said that Provincial Councils have helped to produce many successful politicians who went on to reach the top in politics. They got their start in the Provincial Council. Therefore none of the political parties have ever asked that Provincial Councils be eliminated, he said.

This is a laughable argument, but a true one.   Provincial Councils gave political leaders a second platform on to which they could shunt their supporters, a platform where the supporters could enjoy power and money and feel like political bigwigs.

But what followed in the President’s speech was no laughing matter.   President said that there is overlap and duplication in the functions   assigned to Provincial Councils and central government, therefore the three lists, national, provincial and concurrent would be revised.

A committee will look at the list of powers held by the central government, the Provincial Council powers, and the concurrent list and propose changes. Primary aim should be to develop the Provincial Council system. The Tamil Separatist Movement has been asking for this revision for a long time. Anti-Eelamists will shoot it down when it comes.

 Sinhala supporters of the breakup of Sri Lanka have put forward a new argument, starting this month. It was heard on television news and it also came in President’s speech. This new argument says that the 13^th Amendment is a part of our Constitution, which is the highest law in the land.  Therefore the provisions of the 13^th Amendment cannot be questioned. They must be respected and obeyed. They are sacred.

This is nonsense. Any clause in a constitution can be removed, (except for entrenched provisions), by a decision of Parliament. Especially if it has been forced on the country by an outside party.

 The 13 Amendment was forced on Sri Lanka by India, through the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987. Sri Lanka was under no obligation to agree to create Provincial Councils and merge provinces simply because India insisted on it.  JR had no business signing such a document either. Nor, in my view, did he have the authority to do so. The  full text of the    Indo Lanka Accord was  known only after it was signed.  

 JR knew this. He therefore quickly got this agreement ratified in Parliament as the 13^th Amendment.   The 13th Amendment   was then included in the Constitution as section 155 of the Constitution. The nine artificial   provinces created by the British, in 1833 also got formal recognition. In this manner provinces and Provincial Councils got into the statutes”, which is what the Tamil Separatist Movement wanted. JR’s advisors, it should be noted, were from the Tamil Separatist Movement

As far as I am aware, there has never been any move to remove this section from the Constitution. The anti-Eelam lobby has never asked for    this. The anti-Eelam lobby   prefers to engage in knee jerk activities, like giving threatening speeches inside a posh   auditorium.

 The President said in his speech that Provincial Councils cannot be excised from Sri Lanka’s governmental structure .They have become an enduring component in our political landscape. This statement too, can be challenged.  Provincial Councils   can be eliminated provided Parliament has the will to do so. Provincial Councils are not essential, and they will not be missed.   Provincial Councils have been condemned over and over again as totally unnecessary. No one likes or wants Provincial Councils, except the Provincial Councilors themselves.

The island is now over governed, said critics. There are multiple layers of administration. There is central government,   provincial government,   district government and local government. Local government was always there in the ancient period and the modern. A District administration was created in 1978, out of the Kachcheri system. It was headed by a District Minister with the GA   as District Secretary.

Analysts do not approve of these multiple layers of administration .Sri Lanka can be easily administered as a single unit. It only needs two layers of government, central and local they said.  The Provincial Council was not created to help governance. It was created as a move towards Eelam.

The President then moved to the subject of Land in his speech. Steps are being taken to expedite the establishment of the National Land Commission. A National Land Policy will be formulated, he said.

After this announcement on land, the President jumped to archaeology. Archaeology is not a subject that comes under the immediate purview of a head of state. It is usually handled by a Ministry. But in this case the President of Sri Lanka has shown a deep interest in what the Department of Archaeology is doing

In his speech, he proposed a National Plan for the Department of Archaeology. The work of the Department must be done according to a National Plan, he said.  An Action Plan must be presented to the authorities before the department takes over any further land as archaeological reserve.  

 A long term National plan is not feasible.  New discoveries have to be accommodated. The moment a significant discovery is made, the Archaeology Department is expected to move fast and secure that area as an archaeology reserve. Priorities must depend on the importance of the site and whether the site is in urgent need of conservation.

The reason for this   sudden jump from Land to archaeology in the President’s speech is the archaeology work going on at Kurundi vihara in Mullativu .Kurundi has turned into a big problem for the Tamil Separatist Movement and the TNA.  

Kurundi vihara was part of a large monastic complex in Mullativu. Kurundi was the leading monastery of the area  during the Anuradhapura period. Kurundi was closely connected to the Maha Vihara at the time.    Kurundi became   one of the Mahayana temples which lined the eastern coast of Sri Lanka in the 13^th century. Kurundi is evidence of steady Sinhala Buddhist occupancy of north east Sri Lanka .Kurundi is in a strategic area in Mullativu. Kurundi vihara is a registered Buddhist temple as well.

Kurundi has been re-discovered and archaeological work was initiated in 2018 by an energetic   young bhikkhu, Ven Santhabodhi. The Department of Archaeology went there and to the horror of the Tamil Separatist Movement, found that the archaeological ruins of Kurundi extended to 400 acres, not the original 78 acres allotted to it in 1933.

The area was surveyed and boundary stones placed to mark the extent of the Kurundi reserve. The law permits the Department of Archaeology to gazette the surrounding area as a buffer zone, where they can control the activity but not take over the land. This means the land extent controlled by the  Department of  Archaeology   will get even larger. An archaeological reserve, once declared, stays an archaeological reserve. There is no provision in the law to vest it back. That is why the TNA is having kittens over Kurundi.

Work was proceeding at a rate at Kurundi, so the TNA had to move fast. TNA approached the President, and briefed him about Kurundi. In July 2023, the President called a meeting with the Dept of Archaeology officers, to discuss Kurundi Vihara, and in the presence of the TNA, tried to reduce the extent of land requested for Kurundi Vihara. The Director General of Archaeology       refused and resigned. Kurundi became a hot topic of discussion on social media. A book on Kurundi appeared.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s support for the TNA cause is to be expected. He has shown support for the Tamil Separatist Movement on many occasions. He helped the US Army to take a good look at the Sri Lanka army in 2002. He    agreed with the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002 which gave LTTE full control over the north and east,

His name is associated with the Millennium city raid. In 2002 police raided a safe house maintained by the Directorate of Military Intelligence of the Sri Lanka Army at Millennium City housing scheme saying that there was a plan to assassinate Ranil Wickremesinghe and others. This resulted in the exposure of the army’s top secret unit, the military covert operations units known as the Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols. Their names became known. They were tracked down and all were assassinated by the LTTE. 

Ranil Wickremesinghe had earlier wanted to celebrate the 500^th anniversary of the arrival of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka. (Continued)

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Secret talks on signing an Accord   started between India and Sri Lanka with the participation of Ambassador J.N. Dixit, Editor, Hindu”, N. Ram and Minister Gamini Dissanayake. The Indian Research and Analysis Wing, (RAW) drew up the necessary plans, said journalist Dharman Wickremaratne.

Indian High Commission’s Second Secretary H.S. Puri left for Jaffna and met LTTE Chief V. Prabhakaran and other Tamil militant leaders. High Commissioner Dixit went to Madras and met leaders of Sri Lankan Tamil organizations.

TULF Leaders insisted on merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces and setting up a separate Provincial Council to administer the region. Dixit conveyed their proposals to Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in New Delhi.

Two Indian military helicopters landed in Jaffna from Madurai on July 24, 1987 and took Prabhakaran to Madras and then Delhi to meet PM Rajiv Gandhi. The purpose was to get Prabhakaran to agree to an Indo-Lanka Accord to which TULF and other Tamil organizations had already agreed. Prabhakaran   was to be kept under surveillance in Madras until the Accord was signed but he somehow escaped and got back to Jaffna.

The talks were held at Ashok Hotel, Delhi, where Gandhi promised give more powers to the LTTE in an interim administration. Rajiv Gandhi also agreed to pay LTTE Indian Rupees five million monthly until the new administration started functioning properly, reported Dharman Wickremaratne.  

It appears that the TULF had already discussed the matter with India in 1986. M Sivasithamparam, A. Amirthalingam,  and R. Sampanthan of the TULF   wrote  to Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minster of India,  in 1987, drawing attention to the discussion between government of Sri Lanka and the TULF, in 1986, where it was agreed that  the Provincial Councils would have  near absolute” legislative power and the Governor would be a ceremonial head. 

They had expected a single administrative unit of north and east with legislative and executive powers similar to the powers given to a state in India especially in executive and legislative matters  

 Northern Province Chief Minister, C.V.Wigneswaran, similarly stated in 2016, that the Accord, when conceived in 1987 was intended to provide for a merged northern and eastern province.

The government of India was expected to  obtain this, on behalf of the Tamils of the north and east, in its negotiations with the Government of Sri Lanka.’

It is now known that the Indo-Lanka Accord was the work of USA, not India. USA was behind the India-Sri Lanka accord of 1987, said analysts.   The US and UK were behind the Indo Lanka accord, though it was presented as an India thing, said Nalin de Silva.

 Diplomat Izzeth Hussein had told WT Jayasinghe, then Permanent Secretary, Foreign affairs, that almost certainly a third party was involved in the Indo-Lanka accord. Jayasinghe, who was present at the signing, ‘told me later that I was correct.’ 

Hussein recalled that US Ambassador James Spain had sought a meeting with Sri Lanka‘s Foreign Minister, on the day of the India parippu air drop over Jaffna in 1987. Ambassador Spain said he had to convey an urgent message from his government.  India was going to suggest something and Sri Lanka should not over react, Spain said. That ‘something’ was the Accord.  

Just after the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord, Ambassador Spain handed over an envelope to Rajeev Gandhi, obviously a congratulatory and goodwill message from Reagan. Clearly the contents of the agreement were already known to the US government, said Hussein.   In addition, visiting US senator Charles H.  Percy had carried a letter from US President Reagan to President Jayawardene offering to be of any assistance in conveying a message from J.R. to Rajiv Gandhi.

In July, 1987 we were informed that the Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi was to arrive in Sri Lanka on the 29^th to sign an agreement with us, recalled Air vice Marshal A.B.Sosa. That night I dropped in at Katunayake International Airport. It was all agog with Indian Air Force aircraft. It looked as though India had taken over the airport.

 Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and wife Sonia Gandhi arrived in Sri Lanka on July 29, 1987 From Katunayake they travelled by helicopter to Galle Face.

Trouble was expected in Colombo, when Rajiv came to sign.  A massive protest march was coming from Kolonnawa heading to President House and to deal with them was the General Service corp of the army that dealt with pay and records and ran the army farms, recalled Kamal Gunaratne.

An anti-accord protest campaign began near the Bo-Tree junction Pettah at 8.00 a.m. July 28, 1987 .Venerable Hedigalle Pannatissa, Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha, Ven. Muruttetuwe Ananda, Ven. Dr. Wilegoda Ariyadewa, MPs Dinesh Gunawardena and Prins Gunasekera were representing the Mawbima Surekeemay Vyaparaya at the protest rally. Also participating were SLFP Leader Sirima Bandaranaike, Jinadasa Niyathapala, Ven. Bengamuwe Nalaka, Gamini Iriyagolla and Anura Bandaranaike and many other SLFP Parliamentarians.

 The unseen hand behind the country-wide protest campaign was the JVP .All activities were organized by the Inter-University Students’ Federation and the Bhikkhu Front..  JVP Politburo Members H.B. Herath and Gunaratne Wanasinghe, Central Committee Members Gamini Wijegunasekera, Thangaraja and hundreds of other high level JVP activists were taking active part, said Dharman Wickremaratne.

By 11.30 a.m.  All roads in and around Fort area were blocked since nearly 20,000 people had gathered near the Bo-Tree junction. Seth pirith chanting was heard. Ten processions, each comprising over a thousand people marched in four different directions. The protestors set fire to buses and other state property. Police baton charged after tear gassing the crowd. There was gunfire. A total of 21 persons died   there.

The UNP Government declared an island-wide curfew on the night of July 28, 1987. Defying the curfew hundreds and thousands of people were demonstrating against the Accord. The violence which started near the Bo-tree junction quickly spread all over the island. According to official Government estimates 132 protesters were killed and 712 persons including 56 bhikkhus were taken into custody during five days from July 27 to August 2. The number of violent incidents was 2,527.  

Jayatissa Bandaragoda was returning from Katunayake that day.  We were stopped at more than ten places by     crowds. At Hendala there was a barrier of burning tyres  across the road. In Colombo,  they came across angry mobs who would attack any moving object. We had to take many deviations to avoid large crowds, as we went home. We saw  several thousand  near       Parliament road,  walking in the direction of Borella. A helicopter gunship came and started firing from the air and the crowd quickly dispersed.

President J.R. Jayewardene had bungled Indo-Sri Lanka relations and antagonized the Indian Prime Minister. He was in no position to oppose   India.   If the Accord was not signed India would intervene militarily. He signed the Accord on 28 July 1987.

The Indo Lanka  Accord was signed on July 29, 1987 at 3.37 p.m.  Thereafter, unofficial talks were begun between President Jayewardene and the Indian PM. Three discussions were held till midnight and the final talks were held on the morning of July 30^th. The  full text of the    Indo Lanka Accord was  known only after it was signed.

There was strong public opposition to the     Accord before and after it was signed. Posters, slogans and black flags appeared in Colombo and many other main cities expressing strong opposition to the UNP Government, the Indo-Lanka Accord and Tamil separatism.   There were island wide protests     Protestors had even gone in procession to Panadura MP, Neville Fernando, to request him not to vote for the 13th amendment,  Fernando said later. 

Before Rajiv Gandhi’s departure a Naval Guard of Honor was held opposite the President’s House, Fort.   JR’s son, Ravi had instructed  that the firing pins and  gun powder be removed from the  guns in the Guard of Honor. Ravi had  also told JR not to accompany Rajiv at the Guard of honor.

By the afternoon of July 29^th,  even before the Indian PM‘s departure, the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF)  had established themselves in the north east of  Sri Lanka .  ( CONTINUED)

අග්‍රමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ සමස්ථ ලංකා හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක වරුන්ගේ මහා සම්මේලනය සහ නිලවරණය  2023.08.12 දින අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ පැවැති අවස්ථාවේදීය.

වසර විසිපහකට වැඩි සේවාකාලයක් සපුරණ හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක වරුන් සහ අනෙකුත් හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක වරුන් ඇගයීම ද මෙහිදී සිදු කෙරිණි.

මෙහිදී  අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා –

හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක  සේවාව හා සමාන්තරව තිබෙන ස්වදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශයට සම්බන්ධිත  උප්පැන්න හා මරණ ලියාපදිංචි කිරීමේ ක්ෂේත්‍රයන්ට ද වඩාත් අන්‍යෝන්‍ය අවබෝධයෙන් රට වැසියන් වෙනුවෙන් සේවය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් වැඩි කළ යුතුයි. මුදල් නොමැති කාලයක ප්‍රතිපාදන වැඩි කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි බව ඔබට අවබෝධයෙන් වැටහෙනු ඇති. නමුත් ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් හැටියට  හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක සේවාවට මීට වඩා පිළිගැනීමක් ඇති කිරීම සහ පසුගිය කාලයේ තීරණය කරන ලද දීමනාවන් ට අතිරේකව යම් යම්  දීමනා වැඩි කර ගැනීමේ  ක්‍රියාමාර්ගය පිළිබඳව මගෙ සහයෝගය අඛණ්ඩව ලබා දෙනවා. ඒ පිළිබඳව අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයාත්, මමත්, රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන හා ස්වදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යංශයත් සාකච්ඡා කරමින් සිටිනවා. ඔබ ඉටු කරන්නා වූ සේවාවට පිළිගැනීමක් පමණක් නොව, එම සේවාවට අලුත් විශ්වාසයක් ඇති කිරිමට හැකි පියවර සම්බන්ධයෙන් සාකච්ඡා  කිරීමට තීරණය කළා.

ජීවිතයක් ලොවට උපන් වෙලාව සියලු දෙනාගේ සතුටයි. පවුලේ අය පමණක් නොව මිත්‍රයන් නෑදෑයන්  සියලු දෙනා වගේම රටක් සතුටුයි. ඒ  බිහිවන්නේ අනාගතයට මහා වගකීම් ගත හැකි දරුවන් වන නිසා. සතුට වගේම ශෝකය  ජීවිතයේ අනිත්‍යය භාවයේ කොනක තිබෙන බව තේරුම් ගත යුතුයි. ශෝකයට පත්වන අවස්ථාවත්  ශෝකයට පත් වීමෙන් පසු ගත කරන කාලයේත් හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂකවරු ඉටුකරන සේවය සුවිශේෂයි. එම මානව හිතවාදී සේවාවට රටක් අවබෝධයෙන් ගෞරවය පමණක් නොව වඩාත්  පිළිගැනීමකට පත් කරගත යුතුයි.

කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ මහාචාර්ය රවින්ද්‍ර ප්‍රනාන්දු මහතා විසින්  මෙම සම්මමේලනයේ ප්‍රධාන දේශනය සිදු කළ අතර මෙම අවස්ථාවට අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යාංශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් ක්‍රිෂාන්ති මීගහපොළ, සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යංශයේ අතිරේක ලේකම් ලක්ෂ්මී සෝමතුංග, සමස්ථ ලංකා හදිසි මරණ පරීක්ෂක වරුන්ගේ සංගමයේ සභාපති අනුර හේරත්, ලේකම් මොහොමඩ් හර්ශාන්  ඇතුළු පිරිසක් සහභාගී වූහ.

අග්‍රමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Priyantha Hettige, Kandy

To: Mr. Speaker, Honorable Members of Parliament.

Dear Members of Parliament,

The Sri Lankan planned economic targets have not been met in recent months. The signs are that the economy is not moving as expected, nor as required. This ship is sinking and we could easily end up as impoverished as the unfortunate Ethiopians.

Appropriate action is needed to be taken, urgently

Our most distinguished and honorable President has said he will only be guided by his parliament on these matters.

Therefore this letter is a call for you all to stir your stumps and work for the betterment of the economy.

The need of the hour is for more exports; Sri Lanka needs export driven growth – soon!

These exports can be the traditional export products such as rubber, tea, cocoa beans and coconuts. But better, when there is value added as in the case of liqueur chocolates.

Or we can prepare and seize opportunities by selling manufactured goods. We can create our own opportunities by innovative thinking in the creating value and exporting sector.

Imagine the possibilities that will open up when the Russian- Ukrainian “Special Military Operation” ceases and Ukraine has to be rebuilt and refurbished. But such opportunities will only be available to entrepreneurs of nimble, swift action.

Sri Lanka needs to don its ‘strategic thinking’ cap. The targets must be those countries with budget surpluses. What are the opportunities to sell them our goods at a profit?

Only the suggestions and actions of you, most honorable ladies and gentlemen can break the stagnation and revive the economy. The country has been immensely rich and wealthy in the past, and these days can return again with your active participation in the export generating field.

We, the helpless general public, look to your leadership to make progress in this matter of economic revival.

Signed, Priyantha Hettige, Kandy.

Anup Sinha – a strategic and security affairs researcher and freelance columnist specializing in South Asian Affairs

A United States-based news outlet ‘The Intercept’ has published what it claims to be the details of a diplomatic cypher” – or a secret cable – that suggests the US administration wanted to remove former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan from power last year.

Khan was sacked from power in April 2022 after he lost a no-confidence vote in parliament. He alleged he knew of the cypher” while he was in office which, according to him, proved the US hatched a conspiracy with the help of his political opponents and the Pakistani military to remove him.

Khan is currently serving a three-year sentence and has been barred from politics for five years after he was convicted of corruption charges by a court in the capital Islamabad last week. He denies the charges and says the action against him is aimed at stopping him from contesting elections, expected later this year.

On Wednesday, The Intercept news website published purported details of a conversation between Pakistan’s then-ambassador to the US, Asad Majeed, and Donald Lu, the Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, on March 7 last year.

The USA had threatened to isolate Pakistan if Imran Khan was not removed from the post of Prime Minister. There was a decision at a secret meeting of the US State Department to topple Imran Khan as Pakistan remained neutral on the Russia-Ukraine war.

In April 2022, the Pakistani Government led by Imran Khan was overthrown due to a vote of confidence in the parliament. Khan claimed that the United States (US) conspired to overthrow the Government.  Although Washington denies these allegations, most Pakistani people believe in this conspiracy theory.”

In recent days, it has been proven in many ways that Pakistanis endorse Khan’s claims against the United States. Many citizens supporting Khan organized anti-government protests in the capital city of Islamabad. During the protests, Khan’s supporters raised their voices against the current government of the United States and Pakistan. Khan brought up the allegations of US conspiracy again during the protests. In addition, conspiracy theories came to the fore in Islamabad, and all rallies were held throughout Pakistan after Khan was overthrown on April 10, 2022.

Khan’s political entry as a famous cricketer has mobilized Pakistan’s younger generation. Because the people of the country have been taking an anti-American stance for a long time. During the change of government, commodity prices increased due to the economic tension in Pakistan, which triggered various dynamics. Maliha Lodhi, Pakistan’s former Ambassador to the United States, said, Khan was trying to use anti-US sentiment to gain public support for him.” made the statement. Although Khan did not provide any evidence for the conspiracy theory, the public believed these theories. But now, after the revelation of the Intercept report, now issue is clear.

Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, is at the base of Khan’s allegations. Khan claims that Lu met with Pakistan’s Ambassador to Washington in March 2022, and in this meeting, the US official stated that Khan should be removed from the post of Prime Minister by a vote of no confidence. In a recent interview with CNN, Khan renewed his claims and stated that Donald Lu had threatened the Pakistani Ambassador, saying that if the government were not overthrown, Pakistan would have to suffer the consequences. However, these accusations were denied by the Washington administration. Khan explained that the Pakistani Ambassador sent a message to the cabinet in March 2022.

Although Khan made a statement at a meeting of the Pakistan National Security Council (NSC), the government in the country changed, and Shahbaz Sharif, the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), took over as the Prime Minister. Following the change of Prime Minister, the Council rejected Khan’s allegations and said, No evidence of conspiracy was found in the message.” made the statement.

As it is known, on February 24, 2022, Russia launched an attack on Ukraine, and on the same day, Khan visited Moscow.  Khan believes that the US authorities reacted to him for this reason. In addition, Khan claims that the Pakistan army and Sharif are also involved in the American conspiracy.

Analysts argue that it is necessary to examine the country’s ten-year history to understand why the people of Pakistan believe this conspiracy theory. In the last decade, distrust between Pakistan and the USA has increased therefore, what has happened is a result of this insecurity.

Afghanistan is the leading cause of distrust in the United States among Pakistanis. The US army has been in Afghanistan for over 20 years, and Pakistan has been attacked many times by Afghan-linked terrorists during this period. This is why many Pakistanis believe the American presence in Afghanistan destabilized their country. When US President George W. Bush launched the anti-terrorism” campaign against Afghanistan in 2001, Pakistan sided with the US as an ally. But as time passed, the distance between the two countries’ governments widened.

Islamabad believes that US drone attacks have killed thousands of people on Pakistani soil. In 2011, American forces killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of the Al-Qaeda, in an operation, they carried out in Abbottabad, Pakistan, but did not inform Islamabad about the process. This US behavior was totally unaccepted by the general Pakistanis.  On the other hand, the Pakistani Government of the time considered this move of the USA as an insult. Moreover, in this process, a fake vaccination program was organized by the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and DNA data were collected to confirm the existence of Laden in Abbottabad under the name of the vaccination program. Although the program was seen as a successful work by the USA, it caused outrage among the people of Pakistan.

Moreover, in 2011, CIA officer Raymond Davis killed two Pakistanis in Lahore and said that these people tried to catch him at gunpoint, so he had to shoot. However, the Pakistani Government described the incident as a murder, and Davis was arrested on charges of murder and illegally possessing weapons. The incident caused tension between the USA and Pakistan. In the explanation made by Washington, it was stated that if Davis were not released, USA’s aid that hundreds of millions of dollars to Pakistan would be cut. As a result, Davis was released in exchange for more than $2 million in compensation to the families of the killed Pakistani citizens.

All these developments have caused irreparable damage to the sense of trust between the parties. Pakistanis now believe that there are conspiracies against their country. For this reason, Khan’s claim is accepted as accurate. Some analysts state why Khan made anti-US moves related to the historical past of relations between the two countries. Indeed, according to Madiha Afzal, a researcher at the Brookings Institution, a US-based think tank, Khan’s allegations against the US are part of the long history of conspiracy theories in Pakistan. In his words, Khan claims that Pakistan’s problems are rooted in the corruption of democratic governments that have served at different times.” Afzal reveals the world of thought of the former Prime Minister of Pakistan.

As a result, Khan has enjoyed sympathy from most Pakistanis since he was ousted as Prime Minister. Because Khan’s supporters consider him an alternative to Pakistan’s traditional political leaders. Moreover, the power struggle of the political parties complicates the situation in Pakistan day by day. Because the policies implemented resulted in inflation in the long run. The rupee is depreciating against the dollar, and the government is increasing the tax amount to compensate for this deficit. The burden of all this is on the shoulders of Pakistani citizens. Because of this, many experts believe that Pakistan has benefited from the current crisis. Because thanks to the support he received from the public, his popularity of Khan reached an unprecedented level. In the case of Pakistan, USA supported Pak military for regime change which is very shameful for the modern civilization.

Now, they target Bangladesh PM sheikh Hasina for their vested geopolitical interest. When the country is advancing economically, the US intention is not justified. US Intention of Targeting Bangladesh Has Ill Motive. So former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan and current Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina are caught in the same conspiracy. Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina made similar comments a few days ago. She directly said America wants to remove me”.

While speaking at a discussion meeting at the National Press Club on August 9, 2023 Bangladesh Foreign Minister AK Abdul Momen also said foreigners are conspiring against the government of Bangladesh. Former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran and Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have similar statements.

For example, the US suddenly became aware that human rights were being abused in some developing countries like Bangladesh and that democracy was not operating as it should.

If the answer is no, and the US was fully aware that there were indeed violations occurring in this nation from the beginning, why did the US authorities choose to turn a blind eye and refrain from warning the Bangladeshi government earlier that continued disregard or violations of these rights would result in consequences? On the other side, the US could be charged with involvement if they were aware of these events and did nothing about them. The question of why this diplomatic snub suddenly arises is only natural. Is it truly intended to help Bangladesh achieve democracy and human rights, or is there another purpose at play?

The world News

This story has gone viral!

Report 1: Does Leaked Cipher Vindicate Imran Khan?

Vantage with Palki Sharma – Aug 10, 2023 

Imran Khan had accused the US of masterminding a plot to topple his government last year. He had also talked about a cipher in which the US asked Pakistan to remove Imran Khan for his neutrality on the Ukraine war.

A leaked cipher has now confirmed Imran Khan’s claim.

Report 2: How US Threatened & Cajoled Pakistan Over Imran Khan’s Stand On Russia Ukraine War 

CRUX – Aug 10, 2023

A diplomatic cable previously cited by former Pakistan PM Imran Khan as proof of US involvement in his ouster has finally come to the fore. Quoting the infamous cypher”, The Intercept reports that the US state department nudged Pakistan to remove Khan from power. The classified Pakistani govt cable documents a March 7, 2022, meeting between the Pakistan envoy to the US and two State Department officials.

Report 3: Secret Pakistan Cable Documents US Pressure To REMOVE Imran Khan

Counter Points – Aug 9, 2023 

Ryan Grim breaks down the US role in the overthrow of Imran Khan in Pakistan.

Are we your slaves?” What do you think of us? That we are your slaves and that we will do whatever you ask of us? We are friends of Russia, and we are also friends of the United States. We are friends of China and Europe. We are not part of any alliance.”

Pakistan Prime Minster Imran Khan before his Govt. was toppled.

What kind of pressure does SL face from the US?

SECRET PAKISTAN CABLE DOCUMENTS U.S. PRESSURE TO REMOVE IMRAN KHAN

All will be forgiven,” said a U.S. diplomat, if the no-confidence vote against Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan succeeds.

August 9, 2023

Secret Pakistan Cable Documents U.S. Pressure to Remove Imran Khan

THE U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT encouraged the Pakistani government in a March 7, 2022, meeting to remove Imran Khan as prime minister over his neutrality on the Russian invasion of Ukraine, according to a classified Pakistani government document obtained by The Intercept.

The meeting, between the Pakistani ambassador to the United States and two State Department officials, has been the subject of intense scrutiny, controversy, and speculation in Pakistan over the past year and a half, as supporters of Khan and his military and civilian opponents jockeyed for power. The political struggle escalated on August 5 when Khan was sentenced to three years in prison on corruption charges and taken into custody for the second time since his ouster. Khan’s defenders dismiss the charges as baseless. The sentence also blocks Khan, Pakistan’s most popular politician, from contesting elections expected in Pakistan later this year.

One month after the meeting with U.S. officials documented in the leaked Pakistani government document, a no-confidence vote was held in Parliament, leading to Khan’s removal from power. The vote is believed to have been organized with the backing of Pakistan’s powerful military. Since that time, Khan and his supporters have been engaged in a struggle with the military and its civilian allies, whom Khan claims engineered his removal from power at the request of the U.S.

The text of the Pakistani cable, produced from the meeting by the ambassador and transmitted to Pakistan, has not previously been published. The cable, known internally as a cypher,” reveals both the carrots and the sticks that the State Department deployed in its push against Khan, promising warmer relations if Khan was removed, and isolation if he was not.

The document, labeled Secret,” includes an account of the meeting between State Department officials, including Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu, and Asad Majeed Khan, who at the time was Pakistan’s ambassador to the U.S.

The document was provided to The Intercept by an anonymous source in the Pakistani military who said that they had no ties to Imran Khan or Khan’s party. The Intercept is publishing the body of the cable below, correcting minor typos in the text because such details can be used to watermark documents and track their dissemination.

The cable reveals both the carrots and the sticks that the State Department deployed in its push against Prime Minister Imran Khan.

The contents of the document obtained by The Intercept are consistent with reporting in the Pakistani newspaper Dawn and elsewhere describing the circumstances of the meeting and details in the cable itself, including in the classification markings omitted from The Intercept’s presentation. The dynamics of the relationship between Pakistan and the U.S. described in the cable were subsequently borne out by events. In the cable, the U.S. objects to Khan’s foreign policy on the Ukraine war. Those positions were quickly reversed after his removal, which was followed, as promised in the meeting, by a warming between the U.S. and Pakistan.

The diplomatic meeting came two weeks after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which launched as Khan was en route to Moscow, a visit that infuriated Washington.

On March 2, just days before the meeting, Lu had been questioned at a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing over the neutrality of India, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan in the Ukraine conflict. In response to a question from Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., about a recent decision by Pakistan to abstain from a United Nations resolution condemning Russia’s role in the conflict, Lu said, Prime Minister Khan has recently visited Moscow, and so I think we are trying to figure out how to engage specifically with the Prime Minister following that decision.” Van Hollen appeared to be indignant that officials from the State Department were not in communication with Khan about the issue.

The day before the meeting, Khan addressed a rally and responded directly to European calls that Pakistan rally behind Ukraine. Are we your slaves?” Khan thundered to the crowd. What do you think of us? That we are your slaves and that we will do whatever you ask of us?” he asked. We are friends of Russia, and we are also friends of the United States. We are friends of China and Europe. We are not part of any alliance.”

ෆීනික්ස් නීති සාර සංහ්‍රහය වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන.

ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත සම්බන්ධ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 123 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව හේතු දැක්වීම සිදුකර නොතිබීම ඇතුළු ලිඛිත සහ වාචික කරුණු සළකා නොබැලීම ඇතුළු දෝෂ හේතුවෙන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව නිවැරදි පිළිගත හැකි තීරණයක් නොවන  බව SC/SD/52/23 පෙත්සම්කරුවන් වෙනුවෙන් නීතීඥවරයා ලිඛිතව කථානායකවරයාට දැනුම් දැනුම් දී ඇත.

එහි පිටපත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මහලේකම්ට සහ නීතිපතිවරයාට යොමු කර ඇත.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2023/08/123_13.html?m=1

ෆීනික්ස් නීති සාර සංහ්‍රහය
වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන.
දුරකථන 0712063394

By: Kimberly Rodrigues Courtesy EasternEye

he Sri Lankan Navy reported that the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy warship, named HAI YANG 24 HAO, reached the Colombo port on Thursday (10}.

Chinese Naval Ship Nanning takes part in the multinational naval exercise ‘AMAN-23’ in the Arabian Sea near Pakistan’s port city of Karachi on February 13, 2023, as more than 50 countries participating with ships and observers – Representative Image (Photo by Asif HASSAN / AFP) (Photo by ASIF HASSAN/AFP via Getty Images)

A Chinese Navy warship with surveillance capabilities has recently arrived at the Colombo port, marking its presence almost a year after a different spy vessel caused concerns in India by berthing at a strategic port in Sri Lanka.

The Sri Lankan Navy reported that the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy warship, named HAI YANG 24 HAO, reached the Colombo port on Thursday (10) and is scheduled to depart on Saturday.

The 129-metre-long ship which arrived in Colombo is manned by a crew of 138 and it is commanded by Commander Jin Xin. The ship is scheduled to depart the country tomorrow,” the navy statement said.

According to media reports on Friday, Sri Lanka delayed its arrival upon concerns raised by India. The Chinese authorities sought permission for it earlier, but Sri Lanka delayed permission because of resistance from India,” the Daily Mirror newspaper reported.

Despite a briefing by Sri Lanka to Indian officials, the latter remained concerned about the research ship’s visit to the island nation.

In August last year, a similar visit by the Chinese ballistic missile and satellite tracking ship, ‘Yuan Wang 5′, which arrived in the southern Sri Lankan port of Hambantota elicited strong reactions from India.

There were apprehensions in New Delhi about the possibility of the vessel’s tracking systems attempting to snoop on Indian defence installations while being on its way to the Sri Lankan port.

However, after a considerable delay, Sri Lanka allowed the ship to dock at the strategic southern port of Hambantota, being built by a Chinese company.

Sri Lanka considers both India and China equally important partners in its task to restructure its external debt.

The negotiations for Sri Lanka’s external and domestic debt restructuring must be concluded by September, in time for the International Monetary Fund’s review of its USD 2.9 billion bailout extended in March this year.

The island nation was hit by an unprecedented financial crisis in 2022, the worst since its independence from Britain in 1948, due to a severe paucity of foreign exchange reserves

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

President Ranil Wickremesinghe urged officials in the gem and jewellery industry to swiftly provide comprehensive plans for achieving the country’s objective of bolstering annual export earnings through enhancements in the gems and jewellery exports and re-exports.

During a recent discussion held at the Presidential Secretariat to address issues within the gem and jewellery industry, the President highlighted the importance of promptly addressing challenges in the gems and jewellery sector to boost the country’s revenue from exports. 

He stressed that progress toward this year’s target growth in the industry has not met the expectations compared to the previous year. Hence, he emphasized on the necessity of implementing a well-structured strategy aimed at attaining an annual export revenue of at least two billion US dollars.

Furthermore, the President revealed that recommendations pertaining to tax policies for the advancement of the gems and jewellery sector were submitted to him by the Sectoral Monitoring Committee on Environment, Natural Resources and Sustainable Development.

Deliberations extended to discussions on taxes impacting the industry as well as the export and re-export procedures. Pertinent stakeholders also shared insights with the President regarding the challenges that have emerged within the sector.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe assured that the government is fully prepared to provide necessary support and facilities if a formalized plan to elevate the gems and jewellery industry in Sri Lanka is presented promptly.

Courtesy Adaderana

State Finance Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya says that a Gazette notification is expected to be issued this week relaxing restrictions on import of lorries, trucks and buses used for public transport.

However, regarding the import of other vehicles, financial analysts say that the import of other vehicles will be further delayed considering the existing foreign exchange reserves.

They also emphasize that the exchange rate of the US Dollar could rise once again through the acceleration of vehicle imports.

Courtesy Adaderana

Condemning all political decisions made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe with regard to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, Senior Deputy Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Prof. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa warned that Sri Lanka is heading towards a democratic crisis.

Also speaking on the President’s ongoing efforts towards the devolution of powers, MP Udaya Gammanpila explained that each time President Ranil Wickremesinghe lost his power, it was due to his attempts to devolve powers.

Despite these remarks, however, United National Party (UNP) Deputy Leader Ruwan Wijewardene stated that in order for the country to move forward, solutions need to be provided for certain issues faced by those in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

Meanwhile, speaking at a event held on Saturday (12 August) commemorating the 70th anniversary of the 1953 Hartal, MP Dullas Alahapperuma claimed that despite all the riots, protests and hartals that have taken place in Sri Lanka thus far, parties are yet to ‘learn their lessons’, adding that all sectors are currently in crisis.

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe underscored the imperative to fortify the nation’s economy, ensuring that forthcoming generations are spared from enduring the unfortunate period that both the country and its people have weathered in the past two years. 

These remarks were made during his participation in the 150th Anniversary celebration of St. Thomas College in Matale today (13 Aug).

President Wickremesinghe highlighted that resolving the country’s economic challenges goes beyond the success of the debt optimization programme, and emphasised the need to promptly initiate an economy-building strategy guided by sound decisions. 

He cautioned that failure to proactively adopt a new program would inevitably result in the country facing another economic hurdle within a decade.

The President expressed his vision of propelling the country forward through comprehensive modernization. To achieve this, he announced the establishment of the Technology Promotion Council and the Digital Transformation Commission, aimed at accelerating the nation’s digital evolution.

In an unprecedented event, President Wickremesinghe visited St. Thomas College in Matale, unveiling a commemorative plaque that marked the institution’s 150th Anniversary. He also graciously posed for a group photograph with the Alumni Association.

During the same occasion, the President also conferred certificates upon students who secured the top position in the district during the general education certificate examination.

Following is the speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe at this event;

It has been a century and a half since the inception of St. Thomas College in Matale. During its establishment, the country relied on a plantation-based economy with a significant focus on coffee cultivation. However, within a few years, the coffee industry collapsed, causing a severe economic downturn and depriving the government of its revenue stream. The economy struggled until the introduction of tea and rubber cultivation, which revitalized the nation’s financial standing.

As the 150th Anniversary of St. Thomas College in Matale is commemorated today, the country finds itself grappling with an ongoing economic crisis. The previous year’s economic turmoil left deep impacts on the nation’s economic, social, and political landscapes. During that period, the prospect of recovery seemed bleak. A poignant example of this was the lack of volunteers to assume the role of Prime Minister after Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s resignation. Typically, such vacancies are eagerly pursued, but in this case, no one stepped forward.

Taking up the mantle of the presidency, I assumed responsibility, formed a cabinet, and embarked on finding both short-term and long-term solutions to address the economic crisis. Through decisive actions, we managed to eliminate the prevalent queues that had become emblematic of the nation’s struggles. The outcomes of our government’s decisions in September, January, and April of the previous year have been embraced positively by the populace.

As this year draws to a close, we hold the belief that our nation can overcome bankruptcy by successfully executing the credit appreciation program. Achieving this necessitates stringent control over public expenditures and a shift toward a more productive economy. We have already begun implementing these measures. However, it is essential to recognize that while our current endeavours may alleviate the bankrupt” label unless further steps are taken promptly, we risk facing the same fate within a decade.

Consequently, the government’s course must be charted anew, underpinned by a revamped system. Sound financial discipline should guide our governance approach, extracting maximal benefits from each government institution. Initiatives to trim superfluous expenses within ministries are in the pipeline. Moreover, an inventory of government-owned land, buildings, and vehicles is being compiled under the Prime Minister’s Secretary’s leadership, with expectations of its completion by year-end.

The proposed measures for domestic debt optimization have been successfully passed in the Parliament, despite attempts to hinder the process through legal channels.

The EPF has introduced a draft law aimed at providing a 9% interest rate to all members, and this initiative is currently in progress. Consequently, there are no grounds to impede the advancement of this program. As stipulated in Article 04 of the Constitution, financial authority rests with the Parliament, thereby vesting it with the responsibility and competence to execute these actions. All legal cases related to this matter have been dismissed by the Supreme Court.
Upon the completion of the debt optimization endeavour, our focus should shift to the effective implementation of the subsequent economic program. Presently, there is a significant exodus of individuals from our nation. The departure of skilled experts and professionals has created a substantial void that cannot be easily filled. It is essential to reaffirm our commitment to establishing a robust economic foundation conducive to the well-being of all citizens.

Challenges confront our country today, primarily driven by insufficient government revenue and a trade imbalance skewed towards higher import costs relative to exports. A reliance on daily credit is not a sustainable solution. 

Once the debt consolidation process concludes, the same question emerges anew. We must proactively address this concern by bolstering our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at a rapid pace, as an increased GDP directly translates to heightened national income.

Parallelly, we must intensify our efforts in the realm of exports. A comprehensive strategy for this endeavour should be formulated within the next decade.

In the current landscape, conventional political slogans have lost their relevance, even within both ruling and opposition parties. Instead, it is imperative to assess the country’s challenges and forge ahead with practical solutions. If the proposed solutions fail to gain traction, alternatives should be presented to address the issues at hand.

To propel the nation’s economic development, an annual influx of at least one billion dollars in foreign exchange is essential. The initial step toward achieving this goal involves augmenting foreign exchange inflows from existing sectors.

Our primary income sources are foreign employment and export earnings. Unfortunately, the economic situation in countries like Europe and America, particularly affecting the garment industry, has shown regression. Consequently, we shouldn’t anticipate substantial revenue from these sectors this year. Thus, our attention must pivot to tourism. Accordingly, we have devised comprehensive plans to significantly enhance our country’s tourism sector throughout this year and the following year.

Additionally, there is a pressing need to double our export revenue. To achieve this, attracting investors and providing them with the requisite facilities is essential. New initiatives such as the development of the port city have been set in motion. 

Furthermore, advancing rapidly over the next decade with technologies like artificial intelligence is paramount; our success or failure hinges on our ability to maintain this momentum.

In line with these objectives, plans are underway to establish several government and private universities. A subsidized loan program for students entering these institutions is also on the horizon. Our aim is to annually produce a minimum of 10,000 engineers and 7,500 doctors from Sri Lankan universities. The demand for IT expertise is also substantial, necessitating consistent efforts to meet these requirements.

Our aspiration is to construct a prosperous future for generations to come. It is our collective responsibility to fortify the economy to prevent a recurrence of last year’s adversities.

The government has undertaken numerous novel measures in pursuit of this goal. 

However, anticipated outcomes from the Board of Investment and the Export Board have fallen short. To address this, we have established an economic commission tasked with centralizing relevant powers. This will streamline the investment approval process, eliminating the need to navigate various ministries for clearance, and consolidating all procedures in one location.

Drawing inspiration from Mr. J.R. Jayawardena’s establishment of the Greater Colombo Economic Commission in 1978, we also aim to create a dedicated board to provide the necessary infrastructure for investments.

In tandem, we aspire to double the annual influx of tourists to our country from 2.5 million to 5 million. The Matale district possesses immense potential to contribute significantly to the burgeoning tourism industry.

Within the next two months, we intend to unveil an agricultural modernization program. Our current agricultural output, whether in terms of rice or other crops, falls short. It is imperative to promote the cultivation of these products.

Furthermore, we are in the process of establishing a Technology Promotion Council with the aim of acquiring the necessary technical expertise for our nation. Concurrently, a Digital Transformation Commission will be formed to propel digitization across the country. Envisioning comprehensive modernization across all sectors, our objective is to shape a developed Sri Lanka by the year 2048.

The event was attended by a multitude of individuals, including Education Minister Dr. Susil Premajayantha, Prime Minister’s Secretary Anura Dissanayake, Central Province Governor Lalith Y. Gamage, Ministry of Education Secretary Nihal Ranasinghe, former judge and Chairman of the Human Rights Commission M.P.B. Dehideniya, Professor Chaminda Ratnayake, Vice Chancellor of NSBM Green University, General Shavendra Silva, Chief of Staff of the Tri forces, Kaushalya Navaratne, President of the Sri Lanka Bar Association Dhammika Hewawasam, Principal of St. Thomas College in Matale, and a substantial gathering of faculty members, parents, and alumni.

e-Con e-News August 2023 Part 3

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

This ee reproduces Pakistan’s Ambassador in Washington recounting the US demand to remove their leader Imran Khan…or else… This coup – though downplayed by the media as a coup – was apparently accomplished this week, with the collusion of Pakistan’s courts and military leadership.

     This ‘demarche’ makes clearer that the same shenanigan was accomplished in Sri Lanka last year, with an apparent threat to kill the President Gotabhaya Rajapakse unless he abdicated his massive electoral mandate (see ee Comments).

     This ee also reports how the US installed yet another ‘billionaire entrepreneur’ – aka launderer of drug dollars – from addicting 10,000s of US citizens, mainly Black – as the President of Nigeria. It is this President, as head of regional West African grouping ECOWAS, who is now attempting to invade Niger and other Sahelian nations. Such are the NATO-appointed ‘democratic’ leaders we are only allowed elect. Meanwhile, France’s frenetic attempt to keep robbing Africa perhaps explains the French President’s recent airport ‘refueling’ stop in Sri Lanka, after visiting French colonies in the Pacific.

     Which brings us right back to assertions that the US has given India the green (sic!) light to invade and divide Sri Lanka:

‘Western powers have given free rein – a carte blanche –

to India as their proxy in South Asia.’

(ee Sovereignty, 5 MoU between Ranil & India unpublished)

This appears even more evident in the attempt to get parliament to bulldoze the by-force 13^th Amendment to divide the country, and also hand over strategic and mineral-rich Trincomalee to India.

     Meanwhile, the Indian Finance Minister’s demand last week that China ‘join the debt relief efforts of Sri Lanka’ was even criticized by the empire’s lipstick in Colombo, the monopoly Wijeya Group’s Sunday Times:

‘Whatever [India’s] altruistic motives may have been,

any issues between Sri Lanka & China are issues

between 2 sovereign nations, and the recent Indian munificence

does not grant India the powers to intervene.’

     Of course, Japan keeps doing the same: ‘Japan has asked Sri Lanka to secure a debt restructure deal with China before any discussion.’ (see ee Sovereignty).

     And thus foreign fleas festoon the firmament, with the Australian envoy ‘warning’ that Sri Lanka’s ‘12-month mining permit would make investors ‘run away’’: ‘Australian High Commissioner had recently mentioned there were companies that were willing to invest but that the investment environment was not conducive’ (ee Industry).

*

• While the corporate media likes to focus on that July 1983 they label as ‘Black’, they like to forget the July 1980 turmoil – the IMF, Employers Federation (of Ceylon, apparently) and a compliant media – caused in demanding the government of the day sack over 50,000 workers to push the IMF’s anti-worker agenda. Few ‘social scientists’ attempt to even draw a link between July 1983 & the July 1980 outrages, and the transmogrification of forces pampered to attack trade unionists.

     It is hard not to see the recent ‘aid’ by the World Bank – to ease the destruction of the so-called ‘welfare state’ initially created to help prevent Sri Lanka’s real economic independence – and also Japan’s recent ‘Rs611mn grant assistance for human resources development in Sri Lanka’, as means to lubricate similar ‘free-market’ ‘death squads’, etc.

*

‘The economic path that various leaders have tried to implement since 1977

is not conducive to industrialization and a production-based economy.’

– Main Conditions for a Progressive Alternative:

Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL, ee Focus)

The 1977 decision to open the floodgates to imports (see ee Economy, Import Liberalization) recalls the so-called ‘liberalization’ of the economy that some analysts see as pivotal to ‘consumption culture’ promoted by the Central Bank, under a US governor, since 1950. Now we have a so-called Sri Lankan governor of the Central Bank, even more eager to implement such imperialist writ.

     One of the features of the 1977 deluge was of course the World Bank’s Mahaveli Development Project (designed by Canada), which promised to even sell electricity to India! Now they wish to suture Sri Lanka to India to obtain electricity, along with a land bridge!

     So! Midst a devastating drought, and the cricketer Imran’s dungeoning, we found this interesting anecdote by a former envoy and MP about the link between Sri Lanka’s accession to ‘Test Cricket’ and the Mahaveli boondoggle, which cast Sri Lanka into further debt bondage.

     Irrigation is a fundamental input in agriculture. The Indians, the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English not only targeted our weapons-producing and related steel industries first, they also destroyed our granaries. When they figured out that the basis of our solidarity was in the sharing of water, they attacked the irrigation (see ee 11 July 2020, Cool Marx on Sri Lanka).

     It is to anecdotal autobiographies we must turn. Sarath Amunugama recalls that (the later assassinated MP and Presidential candidate) Gamini Dissanayake was funded by the Maharaja Group. He was the head of the Board of Control of Cricket. Gamini as Minister of Mahaweli Development had handed over the contract for the Victoria Reservoir project to English corporation Balfour Beatty. The head of the company in England was the chief fundraiser for Thatcher’s Conservative Party. Balfour Beatty then ‘twisted the [bowling?] arm of the MCC’.

     Of course Amunugama, who claims modern economics demands that we turn into a rentier economy, makes no link – with his proud recall, that later, with Gamini D, was ‘welcomed to the distinguished [MCC] visitors’ gallery and served champagne & wafer-thin smoked salmon as well as cucumber sandwiches ordered from Fortnum & Mason’ – to the absurd demands by Balfour Beatty that their overpaid Mahaveli consultants had to also import drinking water and other such luxuries from England, for which we are still paying! Indeed, Queen Victoria, 19^th century famine-maker & mass murderer (not just in 1848), symbol of constipation (due to opium) & sexual repression, is indeed appropriate for a dam that fails.

      ‘US State Department Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption’ Richard Nephew and Dylan Aikens, the Anti-Corruption Analyst for the US Department of State who visited Sri Lanka from August 08-9, may perhaps not wish to recall such lugubrious lubrications…

     They also may not wish to delve into the rush to privatize SLTelecom. SLTelecom is not on the latest government list of immediate privatization projects postponed due to political opposition. SLTelecom is yet to respond to international accusations that it received bribes from the US envoy in Colombo. The US bribes were to get SLT to abandon an Indian Ocean submarine internet cable project with China and other Asian countries. (see, ee July 2023 Part 2, US Envoy Threatens & Bribes SLTelecom)

     MCC indeed! In case our intellectuals choose to forget, even if they don’t know, MCC to Sri Lankans means US invasion, cricket, and a lot of other things (see the very 1^st ee), but it sure ain’t ‘M-C-M’ (Marx’s industrial transformation of money and commodity into capital).

     And, what after all is capital, but labor? Which is why the IMF’s main demand is the further degradation of a skilled working class in Sri Lanka (see ee Workers, Labour & Labour-Power).

MCC Cricket, Mahaveli Drought & the Couping of Imran & Gotabhaya

Garvin Karunaratne former GA Matara 1971-1973

Can we stop imports and save dollars. Yes, We CAN. Let us talk from what we once did.

Once when I worked in Nuwara Eliya a car loan of tomatoes purchased at Hanguranketa made my home a Cannery for a weekend and we made Tomatoe Sauce that lasted six months.

In 1958, In my days in charge of the Tripoli Market that ran the Veg and Fruit Purchasing Programme of the Marketing Department, the Marketing Officer at Hanguranketa Fair reported a glut of tomatoes and I despatched three lorries to Hanguranketa Fair to purchase all the tomatoes and at the Cannery by mid night it all became Tomatoes Sauce. Today we spend dollars obtained on loan to buy Tomatoes Sauce from as far as the USA and Australia. Are we not foolish?

In my days as the GA at Matara in 1971, my Planning Officer, Vetus Fernando a raw chemistry grad, toiled every day from six to twelve midnight for three months at the Rahula College science lab, aided by Science teachers at Rahula, with all of us as Cheer Leaders goading Vetus when he failed. Somehow he found the art of making Crayons. That took a full three months. Then Sumanapala Dahanayake, the MP for Deniyaya as the President of Morawaka Cooperatives organized producing crayons- day and night and in a fortnight we filled two large rooms. I broke rest for three days and my officers supervised for two weeks- a 24 hour a day operation. That was also Sumanapala the MP for Deniyaya, perhaps his role is to be admired by the Members of Parliament of today. Minister Subasinghe, the Minister for Industries opened sales. Minister Illangaratne when he saw the crayons we made ordered the stop of all imports of crayons. He even got me to agree to open a Crayon Factory at Kolonnawa, his electorate! Today our chemistry grads are fighting and protesting on the streets and we import Crayola Crayons. The Morawaka made Coop Crayon was as good as the Crayola. Are we not the fools to close Coop Crayon? Of course we had to do it as the IMF ordered. But we can get down to make all our crayons again. That was my stsff- Vetus and Development Assistant Daya Palihakkara in action

The Marketing Department Cannery was established in 1955. From 1956 we purchased all the Red Pumpkin and made it into Golden Melon Jam; we purchased all the Ash Pumpkin and made it into Silver Melon Jam. Professor Sarathchandra’s cherished drink was Tomatoe Juice. We exported eight percent of our canned pineapple.. I was Assistant Commissioner in charge of Tripoli Market then and covered the duties of Assistant Commissioner Oswald Tliiekeratne, to supervise the cannery when he was abroad to find sales for our canned pineapple. Today we import Jam and Fruit Drinks. A few years ago I ran into a distant relative, a lad trained in fruit processing who was a clerical officer in a Ministry.

Now we import jam and juice from Australia, from Cyprus and from everywhere!

Making Jam, Fruit Juice is something that can be done overnight with fruit that is in plenty. Are we not the Fools to import instead of Canning and making Fruit Drinks and Jam?.

The Marketing Department produced all our Jam and Fruit Juice within three years 1955-1958- the Philip Gunawardena days.

The Divisional Development Councils Programme(DDCP) of the Sirimavo days(1970-1977) was the last production programme our country had.

In Matara as the GA, I obtained approval to establish a Boat Making factory and our youth made seagoing motorboats- forty boats a year. The IMF stopped the Boatyard in 1978. Are we not the fools. Yet we import fish, though our seas are full of shoals of fish.

Then in Matara I had around a dozen agricultural farms where we trained farmers and we produced vegetables- ginger etc. We had established many industries- batik making, farm implements, crafts etc.

There were 22 of us Government Agents in the island, producing in farms and industries all over. We trained 33,200 scientific farmers and industrialists. This was done by Professor HadeS Gunasekera, the Professor of Econ at Peradeniya. He was the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Plan Implementation and even a helicopter was at his disposal for district travel and we had to bend our heads when we met him at the helicopter to avoid being decapitated..

In NuwaraEliya, the Divisional . Secretary at Kotmale established a paper making factory. He collected the waste paper in the District and made paper and cardboard. That factory was also closed under IMF orders in 1978. Today we import paper and our book printing has come to a halt as we have no dollars to import. Paper is made out of straw and illuk, which we have in plenty.

Are we not the fools to close Paper Making. Farmers even set fire to the straw to get rid of it.

We have acted the goat from 1977 in Waste Paper. Instead of following the Kotmale Divisional Secretary, and making paper out of waste paper we export waste paper and cardboard to India- some 8000 tons per month and earn a few coppers and also buy paper and cardboard from India paying full dollars. Mind you we did that from 1978 to now and we do it even today. I am certain that we cannot find any country as foolish as our Sri Lanka

In every District under the DDCP we got into production. Let me narrate what Wilson Perera the Divisional Secretary at Baddegama did to illustrate how we can become productive. He was a personal friend so I knew what he did. I quote from my book: Papers on the Economic Development of Sri Lanka. (Godages:2012)

The development work included establishing a cooperative farm of 60 youths. A neglected farm was taken over- its Factory was repaired and a part converted to residential quarters.. 12 acres of neglected rubber was rehabilitated and tapping commenced, 40 acres of neglected tea was rehabilitated,, 20 acres of jungle land was cleared and coconut saplings planted. 50 acres of neglected paddy land was rehabilitated and brought under regular cultivation.

In the working of the farm weekly meetings were held for all the cooperator youths also attended by the technical officers… every detail in planning and implementation was discussed and plans drafted for the coming week.. Thus the cooperators were educated on the job…

Another successful project at Baddegana was was the manufacture of farm implements… mammoties, spades and forks of high quality were manufactured.”

The achievement was great but at the same time the Member of Parliament who was a deputy Minister thought that Wilson Perera would contest him in the general election and Wilson had to get a transfer to save himself. This was fairly normal and I myself have been transferred overnight twice for good work done which may not be good” for the member of parliament- at times it was a Minister and I had dismissed his pet men.. We administrators have got used to this system- we get transferred overnight and finally get kicked upstairs for good work done.

I can go on narrating endless. Now what I have said is the truth- Sri Lanka can produce all the imports other than wheat flour within weeks if only the Government approves it. The expenses of establishing training centres, farms and industries is all in local rupees. But when the production comes in- of Fruit Juice, Jam, Tomatoes Sauce and we can avoid imports we do really save dollars.

Our stalwarts who once led this DDCP programme of production are now enjoying fat pensions. Will it not be prudent to enlist their services immediately and get going in days and see to become productive instead of continuing to be importers of what we can produce.

Over to our leaders- the President and Prime Minister. You owe to make our country productive , not to get our country into further debt.

Garvin Karunaratne

former GA Matara 1971-1973

විමල් පටබැඳිගේ – ශාස්ත‍්‍රවේදී, නීතිඥ, විශ‍්‍රාමික සොලිසිටර්

3 වෙනි කොටසෙන්

…. ඉංගිරිසීන් මුහුදුබඩ පළාත අහෝසි කොට සීමා වෙනස් කොට වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශය යළි නිර්මාණය කිරීමට පෙර සහ මලබාර් කොලනි පිහිටුවීමට පෙර නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ උතුරු සීමාවේ සිට යාපන අර්ධද්වීප සීමාව (කිලාලි කලපුව* දක්වා වූ භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශය, දිවයිනේ ඊශාණදිග ප‍්‍රදේශය සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජන්ම භූමියක් විය.

4 වෙනි කොටස

යාපාපටුනට යාබද, සැ. 51 ක් දිග මුහුදු තීරයක් සහිත සහ සැ. 43 ක් පමණ රට තුළට පැතිරුණු මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය පුතුක්කුඩියිරුප්පු, උතුරු කරික්කඞ්ඩුමුලෙයි, දකුණු කරික්කඞ්ඩුමුලෙයි, මුල්ලියාවලෙයි, උතුරු මෙල්පාත්තු, නැගෙනහිර කරුනාවල්පත්තු, තුනුක්කායි යනුවෙන් කොට්ඨාශ (පත්තු* හතකින් යුක්ත විය. (* ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන් මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය නිර්මාණය කරන කාලය වෙන විට, ¥රාතීතයේ සිට සෙංකඩගල රාජ්‍ය පාලන කාලයේ පවා ලේඛන ගත ව පැවති මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සිංහල පරිපාලන කොට්ඨාශ නාම මකා අලූතින් ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ කොට්ඨාශ නාම යොදා ඇත. 

ව්‍ය.ව. 19 වෙනි සියවස මුල් කාලයේ වන්නියේ සහ හුරුලූපළාතට අයත් වූ පදවිය ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සිංහල වන්නිවරුන් මගින් සිංහල පාලනය පැවති බව සහ කිලක්කුමුලෙයි පළාත සිංහල ගම්මාන පැවති ප‍්‍රදේශයක් බව ජේ.පී. ලූවිස් සඳහන් කරයි.(* රාජකාරි වගකීම් ඉටු නොකළ, දඬුවමින් ගැලවීම සඳහා බිරිඳ සහ ආරක්‍ෂක සේවකයන් සමග 1814 වසරේ මන්නාරමට පලාගිය බුලන්කුලමේ සිටි නුවරකලාවියේ කුමාරසිංහ වන්නියා ව්‍ය.ව. 1815 අපේ‍්‍රල් මාසයේ ඉංගිරිසි ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන් යටතේ යළිත් නුවරකලාවියේ වන්නියා තනතුර ලැබීම(* වැදගත් තොරතුරක් හෙළි කරයි.

කුරුඳුගමුරට දිසාවනියට අයත් ව තිබූ (මුලතිව්* ප‍්‍රදේශයේ වැසියන්ට තම ගවයන්ගෙන් අටෙන් එකක් (1/8* මුලතිව් මුහුදුබඩ පළාත තමන් සතු කරගත් ඉංගිරිසි හමුදාවේ ආහාරය සඳහා දීමට සිදු විය. බොහෝවිට, ඔවුන්ගේ ගවයන්ගෙන් භාගයක් සොරාගනු ලැබීය. ස්වාභාවික විපත් වලට වඩා ඉංගිරිසි ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන් විසින් මේ ප‍්‍රදේශය විනාශ කරනු ලැබීය. වැව් විනාශ කිරීම් සිදු කොට ඇත. එසේ ම යාපනේ සිට වන්නිය හරහා තිරිකුණාමලයට ගමන් කළ ඉංගිරිසි හමුදා භටයන් කළ නොපනත්කම් නිසා මග අසල ගම්වල පදිංචිව සිටි වැසියෝ ප‍්‍රදේශය හැර ගියහ. මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ ගම්මාන පාලූ විය. බණ්ඩාර වන්නියාගේ අනුගාමිකයන් වන්නියේ ගම්වල කාන්තාවන් සහ ගැහැණු ළමයින් නුවර රාජ්‍යයට ගෙනගියේ43(* බොහෝවිට ඉංගිරිසි සහ විජාතික හමුදා භටයන්ගේ සහ සහායකයන්ගේ නොපනත්කම්වලින් ඔවුන් ගලවා ගැනීම සඳහා විය හැකි ය. ලන්දේසීන් යටතේ සහ ඉංගිරිසි ආක‍්‍රමණිකයන් අල්ලාගත් පසු මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ (මුලතිව් පළාතේ* ජනගහණය සහ සශී‍්‍රකත්වය දැඩි ලෙස විනාශ විය. (* කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඓතිහාසික සහ සංස්කෘතික, පුරාවිද්‍යා සාධක 19 වෙනි සියවසේ මුල් කාලයේ පවා යාපාපටුනේ (යාපන අර්ධද්වීපයේ* දකුණු සීමාව සහ තිරිකුණාමල දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ උතුරු සීමාව අතර ප‍්‍රදේශය සිංහල ජනපද පිහිටි භූමියක් වූ බව සනාථ කරයි. 

මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය ඇතුළු වන්නියේ, දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් කිසි ම අර්ථයක් දැක්විය නොහැකි දෙමළ නම් සහිත කොට්ඨාශ සහ ස්ථාන සිය ගණනකි. ඒවා පැහැදිලිව ම අර්ථ දැක්විය හැකි දෙමළ නම් සහිත ස්ථාන වලට වඩා පැරණි ය. ඒ සියල්ල ම සිංහල වාසභූමි බව පිළිගෙන ඇත.( * යාපනේ දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය සහ වන්නිය සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල දීර්ඝ කාලයක් පාලන කටයුතුවල නිරත ව සිටි ඉංගිරිසි පරිපාලන නිලධාරියෙකු වූ, ස්ථාන නාම පිළිබඳ තුළනාත්මක විමසුමක යෙදුනු ජේ. පී. ලූවිස් මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ පුතුක්කුඩියිරුප්පු, කරික්කඞ්ඩුමුලෙයි, මුල්ලියාවලෙයි, කරුනාවල්පත්තු, මේල්පාත්තු, තුනුක්කායි ආදී කොට්ඨාශ නාම ඉතාමත් නූතන (19 වෙනි සියවසේ* ඒවා බව නිශ්චිතව නිගමනය කරයි.46(* එසේ ම මුලතිව් දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කය වෙහෙර විහාර සහ බුදු පිළිම ඇතුළු බෞද්ධ පූජනීය වස්තු සහිත පුරාණ ස්ථාන රාශියක් පැවති බෞද්ධ ප‍්‍රදේශයක් බව හෙළි කරයි. එමෙන්් ම, අලූතින් පදිංචි කරවන ලද දෙමළ ජනයා විසින් ඒවායේ ගල්, ගඩොල් ආදී ගොඩනැගිලි ද්‍රව්‍ය භාවිත කරමින් නිවාස සහ කෝවිල් තනාගැනීම සහ බුදුපිළිම කොටස්, කොත්කැරලි, සිරිපතුල්ගල්, මුරගල්, පූජාසන, කුළුණු ආදිය, අළුතෙන් තනාගත් කෝවිල්වල පුල්ලෙයාර් සහ ශිවලිංග ලෙස භාවිත කිරීම පිළිබඳව දීර්ඝ විස්තරයක් මගින් මේ ප‍්‍රදේශයේ පැවති පුරාණ ආර්ථික, සමාජ සහ සංස්කෘතික තත්වය පිළිබඳව ඉදිරිපත් කරන ජේ.පී. ලූවිස් (* යාපාපටුන සහ තිරිකුණාමලය අතර භූමි ප‍්‍රදේශය ව්‍ය.ව. 19 වෙනි සියවසේ පවා සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනපද පිරුණු භූමියක් බව එළිදරවු කරයි. (ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන් යටතේ යාපන අර්ධද්වීප දකුණු සීමාවට යාබද වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශයේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය ඝාතනය කරන ලද බව පෙන්වයි. වර්තමානයේ පවා යාපනේ, වන්නිය, මුලතිව්, තිරිකුණාමලය, මඩකලපුව, අම්පාර (දිගාමඬුල්ල* දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කවල සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතික ඝාතනය නිරන්තරයෙන් සිදු කරමින් ඇත.*

වියදම් අඩු කරගැනීම සඳහා ගෙවතු වගාව හඳුන්වා දී ආදායම් සඳහා යාපනේ දුම්කොළ වගාව ආරම්භ කළ ලන්දේසීන් දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ද්‍රවිඩ කුලීකරුවන් ගෙනවිත් පදිංචි කරවා ඇත. ඉංගිරිසි කොලනිවාදීන් එය වාණිජ ව්‍යාපාරයක් ලෙස පුළුල් කරමින් ව්‍ය.ව. 1839 දී රජයේ ඉඩම් අක්කරය සිලිං 5 බැගින් විකුණා ඇත. කුලීකරුවන් ගෙන ආ තැරව්කරුවන්, කන්කානිලා, ඉඩම් කැබලි මිළට ගෙන කුඩා ඉඩම් හිමියන් බවට පත් වී ඇත. අවශ්‍ය කම්කරු ශ‍්‍රමය නොවූ නිසා දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් පල්ලන් සහ නලවාර් ආදී ‘හීනජන්මී’ ලෙස සලකනු ලබන කුලවල අය ගෙනවිත් කූලීන් ලෙස යොදාගනු ලැබීය.(* ව්‍ය.ව. 1841 වසර ආරම්භයේ බටහිර කොදෙව්වලින් ආ ව්‍යාපාරිකයෙකු වූ හාඩි (්‍ය්රාහ* යාපනේ තෙන්මරච්චි ප‍්‍රදේශයේ ඉඩම් අක්කර දෙදාහක් (2000* විශේෂයෙන් ම දුම්කොළ වගාව සඳහා මිළට ගෙන ඇත.49 වැඩි වැඩියෙන් කුලීකරුවන් අවශ්‍ය විය. මලබාර් සහ කොරමණ්ඩල ප‍්‍රදේශවලින් ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ”පහත් කුල” ලෙස නම් කරන ලද ජනයා කුලීකරුවන් ලෙස ආනයනය කළ අයට අමතර ව බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය කොලනි පුරවැසියන් ලෙස නිදහස් සංචරණය අනුව මලබාර් ද්‍රවිඩ/දෙමළ ජනයා කොපමණ පැමිණියේ දැ’යි සටහන් වී නැත. 

දුම්කොළ, කෝපි සහ තේ වගාවට, මුතු අස්වැන්න එකතු කිරීමට, ලූණුලේවාවල සහ වරායවල කුලී වැඩට, සනීපාරක්‍ෂක කම්කරුවන් ලෙස සහ වන්නිය, නැගෙනහිර සහ උතුරු පළාත්වල දෙමළ කොලනි පිහිටුවීමට පමණක් නොව දිවයිනේ ඉංගිරිසි පාලන කටයුතු සඳහා අවශ්‍ය සියලූ කුලීකරුවන් සැපයීමේ ”රැුකියා ඒජන්සිය” ලෙස කි‍්‍රයා කළේ උතුරු පළාතේ ඉංගිරිසි පාලක යාපනේ ආණ්ඩුවේ ඒජන්ත වූ, පර්සිවෙල් ඒ. ඩයික් ය.50(* මියයන තෙක් වසර හතලිහකට වැඩි කාලයක් (නුවරකලාවිය ද ඇතුළත් වූ* උතුරු පළාතේ ඉංගිරිසි පාලක (ඨ්* වූ ඩයික් මියගිය පසුව ද, විසිවෙනි සියවසේ පවා යාපනේ දෙමළ ජනයා විසින් ”උතුරේ රාජා”, ”යාපනේ රජ”, ”කිං ඩයික්” යනුවෙන් බුහුමන් කරනු ලැබ ඇත.(* 15 වෙනි සියවසෙන් පසු ඓතිහාසික සහ භෞතික සාධක මගින් ”යාපනේ රජු”, ”උතුරේ රජු” යනුවෙන් අඳුන්වනු ලබන එකම තැනැත්තා ව්‍ය.ව. 1824 සිට 1867 දක්වා යාපනේ ඉංගිරිසි ආණ්ඩුවේ එජන්ත වූ (ඨ්* පර්සිවෙල් ඇක්ලාන්ඞ් ඩයික් ය.

ව්‍ය.ව. 19 වෙනි සියවසේ දෙවෙනි කාර්තුවේ පමණ සිට තිරිකුණාමලය, මුලතිව් ඇතුළු වන්නි ප‍්‍රදේශයේ දෙමළ කොලනි පිහිටුවීම සඳහා ප‍්‍රදේශයේ ඉංගිරිසි ආණ්ඩුවේ ඒජන්තලා මැදිහත් වී ඇත. ඉල්ලීම් පවා ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත. එකල උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල (වර්තමාන උතුරුමැද පළාත ද ඇතුළත් පළමු පළාත් බෙදීම* ස්ථිර පදිංචිය සහිත දෙමළ ජනයා වාසය කළේ නම් ”දෙමළ කොලනි” පිහිටුවීම සඳහා දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ආනයනය කිරීමට සහ ”නිදහස් සහ ලිහිල් කොන්දේසි” ප‍්‍රදානය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය නොවෙනු ඇත. දෙමළ පදිංචියක් තිබූ බවට ”නිශ්චිත ශාක්‍ෂි ලැබී නැති” බව ආචාර්ය කාර්තිගේසු ඉන්ද්‍රපාල ද නිශ්චිතව ප‍්‍රකාශ කොට ඇත.(*

….. 5 වෙනි කොටසට

C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.

අපි ඇත්ත කතා කරමු (truth, nothing but the truth!)

*(A) ඓතිහාසික පසුබිම – කෘතිම නිජබිම් පිස්සුව (කොසොවෝ ආකෘතිය)

ක්‍රිස්තියානී යුරෝපීය මිෂනාරීන් මතුකල ඩලිත් දකුණු ඉන්දියාව හා හින්දි උතුරු ඉන්දියාව  යන බෙදීම අනුව යමින් හා සුද්දන් ඇතිකල මැඩ්‍රාස් ප්‍රොවින්ස් යන කෘතිම ප්‍රදේශය මායිම් කරගෙන 1920 දශකයේදී වලදී ද්‍රවිඩස්ථාන් නිජබිම වශයෙන් බ්‍රාහ්මණ විරෝධීන් විසින් ආරම්භකල ව්‍යාපාරය පොන්නම්බලම් අරුණාචලම් විසින් 1923 වනවිට ටැමිලක්කම් (දමළකම)  ව්‍යාපාරය වශයෙන් ලංකාවෙන් දියත් කලේය.

මැලේසියාවේ ඉපදුනත්,  ඒ රටේ ඇතිවූ දෙමළ (හා චීන) විරෝධී, මැලේ භූමිපුත්‍ර නැඟී සිටීම නිසා, පසුකලෙක දකුණු ඉන්දියානු ක්‍රිස්තියානු පල්ලිය හරහා කොළඹට ආගමනයවූ SJV චෙල්වනාගම්, ලංකාව නමැති මේ කුඩා දිවයිනේද දෙමළ නිජ භූමියක් තිබෙනවාය කියමින් ක්‍රිස්තියානි දෙමළ පිරිසක් එකතු කරගෙන, දෙමළ රාජ්‍ය පක්ෂය නමින් සංවිධානයක් (හොරනම පෙඩරල් පක්ෂය) 1949 දී කොළඹදී පිහිටුවා ගත්තේය.  මෙම පක්ෂයේ නායක SJV චෙල්වනාගම් විසින් කොපි කලේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ ද්‍රවිඩස්ථාන් නමින් වෙනම දෙමළ රටක් (අලි ජින්නාගේ පකිස්ථාන් මෙන්) හා දකුණු යුරෝපයේ කොසොවෝ  වෙනම රටක් යන අදහස් දෙකය.

අලි ජින්නාගේ නිජබිම හා කැනඩාවේ ක්විබැක් ජනපදය

සුද්ද්න් විසින් මුල සිටම ඉන්දියාව දෙකට කැඩීමට  ක්‍රියාකලත්, පකිස්ථාන් කතාව මුස්ලිම් නිජබිම් කතාවක්  ලෙස හැරවීමට අලි ජින්නා සිතුවේ නැත. මේ නිසා ද්‍රවිඩස්ථාන් ව්‍යාපාරයට සහයෝගයක් දීමට ජින්නා අකමැතිවිය. දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ දමළ නිජබිම ටැමිල්නාඩ් පමණක් වුවත් එ‍යට සුද්දන් විසින් පරිපාලන පහසුව සඳහා සැදූ කෘතිම මැඩ්‍රාස් ප්‍රොවින්ස් එක මුළුමණින්ම (හෙවත් මුළු දකුණු ඉන්දියාවම) දෙමළ නිජබිම ලෙස ඈඳා ගැනීමට සැදීම, ලංකාවේ උතුරු- නැඟෙනහිර කෝල්බෲක්  කෘතිම පලාත් දෙක ලංකාවේ ඇති ලෝකයේ අළුත්, අතිරේක, දෙවෙනි දෙමළ නිජබිම ලෙස පන්වීමට SJV  චෙල්වා කොළඹ සිට ගත් උත්සාහයට සමානය. ලෝකයේ යම් ජන වර්ගයකට නිජබිම් එකක මිස දෙකක් තුනක් තිබිය නොහැකිය. ප්‍රංශ භාෂාව කතා කරණ අයගේ නිජබිම ප්‍රංශය මිස කැනඩාවේ ප්‍රංශ කතාකරණ ක්විබෙක් ජනපදය නොවේ.

මෙවැනි ඓතිහාසික හා භූගෝල විද්‍යාත්මක කාරණා නොදැන චෙල්වා ඇතුළු ක්‍රිස්තියානි පිරිසකට උතුර නැඟෙනහිර යන කෘතිම පලාත් දෙකක ඉඩම් හා අනිකුත් පරිපාලන බලතල දීමට 1957 දී SWRD බණ්ඩාරනායකත්, 1965 දී ඩඩ්ලි-ජේආර් යුවලත් එකඟවීම ලෝකයේ මෝඩම තීරණ දෙකක් විය. යාපනේ ඉන්නා 50% පමණ කුලහීන ජනයා බලෙන් දෙමළට හරවා ගත් අතීත සිංහල ජනයා බවත්, පොදුවේ දෙමළ ජනයාට නිජබිම් පිස්සුවක් නැති බවත් ඒ කාලයේ දේශපාලකයින් දැන සිටියේ නැද්ද? බණ්ඩාරනායක දෙමළ සම්භවයක් හා JRJ මුස්ලිම් සම්බන්ධයක් ඇත්තන් බවට ලිපි ඒ කාලයේ පුවත් පත්වල ලිපි පලවිය

ඇනාපොලිස් මදුරුවා

1930 දශකය පමණ වනවිට තමන් සිංහලයින්ට වඩා ඉහළ ජනවර්ගයක් යයි මෙම දෙමළ නායකයින් සිතන්නට පුරුදුවූයේ සුද්දන් විසින් සිය යටත් විජිතවල ජනවර්ග බෙදා පාලනය කිරීමේ උපාය යටතේ ඉංග්‍රීසි උගත් දෙමළ නායකයින් උස්සා තැබීම හා උඩරට-පහතරට වශයෙන් සිංහල මහජන වර්ගය දෙකට බෙදීමත් නිසාය. මැනිං වැනි ආණ්ඩුකාරවරු එලිපිටම මෙම ජාවාරම කලේය. එපමණක් නොව වන්නි හිස්බිම්වල දෙමළ ජනපද පිහිටුවීමටද ඔවුන් ගත් උත්සාහය මැලේරියා මදුරුවා විසින් වලක්වන ලදී.

ඕ මයි ගෝඩ් බෞද්ධයින්

ලංකාව අඝාධයට ගෙනගිය අනිත් හැම කාරණයක් මෙන්ම මෙම දෙමළ බෙදුම් වාදය සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද සිංහල දේශපාලක කළු සුද්දන් බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍ය ප්‍රතිපත්ති හා මධ්‍යම ප්‍රතිපදාව අනුගමණය කලේ නැත. කාදිනල් සමඟ ටෙලිෆෝන් කතා මෙන් මහානායක හා අනිකුත් හාමුදුරුවරුන් සමඟ ඔවුන්ගේ භජනයක් නොවීය. තමන්ට කඩේ යන යම් තනි හාමුදුරුනමක් හෝ දෙතුන් දෙනෙක් මිස සංඝ සමාජයෙන් උපදෙස් ලබා ගැනීමක් සිදු නොවීය. මීට හේතුව මොවුන් ඇල්ලේ ගුණවංශ හිමියන් කියන පරිදි බුදු අම්මෝ බෞද්ධයින් නොවීමය. යම් ආපදාවකට මුහුණ දුන්විට ඔවුන්ගේ කටින් ඉබේටම පනින්නේ බුදු අම්මෝ නොව ඕ මයි ගෝඩ් කියාය!  1931 න් පසු සර්ව ජන චන්ද බලය ඒමත් සමඟ සිංහල චන්ද සඳහා බෞද්ධාගමට ආපසු බොරුවට හැරුණු මොවුන්ව ඩොනමෝර් බෞද්ධයින් කියාද හඳුන්වනු ලැබේ. මෙය හරියට දැන් කාලයේ මුස්ලිම්-දෙමළ චන්ද පෙරේත කමට මේ පක්ෂ  දේශපාලකයින් හැසිරෙන ආකාරයට සමානය. 1987 දී 13-A ට විරුද්ධවූ සමහර දේශපාලක පංචස්කන්ධ දැන් 2023 අගෝස්තු වනවිට 13 -A++ වෙනවා වැනිය!

*(B) පොලිසිය හා ලංකාවේ දුෂ්ඨ ත්‍රිකෝණ/ය

මෙම ඉතිහාස කතාව ගැන දීර්ග වශයෙන් කල විග්‍රහ ලංකාවෙබ් වෙබ් අඩවියේ සුරක්ෂිතව තිබේ. මෙහි ඉහතින් සඳහන් කලේ පොලිස් බැටන් පොලු ගැන විග්නේශ් ඇතුළු පිරිස කරගෙන යන සෙප්පඩවිජ්ජාවට පසුබිමක් වශයෙනි. විග්නේශ්වරන්ලාගේ පොලු අරන් යන බොරු පොලිස්කාරයින්ට කවුරුන්හෝ ලවා බෝම්බයක් දෙකක් ගස්සවා ගෙන ඉන්පසු ඔවුන්ගේ ආරක්ෂාවට පිස්තෝල දුන් විට බොරු පොලිස්, ඊළම් පොලිස් වන්නේ ඉබේටමය!

සමස්ත ලංකා සමාජයම අන්ත දූෂිත රටක් බවට පත්වී ඇති අවස්ථාවක මේ පොලිස් පොලු කතාව පිස්සන්ගේ ප්ලෑනකි. පොලිසිය අන්ත දූෂිත පමණක් නොව මුළුමණින්ම දේශපාලකයින්ගේ ග්‍රහණයට හසුවී ඇත. අද මා දුටු චමුදිතගේ නිව්ස් අනුව ලංකාවේ රතුකුරුස සංවිධානය පවා හොර ගුහාවකි. බන්ධනාගාර, සුරා බදු, දොස්තරලා, නීතීඥයින් ගෙන් පටන් ගෙන මෙම දූෂණ වංචා වලට අහු නොවූ එකම ආයතනයක්වත් කෝප් කොමිටුව ඉදිරියේ රෙදි ගලවා නොගෙන ගියේ නැත.

පලාත් සභා හොරු

දකුණේ පලාත් සභා හත සුදු අලි හතක් නොව හොරු රැලවල් හතකි. මේ හොරුන්ට පොලිස් පොලු දුන්නොත් මොවුන් මොනවා නොකර සිටීවිද? උතුරේ දෙක මේ බොරු පොලිස් යොදවා සිංහල ජනයාට  ඒ පලාත් දෙක අතහැර යාමට ක්‍රියා කරන්නේ හෙමින් හෙමින් ශූක්ෂම ලෙසය. කුරුන්ද විහාරයේ හාමුදුරුවන් පසු ගියදා එළිදරව් කලේ කැබිලිතිගොල්ලෑව, බෝගස් වැව සිංහල පවුල් 4,500 මුලතිව් හා අනුරාධපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් වශයෙන් දෙකට කඩා කරණ අපරාධයය.  නයාරු-කෝකිලායි සිංහල ජනයාට අබසරණයි! විග්නේශ්වරන්ගේ බොරු පොලිස්කාරයින් මේ ජනයා බල ගනීවිද? මඩකලපුවේ ඉතිරිව ඇති එකම බෞද්ධ රජමහා) විහාරයේ අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන හාමුදුරුවන්ට පසුගිය දිනක මහ රෑ හීනෙන් භයවී නැඟිට වෙඩිතියන්නට ගියේ උන්වහන්සේගේ ආරක්ෂාවට තැබු සිංහල පොලිස්කාරයාය.

කන්කසන්තුරේ තිස්ස රජමහා විහාරය ඉවත්කරණ ලෙස උද්ගෝෂණ කරණ දෙමළ මන්ත්‍රීලා සිටින රටක ඔවුන්ට පොලිස් පොලු දීම අහකයන නයි සරම අස්සේ දමා ගැනීමක් නොවේද?

<දුම් රිය පලාත්> හා මහ ඇමතිගේ පොලිසිය

ලංකාවේ 13-A ලියා තිබෙන්නේ රජිව් ගාන්ධිගේ ඉන්දියන් කාරයෙක් බව එහි තිබෙන දුම්-රිය පලාත්  ගැන සඳහණෙන් එලිවිය. මෙය ඉවත් කිරීමට ඉන්දියන්කාරයාටවත්, එය කියවිය යුතුව තිබු JR ගේ ගෝලයින්ටවත්, නීති කෙටුම්පත්, නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ පරාණවලටවත් අතපසුවිය! සිංහල කට්ටිය එය නොකියවාම පිළිගත් බව නිසැකය. හරියට රනිල් විසින් 2002 දී නොර්වේ සොල්හයිම් හා ප්‍රභාකරන් සැදූ CFA අත්සන් කලා වැනිය. මීටත් වඩා වංචා සහගත වන්නේ ඉන්දියාවේ ප්‍රාන්තවල පොලිස් කොමිෂම් ඒවායේ මහඇමති නොව රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරියෙකුගේ පාලනයට යටත් වෙද්දී, ලංකාවේ පලාත් සභා මහ ඇමති පොලිස් කොමිෂම පාලනය කිරීමය.  විග්නේශ් පොලිස් පොලු දෙන්නේ මෙසේ දේශපාලකයින් අතට පත්වන දෙමළ පොලිසියකටය.

*(C) එකක් දෙකක් කර යළි එකක් ලෙස එකතු කල හැකිද? (How can you unite by dividing?)

ඕනැම එකක් (කසාදයක්, ගහක්, සමාජයක්, රටක්) දෙකකට බෙදු පසු නැවත එකක් කල නොහැකිය යන්න සනාතන ධර්මතාවයකි. අනිත් වෙනම තිබෙන යම් දෙකක් හෝ වැඩි ගණනක් එකක් (එකමුතු) කිරීමට හැකිය. බිඳුණු වීදුරුවක් පාස්සනවා වැනිය. ලංකාවේ 13 ගැන ඇමෙරිකන් වැසියෙක් මේ ප්‍රශ්ණය අහන්නේ ඒ නිසාය. ඔහුගේ රටේ වෙනම තිබූ ජනපද 13, එකක්වී ඉන්පසු 50 ක්ම එකක් විය ලංකාවේ දේශපාලක සිංහල කළු සුද්දන්ට මේ සරල කාරණය නොවැටහෙන්නේ ඔවුන් වංක, ආත්මාර්ථකාමී ලෝභ-ද්වේෂ-මෝහයෙන් පිරි හම් බෑග් (humbug ලා) නිසාය. ලංකාවේ ඒකීය එක ඉවර වෙන්නේ දෙකෙන් නොව තුන හතරකින් බව මේ වනවිටත් පැහැදිලිවම දෘෂ්‍යමානවේ. 1995-2000 චන්ද්‍රිකාගේ, නීලන්-GL-ජයම්පති පැකේජ් ඩීල් එකේ 1997 රහස් ප්ලැනට අනුව රට කැබලි 10 කට බෙදෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශවල බහුතර ජන වර්ගය පදනම් කරගෙනය. මෙම ප්ලැනට එවකට අගමැතිව සිටි රනිල්ද එකඟවී සිටියත් අවසානයේදී තමන්ට අළුත් එක්සත් ප්‍රදේශ රටේ (union of regions) විධායක අගමැතිකම නොලැබෙන බව දැනගත් විට, ඔහු සිය ගෝලයින් ලවා එම ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පත පර්ලිමේන්තු සභාගර්භයේදීම පුච්චා දැම්මෙව්වේය.

Source: LankaWeb – කළු සුද්දන් විසින් ලංකාව කැබලි කිරීම  (2017/6/15)

2017 සැප්තැම්බර් 21 රනිල්-සුමන්තිරන්-ජයම්පති යහපාලන ඔරුමිත්තනාඩු (federal) ජරමරය (ඔට්‍රියච්චි=unitary=ඒකීය වෙනුවට) මේ චන්ද්‍රිකා හුටපටයේම අවතාරයකි. ගෝල්පේස් අරගල කුමණ්ත්‍රනයේ ජනාධිපති රනිල් මැතිඳු 2017 ජරමරය ගැන දැන් 2023 දී සඳහන් කිරීමටත්, ගෝඨාභය යටතේ සැදු රොමේස් සිල්වා 2019 කෙටුම්පත ගැන කතා නොකිරීමටත් හේතුව කුමක්ද?

දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධනලා-මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂලා දැන් පෙඩරල්ද?

13-A නිසා ලංකාව දැනටමත් පෙඩරල් පාරේ, ඉණිමගේ යයි සුප්‍රිම් උසාවිය සේනාධිරාජා නඩුවේදී පෙන්වාදී ඇත. මේ යුද්ධය නම කවදාවත් දිණන්න බෑ කියූ පිරිස් ඔළුවෙන් හිටගෙන කියන්නේ ඒකිය රටක් තුල බලය බෙදීම යන මන්තරයය.  සුමන්තිරන්ලා නම් කියන්නේ ඒකීය නොව එක්සත් රටක් තුල (ඔරුමිත්තනාඩුවක්) ආපසු මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට ගන්නට බැරි බලය බෙදීමක් ගැනය. ප්‍රසන්න රණතුංග, රනිල්, චන්ද්‍රිකා, සිරිසේන, මහින්ද,  වික්ටර් අයිවන්, සජිත්, ඩලස්, චම්පික රණවක. වැනි අවස්ථාවාදී පංචකන්ධ හා මේ වනවිට ගලේ මොකක්දෝ කල බළලෙකු වී සිටින දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන පමණක් නොව රඝුවාන්, පිල්ලේයාන් පවා ඒකීය කතාව කියමින් සිටී. කුමාර වෙල්ගම, දයාසිරි ජයසේකර හා අළුතින්  ඩයානා ගමගේ පවා කඳුළු සළමින් සිටී. වයඹ ආණ්ඩුකාර ප්‍රියදර්ශන් ඇතුළු යාපාලා, චරිත හේරත්ලා කෙස්පැලෙන තර්කද ගෙන එමින් සිටී. අළුත්ම නළුවා වන රාජිතගේ පැටියා, චතුර සේනාරත්න, අළුත් අරගලයේ නායකකම භාරගන්නට පැමිණ සිටී.

යමෙක් ලංකාවෙබ් වෙබ් අඩවියේ සුරක්ෂිත කර ඇති ලිපි ලේඛන පමණක් බැලුවත් ලංකාව 13 හරහා පෙඩරල් නොකලයුතු මන්ද යන කාරණාව සක්සුදක්සේ ඔප්පු වන්නේය. ඒ නිසා ඒ වෙනුවට මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දෙන්නට හදන්නේ අන්ත දූෂිත සමාජයක, කාමාශාවෙන් වික්ෂිප්ත මිනිසුන් හා මත්ද්‍රව්‍යවලට ඇබ්බැහිවූ පරාණවලින් පිරි, හිඟාකණ රටක, පක්ෂ දේශපාලක හොරුන්ට යම් තරමකින් හෝ යම් පොලිස් බලයක් දීම මොනතරම් මෝඩ තකතිරු වැඩක්ද යන බවට උදාහරණ දෙකක් සැපයීමය. මෙම උදාහරණ මීට පෙර ලිපිවලින් විස්තර සහිතව පෙන්වා දී ඇති නිසා ඒවා කෙටියෙන් සඳහන් කරමි.

ඇමෙරිකාවේ පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙකුවීම සඳහා අවම වශයෙන් ඊට අදාල (criminal justice) උපාධියක් තිබිය යුතුමය. පසුගිය අවුරුදු 40 ක් තුල පොලිස් නිලධාරියෙක් ට්‍රැෆික් වරදකට යයි මාව නවතා ඇත්තේ දහසැරයකටත් අඩුවෙනි. ඒවායේදී නරක නිලධාරියෙකු ලෙස මා සැකකල අයෙක් සිටියේ එකම සිද්ධියකදී පමණය. එසේ වුවත් සමහර පොලිස් ස්ථාන කෙතරම් දූෂිතද යත් මුළු පොලිසියම ගෙදර යවා ශුද්ධකල අවස්ථාද ඇත. මේ අනුව සිතන විට ලංකාවේ පොලිස් ස්ථාන කීයක් ශුද්ධ කල යුතුව තිබෙනවාද? කෝප් හා කෝපා කොමිටුවලින් එලිවෙන කරුණු අනුව මුළු නිලධාරී සංහතියමවාගේ (අතලොස්සක් හැර) මොනතරම් පව්කාර පංචස්කන්ධද? මේ නිලධාරි හොරු සිංහල මාධ්‍යයෙන් විශ්ව විද්‍යාලවලට ගිය දුප්පත් පවුල් වලින් ආ අය බව සිතන විට ඔවුන්ගේ හැසිරීමට සමාව දිය නොහැකිය. දැන් තිබෙන දේශපාලකයා හා පොලිස් නිලධාරියා අතර ඇති දුෂ්ඨ සම්බන්ධය අනුව සිතන විට මහඇමතියාට පොලිසිය භාරදීම, නරියාට කුකුල් කොටුව භාරදුන්නා වැනි නොවේද?

පහතින් ඇති උදාහරණ දෙක දූෂිත පුද්ගලයින් (personalities) පිළිඹඳව නොව power corrupts (බලය ඇති එකා එය අවභාවිතා කරණවාමය) යන සිද්ධාන්තයට අනුව පුද්ගල සමූහ (politicians) පොදුවේ හැසිරෙන ආකාරය පෙන්වයි. අද මුළු ලෝකයේම දේශපාලනය හොරුන්ගේ සෙල්ලමක් වි නැද්ද?

උදාහරණය- 1 : පොලිස් බලතල විමධ්‍යගත කිරීම  (දිසාපතිලාට දීම)

සුද්දගේ පාලන අවධියේදී දිසාපතිලා/AGAලා, මහේස්ත්‍රාත්ලා ලෙස ක්‍රියාකල කාලයක් විය. මේ අන්දමටම දිසාපතිට තම පලාතේ පොලිස් පරිපාලනයද භාරදීමේ  අත්හදා බැලීමක් 1892-1905 කාලයේ සිදුවිය. එහෙත් වැරදිකරුවන්/සැකකරුවන් එක පොලිස් පලාතක සිට වෙනත් පලාතකට පලාගොස් සැඟවීම යනාදී හේතු නිසා මෙසේ පොලිස් බලතල ක්‍රියාවට නැඟීමේලා දුෂ්කරතා මතුවිය. මේ නිසා ඒ ක්‍රමය අත්හිටුවා පරණ ක්‍රමයට නැවත මාරුවූයේය.

Sources: Leo Perera, ‘The 13th Amendment to the Constitution – Devolution of Public Order and exercise of Police powers – Indo-Lanka Accord has no such requirement’ (The Island Newspaper, 6/10/2009); (http://pdfs.island.lk/2009/06/22/p6.pdf) ;  Lankaweb, 2012 පෙබරවාරි 15. 

උදාහරණය- 2: ලංකාවට ආ IPKF එකට ටැමිල්නාඩ් පොලිසිය කලදේ!

Tamil Nad police and IPKF

Quoted below is a rare example of how ‘hostile’ provincial police officers could sabotage, a larger national plan, whether the plan is reasonable or not. One can imagine how grave the situation will become in the case of Sri Lanka, because there will always be separatist-minded Tamil elements in Colombo, Killinochchi, Malayanadu, and Tamil Nadu, helped with the money from the LTTE government in exile. There will also be a set of white politicians from the UK, the EU, Norway, Canada, and the US helping them separately, jointly or using UN agencies as a veil. These politicians are not Mother Theresas overflowing with humanitarian love for the Tamil IDPs, but scheming persons who want to tap the Tamil block vote to win their local elections. Humiliation they are now suffering at the hands of the Sri Lankan government by way of deportation etc. would therefore not stop their political behavior.

…The decision to wage a war against the LTTE was not an easy one for Rajiv Gandhi. Nor was he oblivious to the cruel irony in being forced to crush the very elements he and Indira had nurtured with care and money. Rajiv could abandon neither the Tamils nor could he support its chief representative, i. e. the LTTE…”

…Confrontation with the LTTE had followed from the need to maintain relational control and to restore balance of forces between the various actors in Indo-Lanka relations. That the balance was in danger is clear from the account of the IPKF operations by Field Commander Sardeshpande:

…We gathered credible intelligence through smugglers, boatmen- about exact bungalows, lanes, hospitals, beds, towns, cities and helpers of the LTTE cadres, convalescing Tigers, gunrunners and manufacturers of explosive devices and grenades and gave it to the Tamil Nadu police, only to be told that there were no such individuals and no such activities! We told them that the LTTE cadres after enjoying India’s shelter and medical treatment were returning to Sri Lanka and killing IPKF soldiers. All this made no impression on the Tamil Nadu government and the police. This was the tragicomedy played out on our own country…”

 …Facing an impasse in Tamil Nadu and fearing its deleterious impact on the IPKF role in Sri Lanka, the Central Government, on January 1988 imposed President’s Rule in the state.”

From: Ethnicity, security, and separatism in India by Maya Chadda, 1997, p. 169

Source: LankaWeb – 13 වන සංශොධනයේ පොලිස් බලතල: ඉන්‌දියාවෙන් අපූරු පාඩමක්!

 (November 7^th, 2020)

Chanaka Bandarage

The International Covenant on Civil and Political rights (ICCPR) came into being in 1976. It is a multilateral treaty.  More than 175 states have thus far ratified it.

The treaty imposes obligations only upon states – the parties to the Covenant (hereinafter, ‘the Convention’).

Eg. In the US, the Convention only applies to the US government’s actions in all states and counties and to private contractors who carry out US government functions. It does not operate against individuals.

The purpose and objective of the Convention is to keep governments constantly under checks and balances in relation to their human rights record on citizens.

The treaty does state in the Preamble that individuals have duties and responsibilities to other individuals and to the community that they belong.   

It is wrong for a country that is a party to this Convention to adopt the Convention domestically with the primary intention of punishing its citizens who engage in alleged human rights violations. The writer states that Sri Lanka has done exactly that.  In the local enactment, Sri Lanka has not adopted most of the duties and responsibilities that it undertook in the Convention for its citizens.

The cardinal rule in international law is that the domestic adoption of a treaty should substantially mirror the obligations that the state has vouched in the international Convention/treaty.  

This means, when the treaty is domestically adopted, the state reiterates its obligations enunciated in the Convention/treaty.

This is how the nations have adopted this treaty domestically.

Sri Lanka acceded to the treaty on 11 June 1980. But, one could correctly argue that the adoption of the ICCPR treaty obligations was domestically done by the 1978 Constitution. Eg, Article 14 of the Constitution which has 9 sub Articles (14a) – (14i):

14. (1) Every citizen is entitled to – (a) the freedom of speech and expression including publication; (b) the freedom of peaceful assembly; (c) the freedom of association; (d) the freedom to form and join a trade union; (e) the freedom, either by himself or in association with others, and either in public or in private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching; (f) the freedom by himself or in association with others to enjoy and promote his own culture and to use his own language; Freedom of speech, assembly, association, occupation, movement; (g) the freedom to engage by himself or in association with others in any lawful occupation, profession, trade, business or enterprise; (h) the freedom of movement and of choosing his residence within Sri Lanka; and (i) the freedom to return to Sri Lanka.

Article 14 along with Articles 10, 11, 12, 13, (and 14A – enacted in 2015) of the Constitution are some of the obligations that Sri Lanka has vouched in the Convention. 

Put simply, though some key obligations are missing, Articles 10 – 14 and (14A) of the Constitution very clearly reflect our human rights obligations of the Convention.

Articles 10 – 14 and (14A) are very powerful provisions. One can bravely say that they are in effect our ‘Bill of Rights’. 

Very few countries can boast of granting so many rights to their citizens through the Constitution. Australia still does not have a Bill of Rights embodied in their Constitution.  Instead, they have a powerful set of separate human rights Acts.

As through our Constitution we enjoy so much of fundamental rights that are enunciated in the Convention, it is not unfair to say that the government in 2007 ‘cunningly’ used the ICCPR Convention to enact the new local Act – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Act, No. 56 of 2007 (hereinafter the ICCPR Act); its substantive intention was to prosecute its own citizens who are engaged in racial/religious vilification etc.

The government had every right to enact such legislation, it erred in portraying the new Act as the local version of the Convention. It gave the Convention’s name to the new Act.

If a government commits gross human rights violations against an individual, the aggrieved party is able to bring-in civil law action against that government for breaching its Convention obligations. The current ICCPR Act does not allow citizens such a compensation regime/relief mechanism.

Fortunately, they can claim compensation/relief from the government through other avenues – eg. applying for equitable writs in the Court of Appeal, the citizen’s right to bring in a fundamental rights application against the government as provided by Article 126 of the Constitution.

To illustrate how individuals can use the ICCPR Convention to its own, utmost advantage –

This writer initiated 2 class actions in the Federal Court of Australia in 1997 against the then Australian government, using the ICCPR Convention.  They were:

Phillip Ruddock v Gamini Wasantha (in the Federal Court’s Canberra registry) – number of plaintiffs, about 50 Sri Lankan nationals. This matter was later transferred to the Sydney registry.

Phillip Ruddock v Naomal Fernando (in the Federal Court’s Melbourne registry) – number of plaintiffs,  about 150 Sri Lankan nationals.

Later, both cases were merged into one.

The course of action arose upon the then Australian Immigration Minister (Mr Phillip Ruddock) revoking a humanitarian visa issued to Sri Lankan citizens living in Australia. It was the subclass 435 visa.

The Minister issued a regulation ordering the Sri Lankans who were on that visa to depart Australia within a matter of few weeks.

The subclass 435 visa was a special visa issued only to Sri Lankans to remain in Australia for an indefinite period of time owing to the violent civil wars that prevailed in Sri Lanka then, particularly the JVP insurrection.  Sri Lankans who had arrived in the country in early 1990s as tourists, students and on few other visas were upon application issued with the subclass 435 visa. They were allowed to work, and were entitled to Medicare.

This writer was approached by the Sri Lankans who were unfairly affected by this regulation. He drafted applications in the Federal Court of Australia alleging that by revoking the subclass 435 visa the Australian government breached its obligations owed to the subclass 435 visa holders. Effectively, Australia acted contrary to the ICCPR Convention, which it was a signatory.

The Australian courts accepted the applications and the writer argued the matter successfully for several years in Australian Courts.

The Sri Lankans were happy; most of them are now well settled in in Australia.

This is a classic illustration as to how the ICCPR Convention operates to individuals benefit.

Rather than codifying all of its Convention obligations upon itself (so that the citizens human rights are protected), what Sri Lanka did in 2007 was imposing sanctions against its citizens.

The Convention is designed to embark on good governance by the states; Sri Lanka’s ICCPR Act is primarily designed to punish its citizens who breach it.

Proponents of the ICCPR Act state that the government in 2007 correctly adopted the Convention; only Articles 19 and 20 of the Convention were correctly used by it to enact section 3 of the domestic Act (the ICCPR Act’s main provision). 

With respect, this understanding is wrong:

Firstly, the Convention’s Article 20 is the local Act’s section 3. Secondly, the Article 19 has not been adopted.

Section 3 reads as follows-  ‘No person shall propagate war or advocate national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.’

Note, Article 20 of the Convention is not specifically directed upon individuals/citizens.

This section 3 encompasses a high criminal element.  Individuals who breach this section could be sentenced up to 10 years in jail (note, a person who engages in rape/sexual assault receives a jail sentence only from 7 – 20 years).

Per section 3, that person can be arrested without a warrant and bail can be granted only by the High Court, that is also in exceptional circumstances.

This is clearly a very high handed adoption of the Convention.

It is clear that the Articles 19 and 20 relate to civil procedure – that the Convention never intended to impose criminal sanctions against those who breach Articles 19 and 20.

The writer is unaware of any other country that has turned round the Convention so dramatically to suit their own ulterior objectives. Again, here, under the domestic Act, rather than using the Convention as a guide to uplift its own human rights conduct, the government uses it to punish its own citizens criminally.  

Effectively in Sri Lanka, the government has tinkered the Convention to fulfill its bad, ulterior objective – hound down those whom it does not like.

Our Courts are bound to follow the law as prescribed by legislation, enacted by the legislature. Thus, the Courts cannot be criticized for dealing with and sanctioning individuals who have committed offences under the local ICCPR Act. The Courts are innocent in this instance.

There are cases before the Courts brought under the Act, the writer does not at all intend to discuss them/their merits.

Article 14 (a) of our Constitution is very clear about the Citizen’s Right to Freedom of Speech. The local ICCPR Act seems to be in conflict with this. In such a situation Article 14 (a) should prevail over the domestic ICCPR Act’s provision(s), to the extent of the inconsistency.

Of course, no one should be given a free hand to denigrate religions and great religious leaders. The duty of the government is to enact special laws to prosecute those who commit such offences. They are the blasphemy laws.  We already have some. Eg, sections 291A and B of the Criminal Code, to mention a few.

If a person constantly utters filthy, obscene language against another in public (say, using social media); it is a despicable act. The whole society should condemn and castigate that person.

But, if he/she has not done anything to cause communal/religious disharmony, how can he/she be charged under section 3 of the ICCPR Act? They are not serious enough offences to send a person to jail. He/she may be charged under Common Law’s breach of public nuisance. The aggrieved people can sue him/her in civil defamation.

Is section 3 a re-introduction of criminal defamation in Sri Lanka in disguise? The government must come in the open and clarify.

Rather than sending to jail, such unfortunate people should be assigned to an asylum for substantive mental health treatment.

In the last 30 years it has become increasingly difficult for a Sinhala Buddhist to stand up to fight for their own justice. The words ‘Sinhala Buddhist Rights’ have somewhat become prohibited words in this country. So much ethnic hatred is propagated by separatist Tamil MPs/Politicians/Tamil Diaspora – not only when they are in western countries but also inside Sri Lanka. These people constantly utter utmost racist remarks and engage in serious racist acts. The writer is in possession of a dossier of such conduct.  

They are the biggest obstacle to foster positive ethnic relations. Even Buddhist monks have been barred from visiting ancient Buddhist temples in the North and the East. Buddhist artifacts are being destroyed in the North and the East on regular basis.

To the writer’s knowledge, in the recent past, these racist culprits have not been kept in remand custody after arrest for substantial periods of time (under the ICCPR Act or any other law). If he is wrong, he is ready to accept.

The Sinhalese have been denied the right to settle in Tamil speaking areas of the North and the East. Basically, the Sinhalese are confined to only 7 provinces of this tiny island (just 2/3 land mass). This inhibits the expansion of the Sinhala race as opposed to Tamil and Muslim races.

Tamils and Muslims can live anywhere that they wish. This is alright.

The Sinhalese are not only discreetly estopped from purchasing land in the North and the East, they are even prevented from obtaining land on lease. This is Sri Lanka’s biggest human rights violation today.

This is propagating discrimination against the Sinhalese – a major breach of the section 3 of the ICCPR Act.

The inability of the Sinhalese to live in the North and the East is also contrary to Article 14 (h) of the Constitution, and customary international law.

No one dares talk about this; even the Maha Sangha. Everyone demonstrates an eerie silence about it. One reason for this is that as stated earlier, fighting for Sinhala Buddhist rights is somewhat a taboo in contemporary Sri Lanka.  Such people are castigated and downgraded sometimes by the Sinhalese themselves. 

People are so scared that the local ICCPR Act would operate and hound them down. There are examples where Sinhala activists have been unfairly arrested under the local ICCPR Act  and under other laws.

Suppression of the Sinhala Buddhist culture and values greatly escalated in the last 30 years, mainly thanks to the politicians who governed the country and majority of the electronic media that is very much anti-Sinhala Buddhist. Now, the social media has also taken up this mantle. Buddhist monks are constantly referred to as ‘Yellow Pests or Pets’ .

And, we proudly proclaim we have the Article 9 to protect and foster Buddhism!

Due to the deliberate bad impression that is being created about ‘Sinhala’ and ‘Buddhism’, children and young people continue to stride away from our great Sinhala culture, values, behaviours and Buddhist teachings/education. They are being fast attracted into other cultures and religions, in a massive way. A good example is the rise and rise of the evangelical groups/cults in this country, like the Born Again, Jehovahs, Adventists, Mormons, Pentecostals etc.

No wonder that the Sinhala race especially the Sinhala Buddhist is sliding down.  It is not a dying race, but certainly would become a minority of this land, quite likely within this 21^st century.

ethos8@bigpond.com

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

හන්තාන සඳගිරි සෑය බෞද්ධ විහාරයේ ධාතුන් වහන්සේ පිටතට වැඩමවා පැයක් යන්නට පෙර මහ වැස්සක් ඇද හැලුණු බව එහි විහාරාධිපති ගඟසිරිපුර ධම්මාලෝක හිමියෝ සඳහන් කරති.

මීට පෙර ද ධාතුන් වහන්සේ වැඩම වූ සෑම පිංකමකම වර්ෂාව ඇදහැලුණු බවද උන්වහන්සේ කියා සිටිති.

සඳගිරි සෑය පින්කම් වලට වර්ෂාව ඇද බව ඒ අවට සැමදෙනා ම සඳහන් කරන බව ද පවසන උන්වහන්සේ කෙසේ වෙතත් මේ හේතුව නිසාම වර්ෂාව ඇද හැලුණේ යැයි තමන් වහන්සේ නොකියන බව ද පවසති.

“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල” ෆීන්ක්ස් නීති සාර සංග්‍රහය,වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 121(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාරව, ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අභියෝගයට ලක් කරන ලද ආයුර්වේද (සංශෝධන)” නමැති පනත් කෙටුම්පත සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ තීරණය ගරු කථානායකතුමා වෙත ලැබී ඇති බව නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක ගරු අජිත් රාජපක්ෂ මහතා 2023 අගෝස්තු 10 පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට නිවේදනය කළේය.

ඒ අනුව ආයුර්වේද (සංශෝධන)” නමැති පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලභාවය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ  තීරණය මතු සඳහන් පරිදි වේ:—

(1)     පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 2, 3, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40 සහ 41 වගන්ති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 9 ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරය සහ 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාව ප්‍රකාරව ජනමත විචාරණයකදී ජනතාව විසින් අනුමත කරනු ලැබීමෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි ය. පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 2, 3, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40 සහ 41 වගන්තිවල ආයුර්වේද භෛසජ්ජක සහ  භෛසජ්ජක යන වචන ඉවත් කිරීමෙන් සංශෝධනය කළහොත් අනනුකූලතාවය අවසන් වනු ඇති බව නිවේදනයේ සඳහන් වේ.

(2) පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 46(4) වගන්තිය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 12(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරයෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි ය. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයේ 53 පිටුවේ දක්වා ඇති සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතට සිදු කළහොත් මෙම අනනුකූලතාවය අවසන් වනු ඇත;

(3) පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 11(3) වගන්තිය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 12(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරයෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි බවද නිවේදනයේ දැක්වේ. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයේ 54 පිටුවේ දක්වා ඇති සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතට සිදු කළහොත් මෙම අනනුකූලතාවය අවසන් වනු ඇත;

(4)  ප්‍රධාන පනත සංශෝධනය කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කරනු ලබන වෙනත් කරුණු අතර, ප්‍රධාන පනතේ 13(1) වගන්තියේ (ඉ) සහ (ඊ) උපවගන්ති ඉවත් කරනු ලබන පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 13 වගන්තිය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 12(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරයෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි ය. ප්‍රධාන පනතේ 13(1) වගන්තියේ (ඉ) සහ (ඊ) උපවගන්ති ඉවත් නොකිරීමෙන් මෙම අනනුකූලතාවය අවසන් වනු ඇත;

(5) පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 24(1)(අ), 25 සහ 46(2) වගන්ති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 12(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරයෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි ය. එම වගන්ති ඉවත් කිරීමෙන් අනනුකූලතාවය අවසන් වනු ඇත; සහ

(6) පනත් කෙටුම්පතේ 46(1) වගන්තිය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 12(1) ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනනුකූල වන අතර 84 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (2) ඡේදය යටතේ අවශ්‍ය විශේෂ බහුතරයෙන් පමණක් සම්මත කරනු ලැබිය හැකි ය. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණයේ 55 පිටුවේ දක්වා ඇති සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පතට සිදු කළහොත් මෙම අනනුකූලතාවය ඉවත් වනු ඇත.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ තීරණය අද දින සභාවේ වැඩකටයුතු දැක්වෙන නිල වාර්තාවේ මුද්‍රණය කළ යුතු බවටද නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායකවරයා නියෝග කළේය.
(මූලාශ්‍රය පාර්ලිමේන්තු වෙබ් අඩවියෙන්)

ඒ අනුව එකී සංශෝධන සිදුකර සාමාන්‍ය බහුතර ඡන්දයෙන් ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධනය සම්මත කර ගැනීමට හැකිය.

මෙකී ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු හැන්සාඩ් වාර්තාවට ඇතුළත් කරන ලෙස පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු ඉල්ලා සිටියහොත් එකී තීරණය මැනවින් කියවා බැලීමට ජනතාවට අවස්ථාව සැළසේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු බලතල හා වරප්‍රසාද පනතේ 3, 9 වගන්ති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ස්ථාවර නියෝග 13, ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 3, 9, 10, 12,14.1අ, 14.1ඇ, 14.1ඉ,18,19, 20*, 23 ව්‍යවස්ථා අනුව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීරණ සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් හැන්සාඩ් ගත කරන ලෙස කතානායකගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට  අයිතිය, වරප්‍රසාද ඇත.

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“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල”
ෆීන්ක්ස් නීති සාර සංග්‍රහය,
වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන
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Politics

INITTIATION OF THE ARAGALAYA AND $4b COMES AT A COST

Explosive water conflicts

Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu state, is the first major city in India to go dry, causing innumerable problems for its 11 million residents. The neighboring state of Karnataka is now officially the most arid state in India and faces myriad challenges, especially in rural communities.

Because of water shortages, both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are in conflict with each other – a water war of sorts. One recent headline in the Indian press reads: Cauvery’s battle for survival amid TN, Karnataka water sharing dispute.” No resolution is in sight soon. (Cauvery is a river that runs through the two states.)

India faces a severe water crisis, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi knows it. It represents such an existential threat to stability across the subcontinent that orderly governance and sustainable economic development are in jeopardy if the government fails to address the problem adequately. 

Modi has been stumping for water” for years. He, together with the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) and Lok Sabha (lower house), and the people, need to sort out the mess; the plight of a couple hundred million thirsty people is serious business. 

In early October, the PM announced the Jal Jeevan Mission, an effort not only to get all the people to understand the severity of the problem” but to enlist their support in conservation. This decentralized approach to water management will help relieve pressure on water resources. 

The Jal Jeevan Mission is the latest in a long series of efforts by India to improve its management of water resources, especially rainwater and aquifers, as well as methods of collection, storage, transmission, leakage prevention, usage, and minimization of pollution. No small task. 

A huge problem

The magnitude of the problem has been known for years. The conclusions of the 2018 Composite Water Management Index by NITI Aayog, India’s premier government think tank, were alarming: India [was] placed at 120th amongst 122 countries in the water quality index, with nearly 70% of water being contaminated.”

By most credible accounts, that is, by those basing their studies on science rather than trying to cash in” on the crisis, the water problem continues to get worse. 

India is suffering from the worst water crisis in its history and millions of lives and livelihoods are under threat. Currently, 600 million Indians face high to extreme water stress and about 2 lakh [200 thousand] people die every year due to inadequate access to safe water. The crisis is only going to get worse.” Shocking. 

NITI Aayog’s 2019 Composite Water Management Index is also unequivocal: As the water crisis worsens, production capacity utilization and new investments in capacity may both decline, threatening the livelihoods of millions, and commodity prices could rise steeply for consumers due to production shortages.” 

Modi fully grasps the significance of the problem: India’s development and self-reliance is dependent on water security and water connectivity.… If the country is not concerned about water preservation and does not prevent the wastage of water, the situation will deteriorate in the coming decades. It is our responsibility that the water given to us by our ancestors should be made available for our future generations.”

The Washington-based Woodrow Wilson Center recently presented insightful observations on water-energy-food confrontations in India.

The consequences of overdrawing groundwater in most Indian cities include increased water toxicity, challenges to irrigation, depletion of nearby lakes and rivers, and water rationing. India draws the most groundwater in the world, with more than 27 million borewells in existence, and more are being drilled daily, further depleting over-stressed groundwater levels.

As underscored in the 2019 Index, In fact, the unchecked extraction of groundwater by farmers is driving the country’s groundwater crisis, with 61% of wells declining in levels due to extraction rates exceeding recharge rates.” The situation has become so dire that there are districts calling for bans on borewell drilling.

With less than 5% of the globe’s fresh water and more than a billion people, Indians suck out of the ground more water than any other country in the world, 90% of which is used for farming. Is India’s uprising in the agricultural sector a consequence of the water crisis? 

Written byManzoor-ul-Hassan Courtesy Newsbytes

Prime Minister Narendra Modi—during the no-confidence motion debate in the Parliament on Thursday—blamed former PM Indira Gandhi for “gifting” the disputed Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.Located between Rameswaram (India) and Sri Lanka, Katchatheevu was traditionally used by both Indian and Lankan Indian fishermen.However, under the “Indo-Sri Lankan Maritime Agreement” in 1974, Gandhi ceded Katchatheevu as Sri Lankan territory.Here’s everything to know.

PM Modi’s remarks about Katchatheevu in Lok Sabha

During his speech during the no-confidence motion debate, PM Modi mentioned Katchatheevu Island while hitting out at Congress leader Rahul Gandhi for his now-expunged “murder of Bharat Mata” remarks.”Katchatheevu is an island between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. Somebody gave it to another country. It happened under the leadership of Indira Gandhi,” PM Modi said.”Wasn’t that part of Maa Bharati there?”

MK Stalin urged PM Modi to initiate retrieval process  

The Katchahtheevu issue once again assumed prominence in July when Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin urged PM Modi to initiate its retrieval process during the Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe‘s India visit.The transfer of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka—by the Centre, without the state government’s consent in the 1970s—badly impacted the livelihood of the Tamil fisherfolk, Stalin said in a letter to PM Modi.

Know about Katchatheevu Island 

Katchatheevu is a small uninhabited island in Palk Strait that connects the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea.India claimed the territory until 1976, but it is now administered by Sri Lanka following the India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Agreements signed between 1974-76.Now, Indian fisherfolk can’t engage in fishing activities in and around the region, which has almost 285 acres of land.

Here’s what issue is about 

Indian and Lankan fishermen once used to fish in each other’s waters without conflict.However, issues reportedly emerged when India and Sri Lanka signed maritime boundary agreements that restricted Indian fisherfolk from fishing around Katchatheevu.The problem turned serious when fish and aquatic life in the Indian continental shelf depleted—resulting in more Indian fisherfolk entering Lankan waters, including Kathchateevu, and began facing the consequences.

How LTTE’s presence impacted conflict

Until 2010, Lanka restricted the mobility of its fishermen in certain waters and heavily guarded its maritime border in Palk Strait during the era of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)—a separatist organization.Indian fishermen reportedly saw this as an opportunity and ventured to Katchatheevu.However, in 2010, when the Lankan civil war ended, the country’s fisherfolk resumed their activities in Palk Strait.

Tamil Nadu government’s fight with Centre over Katchatheevu

In 1974, Gandhi reportedly signed several maritime treaties with Sri Lankan President Sirimavo Bandaranaike and ceded Katchatheevu Island to Sri Lanka.Years later, the Tamil Nadu Assembly also passed a resolution in 1991 seeking the retrieval of Katchatheevu Island through the resolution.Notably, in 2008, then-Tamil Nadu CM J Jayalalithaa also petitioned the Supreme Court to overturn the Katchatheevu accords.

Frequent clashes impact livelihood of fishing community members

Tamil Nadu fisherfolk often clash with Lankan authorities over their fishing activity around Katchatheevu, with frequent arrests of fishermen and boat seizures by the Sri Lankan Navy.However, political experts believe it is only a political talking point and not an electoral issue.PM Modi’s latest statement has raised eyebrows as the Modi government has also previously reiterated that Katchatheevu is part of Lanka.

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando Courtesy Ceylon Today

A few decades ago, immigrant communities in England comprised a few Africans and Western Indians. They were permitted to enter Britain for ‘cheap’ labour, as the average Englishmen hesitated to work and be on the National Assistance (dole). The first generation of Irish masters in the building industry was allowed to enter next. Later, some (mainly the Irish) became tycoons in road construction, motorway maintenance and house construction.

As a result, much of Africans and some Asians became the basis of the working strength of the British Railway and underground and local councils for cheap labour. At the same time, in the hospital, many females chose to select a Nursing career by Registering with the Nursing Council. There are three grades of nurses in the Council – one may become a registered nurse in Psychiatry (RMN); (SRN) State Registered Nurse, and the Auxiliary nurse (someone who performs duties such as washing and dressing patients, making beds, and hospital).

Only a few professionals had gone to England with work permits from bourgeois countries. The first generation of Africans and West Indians were very peaceful people, unlike what we get today, the second and the third generation. At the same time, the Asians concentrated on their families and focused on their families relaxedly.

Unlike today, it was pleasurable to walk down London streets at night without being bothered about being mugged. Once, I lived in West London, a trendy place where many Sri Lankans lived. During weekends socialising became part of the routine. My wife and I walked to Holland Park to their bedsitter and peacefully returned home in the early morning. They now live in a large house in Sydney, Australia, and his wife is really into gardening. It still brings me nostalgic memories of how we used to enjoy Friday evenings at their bedsitter, enjoying ourselves thoroughly and taking a relaxed stroll along Holland Park.

Change of Environment

Over the years, however, the seemingly second and third generations of Immigrants out of the first batch and their behavioural patterns of the young have changed dramatically. They have become boisterous, unruly and undisciplined. In contrast, today, the city is full of people who are drug addicts, similar to Lanka, and psychopaths and mentally disturbed patients are released from mental hospitals to the community as a direct result of the Late Margaret Thatcher’s Government policies, which made so many psychiatric hospitals to close down.

In the early stages, the Sri Lankan community in London mainly consisted of a few professionals who migrated to the UK on work permits, which enlarged the immigration population. One of the professionals known to every Sri Lankan was a doctor who used to live at Stafford Place, Colombo 10 before she emigrated to London. This doctor was another mother to all Sri Lankans. She arrived in the UK in 1951 and commenced medical practice as a General Practitioner. She died at the age of 82.

Many Sri Lankans were registered with her. She had genuine feelings for Sri Lankan students, in particular. She was considered a second mother. On every occasion, a Sri Lankan student went to see her. She gave the student Vitamin B Complex tablets and said, Please keep yourself warm in winter.”

She greeted all her patients with a broad smile as one entered her consulting room. Without any enquiry, wrote on the prescription, Vitamin B complex tablets irrespective of whether the patient required it or not. She was a natural second mother to students and Sri Lankans, and she knew, ‘as a general rule’, that students did not have a square meal. Therefore, she used to prescribe students five mg of Valium to calm their nerves, considering the stress factor in London.

Whenever there was a complex issue relating to the patient’s health, she would refer the patient to a specialist or a hospital instead. Many GPs were thinking of their budget allocation. It is a Health Regulation that if a patient visits a GP’s surgery more than twice for the same complaint, the GP should refer the patient to a specialist or hospital for treatment.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

By Shamindra Ferdinando  Courtesy The Island

Rebel SLPP MP Prof. Channa Jayasumana yesterday (11) said that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should make his position clear on his successor Ranil Wickremesinghe’s move to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Reiterating his strong opposition to President Wickremesinghe’s controversial plan, the Anuradhapura District MP stressed that Gotabaya Rajapaksa couldn’t keep silent as the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government embarked on a strategy inimical to national interests. Prof. Jayasumana represents a group of about 13 SLPP MPs. The group includes former External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, Dullas Alahapperuma and Prof. Charitha Herath.

Parliament elected the UNP leader as President in late July last year to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term won at the last presidential election in Nov. 2019, Prof. Jayasumana said. Having won a landslide victory, promising a new Constitution that reflected Sri Lanka’s triumph over separatist terrorism, how could the wartime Defence Secretary remain silent when his mandate was being brazenly used to do away with the country’s unitary status.

Referring to President Wickremesinghe’s latest declarations in Parliament, pertaining to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in late 1988, the failure on the part of the former President to take a clear stand on this issue could be misconstrued as his tacit support to the current agenda. How the wartime Defence Secretary could allow the abuse of his mandate, the MP asked.

Responding to a query broached by The Island, the academic said that 133 MPs, who voted for Wickremesinghe at the July 20 election in Parliament to elect an MP to complete the ousted leader’s term, wouldn’t have anticipated him taking such far reaching decisions.

Prof. Jayasumana voted for Dullas Alahappeuma who altogether polled 82 votes whereas JVP candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake managed to secure just three votes. Prof. Jayasumana addressed this issue in the wake of TNA delegation meeting Public Security Minister Tiran Alles to discuss the latest developments.

Acknowledging that the SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam, during All-Party Conference (APC), chaired by President Wickremesinghe, on 26 July, declared that they were not on the same page, Prof. Jayasumana urged the SLPP parliamentary group, headed by Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, to issue an official statement in this regard.

Appreciating the significant financial support extended by India during Sri Lanka’s hour of need, MP Jayasumana said but it wouldn’t be fair at all to pressure the incumbent government on the 13th Amendment. We do not want to revisit the origins of terrorism but India cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for creating an environment here in the ’80s to facilitate its devolution project,” Prof. Jayasumana said.

The MP said that if the former President and the SLPP, still the largest party represented in parliament, didn’t intervene immediately, they would be held accountable for breaking up the country. The outcome could be far worse than the debilitating current crisis blamed on mismanagement of the national economy, Prof. Jayasumana said.

The former President should be answerable to 6.9 mn voters who exercised their franchise for him at the last presidential poll, the MP said. Similarly, the SLPP couldn’t turn its back on those who gave the young party nearly 2/3 majority, Prof. Jayasumana said.

Having recognized the LTTE, way back in 2001, as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people, thereby justifying Tiger terrorism, the TNA was now demanding federal status, Prof. Jayasumana said, urging the incumbent President to seek fresh mandates at presidential and parliamentary polls if he genuinely wanted to go ahead with the 13th Amendment.

Those pushing for the13th Amendment had conveniently forgotten the way the then President J.R. Jayewardene forcibly enacted it in line with the Indo-Lanka Accord signed the year before, an irate lawmaker said. The MP said that political parties couldn’t be unaware that the implementation of the 13th Amendment was to take place after the disarming of all Indian trained terrorist groups in 1987.

The LTTE retained a conventional fighting capacity till 2009 and was defeated in May 2009, the Minister said, adding that there couldn’t be any justification in granting police powers to a region that challenged the country’s unitary status.

By Nishel Fernando  Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• Aims to address shortage of human capital, especially inSTEM fields
• Urgent requirement for vocational training centres and universities to bridge skill gap highlighted
• President Wickremesinghe expresses concerns over exodus of STEM graduates

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Amid the current human capital shortage, in particular the science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) graduates increasingly looking to migrate, the government said it has plans to establish a number of new universities and vocational training centres with greater participation of the private sector on an urgent basis. 

Speaking at the 36th Annual Conference of the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) in Colombo this week, President Ranil Wickremesinghe emphasised that the most pressing issue confronting the country currently is the scarcity of human capital, a consequence of outward migration triggered by the onset of the economic crisis 
In the short term, if we do good, some of them might come back.

Don’t think that’s going to resolve our issue. We haven’t got the human capital we need. Today, when I speak to any company, they say they need human capital. I travel around and stay in hotels and there are always people who come and talk to me.

Now with the last year, I don’t find them anymore. They have long gone. Then, I spoke to people who replaced them. Now, when I go, I can’t even find them. This is what has been happening,” he said. 

In this background, Wickremesinghe emphasised the urgent need for the establishment of vocational training centres and universities to address the skill gap and meet the demands of a competitive economy.  

He outlined the plans to collaborate with the private sector institutions to create a robust framework for education and training. There are 300-400 vocational training centres. We need to run them with the private sector and get the chambers to develop. We need to train teachers for our education system. Fortunately, we can take two to three years to achieve that.  

But our problem is with the universities. Those who are in the STEM subjects are leaving in large numbers. We are going to establish universities with the private sector and other agencies. Some will be for-profit universities, others like SLIIT will be on a non-profit basis,” he elaborated. 

Wickremesinghe said Chennai-based Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) has already agreed to establish a campus in Kandy while SLIIT is in the process of expanding the number of campuses, which would be soon elevated to
university status. 

In addition, he revealed that a number of foreign universities have filed applications to set up medical colleges in the country. In addition, the government is also looking at setting up four to five universities by combining several institutes. 

Meanwhile, Wickremesinghe presented the proposed legislative changes, including the devolution of powers to provincial councils, which would allow provincial councils to approve new universities under the streamlined procedures. 

He emphasised that Sri Lanka’s future success hinges on the strategic handling of both financial and human resources and noted that these factors are pivotal for the country to have a competitive economy.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Following improved activity from the shippers to Iran following the ‘Tea for Oil’ agreement, this week’s Colombo Tea Auction saw increased demand for the better teas in the High and Mid Grown sector and Low Grown Small Leaf/Tippy teas.

However, the total auction offerings were marginally lower and totalled 5.9 million kilogrammes.

The Ex-Estate offerings totalled 0.84 million kilogrammes. There was improved demand, particularly for the
better teas.The Best Western BOPs appreciated up to Rs.200 per kilogramme, whilst the others were firm and up to Rs.100 per kilogramme dearer. 

The corresponding BOPFs gained Rs.100 per kilogramme and more following special inquiry. In the Below Best and Plainer categories, the clean leaf BOPs gained Rs.20-30 per kilogramme, whilst the others were firm and lower by a similar margin for the poor leaf types. 

The corresponding BOPFs followed a similar trend, with the clean leaf teas appreciating by up to Rs.50 per kilogramme and more for select invoices, whilst the others were barely steady. The Nuwara Eliya BOPs were irregular, whilst the corresponding BOPFs had hardly any invoices on offer. The Uda Pussellawa BOP/BOPFs – Clean leaf types, were up to Rs.50 per kilogramme dearer, whilst the others were Rs.20-30 per kilogramme easier. Improved activity for the Uva seasonal teas and BOPs ranged between Rs.1,300-3,100 per kilogramme, whilst the corresponding BOPFs ranged between Rs.1,000-1,800 per kilogramme. The other Uva BOP/BOPFs gained up to Rs.100 per kilogramme.  

The High and Mid Grown CTC teas – BP1s, had hardly any offerings and tended easier. The PF1s – clean leaf bright liquoring teas, were firm and tended dearer, whilst the others were irregular and mostly easier. The corresponding Low Grown BP1s met with less demand and were irregularly easier, whilst the PF1s commenced firm and appreciated up to Rs.100 per kilogramme as the sale progressed.

The Low Growns comprised of 2.4 million kilogrammes. The Leafy, Semi-Leafy and Tippy teas met with good demand. Improved activity from shippers to Iran following the ‘Tea for Oil Agreement’ and consequently, Small Leaf categories gained substantially. 

In the Leafy catalogues, the well-made OP1s/BOP1s were firm to dearer, whilst the balance appreciated. The OPs, in general, were dearer. The well-made OPAs were easier, whilst the balance gained. The PEKs – Select Best and Best together with the clean leaf Below Best, gained sharply in value, whilst the balance too gained to a lesser extent. The Select Best PEK1s were easier, whilst the balance sold around last week’s levels. 

In the Tippy catalogues, the Select Best FBOPs were firm. The Best and Below Best appreciated substantially, whilst the balance gained to a lesser extent. The well-made FF1s together with the clean leaf Below Best gained considerably, whilst the balance was dearer to alesser extent. 

In the Premium catalogues, the very Tippy teas met with improved demand and were dearer. The Best and Below Best together with the cleaner teas at the bottom appreciated, whilst the balance was firm. 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

President Ranil Wickremesinghe said that he is aware that not many in the political circles are fond of him personally. The President made these remarks addressing the 36th Annual Conference of the Organization of Professional Associations (OPA) of Sri Lanka at Kingsbury, Colombo.

https://youtu.be/MXy5w9Oun5M

Wickremesinghe said that he had to consider coming out of semi-retirement, because he knew he could turn the country around and stabilize the economy.

“Despite all the criticisms I accepted the job. Then there was a chance of turning the economy around much faster. “I must thank everyone in the political system who rallied around, not because they like me — I don’t think there are very many who personally like me. But certainly they knew the job had to be done,” the President said.

President Wickremesinghe also underscored the necessity of building on this initial success, highlighting the importance of constructive solutions over political distractions. (Kalani Kumarasinghe)

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Embassy of Sri Lanka in Moscow has initiated direct employment opportunities for Sri Lankan skilled migrant workers in the Russian Federation, in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Foreign Employment Agency (SLFEA), a fully-owned state organisation in Sri Lanka. 

The Embassy of Sri Lankan in Moscow said in an announcement that the effort is the first of its kind. 

Under this initiative, the first group consisting of 58 seamstresses arrived in the Russian Federation on August 2, 2023, to be employed at two  renowned textile manufacturing plants located in the Nizhny Novgorod region. 

The embassy facilitated the said employers to enter into agreements with the SLFEA to recruit these 58 seamstresses, without the involvement ofintermediate agencies. 

Discussions are underway in a progressive manner with the regional government authorities in Nizhny Novgorod to create more than 700 employment opportunities available for Sri Lankan skilled seamstresses.

The embassy, in liaison with the relevant authorities, is in the process of devising a mechanism in order to create more employment opportunities for Sri Lankan skilled migrant workers in the Russian Federation and other countries of accreditation, under a number of technical categories.

Courtesy Adaderana

The existing charges applicable to obtain a  licence for the public exhibition of any foreign or local films, stage dramas, musicals or performing shows under the Public Performance Act has been amended.

Accordingly, the relevant amendment was made by way of an Extraordinary Gazette notification issued on Friday (11 Aug), by the Minister of Mass Media.

As per the gazette in question, any person or entity applying for a legal licencse for the public exhibition of a foreign film, inclusive of the trailer, will be required to pay a fee of Rs. 40,000, while the fee for that of a local film will amount to Rs. 15,000, both of which include the trailers as well.

However, to exhibit solely the trailer, the fee charged amounts to Rs. 1,500, the gazette notification read.

Meanwhile, the license will be issued within five working days from the submission of the relevant application forms and other related documents, however, an additional fee is required in the event the license is required within a shorter period of time.

By Sena Thoradeniya

Beginning with the third part of this essay we give examples to illustrate the unholy alliance that existed between the British Colonialists and Kandyan Chieftains perpetuating Colonial Administration in Ceylon. This aspect will be discussed under several sub-headings.

At the outset it should be mentioned that there are certain limitations to this study:

(1) We have not taken into consideration slavishness of Native Headmen in the Maritime Provinces (of Colombo, Kalutara, Chilaw (of NWP), Galle, Matara and Hambantota Districts) and Tamil Native Headmen (of Northern and Eastern Provinces);

(2) Kandyan Chieftains of Central Province, North Western Province (excluding maritime area), North Central Province, Sabaragamuwa and Uva provide examples for the study we made;     

(3) Our analysis is more or less descriptive in nature. All entries are arranged in chronological order.

In this part five areas will be discussed:

(1) Special privileges granted to Kandyan Chiefs by the British;

(2) Unusual and peculiar promotions given, what was unheard under Kandyan Kings;

(3) Chieftains as Presidents of Village Tribunals and Unofficial Magistrates;

(4) Additional Office held and Chiefs as Justices of Peace;

(5) How sons and other close relatives succeeded office holders (after their demise or retirement) making the office hereditary.  

1. Special Privileges

(1.1) On 21^st of November 1818 the Governor Robert Brownrigg issued under his seal to mark his esteem authorising Ratwatte, Dissava of Matale to sit on a chair in the Mangul Maduwa (Audience Hall). Kandyan chieftains either stood or knelt before the King when the King was in the Audience Hall.    

(1.2) Pilimatalawwe (iv- alias Kapuwatte), the second Adigar in the reign of the last King, suspected of having encouraged the 1818 uprising, was taken prisoner and kept in custody in Colombo. In 1820 he was released from confinement by the Governor, Edward Barnes. The Governor informed the Resident in Kandy that it was his wish that the Adigar should be employed in a suitable office. A license was granted to Pilimatalawwe by the Governor Barnes on 14^th August 1821 to ride in a palanquin between Mahaveli Ganga and the ancient Gravets of Kandy. The Governor further delivered a license to him to sit on a chair in the Audience Hall. He ordered to restore the box of jewels belonging to him and to pay a sum of 4000 Rixdollars (300 pounds) as a gratuity from the Government in consideration of the losses sustained by him in 1818. In May he was appointed Maha Gabada Nilame. He signed as Kapuwatte Maha Nilame.

Ordinary villagers whose houses, household property and barns burnt and plundered, homesteads, land with crops, paddy fields and irrigation work destroyed, cattle slaughtered and taken away, were not paid any reparation even after 205 years!  

(1.3) Pilimatalawwe (the son of first Adigar who was executed in 1812 by the last King for treason), late Dissava of Sath Korale, a leader in the Uva-Wellassa uprising was exiled for life to Isle of France changing the death sentence for some special reasons. Around 1833 he was released and allowed to come back to Ceylon. Pilimatalawwe wrote a letter to Captain Cooper dated 21^st January 1833 informing his arrival to Colombo. He thanked him for releasing him, his kindness, tendered his compliments to the Secretary there and the doctor who attended on him.  He may have written this letter as a sign of courtesy. Nothing wrong in it.

In February he was granted permission to proceed to Kandy for three months and return to Colombo at the expiration of three months. But the interesting part of this saga smells foul. Petitioning to the Supreme Courts he gives his reasons for joining the rebels” against the British. He also complained that his salary of 100 Rix Dollars was hardly sufficient to live decently.

No other middle level prisoner who returned to Ceylon from exile was a paid a salary.

A letter sent by Pilimatalawwe while he was a prisoner in the isle of France to Robert Brownrigg (after Brownrigg had relinquished his duties as Governor of Ceylon) states reasons for joining the rebels” and requests him to solicit his Britannic Majesty to pardon him” and other prisoners for their first offence”.  He writes that it was his father who with the permission of the King sent two ambassadors to India and requested the English to come to assist the Sinhalese and expel the Dutch from Ceylon”. He further states that when the English came his father sent an army of 7000 Sinhalese soldiers and 60 Malays with coolies to join the English, but he could not display the power of his army as the war was soon terminated. 

(1.4) The British confiscated the Morahela Nindagama lands of Dissava of Wellassa and Batticaloa for joining the freedom struggle and Governor Robert Wilmot Horton in 1837, gave them (around 7000 acres) to Mahawelatenna Mohottala who supported the British, on the birthday of King William IV together with a silver urn.

  Whereas the loyalty and good conduct of Mahawelatenne Mudiyanse have entitled him to some mark of Royal favour and munificence and it is our desire to mark the sense, we entertain the same by personal grant of lands”. Later he was created” an Adigar, a case of a lower ranker Mohottala receiving the highest position of Adigar. Thus, British colonial administrators created” such Adigars and Dissaves granting Royal favour and munificence” for the servility of these office holders.  

(1.5) Dehigama was the Udagabada Nilame and Rate Mahattaya of Yatinuwara in the last King’s reign. He was loyal to the British in 1818 and by Proclamation of 18 November 1818, his lands were declared free of duty during his life and that of his heirs. Later he was made an Assessor in the District Courts. One of his family members who became a Christian functioned as a Member of the Legislative Council for a brief period.

(1.6) According to J.H.F. Hamilton C.C.S. (1888) the land where Medamahanuwara palace was situated was sold by the British to Mampitiye Rate Mahattaya in 1828. Mampitiye sold it to Madugalle Rate Mahattaya. Even ancient palaces were not spared by the Britishers.

(1.7) Millawa, the Dissava of Wellassa, was a signatory of the Kandyan Convention of 1815. He was suspected as a sympathiser of 1818 Freedom Struggle and his land was confiscated. He was taken to Colombo as a prisoner; he died there and buried in Kotahena.  His sons who took their mother’s name Dunuwila held high positions as Dissavas, Rate Mahattayas, Diyawadana Nilames, Interpreters and Police Inspectors, Police Magistrates under the British. Dunuwila Loku Banda, the Inspector of Police helped the British troops to ruthlessly suppress the agitators in 1848 at Kandy. (In 1896 R. Dunuwila was the Police Magistrate at Chilaw).

(1.8) Kandyan Chiefs who were converted into Christianity were offered high office. Both Iriyagama Rate Mahattaya and Andarawewa, President of Village Tribunal were Christians.

(1.9) In 1907 Meedeniya, Rate Mahattaya of Tun Korale and Patha Bulathgama proceeded to England on leave.When in England he had the honour of being presented to the King.

(1.10) W. Dunuwila Dissava was selected to represent the Kandyan community at the Coronation of King George V on June 22, 1911 and left for England in May.

(1.11) P. B. Bulankulama Dissava was awarded a Long Service Sannas in recognition of his 42 years of service to the Government. He was earlier rewarded for the great assistance he gave in finding labour for the construction of the Northern Railway in 1900 by the Government with a grant of a gold medal”, wrote Seymore Government Agent of NCP.

Chief Buddhist prelates were used even after 1818 as informants:

On 25 July 1836 the Governor William Horton presented the Act of Appointment to Induruwe Sumangala Medhankara Unnanse appointing him as the Chief Priest of Saffaragam in the Southern Province with the instructions, to make known to the constituted authorities of Government of all treasons or traitorous conspiracies against His Majesty’s Government.”

A similar Act was presented to him on 17 September 1836 by the same Governor appointing him as the Chief Priest of Adam’s Peak with the same instructions, to give information of all treasons and conspiracies”.

Although privileged some office holders abused powers of high office they held. A. F. Molamure Rate Mahattaya of Atakalan Korale, Sabaragamuwa built an anicut in the village of Ranwala for his use at government expense.

2.Promotions

(2.1) S.M. Burrows, Assistant Government Agent of Matale wrote in 1877 that the dignity of Dissava of Matale North and East was revived and the office conferred upon Dullewa Adigar” and he will work concurrently with the Assistant Agent. Read again what Burrows had written about Dullewa in 1889. A.C. Lawrie (1896) wrote that the Governor conferred the rank of Adigar on Dullewa but silent about later developments. Conferring Adigarships to their faithful servants was a ruse employed by the British colonialists. In 1890  the Legislative Council sanctioned Dullewa’s appointment as Adigar of Matale. 

During the reign of Kandyan kings there were only two Adigars, Udagampaha and Pallegampaha respectively.

(2.2) Another scion of a former office holder who rose to the rank of Dissava was Dorakumbura of Matale.  Appointed to a minor rank in 1826 as Atapattuwa Lekam, in 1836 he was made a Korala of Gampaha Siya Paththwa and in 1849 Deputy Coroner; In 1857 he was appointed Rate Mahattaya of Matale North and in 1872 Rate Mahattaya of Matale South respectively. In 1884 he was granted the honorary rank of Dissava by Governor Arthur Gordon.

Kandyan kings never had honorary Dissavas in their provincial administration.

(2.3) Dorakumbura was the President of Matale South Gamsabava and member of District Road Committee.  After serving 64 years he retired in 1890 and was allowed to receive a full pension and to hold the office of Justice of Peace (JP), the first Kandyan honoured with the title JP and Inquirer into Deaths. He was succeeded by a Keppetipola.

(2.4) S. M. Burrows Acting Assistant Government Agent of Nuwara Eliya proposed to appoint an additional Korala to Kotmale Division in 1899.

(2.5) Nugawela Rate Mahattaya was created” Dissawa, writes J.P. Lewis, Acting Government Agent of Central Province in 1902.

(2.6) A comical thing happened in North Central Province in 1903. Nikawewa, retired Rate Mahattaya of Hurulu Palatha was invested with the rank of Dissava of Nuwara Kalaviya, a high office which had been in abeyance for over 70 years.  Government Agent L. W. Booth writes the revival of this high office is not only a high honour to the recipient but confers distinction on the whole body of the Chiefs and is a recognition of the important place which the North Central Province has once more assumed among the principal divisions of the Island”. According to Booth the high rank given to a retiree confers distinction” to other Chiefs and makes NCP on par with other provinces in the Island. But NCP remained one of the most under-developed, impoverished provinces in the Island.

(2.7) In 1906 a Rubber Exhibition” was held at Peradeniya. Exhibition buildings was decorated in Kandyan style with painted pillars and coloured clothes.  For the interest shown by Mr. William Dunuwilla, Police Magistrate of Matale in the erection and adornment of the rubber exhibition buildings and the prompt manner in which they were got ready in time for the opening” he was granted the title of Dissava by the Governor and duly invested on the King’s birthday” wrote JP Lewis, Government Agent of Central Province.

Luckily there was no social media. Otherwise he would have dubbed Rubber Dissava”!

(2.8) Nugawela Rate Mahattaya who was seconded to assist him was gazetted a JP for the District of Kandy.

(2.9) In 1906 Hulugalla Rate Mahattaya of a division in NWP was created” an Adigar.

(2.10) Illangantillake of the Police Courts, Kurunegala was appointed a President of Village Tribunal in 1906.

(2.11) In 1907 P.B. Ratwatte, the first probationary attached to the Kandy Kachcheri was appointed as Rate Mahattaya of Tumpane. This was a new method adopted in appointing Chief Headmen.

(2.12) In 1908 J. C. Lankatillaka Kachcheri Muhandiram of Badulla was appointed RM of Wellawaya.

(2.13) G.H. Dimbulana of the Provincial Road Committee of Badulla appointed RM of Wellassa in the same year.

(2.14) Mahawelatenna who went on retirement was reinstated as Rate Mahattaya of Meda and Kadawatha Korales, Sabaragamuwa in 1908. On his retirement in 1912 he was made a JP and an Unofficial Magistrate.

 (2.15) In 1909 on the King’s birthday three Kandyan chiefs were conferred with higher ranks:

(a) the rank of Dissava on Moneravila Keppetipola Loku Banda retired Rate Mahattaya of Matale South. (Thus, retired officials were also elevated to higher ranks, a thing that had never happened during the reigns of Kings of Kandy).

(b) the rank of Rate Adikaram on Weerasekera Mudiyanselage Kalu Banda Korala of Udispattuwa, Uda Dumbara. Rate Adikaram was aninferior post to that of Rate Mahattaya and the majority of the officials who held this rank hailed from Matale Maha Disava.

(c) the rank of Disava Lekam on Samarasinghe Mudiyanselage Punchi Rala Korala of Gangawata Korale, Yatinuwara. (In the reign of Kandyan Kings Disava Lekam or Disava Mohottala was an officer appointed by a Disava to represent his interests in the Disava).

 Lewis Government Agent of Central Province wrote: The last two were the first cases in which these ranks were conferred during British rule so far I am aware. The ranks have been revived in order to provide Kandyan headmen of the status of Koralas and others with titles corresponding to those of Muhandiram, Arachchi etc. issued for the Low Country Sinhalese, from which they are debarred”.

 (2.16) In 1910, P. A. C. Ekneligoda who was the Kachcheri Muhandiram of North Central Province was promoted as Kachcheri and Gravets Muhandiram.

(2.17) Among those who received Coronation honours in 1910, was L. B. Yatawara retired RM of Patha Hewaheta . He was conferred the rank of Dissava for serving 35 years.

(2.18) On the occasion of His Majesty’s birthday, rank of Rate Lekam was bestowed on Batangala Banda Korale of Kalupita Pattu South, Kegalle in 1911. 

(2.19) The rank of Dissava was conferred on J.H. Meedeniya RM of Tun Korale and Patha Bulatgama in June 1912.

 (2.20) When L. B. Halangoda RM of Matale East left owing to ill-health in 1912, acting appointment was given to D.B. Uduwawala, Gansabava Clerk.

(2.21) On the occasion of King’s birthday in 1913 L.B. Nugawela RM of Beligal Korale, Kegalle was made a JP.

(2.22) On his retirement Mahawelatenna was made a JP and Unofficial Police Magistrate in 1913.

(2.23) In 1920 on the King’s birthday the rank of Adigar was conferred on J. H. Meedeniya retired Dissava who was a Member of the Legislative Council, regarded as the senior retired Chief Headman.  The Assistant Government Agent of Kegalle District, A. W. Seymore wrote,” the people of the District made several spontaneous demonstrations of their satisfaction over this appointment”. Seymore did not know how demonstrations” were organised, whether they were spontaneous” or not.

 (2.24) When Tennakone Rate Mahattaya of a division in North Western Province retired after 46 years of service in 1920 he was given the rank of Hon. Dissava.

 (2.25) K. B. Welagedeara RM of Kotmale died in 1921; S. B. Talwatta of Kandy kachcheri was appointed in his place.

(2.26) L.B. Bogahalanda RM of Dambadeni Hatpttuwa retired after47 years of service in 1921. He was succeeded by T. W. Maralanda, President of Weuda Villi Hathpaththuwa.

(2.27) In 1923 on the King’s birthday E. A.  Elapatha, Rate Mahattaya of a division in Sabaragamuwa was honoured with the rank of Dissava, in recognition of his long and meritorious services”, wrote G.F.R. Browning Government Agent of Sabaragamuwa.

(2.28) When L.B. Bulakulama retired as Rate Mahattaya of Nuwaragam Palatha in NCP in 1923, he was made a Dissava.

(2.29) In 1927 C. B. Hindagala, President of VT of Walapone and Uda Hewaheta was succeeded by R. B. Kulugammana, Vernacular Writer” of Nuwara Eliya kachcheri.

(2.30) J.R. Nugawela, President of VT of Devamedi Hathpattuwa NWP, was appointed as RM of Uda Hevaheta, Nuwara Eliya District in 1930.

(2.31) G.J.B. Kiriella, President of VT of Navadun Korale of Sabaragamuwa was   appointed as RM of Kukul Korale in the same year.

(2.32) C. P. Dunuwila, Clerk in Nuwara Eliya kachcheri appointed as President of VTs of Uda Hevaheta and Walapone when R. B. Kulugammana retired on the recommendations of a Medical Board in 1932.  

(2.33) L. Nugawela Dissava of NWP was given the rank of 2^nd Adigar on the king’s birthday, a very strange appointment. Nugawela was the RM of Katugampola Hathpattuwa who retired in 1930 after serving 39 years and 6 months. Only during Kandyan Kings’ reigns we had a 1^st Adigar and a 2^nd Adigar.

(2.34) On the same occasion P. B. Madahapola RM of Hiriyalapattu was made a Dissava.

(2.35) At the death of P. A. C. Ekneligoda, Kachcheri and Gravets Mudliyar of Ratnapura in 1932, K. B. Kaduruwewa Kachcheri Muhandiram succeeded him.

(2.36) In 1936 S. L. B. Dharmakeerthi, RM of Matale North was succeeded by H. B. Tenne, President of VT of Matale North. In place of Tenne S.A. Yatawara, Proctor S.C. was appointed.

(2.37) T. W. Maralanda , RM of Weuda Villi Hatpattuwa NWP retired in 1939 and was made a Dissava.

3. Presidents of Village Tribunals and Unofficial Magistrates

Some RMs were appointed either as Presidents of Village Tribunals or Unofficial Police Magistrates.  

(3.1) In 1898 T. B. Yatawara RM of Uda Palatha and Panabokke RM of a division in Matale were made Unofficial Police Magistrates.

(3.2) Dunuvila in 1902 was made Police Magistrate in Matale.

(3.3) A new post of President of VT in Uda Palatha, Uda Bulathgama and Patha Hewaheta was created in 1905 and A.B. Galagoda RM of Yatinuwara was given it on a salary of Rs. 1452/= per annum with a travelling allowance Rs.360/= per annum.

(3.4) Rambukwelle RM of Uda Dumbara  was the President of VT of Uda Dumbara. When Rambukwelle went on sick leave in 1905 RM of Patha Dumbara acted for him and P. B. Ratwatte a probationer was sent as RM of Patha Dumbara to act for him. Rambukwella died in December same year.

(3.5) T. B. Katugaha, RM of Yatikinda wasappointed as President of VT in Patha Dumbara in 1907 and W.R. Bibile, RM of Butthala was reinstated as RM Buththala in the same year.

(3.6) In 1920 T.H.E. Moonamale was made police Magistrate of Dandagamuwa, NWP and in the same year newly created President of VT of Beligal Korale, Kegalle was conferred on Polgasdeniya.

(3.7) (a) L. B. Hulangamuwa RM of Matale East was appointed as President of VT of Matale East relieving the RM of Matale East of his judicial functions. (b) J. R. Nugawela RM of Uda Hevaheta left on transfer as President VT of Uda Dumbara and Patha Dumbara in 1936. Some held both offices concurrently. 

4. Additional Office and Justices of Peace

Additional work given enhanced the positions of Kandyan Office Holders.

Rate Mahattayas were appointed as members of various Commissions in recognition of their loyal service; Dullewa as a member of Buddhist Temporalities Commission, Dullewa Banda as a member of the Grain Commission, J.H. Meedeniya Rate Mahattaya of Tun Korale as a member of the Commission which considered the question of Agricultural Banks are few examples. In addition, some functioned as members of Provincial Road Committees, District School Committees/ Rural Education Committees (Government Agent as Chairman of both Committees), Sanitary Boards (e.g. R. E. Paranagama RM of Patha Dumbra in 1919 and A.J.W. Marambe, retired RM of Uda Bulathgama (compiler of Tri Sinhale Kadaim Potha, pioneer in the study of kadaim poth – boundary books). 

In 1923, W.A. Udugama RM was made Vice Chairman of Matale Urban District Council. Koralas were appointed as Attendance Officers (schools).

As in the reign of Kandyan Kings Kandyan Headmen concurrently held positions of RM or Dissava and the position of Diyawadana Nilame or Basnayaka Nilame positions.

Almost all Rate Mahattayas and Dissaves after retirement were appointed as Justices of Peace (JP). Those days JPs had wide powers: visiting police stations, attending drills, supervising musketry, being available at times of emergency, ready to take charge of any police station and give orders in the event of any disturbance, fire, serious accidents and other calamities.

5. Hereditary Office

Sons, sons-in-law, nephews, brothers, brothers-in-law and other close relatives succeeded office holders (after their demise or retirement) making the office hereditary as in ancient times. Chieftains were allowed to serve even if they reach ripe age. They retired only on account of old age or ill-health, allowing their kinsmen to succeed them. Thus, colonialists too made certain positions hereditary.    

(5.1) A Keppetipola was appointed Rate Mahattaya of Matale South in 1890. He was none other than Monaravila Keppetipola’s grandson.  He retired in 1902 after serving 36 years having served as RM of Matale North for 10 years and RM of Matale South for 12 years respectively.  His father, Monaravila’s son Loku Banda was sent to Colombo as approved by Governor Edward Barnes to be educated in English says Lawrie. In 1822 he was permitted by the Governor to visit his grandmother at Matale for three months. Another version of this story is that Keppetipola’s son was sent to Christian College, Kotte (present Sri Jayawardenapura Maha Vidyalaya) and he died there.

Sanction was received by the Assistant Government Agent, Matale to appoint Keppetipola Rate Mahattaya’s son H.D. Keppetipola who was acting for his father as Rate Mahattaya of Matale East two cocoa seasons”. 

(5.2) In 1890 son of Dorakumbura Dissava, Dorakumbura Korala was made President of Village Tribunal of Matale East.

(5.3) In 1894 William Ellawela who held the post of Rate Mahattaya of Navadun Korale in Sabaragamuwa for 28 years and 9 months retired. His retirement was formally accepted by the Governor at a Durbar held in Old Fort at Ratnapura. At the same time his son Francis Ellawela was appointed to succeed him.

(5.4) In 1903 When Kachcheri Muhandiram Nugapitiya died his brother succeeded him. This was a case of brother succeeding brother as in the ancient times.

(5.5) Soon after Nikawewa retired RM was invested with the rank of Dissava in 1903, his son-in-law K. B. Panabokke was appointed Rate Mahattaya of Kalagam Palatha, NCP.

(5.6) When T.B. Ekneligoda, retired from his office of Rate Mahattaya of Kuruvita Korale, Sabaragamuwa he was appointed JP for the province. He was succeeded by his nephew J.W. Ekneligoda in 1904.

(5.7) Nugawela Disava , Rate Mahattaya of Harispattuwa retired in 1905 after 45 years of loyal and faithful service”. He was succeeded by his son P.B. Nugawela: in recognition of the unbroken service of his family to British Government”. 

(5.8) In 1906 Maduwanwala Rate Mahattaya of Kolonna Korale (hero of modernmyth makers), Sabaragamuwa retired after 21 years of service. He was succeeded by his brother-in-law Kalawane P. Banda. In the ensuing parts we will discuss how he organised elephant kraals for the pleasure of Governors and British Royalty.

(5.9) In 1908 J. C. Lankatillake, a Kachcheri Muhandiram was appointed Rate Mahattaya of Wellawaya. Later in 1920 on his transfer to Udukinda, he was succeeded by V. E. Lankatilake, his family member.

(5.10) At the demise of Ellawela his son succeeded him as Rate Mahattaya.

(5.11) When Alawathugoda Rate Mahattaya of Walapane retired in 1913 he was succeeded by his son.

(5.12) Dingiri Banda Korale of Laggala Udasiyapattuwa retired in 1912 and was succeeded by his brother Kiri Wasthu.    

(5.13) When C.B. Nugawela Rate Mahattaya of Udunuwara resigned in 1912 after serving 44 years, his family member T.B. Nugawela succeeded him.

(5.14) P.B. Alawathugoda RM of Walapone retired in 1913; he was succeeded by his son M.B. Alawathugoda who at the time held the post of President of VT of Nuwaragam Palatha in NCP.

(5.15) When L.B. Bulakulama retired as Rate Mahattaya of Nuwaragam Palatha in NCP in 1923, he was made a Dissava and the post was remained in the Nuwarawewa family by the appointment of his son”.

The importance of political aspect of this practice, camouflaged as the advantages of training young Kandyans of good family” was described by Kegalle Assistant Government Agent Price, in his 1889 Report.

END OF PART III