Press Release
The Pathfinder Indian
Ocean Security Conference
as a webinar Inaugural Session held on 10th, November 2020 and it
will continue next two days as the three sessions. The first, on Maritime
Security and Freedom of Navigation, will be moderated by Prof. Raja C.
Mohan, Director-Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of
Singapore; whilst the second session on Enhancing Connectivity will be
moderated by Dr. Frederic Grare, Senior Associate and Director South Asia
programme, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the third session to be moderated by Amb. Robert O. Blake Jr.,
former Ambassador of the United States to Sri Lanka, Maldives and Indonesia and
Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs. The three
sessions will include presentations by speakers from India, Russia, the US,
Singapore, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Australia, China and Japan.
Thirty-six littorals and IORA Dialogue Partner countries were
participated to the conference, focusing on Maritime Security and Maritime
Governance in the Indian Ocean with over one hundred online participants including
governments, diplomatic missions, academia, think-tanks and research institutes
and the business community.
The inaugural session of the event includes an address by Foreign
Secretary, Admiral (Prof.) Jayanath Colombage, Ambassador of the United States.
H.E. Alaina Teplitz; Ambassador of Japan, H.E. Akira Sugiyama; and Co-chairs of
the conference, Amb. Shivshankar Menon, who was the former Foreign Secretary
and National Security Advisor to the Government of India and Bernard
Goonetilleke, Chairman-Pathfinder Foundation.
Foreign Secretary, Admiral (Prof.) Jayanath Colombage
PATHFINDER INDIAN OCEAN SECURITY CONFERENCE(PFIOSC) 2020
10th November 2020
Key
note speech by Admiral Prof. Jayanath Colombage, Secretary, Foreign Ministry
and Director General Institute of National Security Studies (Sri Lanka)
Indian Ocean
• Sea has always been
instrumental in defining the destiny of the world by bringing people closer,
melting down cultures and supporting the global economy.
• Seaborne trade has been
an engine for inclusive and sustainable growth.
• Maritime connectivity is
the key to substantive economic development for many nations.
• Covering a massive water
body of app. 70 million sq. km. and a vast geographical area stretching from
the eastern shores of Africa to Australia, the Indian Ocean region is home for
app. 2.7 billion people resident in the littoral countries.
• Asia’s growing economic
and political importance is undeniable
• With the rise of Asia,
the political and economic balance is increasingly shifting towards the Indo
Pacific.
• The region is becoming
the key to shaping the international order in the 21st century.
• Latest initiative for
this region- Policy guide lines for the Indo-Pacific- shaping the 21st century
together-
Prosperity of our society depends on freedom of shipping”. Hence need to
participate in functioning growth markets
• Global value chains are intertwined
here.
• Indian Ocean has been a
well-connected ocean for trade, culture religion to move across
• This is part of a Global
Maritime Common- All should be free to be here
• Half of the world’s
container ships, one third of the World’s bulk cargo traffic and 72% of global
oil shipments depend on this water body for transit purposes.
• Security of shipping
will remain a primary concern during times of peace as well as conflict. We
very well know what happened during Somali Piracy
• After an interval of
nearly three decades, there are signs of IOR once again entering into another
phase of big power rivalry with potential for military confrontation.
• The Question is should
the littoral countries get dragged into a superpower confrontation that is not
of their making or in their interest?
• Shouldn’t we be focusing
of economic and social development? And achieving the SDGs by the target year
of 2030
• ADB report has estimated
that infrastructure needs of Asia and the Pacific would exceed $ 22.6 trillion
through 2030.
• Where can this money
come from? Donors? Bilateral and multilateral lenders? FDI?
• Covid-19
o Old certainties are
questioned
o A dangerous Recession?
slowing down economies
o Socio-economic tensions
and Human emotions rising high and creates a fear and insecurity
o Extreme forms of
nationalism
o There is and there will
be interruptions to Global Supply Chains
o Multilateral Health
governance may be the way forward. Health diplomacy is at it’s best
o Attention to Food and
Medicine security
o Countries choosing to
invest more on Hospitals and Laboratories?
Geo-Political, Geo- Economical and Geo- Strategic landscape
Indian Ocean has become
significant in the 21st Century
Two very significant
initiatives are here
Indo Pacific Strategy-
Free and Open Ocean
Belt and Road Initiative-
maritime trade and infrastructure related development
Sri Lanka wishes for a
free and open Indian ocean for maritime commerce, development of maritime
related infrastructure and connect to the Global supply chain across the ocean
Present day Indian Ocean
has become a stage for strategic competition for regional and global powers
Competition is for RMB-
Resources, Markets and Bases(places)
More and more governments,
organisations and institutions worldwide are making the Indo-Pacific their
conceptual frame of reference and thus the basis of their policies
However, they differ, in
terms of their objectives, emphasis on different policy fields
Today, the Quad (India,
Japan, US, and Australia) is being institutionalised with a special focus on
upholding the rules-based order for a free and open Indo-Pacific.
Quad’s resolve to dominate
Indo-Pacific high seas is being questioned
Is Quad the principle
driver of Indian Ocean security?
No one country can be the
net-security provider in the IO as clearly evidenced by the Piracy if the Gulf
of Eden and Western Indian Ocean
Is there a Maritime ‘Cold
War’ or ‘Cool War’
Insecurity of one country
lead to insecurity of others
IO Region is characterised
by rapidly increasing arms dynamics.
Identifying and Addressing
Major Issues Including ‘mistrust’ and ‘trust deficiency’
South Asia in the Indian Ocean
• South Asia is a complex
security construct
• South Asia is
militarily, politically and economically a dynamic region
• Region lack a common
security consensus- lack of interdependence and strategic ambiguity is
prevalent
• This is a nuclearized
region with two nuclear powers, India and Pakistan who are enemies for the last
72 years
• Region borders another
nuclear power- China
• We witness regional and
national security interplay in this region
• Impact of geographic
proximity on security interactions is strongest and most obvious
• For countries such as
Sri Lanka, which is an adjacent state to nuclear India -this is a trilemma- 3rd
party effects-
• Security of an innocent
state can be impacted in someone else’s war
• India’s geographical
centrality, size, population and economy are key factors
• Free and open Indian
ocean for what? We need it for trade, investment, development, cooperation
Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean
Centrality in the Ocean
Close proximity to major
SLOCs
Close geographical
proximity to India
Amidst the spheres of
influence of India, USA, China, Japan and Australia, EU, UK
Survival of the state is
most important for Sri Lanka
We are a small state and
do not have any hegemonic intentions
Sri Lanka wishes for an
Internationally accepted Rules based maritime order and freedom of maritime
commerce
To overcome asymmetry
We believe in
Multilateralism and not in Unilateralism
We do not like to see
securitization of maritime trade and development
We wish to see a ‘balance
of power’ and not a mighty hegemonic power
Sri Lanka is not a piece
of ‘Real Estate’. Please respect Sri Lanka’s National Interests
Sri Lanka’s Economy and Foreign Policy directives
There is a brewing
economic crisis amidst the Covid-19 induced global economic meltdown
Presidents’ three pillar
strategy
National Security
Economic Development and
Empowerment
Foreign Relations
Five pillars of our
foreign policy
Neutrality
Friendly relations with
everyone
Not to be caught up in
major power game. We do not like to ‘hedge’ or ‘choose’ between states or ‘Band
Wagoning’.
We need to maintain
Strategic Autonomy”
Sri Lanka will not cede
control of strategic assets to foreign concerns. Investment according to SLs vision
articulated in Presidents’ ‘Vistas of Prosperity and Splendour’
Understand India’s
strategic security concerns specially in maritime and air domains and not to be
a strategic security concern to India.
MDA and NSA level talks
between India, Sri Lanka and Maldives
What we the Indian Ocean Littorals wish to see taking place
We need a critical retrospection
about Indian Ocean from within
• We wish to insulate the
Indian Ocean from great power rivalries as in 1971 IOPZ (49 Years ago)
o Free from Nuclear weapons
o No great power rivalries
o No bases to support such
rivalries
• Peace and stability in
the IO- to spread good will- to allow littoral states to develop economically
• Strengthen Economic Cooperation-
SDGs UN 2030 Agenda
o Create wealth for people
Ethically
Environment friendly
• Strengthen Global supply
chain
• Strengthen defence
cooperation
• Strengthen Maritime
security Cooperation
• Technology cooperation-
Education, Health
• Mutual respect and
mutual benefit
• Partnerships-
Inclusivity and not Exclusivity.
• Spirit of shared ‘Global
Responsibilities’
Indian Ocean to be an
Open, Inclusive, Transparent, Rules based, Cooperative ocean may be under the
UN
Strengthen multi-lateral
cooperation, for security, diplomatic and an economic architecture for
cooperative, collaborative Regional collective security mechanism
Alliances and partnership
for the IOR to convert Maritime Asia in to Continental Asia
There is a critical need
for an Indian Ocean Narrative, Indian ocean maritime security strategy, IORA
may be the way forward
The essence of foreign
policy is the relationship with the ‘other’: the ally; the foe; the friend.
International diplomacy
should work at its best in the IOR
A journey of thousand
miles start with the first step. PF IOSC
President Elect Joe Biden
stated during his victory speech You can be opponents but you do not have to
be enemies”
Key
note speech by Ambassador of Japan, H.E. Akira Sugiyama;
First of all, let me begin by expressing my heartfelt appreciation to the
Pathfinder Foundation (PF) for organizing this conference most efficiently
despite having had to face numerous challenges due to the prevailing pandemic
of COVID-19. In this regard, I would like to commend the ablest team of the PF
led by Mr. Milinda Moragoda, the Founder of the Foundation and Ambassador
Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman, as well as Ms. Ameera Arooze,
Director-Programmes, among other staff, for working tirelessly to bring us
together on the common platform once again to discuss the pressing topics on
the security of the Indian Ocean.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The meeting of the International Advisory Group (IAG), which was convened
on March 18th last year, had aimed at hammering out the multifaceted issues
impacting on the security of the Indian Ocean, and prepared ground for the
current PF-IOSC. The meeting thus conducted under skillful chairmanship of
Ambassador Shivshankar Menon has successfully distilled the differing views and
ideas into three essential issues upon which the distinguished participants are
going to discuss over the course of the next three days.
The IAG meeting identifed; a) Maritime Security and Freedom of
Navigation, b)Enhancing Connectivity, and c)Addressing ‘Mistrust’ and ‘Trust
Deficiency’ which resonate very closely with the three principles of the vision
of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, that is, a)Strengthening the Rule of Law,
especially Freedom of Navigation, b) Enhancing Connectivity through Quality
Infrastructure”, and c)Maintaining peace and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific
Region and beyond.
A Free and Open Indo-Pacific, whose acronym is FOIP that the Government
of Japan envisages and promotes, is a vision that upholds the Indo-Pacific
Oceans to be Global Commons,” or international public goods,” which would
benefit all the countries, littoral and non-littoral alike, and is an inclusive
concept open to all countries that share its basic principles. Such universal
nature of FOIP, in my view, may have led the IAG to reach the basic affinity in
its approach, which also reflects the common aspirations being long pursued in
the history of the Indian Ocean – in the form of mare liberum or the free sea.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Sri Lanka, located at
the strategic position on the east-west sea lanes, is an important partner in
realizing a Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. Our Foreign Minister MOTEGI
Toshimitsu, during his visit to Sri Lanka last December, shortly after the inauguration
of the new government under H.E. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, renewed Japan’s
commitment to assisting Sri Lanka’s development as a hub in the Indian Ocean.
The foundation of the present maritime cooperation between Sri Lanka and Japan,
however, was laid back in 2014 when the then Prime Minister Abe paid an
official visit to Sri Lanka. On that occasion, the then Prime Minister Abe and
the then H.E. President Mahinda Rajapaksa issued a Joint Statement, which was
appropriately titled A New Partnership between Maritime Countries”. In this
Joint Statement, the two leaders expressed their determination to elevate
Japan-Sri Lanka relations, which have matured and diversified based on the
long-standing friendship, into a new partnership between maritime countries”;
and to further strengthen the cooperative relations to play significant roles
in the stability and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific Ocean regions. Under the
leadership of new Prime Minister SUGA Yoshihide, Japan continues to pursue a
Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and I would like to add that, as Prime Minister
SUGA stated during the recent maiden Prime Ministerial visit to Vietnam and
Indonesia, ASEAN’s vision for the Indo-Pacific, that is, ASEAN Outlook on the
Indo-Pacific (AOIP) shares many fundamental commonalities with the FOIP.
Based on the agreed framework, Japan and Sri Lanka have made steady
progress in the area of maritime cooperation. On the maritime safety and
security, to begin with, Japan has extended assistance to Sri Lanka by, a)granting
two new patrol vessels to Sri Lanka Coast Guard, b)extending technical
assistance for improving oil spill management to Sri Lanka Coast Guard, in view
that Sri Lanka faces heavy traffic of oil tankers off the coast everyday, and
c)supporting VBSS (Visit, Board, Search and Seizure) Training Courses conducted
by Global Maritime Crime Progrrame of UNODC closely supported by Sri Lanka
Navy, to tackle the mounting challenge of illegal drug trafficking plaguing the
regions, among others. Recently, the same patrol vessels also played an active
role in contributing to the joint effort carried out by Sri Lanka and India in
successfully extinguishing the fire that broke out on a distressed oil tanker
steering off the coast of Sri Lanka.
In addition, Japan has been strengthening exchanges between the Japanese
Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) and the Sri Lanka Navy through regular port
calls by JMSDF, especially on their way to and from the Gulf of Aden to engage
in the counter-piracy operations.
With regard to enhancing the connectivity and maintaining the peace and
prosperity in the region, Japan has been promoting Quality Infrastructure”
development in accordance with international standards, with particular
emphasis on a) open access, b) transparency, c) economic efficiency including
life-cycle cost, and d) financial viability of recipient countries. Japan
continues to engage in the development of quality infrastructure in Sri Lanka
most diligently, with special focus on ports, airports, power supply, water
supply, and irrigation, among others, to correspond to the needs of the
Government and people of Sri Lanka.
Finally, the importance
of Confidence-building cannot be over-emphasized for realizing the vision of a
Free and Open Indo-Pacific. The present conference of the Pathfinder Foundation
will help create a conducive atmosphere for confidence-building among different
stakeholders. As I stressed last year, Pathfinder Foundation’s initiative to
hold this important conference has particular significance because of Sri
Lanka’s unique geographical location, as I mentioned earlier, and the prominent
role Sri Lanka has been playing in promoting the peace and prosperity of the
region. I strongly hope that today’s conference will provide a valuable opportunity
for close and constructive exchange of views of prominent experts, which will
lay a precious foundation for common understanding on the way forward.
On this note, I would like to express our great pleasure of being a partner of PF-IOSC, and once again,
appreciate the Pathfinder Foundation for organizing this iconic conference.
Thank you very much for your kind attention.
Co-chairs
of the conference, Amb. Shivshankar Menon,
I would like to join
Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke in welcoming you all to the Pathfinder
Foundation Indian Ocean Security Conference. It is a particular pleasure to
welcome (back) Admiral Colombage, who made this conference possible in his
previous avatar, and whom we have the privilege of hearing today.
It is good to see so many
old friends at once, though virtually. I am particularly happy to see the
number and high level of participants in the conference — we have over a
hundred participants from business, think tanks, government, diplomatic
missions and academia. This is tribute to the reputation and expertise of the
speakers and the excellent papers that they have prepared.
It is also due to the
importance of the subject of this conference, Indian Ocean security, and its
topicality.
The Indian Ocean has
always been an ocean of peace, an ocean of trade and human contact and
migration. It has avoided the fate of some closed seas of being primarily a
battle space or a domain of contention. It did so largely due to its geography,
though the inhabitants of the littoral can claim some credit. Its open
geography and predictable winds made it so.
But today our life has
been complicated by several factors: by advances in technology which make
contention in large open ocean spaces like the Indian Ocean and the western
Pacific possible; by the contention between great powers that characterises the
geopolitics of today; and, by the very high stakes that we all have in the flow
of trade and energy across the Indian Ocean sea lanes. Today, the Indian Ocean
is ringed by rising and rapidly developing states, and is significant to the
security and prosperity of several extra-regional powers. The size of the arms
build up in the Indo-Pacific in the last two decades has no parallel anywhere
in history. The central geopolitical fault line in the world today is in the
Asia-Pacific, not in Europe as it was in the Cold War, and the Indian Ocean, or
the larger body of water known as the Indo-Pacific, is at the heart of that. As
a consequence, when the world is between orders, great powers are bringing
their contention to the Indian Ocean. Security has thus become an issue in
forms that are new and different from what we were used to.
I speak here of security
in the broadest sense — not just of the safety of mariners, fishermen and their
vessels but of everything up to ecological security, including the effects that
climate change and human actions are having on the ocean that is critical to
our livelihoods. This is why we have sessions not just on the traditional hard
security issues later today, but also on enhancing connectivity tomorrow and on
identifying and addressing major issues day after tomorrow.
But lest by speaking of
complicated geopolitics and ecological threats I leave you with the wrong
impression, let me hasten to say that I am an optimist about the future of
Indian Ocean security, despite the complications of contemporary geopolitics
and the prospect of sustained great power rivalries. That is because we have
the skills and experience of working together and cooperating to deal with
emerging security threats. In the past, we cooperated in new and imaginative
ways to successfully deal with piracy off the Horn of Africa and earlier around
the Straits of Malacca. If we put our minds to it, and realise our common
interest in keeping this a free and open ocean of peace, trade and travel, I am
confident that we will succeed.
And that is what I hope
this conference will result in — that our discussions over these three days
will identify what is missing, and what more can be done, not just by the
states and navies but also by the other actors who affect Indian Ocean
security, broadly defined. What we suggest will have to inclusive, to serve the
common interest, and to provide the maritime security and public goods in these
commons that we have so far taken for granted but that are today at risk not
just from geopolitics but from environmental and other factors.
I do hope that we are
able through our discussions to arrive at a common understanding and a set of
recommendations that would be of use to the governments, navies and others in
our countries, around the Indian Ocean and beyond, build on UNCLOS to create a
free and open Indo-Pacific.
With these few words, let
me welcome you again and wish you success in the conference.
This track 1.5 event is
expected to create a platform for all stakeholders i.e. policy makers, relevant
government officials, researchers, scholars, subject matter experts, think-tank
representatives, print and electronic media etc. to engage in a constructive
discussion, sharing expertise on relevant topics with a view to contribute to
maintain the Indian Ocean free of power rivalry, and facilitate free and
unimpeded navigation for all interested parties, without exception and
exclusion. The space provided by the conference could also be used to enhance
bilateral, regional and multilateral cooperation and collaboration to address
common threats in this global maritime common. It will also provide
opportunities for networking and fellowship among participants and policy
makers.
The platform provided by
the conference for an open and free discussion is expected to create a
conducive environment to address existing mistrust and rivalry among the
regional and extra-regional states; the impact on environmental security
arising from climate change and global warming; and transnational maritime
crime among others. It is the expectation of the Pathfinder Foundation that an
open discussion on the above and other related issues would result in mutually
beneficial win-win situation for the littorals as well as other users of the
Indian Ocean.
Bernard Goonetilleke,
Chairman-Pathfinder Foundation.
Sri Lanka & the
Indian Ocean
The Pathfinder
Foundation is pleased that it was able to conduct this meeting amidst difficult
circumstances. Originally, we planned to have the meeting in April this year
with personal attendance of littoral countries in the IOR, for which purpose we
held a preparatory meeting in March 2019. However, it had to be postponed due
to the ongoing pandemic, which made us
to conduct this gathering in virtual format.
Sri Lanka’s interest in
the Indian Ocean is not new. Almost half a century ago, with the support of the
non-aligned countries, Sri Lanka succeeded in getting Res.
2832 adopted by the 26th Session
of the UN General Assembly. That task was undertaken with the intention of
declaring the IO as a Zone of Peace. However, the intensity of the Cold War
prevailed around that time prevented further negotiations to bring that
Declaration closer to reality.
During the past several
years, the Pathfinder Foundation has done considerable work on the IO. We first
focused on the Bay of Bengal, on which we held two regional meetings, one in
2017, and the other in 2018. And now, our focus is the wider Indian Ocean.
Also, in 2018, our Foundation proposed a draft ‘Code of Conduct for the Indian
Ocean’, to get the attention of the regional and extra-regional countries for mutually agreed rule-based arrangement
for the IO.
Trade led to conquest
For millennia, IO has
been a place famous for maritime trade, – and, conquest was not the norm.
However, with the arrival of the European powers since the beginning of the
16th century, first for trade and later
conquest, majority of L & H countries of the IO ended up becoming colonies
of – one or the other European powers. Decolonization process that commenced
since the end of the Second WW, saw the withdrawal of colonial powers dominated
by the British from their possessions, which vacuum was quickly filled by the
USA. The Great Power rivalry that was at its height around this period, led to
the establishment of new military bases,
and forced countries in the region to throw their lot in favour of one or the
other ideological camps. The emergence
of the NAM, since the Belgrade Conference, enabled the newly independent
countries, to take shelter from the super-power rivalry.
Rationale for the IO
Security Conference
Let us briefly consider
reasoning for this Conference to be convened by the Pathfinder Foundation. Almost 3 decades after the end of the Cold
War dominated by a unipolar world, we are currently witnessing signs of another
change. That is, emergence of a multi-polar world, yet again. In this scenario,
there are emerging global powers such as China and India, and the former, is
said to be challenging the current hegemon, with consequential reaction by the
US. Meanwhile, both China and India are
expected to reach the heights of their new-found economic power by the middle
of the century. What has not been clearly assessed is whether China is seeking
to replace the US as the leading power in the Indo-Pacific, or merely looking
for its rightful place in the global system.
To achieve the predicted
economic growth, emerging economic powers will require unimpeded access to
energy and other resources and markets for finished goods. Each rising global
power would consider that – it is their right to have unhindered access to the desired natural resources, and it would
be their duty to protect the conveyance of
such resources to their countries. Securing international sea lanes and
ensuring the vital choke points in the IO will not be blocked by hostile
forces, will be a responsibility that no major industrial power could ignore.
Meanwhile, no one should
be surprised by the determination of the current dominant power in the IO to
hinder the progress of the challenger, notwithstanding the fact it will be a
harbinger for confrontation. In the colonial era, European powers fought
against each other using cannons mounted on sail ships. Any naval confrontation
in the 21st century will rely on submarines, cruise missiles and wholly new
generation of weapons with devastating results, disrupting the global economy
and security.
We have also witnessed
extra-regionals getting involved in regional armed conflicts such as the
‘Tanker War’ during the 8-year long Iran-Iraq war. As the confrontations
escalated, the USA, its allies and the
Russian Federation deployed their naval vessels to protect movement of oil
tankers. In that process, firing of missiles against ships, deploying of
mines in the Gulf resulting in hits that
nearly sank ‘USS Samuel B. Roberts’,
attacking Iranian oil platforms, and accidental downing of an Iranian
civilian airliner by a missile occurred in quick succession. Fighting raged
until July 1988, when the UN Security Council Resolution 598 was adopted
resulting in a ceasefire. That confrontation was not an isolated incident, as
similar confrontations occurred in in the Gulf, during 2019 and 2020, with
attacks, counter attacks and seizure of oil tankers etc. drone attacks against
Aramco owned oil processing facilities
in Saudi Arabia etc., which threatened the security of the Gulf region
and the global economy.
Looking at the larger
picture, confrontations between the dominant power and the challenger, may or
may not decide, who the winner is.
However, consequential fallout will be detrimental to the interests of
the littoral countries, whose priority would be uninterrupted economic
development leading to wellbeing of their populations. According to the ADB,
the development needs of the Asian countries would be in the range of massive
26 trillion dollars from 2016 – 2030! Consequently, priority of the countries in
the region would be to realize their
development goals, and that will not be possible by choosing to become party to
military confrontations of others.
Meanwhile, we also note
the steady expansion of navies by regional states, such as India, Iran, Pakistan
etc. while other countries such as Bangladesh and Myanmar have acquired
submarine capability demonstrating their interest in safeguarding their
national security.
Countries in the region
also have to face security threats emanating from non-state actors, who engage
in piracy, drug and gun running, people smuggling, IUU fishing etc. Piracy
around the Horn of Africa necessitated establishment of tripartite coalition
consisting of the NATO, the EU and the US combined Maritime Forces, with
others, such as India and China joining in
anti-piracy patrolling, in response to the call made by the UN Security
Council.
We have to accept the
fact that the Indian Ocean is a common heritage of the global community, and as
in the past, its sea lanes will continue to provide accessibility to regional
as well as extra-regional states. Meanwhile, non-state actors too will make use
of the ocean to carry out illegal activities, as Sri Lanka had experienced
during the separatist war that ended in 2009. What is needed therefore is an
arrangement to maintain ‘good order at sea’.
Ensuring the ocean is ‘open and free’ for all, without exception, in
keeping with the Convention on the Law of the Sea and finding ways and means of
addressing any shortcomings in that Convention, through discussion and
negotiation, and taking steps for domain awareness are among the solutions to
the problem.
Let me conclude by
asking, is it practical to expect removal of naval and other military assets of
the extra-regional powers from the IO? Is it pragmatic to expect emerging naval
powers not to establish such facilities, which in their opinion, are necessary
to ensure supply energy and other resources? Finally, what specific
arrangements are available or necessary to address the prevailing mistrust,
which may result in miscalculations leading to armed confrontation? Perhaps we
should concentrate more on confidence building measures and give high priority
to domain awareness.
It is the expectation of
the Pathfinder Foundation that the papers submitted by the eminent academics
and professionals would enable the participants to address the broad issues
during our 3-day discussion.
Thank you.
