Madubashana Prabath Ranahansa

by Rajan Philips Courtesy Island

Questions continue to be speculated about the true intentions of the JVP in orchestrating the NPP government – whether the JVP is still committed to its old Marxist-Leninist policies and whether it may or may not implement them through its NPP front. Further, will the JVP/NPP allow Sri Lanka’s multi-party democracy to continue or resort to one party governance like in countries where a Communist Party is in power. The fact that local government elections were held under an NPP government after a seven year hiatus is conveniently forgotten. That the LG elections had previously been postponed and cancelled by non-Marxist governments is now never mentioned.

And then the scaremongering – if the NPP government were to fail and suffer defeat at the next election, will it pave the way for the return of the Rajapaksas, yet again, but this time under a new generation led by the supposedly hugely talented Namal Rajapaksa? There were pre-election predictions that Namal Rajapaksa and the rump that is left of the SLPP might overtake Sajith Premadasa’s SJB in the LG elections. That did not happen.

The Rajapaksa scion is still safely in third place by quite a distance after the SJB and its lackluster leader, the slightly older but still the only young Premadasa in Sri Lankan politics. For company, they have a really old man, i.e., Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is capable of many things, but gracefully retiring is not one of them. At least, and to his credit, he lives in his own house and takes no residential perk at government expense unlike all the other ex-presidential freeloaders.

Philistine Preoccupations

It is not unfair to say that most of their commentaries are nothing but philistine preoccupations passing for serious politics. The word ‘philistine’ was a favourite term of Engels (the second fiddle to Marx’s first violin) and it is appropriate now since Marxism is at the tip of the tongue of everyone who wants to take a shot at the NPP government. The term is also apt to fling at the right wing populists, who are now becoming less popular in their western backyards thanks to their greatest specimen – Donald J. Trump

And what a specimen Trump is constantly devolving into – the latest stage being his disgusting White House encounter last Wednesday with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. Less said of it is better for your bile and if you saw it on television you would have instantly noticed the difference between a contemptible mammon out of Florida and a consummate statesman from Soweto.

As epithets are flung around to capture the antics of Trump, the latest comes from the usually measured Paul Krugman, distinguished American economist who was awarded the 2008 Nobel Prize for his work on trade patterns and location of economic activity.” Krugman knows something about tariffs and economics, and the other day he called Trump and his sidekicks sadistic zombies”.

Many among the Sri Lankan opposition politicians might be considered zombies, but none of them could be thought of as being sadistic. To close this loop on Trump and his dystopic global presence, one needs to acknowledge his primeval effectiveness in pushing people around to get his way. More so with foreign leaders than his opponents at home. But he uses this effectiveness to feed his ego and enrich his family and not at all to make a difference in the world’s trouble spots where the American government has more sway than anyone else.

This was quite evident on Trump’s recent visit to the Arab world that was all about glitter and one-way gifts including a flying palace, and nothing at all for American foreign policy, let alone for the wretched of the earth in Gaza or the slow burning of Ukraine. One noticeable fact of the visit was Trump’s deliberate snubbing of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu. Not only did Trump go to Riyad and Doha bypassing Jerusalem but he also sent a message to Netanyahu that he would deal directly with Netanyahu’s enemies including Hamas, Iran and the Houthis. To what great outcome, no one knows. At the same time, Trump’s apparent sidelining of Netanyahu together with the joint condemnation of Netanyahu’s latest Gaza plans by Britain, France and Canada, seemed to tighten the screws on Netanyahu and signaled a new opportunity for reining in Israel’s runaway leader and his notoriously right wing government.

All that came crashing down with the insane assassination, on Wednesday, of two young Israeli Embassy staffers in Washington by a lone gunman, 30 year old Chicago native Elias Rodriguez, shouting Free, free, Palestine”. All that this politically deranged individual has achieved is to free Netanyahu to go ahead with his Gaza plans and to prolong the misery of the Palestinians who are under constant bombardment in Gaza.

Sri Lanka’s Durable Political System

Today’s Sri Lanka is fortunate to have finally come out of its own decades of political violence, and after several missed opportunities following the end of the war in 2009, the country finally has a government that for its all its inexperience in governing has shown consistent commitment to honesty, decency and transparency. Yet many commentators are rankled by the irony that a government whose political progenitor was a violent insurrectionist could now be a paragon of multi-party democracy.

Their constant allusion to Marxism is really a code for recalling the JVP’s violent past. Never mind that the past had come and gone 30 and 50 years ago. They conveniently ignore the possibility that the JVP could have and may actually have transformed itself from its pre-history to its current manifestation. Its current commitment to the parliamentary system and multi-party democracy is no less authentic than any of the other political parties. If at all, the JVP/NPP is more honest about it than every other party.

As well, those who agonize that the JVP might terminate Sri Lanka’s muti-party democracy and opt for some version of the political systems in countries such as Vietnam, China, Russia or even Cuba, fail to take into account the history and the currency of Sri Lanka’s political system that has proved to be quite durable, so much so that any political party that that tries to subvert or supplant it will do so at its own peril. And Sri Lanka’s political system, its history and currency are not comparable to what are prevalent in the four countries that I have mentioned.

The governing parties in these countries have been in power for as long as their polities have been existing, and they have no reason to think of changing their respective mode of government now or later. In contrast, the JVP/NPP government has come to power through the electoral process, and it has no incentive to think of changing that process now or later. Sri Lanka’s political system has not been without ailments, and the most debilitating of them has been the presidential system. And the JVP/NPP is the only political organization in the country that is fervently committed to curing Sri Lanka of that enervating illness. Whether it will keep its promise and succeed in changing the executive presidency is a different matter. It is the only party that is committed to changing the presidency, whereas all the others have tried to use it to serve their own ends.

Indian Comparisons

What is more comparable for Sri Lanka is the experience of the Indian states of Kerala and West Bengal where the Indian Communists have won power through the electoral process on many occasions and acquitted themselves very well in government. In modern Kerala’s first state election in 1957, EMS Namboodiripad led the then undivided Communist Party of India (CPI) to electoral victory and a new government. That was India’s first elected Communist Government, and the world’s second – after the first elected Communist government (1945-1957) in San Marino, the tiny commune of a country in the Italian peninsula.

But the government was dismissed in 1959 by the Central Government at the insistence of a young Indira Gandhi using her influence as the President of the Congress Party, even sidelining her father and then Prime Minister Nehru. But Communists have become a governing force in Kerala forming several governments over the years led by the CPM (the Communist Party of India – Marxist), the larger of the two factions that emerged after the Party’s ideological split in 1964. The current government in Kerala is the government of the Left Democratic Front that is led by the CPM. The LDF has been in power since 2016 – winning two consecutive elections, a feat not achieved in 40 years.

In West Bengal, the CPM was in power continuously for 34 years from 1977 to 2011. Jyoti Basu of national prominence was Chief Minister from 1977 to 2000 and is recognized as the longest serving Chief Minister in India. In 1996, he was offered the chance to become India’s Prime Minister as head of a United Front alliance of non-Congress and non-BJP parties. But the great Bengali declined the offer in deference to his Party Polit Bureau’s lamebrained doctrinaire decision barring him from becoming Prime Minister in a coalition government. Unlike in Kerala, the CPM has not been able to alternate in government after its defeat in 2011. The Party was decimated in the 2021 national and State elections in West Bengal by Trinamool Congress a state-level party like Tamil Nadu’s DMK.

What the JVP/NPP has achieved in Sri Lanka is unique to Sri Lanka and, comparable to the Indian situations, the NPP’s electoral success poses no threat to the political system in Sri Lanka. The NPP government has completed only six months in office, but its critics are insistent on seeing results. They will not bother to look at what the present government’s predecessors respectively did in the first six months after elections in 2010, 2015 and 2019. At the same time, while is still too early for substantial results, it is getting late enough to get by without showing some work in progress, let alone some tangible achievements. It is about time.

by Rajan Philips

Courtesy The Satnadard

Lydia Swinscoe

Does Sri Lanka’s latest city hotel live up to the hype? Lydia Swinscoe checks in to find out

Having spent over nine months in Sri Lanka, I’ve become fairly well acquainted with the Colombo hotel scene.

There are the chains, some global, some local, which take up space in sprawling buildings and sky-punctuating towers, and there are the arty boutique bedrooms often housed in colonial-era homes full of fascinating antiques and surrounded by frangipani trees — these are always my favourites.

And in just over a year since I first arrived in the city of Colombo, it’s already evolved dramatically, and currently seems to be gearing up to become a destination in its own right, as opposed to a layover on the way to somewhere more exciting.

Mohamed Akeel

While most travellers head straight to Negombo, or the south coast beaches, upon arrival in the country, Colombo offers a truly authentic taste of the country and is worthy of a few days at least, if not longer.

The start of the year saw much hype surrounding Sri Lanka, as the tear-drop-shaped island topped numerous ‘best places to travel’ lists, as well as featuring on plenty of nonsensical TikTok videos with creators labelling it the new Bali (please let’s not make this a thing).

Of course, Colombo locals and businesses are doing their best to secure a spot on the itinerary of many of these travellers, especially as the city has much to offer, from fascinating art galleries, to glorious temples and plenty of hip new spots like Chill Cafe, Eskobar, and Kiri Kōpi popping up in the past few months. Plus, Dom Fernando of Paradise Soho is returning to his roots with his latest venture, a restaurant named Open Door Policy, scheduled to open sometime next month. A handful of hot new hotel openings are adding to the hype. One of which comes from the Sri Lankan-owned Cinnamon Group, who already boast over 13 properties throughout the country.

Having been 10 years in the making, on a budget to the tune of £9M, Cinnamon Life, a hotel situated in a moonstone-shaped building (these semicircular carved stones are typically found at the entrances of Sri Lankan temples), has finally welcomed its first guests in the rather fantastical-sounding self-titled City of Dreams. So has it been worth the decade-long fanfare?

Where?

Situated on Slave Island, a part of Colombo that’s transformed beyond recognition over the past few years, Cinnamon Life is within a stone’s throw from the Indian owned ITC Ratnadipa hotel which sprung up in prime seafront position back in 2024, and is in close proximity to nearby Shangri La, a stalwart on the Colombo skyscraper hotel scene.

Cinnamon Life

Close by, the Port City area boasts a couple of restaurants, including a new Chill Cafe outpost of Ella fame, as well as Dharshan Mudasa’s Nihonbashi. The area behind the restaurants is seemingly evolving by the week, since it’s believed this part of the city will become a central tourist hub over the next five years.

Colombo Bandaranaike International Airport is around a 45-minute ride away, depending on traffic, and direct flights from London to Colombo are available daily, starting at around £640 return with Sri Lankan Airlines.

Style

Cinnamon Life

The hotel is sleek with orange as the dominant hue of the decor, especially in and around the entranceway. Given it’s a colour usually reserved for horror movies, I was instantly reminded of the movie The Substance and its hyper-vivid long orange corridor.

Set over 30 floors, the sheer size of Cinnamon Life can feel quite overwhelming, and I struggled to get my bearings at first, especially since the main reception and check-in area is situated almost in the clouds on level 24 overlooking Colombo’s Lotus Tower.

Envisioned by renowned architect Cecil Balmond, the moonstone shape of the building, as seen from the exterior, really is something unique and quite special, even more so since it pays homage to one of the country’s most treasured ancient cities, Polonnaruwa.

Inside, it’s not a hotel where one immediately feels at home but there are some great features including one of the hotel’s most mesmerising — a bold burning sun motif painted across the whole breadth of the ground floor, encompassing beams, walls, and even the elevator. Ironically, it promotes a serene vibe, with the orange shade here signifying the lowering of the sun’s rays and the beauty of the sunset that can be witnessed each day from the hotel’s pool, sea-facing rooms and restaurants.

While incorporating the sun design into the building is a feat of mathematical and creative brilliance, it’s just the beginning of the journey guests go on when they enter the hotel, since 1,000 pieces of art, all created by Sri Lankan artists, adorn Cinnamon Life’s walls. Standout pieces include Muvindu Binoy’s digital collages, Pala Pothupitiye’s Trade Migration canvas, and Gayan Prageeth’s ‘Before Nineteen Eighty Three’, a colossal bucket adorned with images of Jaffna and Mannar — areas that were out of bounds for decades due to the country’s devastating civil war.

Which room?

Cinnamon Life

Bedrooms are simply decorated, with each of the 687 adhering to the same colour palette of bright yellow and blue with a touch of gold and plenty of beige.

Most bathrooms feature a rainfall shower and have been sectioned off from the rest of the room by a curved frosted glass screen. Sea-facing rooms are undoubtedly the best pick, but many don’t have balconies.

I liked the fact that drinking water (and plenty of it) is provided in large glass bottles, yet plastic is yet to be banished from bathrooms, where plenty of mini shampoos, shower gels, and conditioners fill bathrooms.

The air-con can be pretty aggressive, but it provides tonic to the city’s high season heat, and bathrobes have been adorned with bright tuk-tuk motifs, a nice touch that sets the hotel apart.

Of all the room categories, from city side twins to oceanfront king rooms with extra-large beds, I’d recommend one of the ocean-scape suites if budget allows. Much more spacious than regular rooms, they also boast a lounge area and stand-alone bathtubs.

Food & drink

Cinnamon Life

All of the hotel’s 12 restaurants and bars impress, firstly on account of the staff who are helpful, friendly, and knowledgeable, and secondly with a dazzling array of dishes and drinks on offer.

Sapphire Dragon, decked out in bright jewel tones, serves perfectly steamed lobster and prawn dumplings, crab meat soups, and plates of crispy pork belly. While Yoroko, the hotel’s Japanese restaurant, wows with perfect sashimi and spicy California rolls.

Staten Bar and Grill’s Australian striploin steaks are some of the best in the city, best enjoyed alongside one of the restaurant’s heady tipples like the toasted sesame boulevardier or seven-day aged negronis.

Cinnamon Life

Cocktails are equally exciting at Flux, where they play with ingredients like activated charcoal and cashew orgeat. The only criticism I have is that the hotel does little to champion Sri Lanka’s own vibrant cuisine. There’s no Sri Lanka-focused restaurant where it’s possible to eat rice and curry, kothu or lamprais, a shame, with Cinnamon being a Sri Lankan-owned chain.

I also think the hotel is missing a trick by not having its very own arrack bar, since elsewhere in the country, bars such as Galle’s Ropewalk and Hiriketiya’s Raa are leading the charge in highlighting the country’s most loved tipple. To sample great arrack cocktails in the city, book in advance and head to Gini.

Extracurricular

Colombo is often glanced over in favour of photogenic Ella, up-country tea plantations, and the wildlife of Yala and Wilpattu, but if you’ve got time and are willing to get into the soul of the place, it’s magical, to say the least.

The hotel will happily organise city tours for anyone looking to get acquainted with Sri Lanka’s lively capital, or you can go on a self-guided stroll taking in Pettah and the candy-striped Jami-Ul-Alfar Mosque, the Colombo National Museum, the Sapumal Foundation, where a selection of art from Sri Lanka’s most famed artists is housed before rounding off the day with dinner at Gini.

Best for…

Anyone looking for a couple of days of chill time following a tour of the country. It seems to be geared towards business travellers and larger groups rather than solo travellers who may find it overbearing in size.

With two spacious and relaxed pools, one targeted towards children, the hotel would suit families well, and there is plenty of capability for large gatherings, meetings, and functions. A large-scale casino is set to open towards the end of 2025, which could change the vibe, catering to a different type of holidaymaker — watch this space.

Double rooms available from £139 per night without breakfast. cinnamonhotels.com

Udaya Gammanpila

Courtesy AdaDerana

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated that the government is taking necessary actions to enhance the facilities and professional standard within the healthcare sector, and that expecting a compassionate discharge of duties from the nurses and midwives.

The Prime Minister made these remarks while addressing a ceremony held today (24) at Temple Trees to deliver the official appointments to 3,147 nurses in the health sector, according to the Prime Minister’s Media Division.

Addressing the event, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated:

Nursing is more than a job; it is a humanitarian service essential to the public. In times of vulnerability, people look to you for safety and care. 

Beyond medicine, you hold a powerful impact on healing people with your smile, way of speaking, compassion, and the manner in which you care.

You provide your service with great dedication, involving both physical and mental commitment. Often, you do not have the chance to sit or even sleep adequately. These sacrifices affect your personal life including the family affairs, relationships with relatives and friends. We understand that these sacrifices affect not only you but your loved ones as well.

I take this opportunity to thank you for your service, which you continue to offer with such commitment.

Following the policy of our government, ‘A Prosperous Country, a Beautiful Life’, our primary goal is to bring this vision to all citizens. A beautiful life begins with healthy citizens, not only physically but mentally as well. To ensure this, the government is committed to strengthening the healthcare sector and providing the necessary facilities and training to professionals.

There is a high demand for nurses both locally and internationally. We are working to provide appropriate salaries, necessary promotions, and training opportunities to support your professional growth. It is also essential to create a safe and positive working environment, for both physical and mental wellbeing of the employees. I am confident that the respective Minister and the Ministry will continue to intervene to ensure that these needs are met.

The nursing profession is mostly comprised of women. In our society, a woman is often expected to carry many responsibilities in form of a wife, a mother, and being a nurse does not excuse these duties. As a government, we are sensitive to such areas of the profession, and it is also our responsibility to create an environment where you can live a fulfilling personal life.”

Addressing the event Minister of Health and Mass Media, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, also expressed his views:

This is the largest number of nursing appointments ever granted at once. It is also the largest group to be recruited into public service at one time since the new government took office.

We are in a time of revival. All of us are working with commitment to change this country. We have great hopes for the future of this nation. In order to achieve those expectations, everyone including you, must work toward that goal collectively, not only the government but the entire public service. We hope that the public service will act with compassion. If the public sector lack of efficiency, productivity, and compassion, we will not be able to reach the progress and revival we envision. That is where we currently stand in.”

The event was also attended by Secretary to the Ministry of Health, Specialist Dr. Anil Jasinghe, along with Additional Secretaries, officials, and staff of the Ministry of Health.

MOHAMED AYUB   Courtesy Daily mirror

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President Dissanayake’s hesitancy over participation in the commemoration contrasts with his party’s historical pro-military stance, particularly during the post-ceasefire period when they shaped public opinion favouring military action against the LTTE

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Speculation arose as to why the president skipped the commemoration, with some citing that he wanted to appease the collective tamil community and the diaspora who supported the NPP during the previous elections

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has caused a controversy with his apparently reluctant participation in the National War Heroes Commemoration held at the National War Heroes commemoration cenotaph near Parliament in Sri Jayewardenepura Kotte on May 19. 

The controversy erupted once the announcement was made by the government that the event would be held under the aegis of Deputy Minister of Defence Major General (Rtd.) Aruna Jayasekara, a few days before the event. The social media was filled with critical comments about the non-participation of the President, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. 

Some people made wild speculations that the President was going to skip the commemoration of armed forces and police personnel killed in the separatist war to please the Tamil diaspora and the Tamils who supported the National People’s Power (NPP) at the last Presidential and Parliamentary elections. 

The President finally arrived at the cenotaph at the Parliament ground, apparently due to the pressure from critics and delivered a speech which went against tradition, again irritating some people in the southern parts of the country. 

However, Foreign Affairs Minister, Vijitha Herath, during a televised interview stated on last Wednesday that the announcement indicating the unavailability of the President at the event was just a communication error and he was scheduled to attend the commemoration. 

Nobody would have taken this statement without a pinch of salt, as it was said that the name of the President was missing in the invitation for the event as well. On the other hand, had it been a communication error, the authorities should have corrected it, without the President partaking in the ceremony as if everything was in order. 

Those who decided initially against the President’s participation should have understood that it was under the government of the NPP led by President Dissanayake that the event was to be held and he cannot disown any merit or demerit of the event, irrespective of his participation or absence. 

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the main party in the NPP coalition and the Sihala Urumaya (SU), which was rechristened as Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) in 2004, were in the forefront in shaping the public opinion in support of military action against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), especially after the collapse of the ceasefire agreement and the peace talks between Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP government and the LTTE in 2003. The two parties kept the momentum of this public opinion up. until the end of the separatist war in 2009.

That public opinion was greatly instrumental to the triumph of the armed forces over the LTTE and the latter, in turn, strengthened the former. Every year, the ritual-like commemoration of this war victory appeased public opinion. Hence, the JVP leaders should have realised that trivialising this commemoration event would prompt the public opinion that they had built up to go against themselves.

What ultimately happened was the controversy over President’s participation served as a boost to those elements that had politically vanished after the recent Presidential election, to reappear. 

A day prior to this memorial event every year, Tamil political parties and civil society organisations hold their own commemorations for their loved ones killed in the war, in many parts of Northern and Eastern provinces. They have named this event Mullivaikkal Day” as the last battle of the separatist war that was fought and the highest number of people were killed in the littoral of Mullivaikkal in Mullaitivu District in May 2009. 

While the Sri Jayewardenepura event every year is being held in a triumphant mood, the one in Mullivaikkal is being marked by wailings of hundreds of mothers who have lost their sons and daughters in the war. This manifests the truth that silencing the guns is a far cry from real peace. 

The ethnic problem and the resultant armed conflict have been politicised to the core from the beginning by all parties, including those representing the Tamils, the community that was affected most by the strife. This is manifested by the conflicting stances of these parties on various issues related to the core issue, the ethnic problem. 

All Opposition parties, including the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), stood against the 6th Amendment to the Constitution, which provided for the public representatives and public officials to take an oath against secessionism, when it was adopted by the UNP government in 1983. However, the same SLFP never thought to abrogate it when they came to power. 

Similarly, the same Opposition parties fought tooth and nail against the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and the resultant provincial councils, on the grounds that those councils would end up in the division of the country. However, the SLFP under its administration in 1995 and 2000 brought in a proposal and a draft Constitution which had provided for the replacement of the unitary state with a Union of regions.” 

These two drafts were opposed, in turn, by the UNP, which claimed that such federal solutions would divide the country, but the irony continued. The party agreed with the LTTE in December 2002 to explore a federal solution to the ethnic problem.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa grabbed the total credit for the war victory in 2009 and has been using it as a trump card at successive elections. He even incarcerated the war-winning army commander, the then General Sarath Fonseka and deprived him of his pension and medals for challenging him at the 2010 Presidential election. On the other hand, the UNP and the JVP also utilised the war victory for politics by fielding Fonseka as the Opposition candidate in the same election. 

Everybody in the north as well as the south stands for peace, but only on their conditions. Some southerners want northerners to accept their dominance in exchange for peace, while for most northerners, peace would usher in a federal system of their choice, which is close to a separate state. 

A third group recommends an in-between solution, which they believe can heal the wounds of the past. During the televised interview referred to above, Vijitha Herath was questioned about the allegation that President Dissanayake did not mention the term war heroes” in his speech at the War Heroes commemoration and he replied that one should not use words that might hurt others. He also stated that although his party respected and valued the sacrifices, including the supreme sacrifice made by the armed forces for the country, when one refers to a victory, those who were defeated would be hurt. This balancing act on the part of the NPP is no doubt going to be a gigantic task. 

Chanaka Bandarage

The late Minister Gamini Dissanayke In the early 1990s stated that considering the number of professionals and technicians that Australia has absorbed into their country from Sri Lanka, what Sri Lanka has offered to Australia’s economic development far outweighs the amount of aid/assistance that Australia has given to Sri Lanka. He was spot on.

There is an enormous brain drain from 3^rd world countries like Sri Lanka to the 1^st world.

Almost all developed counties have migration/employment programs targeted to attract the best brains/talent of the 3^rd world.

By offering scholarships to professionals and students, these countries target them also.  Once their studies are over, these students are quickly absorbed into these western economies. Thus, rather than returning to the mother country, these students continue to remain in 1^st world countries.  Later, they take up citizenship of those countries.

This form of conduct is highly unethical on the part of the 1^st world economies. They know about this but remain silent. On and off they throw few aid at us.

Because we lose our best brains/talent, we suffer tremendously. We continue to remain poor.

In Sri Lanka qualified/experienced doctors, nurses and other medical professionals, engineers, accountants, architects leave the country in droves. The biggest Sri Lankan diaspora population after Colombo city lives is in Melbourne, Australia.

Today in Sri Lanka we have a chronic shortage of highly skilled manpower. 

Almost all of our hospitals have acute shortage of specialist doctors and experienced nurses. How many people, especially children, are needlessly dying as a result?

Put simply, the West prospers at our expense. When they colonised us they did the same – plundered our wealth and built their countries.

In this context what Nalinda Jayathissa stated in WHO, Geneva last week is commendable. He asked the WHO to look into this behaviour of the 1^st world countries. He was specifically referring to the plunder of our best medical professionals brains by the West

Only a brave person can make such a statement in an international forum. Well done Nalinda!

It is sad some YouTubers are severely criticising Nalinda Jayathissa for his statement.  They say that the West should have the unfettered right to recruit our best brains willy nilly (like they do now).  The writer states these countries should not meddle with our students who go there on scholarships funded by those countries. Upon completion of the scholarship study, they should be repatriated to Sri Lanka advising them that they should serve in Sri Lanka for at least 5 years before applying for migration/employment.

These YouTubers are not concerned that the country rapidly loses its talent, and they are desperately needed to build our country.

These cynics do not love Sri Lanka. Their past behaviour shows us how most of the time they have acted against the best interest of Sri Lanka, in particular Buddhism. Their motive is to severely criticise the government’s every act/move; whether they are good or bad is immaterial to them.

These cynics worked to topple the governments from 2015 onwards. On each occasion they succeeded. Now they try to topple this new government. They seem wanting Sri Lanka to remain in poor and end up in fragmentation?

නැණස NENASA 🇱🇰

වීරත්වය කුමක්දැයි ලොවට කියා දුන් අපේ කාලයේ විරුවන් පිළිඹඳ ඔබ කිසිදා නෑසූ කථා එකතුව පරම වීර විභූෂණයෙන් පුදලද විරුවන්ගේ අවසන් මෙහෙයුම් පිළිඹඳව අප විසින් මෙතෙක් ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති වීඩියෝ සියල්ල මෙතැනින්: “වීරත්වයේ පළමු පාඩම” – අපි කවුරුත් පසුබහින්නෙ නෑ, සේරම ඉවර වෙන්න උඩින් බෝම්බ දාන්න | Kokavil (1990)    • “වීරත්වයේ පළමු පාඩම” – අපි කවුරුත් පසුබහින…   අලිමංකඩ රැකගන්නට මහමුහුදෙන් පැමිණ දියත්කළ වික්‍රමය | Operation Balavegaya 1991 (සජීවී දසුන් සමඟින්)    • අලිමංකඩ රැකගන්නට මහමුහුදෙන් පැමිණ දියත්කළ …   පුනරීන් වැලිකතර රුධිරයෙන් ගිනියම් කළ මාරාන්තික සටන | Battle of Pooneryn (1993)    • පුනරීන් වැලිකතර රුධිරයෙන් ගිනියම් කළ මාරාන…   සහෝදර සෙබළුන්ගේ දිවි බේරන්නට මහ සයුරට බිලිවූ නාවික විරුවන්ගේ කතාව | Heroics Over Chalai (1996)    • සහෝදර සෙබළුන්ගේ දිවි බේරන්නට මහ සයුරට බිලි…   විශේෂ බලකා මහවිරු ලෆීර්ගේ අවසන් මෙහෙයුම – The last attempt to save Besieged Mullativu Camp (1996)    • විශේෂ බලකා මහවිරු ලෆීර්ගේ අවසන් මෙහෙයුම – …   කමාන්ඩෝ විරුවන්ට අවාසනාව කැන්දූ ජයසිකුරු මෙහෙයුමේ මන්නකුලම් සටන | Worst Ever Commando Debacle (1997)    • කමාන්ඩෝ විරුවන්ට අවාසනාව කැන්දූ ජයසිකුරු ම…  

NDB Bank

Reaffirming its commitment to the growth and empowerment of Sri Lanka’s vital SME sector, NDB Bank is proud to announce its role as the Official Banking Partner for the Sri Lanka Institute of Marketing (SLIM) SME Development Awards (SMEDA) 2024. This landmark partnership reflects NDB’s continued dedication to recognizing and supporting the entrepreneurial spirit and marketing excellence that drives the nation’s small and medium enterprise landscape.

Now in its second consecutive year, the SLIM SME Development Awards is a pioneering initiative under SLIM’s “Restart” platform, which aims to reward and uplift micro, small, and medium-sized businesses that have demonstrated exceptional marketing, branding, and sales strategies within their industries.

The awards span across a wide spectrum of categories, including SME Enterprise of the Year and sector-specific accolades representing 14 diverse industries. The awards program highlights businesses in fields such as IT, digital and online retailing, agriculture and dairy, FMCG, hospitality, exports, B2B, health, nutrition, textiles, and more—showcasing the remarkable breadth of Sri Lanka’s SME capabilities.

Commenting on the partnership, Kelum Edirisinghe, CEO of NDB Bank stated, “We believe that SMEs are the engine of Sri Lanka’s economic progress. Through our partnership with SLIM and our role as the Official Banking Partner for SMEDA 2024, we aim to champion the efforts of small and medium enterprises that are not only innovative and resilient but are also endeavor to elevate their businesses to the next level.”

As one of Sri Lanka’s leading financial institutions, NDB Bank has long been at the forefront of SME development, offering a wide range of banking solutions tailored to meet the evolving needs of this dynamic sector. From specialized SME loan schemes to advisory support and export facilitation, NDB continues to act as a true partner in progress for the nation’s enterprising community.

Through strategic collaborations such as SMEDA 2024, NDB Bank reinforces its role not just as a financier, but as a champion of Sri Lankan enterprise—celebrating innovation, marketing excellence, and the enduring spirit of entrepreneurship.

BY Sumudu Chamara and Buddhika Samaraweera Courtesy The Morning

23 May 2025 |

• Karu warns against politicisation 

Noting that the Auditor General’s (AG) Department has thus far remained an institution with no issues, the main Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), questioned President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s nominations for the post of the AG. The SJB questioned as to why the President took steps to nominate to the post someone who is connected to the Government.

SJB Parliamentarian Nalin Bandara Jayamaha posed these questions during a press briefing held yesterday (22) in Colombo. He pointed out that the President’s nomination for the post has been rejected by the Constitutional Council (CC) for the second time. He claimed that no leader has attempted to get their acquaintances appointed to the AG’s Department.

Speaking further about the matter, he expressed disapproval of taking steps to appoint to the post of AG a friend of the Government from the University of Kelaniya who has questionable experience concerning the AG post, remains a member of the Board of Directors of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and is connected with the National People’s Power. This, he added, is despite the existence of a Senior Deputy AG with 30 years of experience in the AG’s Department.

Although the attempt to make the appointment of the AG a political one was defeated at the CC, there is a critical discourse in the society about the matter,” Jayamaha added.

Meanwhile, claiming that the CC’s rejection of the name proposed for the post of the AG could create the perception of an attempt to politicise the appointment, the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) has urged the Government to act wisely and transparently in making such a key decision.

It was reported on Wednesday (21) that the name nominated by President Dissanayake for the AG post was not approved by the CC. Responding to this, the NMSJ stated that in moments like these, it is important for the Government to handle matters with care and not take any action that goes against the Constitution.

In a statement which was shared with The Daily Morning, NMSJ Leader and former Speaker of the Parliament, Karu Jayasuriya noted that one of the primary duties of the CC is to ensure that individuals appointed to high-level state positions are independent and qualified. While the public may not always be fully aware of the credentials of those nominated – whether from inside the AG’s Department or from outside – he said that the Government must take seriously the reasons as to why the CC did not approve the nominee.

He warned that failing to do so could damage public trust and even affect how the international community views Sri Lanka’s commitment to good governance. “This kind of situation may raise doubts about whether there is an attempt to politicise what should remain an independent and neutral post. Such actions could also reflect poorly on the President and affect the country’s credibility with foreign investors and international institutions like the International Monetary Fund, especially at a time when Sri Lanka is trying to rebuild its economy.”

Jayasuriya pointed to a similar situation during the previous administration, when an attempt to appoint an Apex Court Judge was halted due to backlash from the civil society – a reminder, he said, of the importance of listening to public and institutional concerns. He urged the Government to ensure that the independence, integrity, and competence of individuals in such roles are not compromised, especially at a time when the country is facing multiple crises.

By Gayathri Kallukaran Courtesy Eastern Eye

Both cases serving as stark warnings about the risks facing young travellers drawn into illicit drug operations abroad

The arrests come amid heightened international scrutiny of cannabis trafficking involving young travellers

A 21-year-old British woman has been arrested in Sri Lanka for allegedly attempting to smuggle synthetic cannabis worth £1.2 million into the country, amid growing concerns of young travellers being targeted by organised drug trafficking networks.

Charlotte May Lee, from south London, was detained last Monday after arriving at Bandaranaike International Airport in Colombo. Sri Lankan customs officials allege she was found carrying large vacuum-packed bags of a synthetic cannabis strain known as kush in her luggage. Lee had flown to Sri Lanka from Bangkok, Thailand, echoing the travel route of another British national, 18-year-old Bella May Culley, who was arrested just one day earlier in Georgia on similar charges.

Authorities in both Sri Lanka and Georgia are now reportedly exploring a potential link between the two cases. Both women had travelled alone from Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi Airport and are suspected of acting as drug couriers for international criminal networks.

Culley, from County Durham, is accused of attempting to smuggle 14kg of cannabis through a Georgian airport and is currently being held in Tbilisi’s No. 5 women’s prison. In her court appearance, Culley claimed she was pregnant. Her family has said she initially left the UK on a backpacking trip during Easter, with her first stop being the Philippines to visit a former partner. She later travelled to Thailand before arriving in Georgia.

Culley’s social media activity suggests she was travelling with a male companion, though he has not been publicly identified. Her posts included captions hinting at a rebellious lifestyle, including one TikTok video labelled: Don’t care if we on the run baby as long as I’m next to u.”

Lee, meanwhile, is believed to have travelled to Thailand in April to celebrate her birthday with her sister, who lives in Australia. A former summer cabin crew member for Tui, Lee had been training as a beauty therapist before her trip. Her social media profiles also show images of holidays and beach parties, suggesting a keen interest in travel despite reported financial difficulties.

Photographs released by Sri Lankan authorities show the drugs seized from Lee’s luggage were professionally packaged, raising questions about the level of planning and organisation behind the operation. If convicted, Lee could face up to 25 years in prison under Sri Lankan law.

Similarly, Culley faces a sentence ranging from 20 years to life if found guilty in Georgia. She may also remain in custody for up to nine months before her trial begins. Her lawyer, Ia Todua, appointed by Georgian authorities, said Culley appeared deeply shaken by the charges. My impression was that she ended up in Georgia without even knowing what she was doing,” Todua said. She looked like she didn’t expect it to have such severe consequences.”

Culley’s father, Niel Culley, has travelled from Vietnam, where he resides, to be with his daughter. Her mother, Lyanne Culley, told reporters she had pleaded with her not to go to Thailand, expressing distrust of some of the people her daughter had met abroad. I begged her to come home,” she said. But she wanted to meet up with some friends she made on a previous trip. I don’t know who any of them are.”

The arrests come amid heightened international scrutiny of cannabis trafficking involving young travellers. The UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) last year issued a warning about harsh penalties for bringing cannabis into the UK from countries such as Thailand, the US, and Canada, where laws on possession have been relaxed.

Thailand legalised the use of cannabis leaves in 2021 and the full plant in 2022, primarily to reduce prison overcrowding. However, experts now warn the move has inadvertently fuelled global smuggling operations.

In 2024 alone, the NCA reported a dramatic increase in cannabis seizures, rising from two tonnes in 2022 to nearly 27 tonnes. Of 750 smugglers arrested at UK airports that year, 460 had flown from Thailand. The agency highlighted how younger people are often misled by more lenient drug laws abroad, making them vulnerable to exploitation by traffickers.

Darrell Jones, a former Metropolitan Police officer and expert on drug smuggling, said many young people are lured by the promise of easy money. They think it’s a great idea at the time, especially if they’re running out of money,” he said.

Investigations in Sri Lanka and Georgia are continuing, with both cases serving as stark warnings about the risks facing young travellers drawn into illicit drug operations abroad.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, May 23 (Daily Mirror) – Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath said the government will not hesitate to take legal action against individuals or groups who promote the idea that the Sri Lankan military committed genocide during the civil war.

Speaking in a recent interview, Herath strongly rejected growing international claims of a Tamil genocide, including recent remarks by Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.

We absolutely do not accept that a genocide took place in our country,” the minister said.

Herath explained that according to the government, genocide refers to the deliberate targeting and killing of Tamil people by the Sri Lankan armed forces – something he insisted never happened.

He also pointed out that there are already laws in place banning the display of symbols and flags related to the LTTE, and these laws will be enforced wherever violations occur.

In future, action will also be taken where the word ‘genocide’ is misused,” Herath added.

3 Minutes – SEPAL AMARASINGHE

Dasatha News

අපි දැන් නැගිටින්න ඕනේ කාලය ඇවිල්ලා මුහුදු කොටි නිහඬ කළ නාවික විරුවෙක් රණවිරුවන් ගැන කියන ඇඟ හිරිවැටෙන කතාව මාලිමාවේ නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමතිට කන් පිරෙන්න විශ්‍රාමික විරුවා කියපු දේ

Aruna Laksiri Unawatuna B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), AAL, Coordinator, Dr. Thilaka Padma Subasinghe Memorial Legal Education Program

After imposing hundreds of thousands of rupees as legal fees on those who filed cases regarding constitutional errors before 18.07.2024 while serving as the Chief Justice, the Attorney General has also admitted that there are constitutional errors because published a constitutional amendment in the Gazette on 18.07.2024 to correct two errors of Article 83 of the Constitution and there is a dialogue among several people regarding new legal issues as to whether former Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, who was appointed as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, would resign from the post.

The Attorney General admitted that there were 2 errors in Article 83 of the Constitution because  the 22nd Amendment of the Constitution  Bill in the Gazette published on 18.07.2024 under Article 78 of the Constitution to correct them. However, before 18.07.2024, Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, who had imposed hundreds of thousands of rupees as legal fees on those who filed cases in the Supreme Court to correct errors in the Constitution, had obtained the post of Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations after his retirement. However, if he resigns from that post after these facts were brought to consideration will lead to the correction of the errors in the Constitution.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/05/will-former-chief-justice-jayantha.html?m=1

* Translation of the Article
එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිත්‍ය නියෝජිත ධූරයට පත් ජයන්ත ජයසූරිය හිටපු අගවිනිසුරු, ඉදිරිපත්වන අලුත් කරුණු මත එම ධූරයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වෙයිද?
http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2025/05/blog-post_22.html?m=1

Aruna Laksiri Unawatuna B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), AAL, Coordinator, Dr. Thilaka Padma Subasinghe Memorial Legal Education Program. (2025.05.21)

Champa Fernando Secretary, KACPAW (Kandy Association for Community Protection through Animal Welfare)

I was more than happy when Dr. Hansaka Wijayamuni, Deputy Health Minister admitted in Parliament today (22/5/2025) that the national rabies eradication and dog population management programme has not provided sustainable results, and noted that something needs to be done to justify the Colossal amount of  money spent annually on sterilization and dog rabies vaccination with no sighting of any  sustainable results, and still being unable to stop human deaths from rabies despite providing prophylaxis to bite victims at an enormous cost.

Sterilization of Dogs

Since 2008 till to date, successive Health Ministries have monopolized sterilization of dogs, hiring contract veterinarians who can barely cover a single area consistently, let alone the entire island, without handing over the money to the Department of Animal Production and Health (DAPH) which is the only Government Entity that has veterinarians, the right professionals to do animal surgeries, across the country.

Dogs mate/litter twice a year. People clamour to have their dogs sterilized, but despite millions allocated for spaying, most dog owners do not have any local access to getting their dogs spayed, because their local veterinarians have not been given a role to play in the National Dog Spay or dog rabies vaccination programme.  

Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, you can be the Change Agent. You have the authority to hand over the Rs. 200 Million allocated for dog surgeries in 2024 to the DAPH, which is ready to undertake that responsibility. That money is idling and dogs are proliferating. Lawmakers are complaining invain.

Sterilization of Dogs and Sustainable Results

Animal Welfare Organizations which focus on mass spaying over decades have shown by establishing models across the country that sterilization towards reaching zero dog population growth can be achieved if done consistently.

The only impediment they face in maintaining a consistent non-productive vaccinated street/Community dog population is dumping of new dogs by owners, which can be stemmed by registering dog owners and microchipping their dogs and of course by providing to them easy access for spaying in their localities through their local DAPH (government) veterinarians and arresting the need for dumping.   

Dog Rabies Vaccination

For decades the Health Ministry has failed to reach 80% dog vaccination coverage, which is needed for at least two consecutive years to obtain herd immunity, the prerequisite to eradicate rabies.

By not establishing a vibrant spay programme to progressively reduce the dog population, the number of dogs needing vaccination increases and the costs double and reaching 80% vaccination coverage moves further and further away.

Instead we have the Ministry illogically declare for mere cosmetic effects Rabies Eradication Years” every five or so years for as long as anyone can remember, without adopting measures that help eradicate rabies successfully, a relatively easier task from an island than from a continent sharing borders with other countries.  

Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, do not let down the people who believed in your government to adopt accountable programmes that provide sustainable results, cutting down wasteful costs.

Engage the DAPH to do the surgeries and dog rabies vaccinations with an input of the Health Ministry personnel to augment dog rabies vaccinations, working collectively to cover 80% dog rabies vaccination for two years to obtain herd immunity.

Cost Cutting on Rabies Prophylaxis

Dog owner registration and microchipping of the dogs will generate for hospitals dependable rabies vaccination records to decide whether a bite victim needs the prophylaxis or not or a reduced regimen, thus cutting down the costs and averting side effects of the prophylaxis given over and over for lack of dog vaccination records.      

An Intelligent Approach to Dog Sterilization and Rabies Eradication

Dog Sterilization and Rabies Eradication cannot be approached haphazardly as they have been so far done, sometimes catering to the whims and fancies of certain officials and politicians and wishfully thinking that sustainable results can be achieved by merely allocating money.

For instance, the money allocated for dog sterilizations must go to the DAPH as their veterinarians are the ONLY professionals who can perform surgeries.

Having spent Millions of public funds to get graduates trained as Veterinarians, is it logical to sideline them in addressing the eradication of a Zoonotic disease?

Over to you Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa. Be the Change Agent. To reiterate, as an immediate start, you can allocate the Rs. 200 Million to the DAPH for dog surgeries island-wide and get the ball rolling as it were.

Count on us and millions of Sri Lankans to support a logically applied dog sterilization and rabies vaccination programme.    

Champa Fernando

Secretary, KACPAW (Kandy Association for Community Protection through Animal Welfare)

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, May 22 (Daily Mirror) – The Supreme Court today quashed the findings, report and recommendations made by the Presidential Commission on Political Victimisation (PCoI) in relation to former Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickramasinghe, President’s Counsel.

The Presidential Commission on Political Victimisation (PCoI), commonly known as the Upali Abeyratne Commission was appointed by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

However, the Court found that the Commission’s proceedings in this case fell short of legal requirements.

Wickramasinghe, a senior legal officer and President’s Counsel, was appointed as Solicitor General on May 10, 2019. She was interdicted in September 2019 and later placed on compulsory leave in October 2020, pending the outcome of a preliminary investigation. She subsequently petitioned the Supreme Court, challenging the legality of the adverse findings made against her by the Commission.

The three-judge- bench comprising Justices Preethi Padman Surasena, Gamini Amarasekara, and Achala Wengappuli ruled that the Commission’s members, including retired Supreme Court Judge Upali Abeyratne, retired Court of Appeal Judge Chandrasiri Jayatilake, and former IGP Chandra Fernando, had not complied with key provisions of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, specifically Sections 16 and 23.

The Court further observed that there was no material to support that the Commission had conducted its inquiries lawfully and found ample evidence to conclude that the process had been fundamentally flawed. The adverse recommendations made against Wickramasinghe, the Court stated, were therefore invalid.

උපුටාගැණීම මුහුනුපොත

ස්වාධීන ආයතනයක් ලෙස පැවැතිය යුතු නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට කටයුතු කරන්නට සිදුව ඇත්තේ දේශපාලන බලපෑම්වලට අනුව බව මේ වන විට හෙළිදරව් වී තිබේ. එම දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ හිටපු සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිල්රුක්ෂි ඩයස් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ ප්‍රකාශයෙන් ඒ බව පසක් වේ. දැන් ඇයගේ සේවයද අත්හිටුවා තිබේ.

එහෙත් දිල්රුක්ෂි ඩයස් වික්‍රමසිංහට පෙර මේ බලපෑම එල්ල වූයේ තමන්ට බව ඇයට පෙර එම තනතුරේ සිටි හිටපු සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් සුහද ගම්ලත් පවසයි.

අධිකරණ අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයා ලෙසද කටයුතු කර ඇති සුහද ගම්ලත් නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ දෙවන නිලධාරියා ලෙස ද කටයුතු කළේ ය. ෆීජි රාජ්‍යයේ විනිසුරුවරයකු ලෙස කටයුතු කරන ඔහු නීතිවේදයේ දිගුකාලීන අත්දැකීම් ඇති පළපුරුදු නිලධාරියෙකි.

සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් ධුරයේ සිටියදී තමන්ට දේශපාලන බලපෑම් එල්ල වූයේ කෙසේද යන්න සුහද ගම්ලත් මහතා මේ සාකච්ඡාවෙන් හෙළිදරව් කරයි.

නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙ අනෙකුත් රජයේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවලින් සුවිශේෂී වෙන්නෙ කොහොමද?

මූලිකවම ගත්තම නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව කියන්නෙ, අර්ධ අධිකරණමය ක්‍රියාදාමයක් පවත්වාගෙන යන ආයතනයක්. මේ නිසා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සෑම නිලධාරියකුගෙන්ම ආගමික නායකයකුගෙන්ම අපේක්ෂා කරන තරම් පාරිශුද්ධත්වයක් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. ඒ නිසයි නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව අනෙක් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවලින් සුවිශේෂී වෙන්නෙ.

මේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට වසර 135ක කීර්තිමත් ඉතිහාසයක් තියෙනවා. රටට අග විනිසුරුවරුන් ගණනාවක් මේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ බිහි වෙලා තියෙනවා. එංගලන්තයේ ප්‍රිවි කවුන්සිලයේ නඩු විසඳීම සඳහා පවා විනිසුරුවරුන් ගිහින් තියෙනවා.

නමුත් අපට නීතිය හදන්නත් පුළුවන්. නීතිය කඩන්නත් පුළුවන් කියන දිල්රුක්ෂි ඩයස් මහත්මියගේ ප්‍රකාශයත් එක්ක ඒ ගෞරවය කෙලෙසිලා නේද?

ඔව්. ඒක ඉතාම අවාසනාවන්ත තත්ත්වයක්. දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ වසර 135ක කාලය තුළ පළමු වරට සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල්වරයකු වැඩ තහනමකට ලක්වෙලා. මේකට හේතු වුණේ පසුගිය වසර 4 1/2ක කාලය තුළ නැවක් හා සම්බන්ධ සිද්ධියක් නිසා ඇතිවුණ පීඩනය. දිල්රුක්ෂි මහත්මිය කියන කාරණය ඇත්තද කියල කවුරුත් හොයන්නෙ නැහැ. එසේ නොකර ඇයව වැරදිකාරිය කරල තියෙනවා. ඇයට කලින් ඔය සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වින්දිතයෙක් බවට පත්වුණේ මමයි.

ඔබ කොහොමද මේ සිද්ධියේ වින්දිතයෙක් බවට පත්වුණේ?

මේ සිද්ධිය වෙනකොට මම ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් විදියටයි වැඩ කරමින් සිටියේ. අපරාධ කාරණා සම්බන්ධ අංශය තිබුණේ මගේ යටතේ. ඔය කාලේ වරායේ ආයුධ සහිත නැවක් ගැන කතාවක් තිබුණා. මම සාමාන්‍යයෙන් රෑ 7 – 8 වෙනකම් කාර්යාලයේ ඉන්නවා. ඉතින් දවසක් සවස 6.30ට විතර අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ ශානි අබේසේකර මහත්මයා තවත් නිලධාරීන් හත් දෙනෙක් සමග මගේ කාර්යාලයට ආවා. ඇවිත් ඔහු මට කීවා ගාල්ලේ අවි නැව ගැන නඩුව හෙට ගාල්ල මහෙස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණයේ ගන්නවා. මේකෙ සැකකරුවන් හැටියට ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නේ කවුද කියල අපට නිශ්චිත අවබෝධයක් නැහැ. අපි දන්නෙත් නැහැ මේ පරීක්ෂණය ගෙනියන්න ඕන කොහොමද කියලා. මේ ගැන උපදෙසක් දෙන්න කීවා.

මම ඔහුට කිව්වා මම මේ ගැන කිසි දෙයක් දන්නෙ නෑ. මගෙ කනිෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියෙක් ළඟට මම ඔහුව යොමු කළා. මම ශානිට කිව්වා ඒ නිලධාරියා හමු වුණාට පස්සේ යළි මාව හමුවෙන්න කියලා.

ඔබ අපරාධ අංශය භාර ප්‍රධානියා නම් මේ ගැන ඔබ නොදැන හිටියෙ කොහොමද?

මම නොදැන අපේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව මේ සිද්ධියට මැදිහත් වෙලා තියෙන බව මමද දැනගත්තෙ එදයි. කොහොම නමුත් ශානි මම කිව්ව විදියට ආපහු මාව මුණ ගැහුනෙ නෑ. ඒ නිසා මම ඔහුට කෝල් එකක් දීලා ඇහුව මොකද වුණේ කියලා. එතකොටයි ඔහු මට කිව්වේ අපි ඇවන්ගාඩ් සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ, නිශ්ශංක සේනාධිපති ඇතුළු හත් දෙනෙක් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න යන්නෙ කියලා. මම ඔහුට කිව්වා මේ නැව් සිද්ධිය ගැන නිසි ගොනුවක් නැහැ. පරීක්ෂණයක් අවසන් කරල නැහැ. ඒ නිසා කිසි කෙනෙක් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න එපා කියලා. මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් නඩුවකට යන්න වෙයි. ඒ නිසා කිසි දෙයක් කරන්න එපා කිව්වා.

ඉන් පස්සේ මොකද වුණේ?

ඒ සිද්ධියෙන් පස්සේ මේ ආයුධ නැව සම්බන්ධ කාරණයට අදාළ ලිපි ගොනුව මගෙ අතට ආවා. එදා ඉඳන් හැමදාම උදේට නීතිඥ සංගමයේ සභාපති වගේම ආයෝජන මණ්ඩලයේත් සභාපති වුණ නීතිඥ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මහත්තය මගේ ඔෆිස් එකට එන්න පටන් ගත්තා. සමහර අවස්ථාවල මම එන්නත් කලින් එයා ඇවිල්ලා මට කියනවා අපි දන්නව ඔයා අවංක නිලධාරියෙක්. ඔබ පසුගිය රජයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට නඩු පැවරුවා. ඒ වගේ ගෝඨාභය ඇතුළු පිරිස අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න උපදෙස් දෙන්න කියලා මට කියනවා.

ඒ විදියට බලපෑමක් තියෙද්දීත් ඔබ නිශ්ශංක සේනාධිපතිට විදේශ ගත වෙන්න අවසර දෙනව..

ඔව්. මම ඒ තීරණය ගත්තෙ ඉතාමත් වෘත්තීයමය විදියට. දවසක් උදේ මම කාර්යාලයට එනකොට අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ මේ කාරණය භාර කටයුතු කරන සහකාර පොලිස් අධිකාරී තිසේරා මහත්තයා මාව හම්බවුණා කාර්යාල දොරටුව ළඟදි. එයා මට කිව්වා සර්, අපට ලොකු ප්‍රශ්නයක්. නිශ්ශංක සේනාධිපති රට යන්න හදනවා. නයිජීරියාවට කියලා. ඉතිං මම ඇහුව මොකක්ද ප්‍රශ්නය කියල. එතකොට කියනව අප එයාගෙ පාස් පෝස්ට් එක අත්අඩංගුවට අරන් තියෙන්නේ. දැන් එයා ඒක ඉල්ලනවා. මොකද කරන්නේ කියලා.

මං කිව්වා. ඕගොල්ල ගිහින් හැමෝගෙම පාස්පෝට් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නවා. එහෙම කරන්න එපා. ඒක නීතිවිරෝධීයි. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ඒ.ආර්.බී. අමරසිංහගේ නඩු තීන්දුවක් තියෙනවා නිසි පරීක්ෂණයකින් තොරව පුද්ගලයකුගේ පාස්පෝට් එක අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීම නීති විරෝධීයි කියලා. ඒක මානව හිමිකම් උල්ලංඝනය කිරීමක්.

ඒ නිසා මම කිව්වා ඔය ගොල්ල නිසියාකාර බැඳුම්කරයක් තියාගෙන ඇපකරුවන් මත පාස්පෝට් එක නිදහස් කරන්න කියලා.

ඔබ එහෙම උපදෙසක් දුන්නෙ විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ හා තිලක් මාරපන අමාත්‍යවරුන්ගේ ඉල්ලීමට නොවේද?

නැහැ. ඇත්තෙන්ම ඔවුන් ඒ ගැන මට කතා කළා. විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ අධිකරණ ඇමැති තිලක් මාරපනත් ඇමැතිවරයෙක්. ඒ වගේම ඔහු සේනාධිපතිගෙ නීතිඥයා. ඔවුන් මට කිව්වේ අපි බලපෑමක් කරනවා නෙවෙයි. නීත්‍යනුකූල විදියට සේනාධිපතිගෙ පාස්පෝට් එක නිදහස් කරන්න පුළුවන්ද කියලා බලන්න කියලා මම ඔවුන්ට කිව්වා ඔබලා මට කතා කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. මොකද මම දැනටමත් සේනාධිපතිගෙ පාස්පොට් එක රිලීස් කරන්න උපදෙස් දීලා තියෙන්නෙ කියලා.

ඊට පස්සේ ආපහු දවසක් උපුල් ජයසූරිය මාව හම්බ වෙන්න ආවා. මූණත් නරක් කරගෙන මට කිව්වා ඔබ අර මනුස්සයට රට යන්න දුන්න නේද කියලා. මම කිව්වා ඒක සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නීත්‍යනුකූලයි කියලා. ඒ වෙලාවේ උපුල් ජයසූරිය මට කිව්වා අගමැතිතුමාට ඔබව හමුවෙන්න අවශ්‍යයි කියලා මම ඔහුට කිව්වා අගමැතිතුමාට මාව හමුවෙන්න අවශ්‍ය නම් ඒ පණිවුඩය එන්න ඕනේ ඔබ හරහා නෙවෙයි. මගේ ප්‍රධානියා වන නීතිපතිතුමා මාර්ගයෙන් කියලා.

ඒ විදියට අගමැතිතුමාගේ දැනුම්දීමක් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම ප්‍රශ්නයක් වුණේ නැද්ද?

නැහැ. නමුත් ඊට පස්සේ දවසක විනිසුරු උපාලි අබේරත්නගේ දරුවකුගේ විවාහ මංගල්‍යයකට මම ගිහින් ඉන්න කොට උපුල් ජයසූරිය මට කෝල් කළා. ඔහු රහසින් වගේ මට කිව්වා අගමැතිතුමා මම එනතුරු බලා ඉන්නව කියලා. මට තේරුණා ඔහු මට කතා කළේ අගමැතිතුමා ළඟ ඉඳගෙන කියලා. ඒ නිසා නොයා ඉන්න එක අශීලාචාරයි වගේ නිසා මම කිව්වා මම එන්නං කියලා. ඒ යනකොට මම හිතුවා සද්භාවයෙන් මේ නඩුව ගැන තොරතුරු දැනගන්න පෞද්ගලික හමුවීමක් වෙන්න ඇති කියලා.

නමුත් මම අරලියගහ මන්දිරයට යනකොට එතැන මහ විශාල රැස්වීමක්.

ඒක අගමැතිතුමාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් පවත්වපු FCID එකේ රැස්වීමක්. ඇමැතිවරු රාශියක් හිටියා. රාජිත සේනාරත්න, පාඨලී චම්පික රණවක, ජවිපෙ නායක අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක, වැලිඅංග කියන නීතිඥයා උපුල් ජයසූරිය වගේම අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රනුත් හිටිය. ඒ වගේම පොලිස්පතිවරයා, රවී වෛද්‍යලංකාර, හා ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාපතිවරුන් හිටිය. නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ මට වඩා කනිෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියකුත් හිටිය.

නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන් ඒ රැස්වීමට කැඳවීම නීති විරෝධියි. මම අපේ නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් ඇහුවා ඔබ මොකද මෙතැන කරන්නෙ කියලා.

ඔන්න දැන් නඩු ගැන කතා කරනවා. එකින් එක අරගෙන පොලිස්පතිතුමාගෙන් අහනවා මොකක්ද තත්ත්වය කියලා. ඇවන්ගාඩ් නඩුව ගැන කතා කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. එකපාරටම චම්පික රණවක ඇමැතිවරයා අතින් මේසෙට ගහමින් ආවේශවෙලා වගේ කියනවා නිලධාරියෙක් සේනාධිපතිට රට යන්න පාස්පෝට් එක නිදහස් කරල තියෙනවා.

ඔහු දැන් නයිජීරියාවට ගිහිල්ලා සල්ලි සේරම වෙනත් රටවලට යවල ඇති මේ පරීක්ෂණය කරන්න වෙන්නෙ නැහැ මේ විදියට කියලා.

එතකොට මම කිව්වා. ඇමැතිතුමා ඔහුගෙ පාස්පෝට් එක නිදහස් කරන්න කියලා උපදෙස් දුන්නේ මම. මම ඒක කළේ නීතියට අනුව. මොකද තාම මේ පරීක්ෂණත් ඉවර නෑ කියලා. අනිත් එක ඔබතුමාලා අපිට කෑගැහුවට ඔබලාගෙ ඇමැතිවරුන් වන විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ හා තිලක් මාරපන වගේ අයත් මේ ගැන මට කතා කළා කියලා.

එතකොට ඔන්න චම්පික කියනවා ඒක තමා බලන්න ඇමැතිවරුත් මේවට උදව් කරනවා. මේ ඇමැතිවරු දෙන්න මේ දූෂණ කමිටුවෙත් ඉඳගෙනයි මෙහෙම කරන්නෙ වගේ කතා.

ඔය ගැන තමා මේ මෑතක විජිත හේරත් මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කිව්වේ මම ඇවන්ගාඩ් චූදිතයන්ට උදව් කළා කියලා.

දැන් ඔය රැස්වීම ඉවර වෙලා මම අරලියගහ මන්දිරයෙන් එළියට එන්න එනකොට මට හම්බවුණා පාඨලී ඇමැතිතුමා. ඔහු මට කතා කරල ඇහුවා සුහද ඔබ හිතන්නෙ මේ ආයුධ කාගෙ කියලද කියලා. මම කිව්වා ආයුධ තියෙන නැවක් ගැන ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා නොදැන ඉන්න විදියක් නැහැ. අපි ඒ ගැන හොයලා බලන්නං කියලා.

එතකොට ඔහු මට කියනවා ඔබ ගෝඨාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න. අපි ඔබ ගැන බලාගන්නං කියලා. මම ඒකට උත්තරයක් දෙන්නෙ නැතුව පිටවෙලා ආවා.

රවී කරුණානායක ඇමැතිවරයා කියලා තිබුණා ඔබ ඇමැතිවරුන්ට ගරු කරල කතා කරන්නෙ නැහැ කියලා.

ඒක වුණේ මෙහෙමයි. ඔය කාලේ මෙහෙ හිටපු බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය මහ කොමසාරිස් මගේ පෞද්ගලික මිත්‍රයෙක්. මම ඔහුව හඳුනන්නෙ ඔහු මම ඉගෙනගත්ත විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ නීතිය පිළිබඳ මහාචාර්යවරයෙක් විදියට කටයුතු කරපු නිසා. එතුමා ලංකාවේ සේවය අවසන් කරල යෑම වෙනුවෙන් ඉතාම ළඟ කිහිප දෙනකුට රාත්‍රි කෑමක් දුන්නා. මම ඒ කෑමට ගිහින් එළියට එනකොට රවී කරුණානායක ඇමැතිතුමා එමින් හිටියා. ඔහු මාව පැත්තකට අරන් ගිහින් මගෙන් ඇහුවා ඇවන්ගාඩ් නඩුවට මොකද වෙන්නේ කියලා.

මම කිව්වා සමාවෙන්න ඇමැතිතුමා නඩු කටයුතු අපට ඇමැතිවරුන් සමග කතා කරන්න බැහැ කියලා. එතකොට ඔහු කිව්වා ඔබ කොහොමද මට එහෙම කියන්නෙ. අපිට ඇමැතිවරු හැටියට මේව ගැන අහන්න බැරිද වගේ කතා. මම මොකුත් නොකිය ආවා. පස්සේ රවී කරුණානායක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී මට බැන්න. මම ඔහුට සැලකුවේ පියන් කෙනෙක් විදියට කියලා.

ඒ කියන්නේ මේ සිද්ධිය ගැන කතා​ නොකරපු කෙනෙක් නැහැ වගේ?

ඔව්. එක එක්කෙනාගෙන් කෝල් එනවා මේ ගැන අහල. ඒ අතරේ මාධ්‍යයෙන් සිරසයි – ටී.එන්.එල්. එකයි දිගින් දිගටම මට ගහනවා. ඔය අතරේ අරලිය ගහ මන්දිරයේ දිගටම මේ ගැන මීටින් තිබුණා. ඒ හැම මීටිමකටම අපිව ගෙන්නුවා. බැරිම තැන මම නීතිපතිතුමාට කිව්වා මේ දේශපාලකයන්ගේ රැස්වීම්වලට යන්න මට බැහැ කියලා. කාරණා දෙකක් නිසා එකක් තමා අපිට වරදක් නැතුව බැණලා අපිත් ඒකට උත්තර දුන්නොත් මොනව වෙයිද දන්නෙ නෑ. අනිත් එක රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් හැටියට රජයේ කටයුතු ගැන ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ හැමදෙයක්ම කතා කළ නොහැකි වීම. අපට යම් යම් කරුණු ගැන නිදහසේ කතාකරන්න බැහැ. සීමාවක් තියෙනවා.

ඒත් නීතිපතිතුමා කිව්වා මේක අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවක්. අගමැතිතුමාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් තියෙන රැස්වීමක් නිසා යන්න කියලා.

ඉතින් මම අකැමැත්තෙන් යනවා. මේ මීටිමට දවසක් අර මම මුලින්ම සඳහන් කරපු අපේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ කනිෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියත් මේ මීටිමට කැඳවල තිබුණා. මලික් සමරවික්‍රම ඔහුගෙන් ඇහුවා මේ ගැන ඔහුගේ නිර්දේශය කුමක්ද කියලා. ඔහු කියනවා මේක විශාල අපරාධයක්. මේවගේ දෙයක් කරපු අයට නිදැල්ලේ ඉන්න දීපු අවස්ථාවක් මීට පෙර තිබිලා නැහැ. ඒ නිසා ගෝඨාභය ඇතුළු 7 දෙනාම අත්අඩංගුවට ගත යුතුයි කියලා.

ඒ අවස්ථාවේදීත් මම කිව්වා මම ඒකට විරුද්ධයි. මේ විදියට අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න බැහැ කියලා. මේ වෙලාවේ අගමැතිතුමා කිව්වා දැන් නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ මත දෙකක් තියෙන නිසා මේක අපි නීතිපතිතුමාට භාර දෙමු කියලා. නීතිපතිතුමා මගෙනුත් අර කනිෂ්ඨ නීතිඥයගෙනුත් වගේම දැන් අගවිනිසුරු වන එවකට මගේ යටතේ හිටපු අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් ජයන්ත ජයසූරිය හා කපිල වෛද්‍යරත්නගෙනුත් මේ ගැන වාර්තා කැඳෙව්වා.

මම අත්අඩංගුවට ගැනීමට විරුද්ධයි. කනිෂ්ඨ නීතිඥයා කියනවා හත්දෙනෙක් අත්අඩංගුවට ගත යුතුයි කියලා. ජයන්ත ජයසූරිය හා කපිල වෛද්‍යරත්න කියනවා සේනාධිපති හා ඔහුගේ ලේකම් පමණක් අත්අඩංගුවට ගත යුතුයි කියලා.

තවමත් අවශ්‍ය තීන්දුවක් නැහැ?

ඔව්, මේ ගැන දිගටම අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ මීටින් තියෙනවා. ඔය මීටින්වලට එනව. එවකට අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ විමර්ශන කොමිසමේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් වුණේ දිල්රුක්ෂි ඩයස් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්මිය. ඇය මේ නඩුවට සම්බන්ධ වෙන්නේ ඒ විදියට. මගේ අදහසේ හැටියට ඇය ඒ රැස්වීම්වලට පැමිණීම සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වැරදියි. මොකද අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ කොමිසම ඉතාම ස්වාධීනව කටයුතු කළ යුතු ආයතනයක්. ඒ නිසා තමයි 1994දී අල්ලස්, දූෂණ කටයුතු ගැන කටයුතු කිරීම නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙන් ඉවත් කරලා අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ විමර්ශන කොමිසම වෙනම ආයතනයක් ලෙස ආරම්භ කළේ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සියලු දෙනා ඒකමතිකව මේ පනත සම්මත කළා.

නමුත් මේ රැස්වීම්වලට අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල්වරිය වගේම නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙන් අපිව ගෙන්වලා ​දේශපාලකයන් අපෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කරන තත්ත්වයක් ඇතිවුණා. මේක කිසි දිනෙක මේ රටේ සිදුවෙලා තිබුණේ නැහැ. මේක පැහැදිලිවම යුක්තිය පසිඳලීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය දේශපාලනීකරණය වීමක්.

මේ ආණ්ඩුව මේ තරම් ඇවන්ගාඩ් නඩුව ගැන උනන්දු වුණේ කුමක් නිසා කියලද ඔබ හිතන්නේ?

ආණ්ඩුව කිව්වට මේකට තදබල අවශ්‍යතාව තිබුණේ රාජිත සේනාරත්න හා චම්පික රණවක ඇමැතිවරුන්ට. අගමැතිතුමා එහෙම බලපෑමක් කළේ නැහැ. එක සැරයක් මේ FCID රැස්වීම තිබුණා ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන්. මම එතුමට කිව්වා අපිට තිබෙන බලපෑම් ගැන. කොතරම් බලපෑම් කළත් සාක්ෂි නැතිව නඩු දාන්න බැහැ කියලා. එතුමා ඒක පිළිගත්තා.

රාජිත සේනාරත්න හා අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක පැත්තට හැරිලා කිව්ව නයාට ගහලා පොල්ල වරද්ද ගත්ත වගේ වැඩ කරන්න එපා කියලා.

මම හිතන්නේ මේ තරම් බලපෑම් කරන්න හේතුව දේශපාලන හේතුවකටත් වඩා වාණිජ හේතුවක් කියලයි. කාට හරි අවශ්‍යතාවක් තිබුණා මේ ව්‍යාපාරය කඩල අරන් වෙන කාට හරි අරන් දෙන්න. මොකද මේක කෝටි ගණන් ලාභ ලැබෙන ව්‍යාපාරයක්.

කොයි තරම් බලපෑම් ආවත් ඔබ ඒවාට යටත් වුණේ නැහැ. නමුත් ඔබ කියනව ඔබ මේ නිසා වින්දිතයෙක් වුණා කියලා. ඒ කොහොමද?

මම තමයි ඊළඟට නීතිපතිවරයා වෙන්න හිටියේ. වසර 35ක් රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ හිටියෙ. මමයි ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියා ඒ වෙනකොට දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ හිටපු. චම්පික රණවකගේ සාමාජිකයෙක් වන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවට මගේ නම යෝජනා වුණත් ඒක ප්‍රතික්ෂේප වුණා. ඒ වෙනකොටත් මට විරුද්ධව විශාල ප්‍රචාරයක් අරන් ගිහින් තිබුණා. සරත් විජේසූරිය එතකොට අර සමන් රත්නප්‍රියවත්, මම දන්නෙවත් නැති අය පවා යොදවලා මාධ්‍යයෙන් මට විරුද්ධව විශාල ප්‍රචාරයක් ගෙන ගියා. අවසානයේ මම විශ්‍රාම ගත්තෙ මට ලැබිය යුතුව තිබූ උසස්වීම් නොමැතිව.

නමුත් මම ඒ ගැන දුක් වෙන්නේ නැහැ. මොකද එදා මම කියපු දේ ඔප්පුවෙලා තියෙනවා. ඒ වගේම මට නීතිපති තනතුර නොදී දුන්නෙ මට වඩා කනිෂ්ඨ නිලධාරියකු වුණ අද අගවිනිසුරු ලෙස කටයුතු කරන ජයන්ත ජයසූරිය මහත්තයාට.

එතුමා නීතිපති තනතුරේ ඉන්නකම් මගේ මතයට විරුද්ධව ගියේ නැහැ. ඒ කියන්නේ මම කියපු දේ හරි කියන එකනෙ. දිල්රුක්ෂි කියන කතාව සම්පූර්ණ ඇත්ත. මම දන්නවා මට ආපු බලපෑම කොතෙක්ද කියලා. නමුත් මගෙයි, ඇයගෙයි වෙනස නම් මම ඒ බලපෑමට යටත් වුණෙත් නැහැ. ඇය යටත් වුණා.

ඔබ කියන අන්දමට ආණ්ඩුවට අවශ්‍ය වුණේ නීතියට පිටින් කටයුතු කරන්නයි. මූල්‍ය අපරාධ කොට්ඨාසය පිහිටුවීම නීතිවිරෝධී කියලා මතයක් තියෙනවා. මොකක්ද ඔබේ මතය?

මේ ආණ්ඩුව පත්වූයේ යහපාලනය ඇති කරනවා, නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය රකිනවා කියලනේ. මේ FCID එක පිහිටුවීම හා ඒක කටයුතු කරපු ආකාරය බැලුවම මේ ගැන හොඳට තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්.

අපේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 13 වැනි වගන්තියේ තියෙනවා නීතියෙන් නියම කරනු ලැබූ කාර්ය පටිපාටියට අනුකූලව මිස කිසිම තැනැත්තකු සිරභාරයට ගැනීම නොකළ යුත්තේය කියලා. ඒ වගේම තවදුරටත් කියනව, යම් තැනැත්තකු සිරභාරයට ගනු ලබන්නේ යම් හේතුවක් මතද ඒ හේතුව ඒ තැනැත්තාට දැන්විය යුතුය කියලත්. මේකෙ වැදගත්ම කොටස තමා නීතියෙන් නියම කරනු ලැබූ කාර්ය පටිපාටියට අනුකූලව කියන කොටස. ඒ පටිපාටිය සඳහන් කරල තියෙන්නේ අපරාධ නඩු විධාන සංග්‍රහයේ.

ඒවා එහෙම තියෙද්දී මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව 2015 පෙබරවාරි 13 අංක 1901/20 දරන අති විශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රයක් මගින් ඇතිකළා බරපතළ ගණයේ මූල්‍ය අපරාධ විමර්ශන සඳහා නව පොලිස් කොට්ඨාසයක්. දැන් මොනවද මේ බරපතළ අපරාධ කියන්නේ. අපරාධ නඩු විධාන සංග්‍රහයේ දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහයේ කොතනකවත් එහෙම අපරාධ නිර්වචනය කරල නැහැ. අපරාධ නීති මූලධර්මවලට අනුව අපරාධ නිර්වචනයේදී අපරාධමය ක්‍රියාදාමය, මානසික ක්‍රියාදාමය හා දඬුවම ගැබ්වෙලා තිබිය යුතුයි.

අපරාධයකට යමෙකු අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්න කොට ඔහු දැන ගත යුතුයි ඔහුට ලැබිය හැකි දඬුවම. ඒ වගේම ඒ දඬුවම දීම සඳහා අනුගමනය කරන ක්‍රියා පටිපාටිය පැහැදිලිව තිබිය යුතුයි.

අපේ නීතියේ කොතැනකවත් මහා පරිමාණ අපරාධ කියල වර්ගයක් නිර්වචනය කරල නැහැ. මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව මේව නිර්වචනය කරන්නෙ දේශපාලකයෝ ටිකක් එකතු​වෙලා. නමුත් අපේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙවත් අපරාධ නඩු විධාන සංග්‍රහයෙවත් දේශපාලකයෝ විසින් එය කළ යුතුයි කියල සඳහන් වෙන්නෙ නැහැ. දැන් මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ දේශපාලකයෝ අගමැතිවරයාගේ කාර්යාලයට රැස්වෙලා එතැනට ගෙන්වනවා රටේ යුක්තිය පසිඳලීමේ කාර්යයට සෘජුවම නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, අල්ලස් කොමිසම,​ පොලිසිය. ඊට පස්සේ අර දේශපාලකයෝ තීරණය කරනවා මේ කාර්ය කරන්න ඕනේ කොහොමද කියල තීන්දු කරනවා. මෙන්න මේක තමා අධිකරණයේ ස්වාධීනත්වය, මැදිහත්වීම නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යයට බලපෑම් කිරීම පරීක්ෂණ විනිවිද පෙනෙන ස්වභාවයෙන් තොරවීම.

මම කියන්නේ FCID එක පිහිටුවීමත් එහි කටයුතු කළ අන්දමත් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නීති විරෝධීයි. මේ ක්‍රියාදාමය සිදුවූයේ මුළුමනින්ම දේශපාලන බලපෑම් මත. මම යෝජනා කරනවා ඉදිරියේදී පත්වන ආණ්ඩුවක් විශේෂ ජනාධිපති කොමිසමක් පත් කරල FCID කියන මේ නීති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාදාමය තුළ කවුද​​ මේවට සහභාගි වූයේ කොයි විදියටද තීරණ ගත්තේ කියල සම්පූර්ණ පරීක්ෂණයක් කළ යුතුයි කියලා.

කුල ශ්‍රී කාරියවසම්

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from Tuesday 13th May 2025

Light of Asia’s ‘stunning impact in Ceylon’ forgotten and the ‘Uncrowned King’ buried

One of the dozen of books that Nehru got from his father, when he was imprisoned  in a Lucknow jail by the British in 1922, was a copy of The Light of Asia. Eighteen years later,in February 1940, Nehru himself sent his daughter (Indira), who was convalescing in a hospital in Switzerland, ‘Arnold’s two little books The Light of Asia and The Song Celestial’ to keep her company’. (The Song Celestial was Edwin Arnold’s 1885 English translation of the Sanskrit language ‘Bhagavad Gita’ or literally ‘Song of the Lord’. Arnold’s choice of ‘Celestial’ as an English equivalent to Sanskrit ‘Bhagawad’ in the title reflects his deep insight into the Hindu sacred text which, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada called, in 1984, ‘a definitive guide to the science of self-realization’.)

No doubt, The Light of Asia was Edwin Arnold’s most inspired poetic work. He drew upon many previously existing sources and his own personal interactions with the scholars as well as the  ordinary people of India whom he loved. The inscription set up at the university chapel at Oxford where his ashes were deposited after his death contained the following information: Born June 10th, 1832, Died March 24th 1904. Newdigate Prizeman. (While a student at Oxford he won this prestigious prize for his  poem ‘The Feast of Belshazzar’) These lines were inscribed there, too:

‘He found his sympathy with – Eastern religious thought

Inspiration for  his great –  Poetical gifts.’

Arnold had a strong moral character, a sharp intellect, a deep commitment to family and work, and meticulously cultivated social graces that enabled him to navigate interactions with people of high society as well as the common masses.That is why Jairam describes him as ‘a quintessential Victorian in every way’. He was a dedicated servant of the Empire, who was compassionate towards the subject people; he believed the British imperial system to be a protector and promoter of civilization. A polyglot of rare ability, he was conversant in at least ten foreign languages (and indeed quite knowledgeable in some of them): Greek, Latin, Arabic, Turkish, French, German, Japanese (His third wife Tama Kurokawa, born in 1869 and hence less than half his age, was from Japan), Hebrew, Persian, Sanskrit and Marathi. Arnold’s remarkable multilingual capabilities stood him in good stead in serving the Empire in the cultural sphere through his translations between languages, thereby supporting mutual understanding among imperial subjects of different linguistic and religious cultures. 

In a passing reference to Edwin Arnold’s The Light of Asia, reputed Indian historian A. L. Basham, in his 1954 book ‘The Wonder that was India’, mentioned that it was based on the Lalitavistara (a Mahayana Sutra in Sanskrit that describes the life of Gautama Buddha from his descent from Tushita heaven to his first sermon in the Deer Park at Sarnath near  Varanasi or Baranas Nuwara as it is known among Sinhala speaking Buddhists). A different scholarly proposal mooted in 1960 was that Arnold’s principal source for his epic poem was Professor Samuel Beal’s translation of the Abhinishkramana Sutra (1875) combined with lesser borrowings from Spence Hardy and Arnold’s firsthand experience of Buddhism and his life in India. The year 1972 saw the emergence of yet another conclusion according to which he drew upon the knowledge he had gathered before 1879 by reading books, and also through his contact with sources of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon (Sri Lanka). 

There is lexical evidence of  Arnold’s probable contact with Sinhala literary sources in the book. This is my supposition based on the fact that he was a language genius. Although Arnold had not been to Sri Lanka before 1886, he definitely had learned some  Sinhala (though Jairam doesn’t mention this). When I read The Light of Asia as a teenager, I was fascinated by the fact that Edwin Arnold uses a few words of Sinhala (my native tongue) as substitutes for the Pali words which the context demands, for maintaining the metrical consistency of the lines, such as ‘sakwal’ or universes (for Pali ‘cakkavala’), ‘Seriyut’ (for the Pali name ‘Sariputta’) Mugalan’ (for the Pali name ‘Moggallana’, ‘gow’  for Pali ‘gavuta’, and ‘dasa sil’ (for Pali ‘dasa sila). Jairam probably has no knowledge of Sinhala to have detected these Sinhalised Pali terms.

But Jairam’s apparent ignorance of Sinhala has not been an impediment to his understanding of ‘the stunning impact in Ceylon’ that Arnold’s epic poem generated there, a mark of which was the annual ‘Light of Asia oratory contest’ for school children that had been conducted in Colombo for a long time. Incidentally, Jairam’s mention of this event brought to my mind the late Lakshman Kadirgamar. My article is a memorial tribute paid to him on the Vesak Day that, in Sri Lanka, fell on May 12, 2025.  Though he was born into a traditional Christian family and had remained a Christian for most of his life until, in his senior years, he became an interfaith person who was, nevertheless, deeply inclined towards Buddhism (as his daughter Ajita says in her biography of her father ‘The Cake that Was Baked at Home’ (2015). 

Ajita Kadirgamar mentions a little known fact about her father’s school days at Trinity College, Kandy, which is that he took pride in having won the Light of Asia contest organised by the Colombo Young Men’s Buddhist Association as a student of that Christian school. She gives some information about the contest. The particular contest was inaugurated under the leadership of the then Governor of Ceylon Herbert Stanley in 1925 and was ‘dedicated to developing oratory skills in English and inculcating Buddhist ethics and values among the younger generation of the country’.  The contestants were required to recite some verses from the Edwin Arnold classic ‘Light of Asia’ and give an explanation in English in their own words. Thus”, Ajita adds, one sees that LK’s great interest in Buddhism began while still a schoolboy and continued throughout his lifetime to be a topic close to his heart”. This interactional contact with The Light of Asia, as in the case of Swami Vivekananda, Anagarika Dharmapala, and many other renowned personalities of the past earlier mentioned in this article, must have had its characteristic developmental impact on the formation of Lakshman Kadirgamar’s noble personality. It was not for nothing that his schoolmates at Trinity called him ‘P of P’ ‘Personification of Personality’ as Ajita mentions in her book on her father. On his brutal assassination in 2005 at the age of 73, he came to be celebrated by journalists as ‘the Uncrowned King of Sri Lanka’, as the Editor of The Island newspaper eulogised him on his death in a front page editorial as another journalist named Arjuna Hulugalle later remembered in an anecdote (that Ajita records on pp.178-9). “To many he (Lakshman Kadirgamar) was also ‘the noblest son of Sri Lanka in recent times”, Arjuna Hulugalle had added. That exalted image of Kadirgamar epitomizes the influence that The Light of Asia had on the thinking minds of the culturally literate intelligent Sri Lankan youth of his time. 

Ajita also records something that she heard from Ajith Samaranayake, a veteran journalist and newspaper editor (who was himself no more among the living at the time she was writing ‘The Cake that ……’) about her father’s humility and generosity. Samaranayake was one of the journalists included in the entourage that accompanied Kadirgamar on his first official tour abroad as the newly appointed Foreign Affairs Minister in president Chandrika Bandaranayake’s government  in 1994. They were on a visit to India. Kadirgamar was accommodated in the Hyderabad House, the Government of India’s State Guest House, along with High Commissioner for India designate Mangala Moonasinghe, and Jayantha Dhanapala (formerly of the UN, and later to become the Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat). Kadirgamar arranged for the journalists also to be accommodated and to have their meals in the same hotel. What was more, on his express request, the Indian government put an Air Force helicopter at their disposal for visiting sacred sites associated with the Buddha, including Buddhagaya (Bodh Gaya). This was a double privilege (as Ajita says) for the state visitors from Sri Lanka, for Mangala Moonasinghe was a descendant of Anagarika Dharmapala, well known in Sri Lanka and other Buddhist countries like Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, China, Japan, etc., for having made concerted efforts with the help of the likes of Sir Edwin Arnold to reclaim the sacred Buddhagaya site for the global Buddhists. 

In fact ,The Light of Asia author was the virtual progenitor of the very idea of reclaiming Bodh Gaya for world Buddhists. The famous Panadura Vadaya (Panadura Debate) between some  members of the local Christian clergy and some Buddhist monks in 1873, in which the leading debater on the Buddhist side, a learned Buddhist monk by the name of Migettuwatte Gunananda Thero, well versed in English and Latin, in addition to Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit, who, with his advanced knowledge of Buddhism and the Bible, and his superior oratorical skills, convincingly beat his Catholic opponents. The news of the debate  was widely reported in newspapers circulated in Europe and America. This drew the attention of orientalist scholars and theosophists in the West like the American Colonel Henry Steel Olcott (a veteran of the American Civil War of 1861-65), Madame Blavatsky, and others, to the fact that Buddhist monks were challenging intrusive anti-Buddhist Christian missionary activity in Ceylon (Sri Lanka). The arrival of Olcott, Blavatsky, and others in Ceylon in 1880 and their passionate activism accelerated the pace of the burgeoning local Buddhist revivalist movement. Sixteen year old David Hewavitarana joined them, originally as their translator. In 1885, David changed his name to Dharmapala and took the Buddhist religious vow of ‘homelessness’ with his parents’ permission and became known as Anagarika Dharmapala (Dharmapala the Homeless).

To be concluded 

දේශමාන්‍ය ආචාර්‍ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර. මහනුවර

            මුළු ලෝකයේම, තම රට හා එහි සැබෑ ඉතිහාසය නොදත්,අතීතයේ සිටි වීර සිංහලයින් ගැන හෝ ඒ වීර සිංහල නරපතීන් රට පාලනය සහ සන්වර්ධනය කළ සැටි පිළිබඳ හෝ කිසිදු අවබෝධයක් නැති, තම රටට,ජාතියට හා ආගමට ආදරයක් නැති එසේම ජාතික සිරිත් විරිත්, ඇදුම් පැලදුම් ආදිය ඇතුළු තම ජාතික සන්ස්කෘතික අනන්‍යතාව නොදන්නා,නොරකින එසේම අගය නොකරන ඒවාට ආදරයක් නැති, ජනතා හිතවාදී නැති, කොටින්ම මේ රට කුමක්ද කියා හෝ නොදන්නා, දේශද්‍රෝහී, වෛරී, පරම ආත්මාර්ථකාමී, අබැටක් පමණ හෝ දේශාභිමානයක් නැති බඩගෝස්ත්‍රවාදී, බටහිරගැති, දේශපාලු හා ජාතිපාලු, පන්සිල් පද 5 වත් නොරකින දේශපාලනික නායකයින් සිටින එකම රට මේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවය.

මෙම නිගමනය සාකල්‍යෙන්ම අදාල වනුයේ 1977 න් පසු මේ රටේ දේශ පාලනයට අවතීරණය වූ දේශපාලුවන්ටය. 1977 සිට අද දක්වාම මේ රටේ නායකත්වය දැරූ අය අතුරින් මෙම චෝදනාවන්ගෙන් නිදහස්වන්නේ ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ පමණි. ඒ ඔහු වසර 30 ක්ම කිසිම රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකුට පරාජය කිරීමට නොහැකිවූ අසල්වැසි ඉන්දියාව ඇතුළු මුළු බටහිර ලෝකයම ත්‍රස්ථවාදින්ට උදව් කරද්දී සහ අවසාන මොහොතේ පවා එන්ගලන්තයෙන් සහ ප්‍රන්ශයෙන් ධූතයින් වශයෙන් විදේශ ඇමතිවරුන් මෙහි එවා කොටි ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ට එරෙහිව කෙරෙන යුද්ධය නතර කිරීමට බලපෑම් කරද්දී, ඒ කිසිම බල පෑමකට, 1987 දි ජේ ආර් සහ 2025 දී අනුර මෙන් නිවට අන්දමින් අවනත නොවී, මේ රටේ ජනාධිපති වශයෙන් ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන් පරාජය කොට 30 වසරක කුරිරු යුද්ධය අවසන් කොට රට ජාතිය බේරා ගත් නිසාය.

එසේම මේ රටේ වසර 250 කටත් අඩු ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති, සන්ක්‍රමනික බෙදුම්වාදී මලබා දෙමළ කොටි ත්‍රස්ථවාදය පරාජයකොට පෙර සිංහල රජදරුවන් ගිය මඟ යමින්, සිය දිවි දෙවනිකොට එය පරදුවට තබා මේ ලක්බිම නැවතත් එක්සේසත් කළ නිසාය.  

එසේම 1948 සිට 1977 දක්වා රට පාලනය කළ නායකයින් අතුරින් මා මුලින්ම සඳහන්කළ චෝදනාවන්ගෙන් නිදොස් වනුයේ ඩී.එස්, සිරිමාවෝ, ඩඩ්ලි සහ පිලිප් පමණි.

ඒ අතරිනුත් මේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටේ අනන්‍යතාව හා ගෞරවය ආරක්ෂා කරගනිමින් ඉහත සඳහන් චෝදනාවන් සියල්ලගෙන්ම නිදහස්වන එසේම ජයකෙහෙළි නැන්වූ එකම නායිකාව වශයෙන් මේ රටේ ජනතාව මෙන්ම සමස්ථ ලෝකයම පිළිගත් රාජ්‍ය නායිකාව වනුයේ   සිරිමාවෝ රත්වත්තේ බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිනිය පමණි. තම ජන්මයෙන්ම උරුමකොටගත් කෘතහස්ථ දේශපාලන නායිකාවක් වශයෙන් මේ රට තුල මෙන්ම කලාපීය සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර වශයෙන්ද එතුමිය දිනාගත් ජයග්‍රහන අපමණය. ඒ නිසාම එතුමිය, ගැමුණු කුමාරයෙකු නොවැදුවද, නූතන විහාරමහා දේවිය යන ගරු නාමයෙන්ද සිංහල ජාතිය විසින් පුදණු ලැබුවාය.

ඒ සියල්ල අතරින් එතුමිය විසින් මේ රටට සිදු කරණලද විශිෂ්ඨතම කාර්‍යය වූයේ 1948 සිට වසර 24ක් පුරා මේ රට පාලනය කළ කිසිම රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකුට කිරීමට නොහැකිවූ, එතෙක් බ්‍රතාන්‍ය තමන් සතුකොට ගෙන තිබුණු, පූර්ණ නිදහස් රාජ්‍යයක මූලික අන්ග තුන වන ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක, විධායක සහ අධිකරන බලතල සහිත නිදහස්,නිවහල්, ස්වෛරී ස්වාධීන ජනරජයක්, 1815 න් පසු යළිත් පළමුවරට ප්රකාශ කොට 1948 ඊනියා නිදහස නම්වූ සෝල්බරී අධිරාජ්‍ය ග්‍රහනයෙන් මේ රට මුදාගෙන 1972 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකා සමාජවාදී ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදි ආණ්ඩුකරම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් 1815  මාර්තු 2 වන දායින් පසු නැවතත් මේ ලක්මව ස්වෛරී, ස්වාධීන නිදහස් සිංහල බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍යයක් බවට පත්කොට 1815 මාර්තු 2 වන දින  සිංහල ජාතියට අහිමිවූ ඒ නිදහස් රාජ්‍ය,  ශ්‍රී දන්තධාතූන් වහන්සේ වැඩ සිටින සෙන්කඩගල ශ්‍රී දළදා මන්දිරය අභියස මහමලුවේදීම යලිත් සිංහ ධජය නන්වා අපට අහිමිවූ ස්වෛරී, ස්වාධීන, නිදහස් ශ්‍රී ලංකා  රාජ්‍යයේ   අභිමානය 1972 මැයි මස 22 වන දින සමස්ථ ලෝකයටම ප්‍රකාශ කලාය.  

මීට අමතරවව එතුමිය විසින් දේශිය වශයෙන් කරනලද සෙසු සේවාවන් අතර 1948 න් පසු මේ රටේ සිටි සියළුම පිරිමි අගමැතිවරුන් අත තැබීමට පවා බියවූ බ්‍රතාන්‍ය සතුව තිබුණු  රන්පවුම් වතු ජනසතු කිරීම, 1972 ඉඩම් ප්රතිසන්ස්කරණ පනත යටතේ තම පවුලෙ වතු ඇතුලුව මේ රටේ සියලුම පුද්ගලික වතු, එක් පුද්ගලයෙකුට අක්කර 50 ක සීමාවක් පනවා ජනසතු කිරීම සහ යෝධ තෙල් සමාගම් වූ මොබිටෙල් සහ කැල්ටැක්ස් වැනි ඇමෙරිකානු සහ යුරෝපීය සමාගම් ජනසතුකොට ඒවා ලංකා කනිජ තෙල් සන්ස්ථාවට පවරාගැනීම, රට සන්වර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය, ස්වාධීන ආර්ථිකයක් ගොඩ නැගීම සඳහා,  ආනයන ආදේශ ආර්ථිකයක මුල්ගල්වන ස්වදේශිය කෘෂි කර්මාන්ත, කර්මාත සහ සේවා අන්ශ දියුණු කොට ස්වයන්පෝෂිත ආර්ථිකයක් ගොඩ නගා ජාත්‍යන්ත්‍රයට ණය නැති රටක් හා ජාතියක් 1977 වනවිට  ගොඩනගා මේ රට සන්වර්ධිත රටක් බවට රැගෙන යාමේ ප්‍රබල  අඩි තාලම ඇය දැමුවාය.   

එතුමියගේ ජාත්‍යන්තර තලයේලා ගත් ජයග්‍රහනයන් අතර

1962 ඉන්දුචීන යුද්ධය සමාදාන කිරීම, 2024 Jun 28, කච්චතිව් දිවයින ලංකාවට ලබා ගැනීම, 1976 දී නොබැඳි ජාතීන්ගේ සමුළුවේ සභාපති වශයෙන් පත්වීම සහ ඉන්දීය සාගර කලාපය සාම කලාපයක් වශයෙන් කායිරෝ නොබැඳි සමුලුවේදී එහි නායිකාව වශයෙන් යෝජනාකොට ජුලියස් නියරේරේගේ ස්ථිරත්වයෙන් සම්මතකොට එ.ජා.මහා මණ්ඩලයේ 26 වන සභාවාරයේදී 1971 දී එය සම්මත කොටගැනීම වැනි ජයග්‍රහන රැසක් ලබාගෙන මේ රටේ නූතන විහාරමහාදේවිය වශයෙන් විරුදාලත් එතුමිය මෙ රටේ පමණක් නොව අග්නිදිග ආසියාවේ කලාපයේ මෙන්ම ලෝක නායිකාවකගේ මට්ටමට පැමිනියාය.

1977 දී බලයට පත්වු ජේ.ආර්, මේ සියල්ල කනපිට හරවා අයි. ඇම්. එෆ්. උපදෙස් අනුව විවුර්ථ ආර්ථිකය මේ රටට හඳුන්වා දී රට යලිත් ආර්ථික අඝාධයට හා පරාධීන භාවයට ගෙන යාමේ පදනම දමනලදී. ඉන්පසු බලයට පැමිනි සෑම රාජ්‍යක්ම යලිත්  පෙබ් 4 ම සුද්දාගේ නිදහස් දිනයම සැමරීම ආරම්භ කරණ ලදී.    ජේ ආර්, මැතිනිය දේශපාලන කරලියේ යළි හිස එසවීම වැලැක්වීම සඳහා එතුමියගේ ප්‍රජා අයිතිවාසිකමද වසර 7 කට අහෝසිකොට 1987 දී රජිව්/ජේආර් ගිවිසුමෙන් මේ රට තම ප්‍රානය රැක ගැනීම සඳහා ඉන්දියාවට පාවා දෙනලදි.

 ඒ මගින් මේ රටේ ඉතිහාශය මුළුමනින්ම කනපිට හරවමින් උතුරු නැගෙනහිර දෙමල නිජබිම වශයෙන් පිලිගැනීම,දෙමලද මේ රටේ රාජ්‍ය භාශාවක් වශයෙන් නීති ගත කිරීම රට කෑලි 9 යකට කඩා, පලාත් සභා පිහිටුවා, ඊළමට පිඹුරුපත් සකසා දීම අතුලු 1797 සිට සුද්දන් විසින් සිහින දුටු මේ රට සින්හල දෙමළ වශයෙන් දෙකඩ කිරීමේ මූලික පදනම දමා මේ රට නිර්ලජ්ජිතව ඉන්දියාවට පාවාදිම වැනි දේශද්‍රෝහී ජාතිද්‍රෝහී න්‍යාය පත්‍රයක් අවසන්කොට ජුනියස් රිචඩ් ජයවර්ධන නමැති ඔහු අවසන්ගමන් ගියේය.

ඉන් පසු බලයට පැමිනි ප්‍රේමදාස, ඩී. බී, රනිල් සහ මැතිනියගේ සහජාත දියනියක්වූ චන්ද්‍රිකා,එසේම අනුගාමිකයින් වූ මහින්ද, සිරිසේන සහ ගෝඨාභය ඇතුළු සියලුම ශ්‍රී ලන්කාරයින්ද, එසේම  ජාති හිතෛශීන් වශයෙන් කාහල නාද දෙමින් බලය ලබාගත් ජාතික විමුක්ති පෙරමුණු නායක අනුර කුමාරද මෙ රටට සැබෑ නිදහස ලබා ගත් 1972 ජනරජ දිනය සැමරීම නොකොට සුද්දා විසින් 1948 දී මෝඩ සින්හලයින්ගේ හිස මත පැටවූ   බෙදුම්වාදී සහ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදි  නිදහස නැමති මාරක මළපුඩුවම බෙල්ලේ දාගෙන  තවමත් නිවට පරාධීනත්වයේ නිවට බව සහ සෙළුව මුළු ලොවටම ප්‍රදර්ශනයකරමින් සුද්දාගේ  පෙබරවාරි 4 රම මේ රටේ හා ජාතියේ නිදහස සමරමින්  මේ රටත් ජාතියත් මැරීම දිගටම තවමත් කරගෙන යන බව සක්සුදක් සේ පැහැදිළිවන අතර මොවුන් සියළු දෙනාද ජේ ආර් ගේ අයි.එම් එෆ්. සහ ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාප්ත වාදයේ බෙර පදයට අනුව සෙළුවෙන් නටමින් මේ රට විනාශය කරාම ගෙනයමින්, වසර 2500 කටත් වැඩි ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති මේ සින්හල රටත් ජාතියත් පාවාදෙමින්, එකිනෙකා කුළල්කාගනිමින් මාරුවෙන් මාරුවට මේ රටත් ජාතියත් විනාශ කරමින් සිටී. මෙ රට ඉන්දියානු ව්‍යාප්ත වාදයෙන් බේරාගැනීම ප්‍රධාන මාතෲකාවක් කොට ගත්,කඳුරටේ තේ ගලවා බතල හිටවන බවට පුරසාරම් දෙඩූ ජා. වි.පෙරමුන, ජේ ආර්ටත් වඩා දරුණු අන්දමින් මේ රටත් ජාතියහ් හොර ගිවිසුම් 7 කින් පාවාදුන් බව ප්‍රකටය.

අද මේ රට තුල පවතින දේශපාලන කුළල් කා ගැනීම  ආත්මාර්ථකාමිකම, ඊර්ෂියාව ක්‍රෝධය කොපමණදැයි කීමට හොඳම උදාහණය 19 වන දින පැවැති රණවිරු උත්සවයට 30 වසරක් පුරා කිසිවෙකුට පරාජය කිරීමට නොහැකිවු කොටි ත්‍රස්ථවාදයෙන් රට ජාතිය බේරාගත්, නූතන දුටු ගැමුණු වශයෙන් හැඳින්වු මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට ආරාධනා නොකෙරීමෙන්ම අනුරගේද එසේම මේ රටේ දේශපාලකයින් තුල පව්තින බල තන්හාව, වෛරය, ක්‍රෝධය සහ කුහකකම කොපමණදයි පැහැදිළිවේ.

මුළු ලෝකයේම, රටක් ජාතියක් පාලනය කිරිමට කිසිසේත්ම සුදුසුනැති පුද්ගලයින් රාෂ්ඨ්‍ර පාලනයේ යෙදී සිටින එකම රට මේ ශ්‍රි ලංකාව බව මා පවසනුයේ මෙන්න මේ නිසාය.

By Raj Gonsalkorale

Venerable Walpola Rahula Thero’s 118^th death anniversary fell on the 9^th of May. On the 24^th of May, a commemorative event is being organised by the Walpola Rahula Foundation Trust chaired by his only Monk pupil Venerable Galkande Dhammananda at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute. It is timely and of significant relevance to today’s societal practices in the name of Buddha and Buddhism, to examine the life and times of Venerable Rahula and his philosophy and approach to Buddhism.

In Venerable Rahula’s seminal work, What the Buddha Taught, he says The question has often been asked; Is Buddhism a religion or a philosophy? It does not matter what you call it. Buddhism remains what it is whatever label you may put on it. The label is immaterial. Even the label ‘Buddhism’ which we give to the teachings of the Buddha is of little importance. The name one gives is inessential. In the same way Truth needs no label: it is neither Buddhist, Christian, Hindu nor Moslem. It is not the monopoly of anybody. Sectarian labels are a hindrance to the independent understanding of Truth, and they produce harmful prejudices in men’s minds”

The above citation describes the philosophy that Venerable Walpola Rahula Thero embodied throughout his life. It was very much in line with the dictum Bahujana sukhaya bahujana hitaya or “for the happiness of the many, for the welfare of the many” and it was his guiding principle. His philosophy won him many friends and followers in Sri Lanka and internationally, and also some who disagreed with him. No doubt, if Buddha was alive today and graced the commemorative occasion, he would have readily agreed with Venerable Rahula.

In his book The Heritage of the Bhikkhu” Ven Rahula gives a vivid account of a Buddhist monk’s role as a servant to people’s needs as a follower and teacher of the basic Buddhist principles. In this informative volume, Ven Rahula emphasizes Buddhism as a practical doctrine for daily living and spiritual perfection, not simply a monastic discipline

Over time, this truism that has been shaped into different forms by many actors within the Buddhist community, lay people as well as by Buddhist Monks. Buddhist culture has been distorted from being representative of the basic philosophy of what Buddha taught, to an institutionalised culture that has transformed the veneration and practice of the Dhamma to the veneration of institutional practices. The following statement by Venerable Rahula noted in the website of Tsemrinpoche.com perhaps underpins this transformation and why institutional Buddhism thrives (https://www.tsemrinpoche.com/tsem-tulku-rinpoche/buddhas-dharma/ven-dr-walpola-rahula-thero-the-theravadan-academic.html)

He says two ideas are psychologically deep rooted in man: self-protection and self-preservation, and for self-protection man has created God, on whom he depends for his own protection, safety and security, just as a child depends on its parents, and for self-preservation, conceived the idea of an immortal Soul or Atman, which will live eternally. In his ignorance, weakness, fear and desire, man needs these two things to console himself. Hence, he clings to them deeply and fanatically.

While there is no God or Atman in Buddhism, these two ideas psychologically deep rooted in man as mentioned by Ven Rahula, and fears arising from ignorance, weakness and desire, have very likely led to the solace for these  promoted by institutional Buddhism as being adherence to cultural practices in the name of the Dhamma rather than the Dhamma itself and has perhaps functioned as the core foundation for the growth of the institutions.

Venerable Rahula’s philosophy was to practice and teach Dhamma rather than foster institutions that promoted cultural practices in the name of Buddhism, and he was a strong advocate of free thinking as the opening citation of this article clearly indicates. In this regard, the book ‘Sathyodaya’ written by Venerable Rahula epitomises his free thinking.  Venerable Galkande Dhammananda in his introduction to ‘Sathyodaya’ says that free thinking is not an ability gained easily through habit. Proper direction and guidance is required to develop this skill.

Though the physical body can be easily trained to perform a task, he says that the same cannot be said about training the mind.  He goes on to say that progressively cultivating human understanding and judgement through reasoning is a challenging task and that Venerable Rahula articulated how this may be done in many books he wrote, and his book ‘Sathyodaya’ or ‘Truth Awakening’ epitomised his approach to how Buddhists should practice Buddhism as Buddha taught (see ‘Sathyodaya’: Will the truth awaken in the New Year? https://www.ft.lk/columns/Sathyodaya-Will-the-truth-awaken-in-the-New-Year/4-676480). The fundamental wisdom that Ven Rahula promoted as Sathyodaya or Truth Awakening” was the capacity of each person to be fully awakened, to become a Buddha in their own right, enlightened and wise. A key tool that can help people on the path is the notion of critical thinking, reasoning. Ven Rahula went onto say that a person will not become a Buddhist by merely taking refuge in the triple gem through a verbal utterance. Nor will the person be a Buddhist by simply wearing a robe. A Buddhist is not defined by name or practice, but by conduct. In other words, if you are a good person, treat others with compassion and respect, and are wise and insightful in your actions, that is what makes you a Buddhist”.

The following is a concise biography noted in the Walpola Rahula Institute website about Venerable Rahula (https://www.walpolarahula.institute/). This biography is a very good illustration of the philosophy of Venerable Walpola Rahula which he believed in and practiced throughout his life.

Venerable Professor Walpola Rahula was born on the 9th of May, 1907, in the village of Walpola, in southern Sri Lanka. In 1920, at the age of 13, he was ordained as a Buddhist monk. He received his initial monastic training under the Venerable Paragoda Sumanasara, a highly revered, erudite monk who strictly adhered to the monastic code of conduct. From this teacher Ven. Rahula received the complete training required for a monk, which included language skills and how to live a frugal life. He engaged in monastic practices such as meditation and pindapatha (‘begging for alms’). Other than the education by Ven. Sumanasara, until his admission to the University of London, Ven. Rahula did not seek nor receive any formal education. In 1927, the 20-year-old Ven. Rahula was involved with the Colombo Dharmaduta Sabhava, a Buddhist missionary society. During this time, he worked with people oppressed by the caste system. He paid particular attention to teaching them the Dhamma, the Buddhist teaching while working towards their socio-economic upliftment. He and other program participants would regularly abstain from their meals and use the funds for the welfare of the underprivileged. During his sermons, Ven. Rahula regularly emphasised the importance of practising the Dhamma as originally taught by the Buddha and the importance of critical thinking and inquisitiveness. (These sermons were distributed as leaflets at the time. In 1992 they were published as a book under the title ‘Sathyodaya’). Ven Rahula’s critical approach gained him the respect and admiration of many lay and ordained Buddhists. However, it also attracted critics and opponents. Certain parties vehemently opposed his strong criticism of caste discrimination within the Buddhist clergy.

The next notable phase in Ven Rahula’s life was when he studied at the affiliated college of the University of London, in Colombo. In 1941 he graduated with an Honours Degree in Eastern Languages, becoming the first Buddhist monk from Sri Lanka to receive a university education. Even as a university student, he continued to help people in need of help. His service during the 1936 Malaria epidemic was recognised in the book Buddhist Studies in Honor of Walpola Rahula” by E.F.C Ludvaik, a professor at the university at the time. Continuing research activities after his undergraduate degree, he earned a Doctorate from the University of Ceylon for his thesis Some Aspects of the History of Buddhism in Ceylon”.

In the 1940s, when Sri Lanka was on the verge of gaining independence, Ven Rahula, along with other Buddhist monks like Ven. Yakkaduwe Sri Pannarama of the Vidyalankara Pirivena (An educational institute for Buddhist monks), Ven. Naththandiye Pannakara, Ven. Kotahene Pannakitti, Ven. Kalalelle Ananda Sagara took the position that the Buddhist monks had an active role in shaping the soon-to-be independent nation for the welfare of the masses. Ven. Rahula penned his seminal work ‘Bhikshuwage Urumaya‘ (The Heritage of the Buddhist Monk) to argue for the role of monks in ensuring the betterment of the masses. 

For over three years, the discussion of the Free Education Act was stalled. Progressives such as Ven. Rahula and other Buddhist monks of the Vidyalankara Pirivena campaigned for its discussion and enactment in the State Council of Ceylon.

Through articles published in the ‘Kalaya’ (Time) newspaper and public awareness campaigns organised around the county by the ‘Eksath Bhikkhu Sangamaya’ (United Buddhist Monks’ Association), sufficient political pressure was generated for this Act to be discussed in the State Council and subsequently passed in 1947. Ven. Rahula and other monks of Vidyalankara Pirivena played a pivotal role in enabling free education in Sri Lanka, which has benefitted multiple generations and lifted the socio-economic situation of many.

In 1950, Ven. Rahula joined the Sorbonne University, Paris, as a Post Graduate Research Fellow under renowned Professor Paul Demiéville (1894-1979), where he carried out an annotated translation of 4th century Mahayana Bhikkhu Asanga’s ‘Abhidharma-Samuccaya’ to French. This was Ven. Rahula’s scholastic Magnus opus. It was also during this time Ven. Rahula wrote the book ‘What the Buddha Taught’, which would become the most widely read book on Buddhism in the Western world. During his time in France, Ven. Rahula acted as an ambassador of Buddhism, laying the foundation for Buddhist education in Europe.

Due to his fame and reputation as a scholar of Buddhism, in 1965, Ven. Rahula was invited to be the Professor of Religious History and Literature by the Northwestern University in the USA. While teaching at the Northwestern University, he also worked on streamlining the Buddhist study programs at other American Universities.

In 1966, the Sri Lankan Government invited Ven. Rahula to take up the position of Vice Chancellor of the Vidyodaya University (now University of Sri Jayawardanapura). As Vice-Chancellor, he worked purposefully to uplift the standards and prestige of the institution both nationally and internationally. University lecturers were sent to receive training overseas, and distinguished professors from foreign universities were invited to join the university. In 1969 he resigned from his post prematurely in protest of the political interferences to the university’s autonomy and returned to the USA. Back in the USA, he held professorships in several universities and was an advisor to postgraduate students at Oxford University, UK.

In the early 1980s, Ven. Rahula returned to Sri Lanka and was instrumental in establishing the Buddhist and Pali University of Sri Lanka” to enhance the education of Buddhist monks. In addition, Ven. Rahula founded the Buddhist Study and Research Institute”, later renamed the Walpola Rahula Institute” at Kotte. In 1980 a group of celebrated intellectuals honoured Ven. Rahula by compiling a book named Buddhist Studies in Honour of Walpola Rahula”. The book was printed in London by the Gordon Fraser company. While Ven. Rahula was honoured by many prestigious universities around the world, he continued to be the Chancellor of the University of Kelaniya until his demise in 1997. Ven. Rahula passed away on the 18th of September 1997, having lived for 90 years. According to his will, his remains were cremated within 24 hours at the Borella crematorium following traditional Buddhist funeral rites, without pomp, pageantry, or speeches.

Walpola Rahula Thero wrote extensively about Theravada Buddhism. Apart from his world-renowned book What the Buddha Taught, he published an enormous number of papers on Buddhism. Notable books written by him include History of Buddhism in Ceylon, Heritage of the Bhikkhu, Zen and the Taming of the Bull and Le Compendium de la Super Doctrine (French). A complete list of his writings, in Sinhala, English and French are noted in the Walpola Rahula Institute’s website.

World Buddhist Sangha Council

In conclusion, Venerable Walpola Rahula’s contribution to the World Buddhist Sangha Council is noted here as one of his major achievements. The founder Secretary-General of the World Buddhist Sangha Council, Venerable Pandita Pimbure Sorata Thera had requested Venerable Rahula to present a concise statement to the first Congress of the Council in 1967 that would unify all of the different Buddhist traditions. It was through his knowledge of the Mahayana acquired while he was studying at the Sorbonne that Venerable Rahula was able to produce the important Buddhist Ecumenical statement called The Basic Points Unifying the Theravada and the Mahayana, (https://www.tsemrinpoche.com/tsem-tulku-rinpoche/buddhas-dharma/ven-dr-walpola-rahula-thero-the-theravadan-academic.html) which was unanimously approved by the Council. The ten points were

1. Whatever our sects, denominations or systems, as Buddhists we all accept the Buddha as our Master who gave us the Teaching.
2. We all take refuge in the Triple Jewel: the Buddha, our Teacher; the Dhamma, his teaching; and the Sangha, the Community of holy ones. In other words, we take refuge in the Teacher, the Teaching and the Taught.
3. Whether Theravada or Mahayana, we do not believe that this world is created and ruled by a god at his will.
4. Following the example of the Buddha, our Teacher, who is the embodiment of Great Compassion (mahakaruna) and Great Wisdom (mahaprajna), we consider that the purpose of life is to develop compassion for all living beings without discrimination and to work for their good, happiness and peace; and to develop wisdom leading to the realisation of Ultimate Truth.
5. We accept the Four Noble Truths taught by the Buddha, namely, Dukkha, the fact that our existence in this world is in predicament, is impermanent, imperfect, unsatisfactory, full of conflict; Samudaya, the fact that this state of affairs is due to our egoistic selfishness based on the false idea of self; Nirodha, the fact that there is definitely the possibility of deliverance, liberation, freedom from this predicament by the total eradication of the egoistic selfishness; and Magga, the fact that this liberation can be achieved through the Middle Path which is eight-fold, leading to the perfection of ethical conduct (sila), mental discipline (samadhi) and wisdom (panna).
6. We accept the universal law of cause and effect taught in the Paticcasamuppada  (Skt. pratityasamutpada; Conditioned Genesis or Dependent Origination), and accordingly we accept that everything is relative, interdependent and interrelated and nothing is absolute, permanent and everlasting in this universe.
7. We understand, according to the teaching of the Buddha, that all conditioned things (samkhara) are impermanent (anicca) and imperfect and unsatisfactory (dukkha), and all conditioned and unconditioned things (dhamma) are without self (anatta).
8. We accept the Thirty-Seven Qualities conducive to Enlightenment (bodhipakkhiyadhamma) as different aspects of the Path taught by the Buddha leading to Enlightenment, namely:
   • Four Forms of Presence of Mindfulness (Pali: satipatthana; Skt. smrtyupasthana);
   • Four Right Efforts (Pali. sammappadhana; Skt. samyakpradhana);
   • Four Bases of Supernatural Powers (Pali. iddhipada; Skt. rddhipada);
   • Five Faculties (indriya: Pali. saddha, viriya, sati, samadhi, panna; Skt. sraddha, virya, smrti, samadhi, prajna);
   • Five Powers (bala, same five qualities as above);
   • Seven Factors of Enlightenment (Pali. bojjhanga; Skt. bodhyanga);
   • Eight-Fold Noble Path (Pali. ariyamagga; Skt. aryamarga).
9. There are three ways of attaining Bodhi or Enlightenment according to the ability and capacity of each individual: namely, as a Sravaka (disciple), as a Pratyekabuddha (Individual Buddha) and as a Samyaksambuddha (Perfectly and Fully Enlightened Buddha). We accept it as the highest, noblest and most heroic to follow the career of a Bodhisattva and to become a Samyksambuddha in order to save others. But these three states are on the same Path, not on different paths. In fact, the Sandhinirmocana-sutra, a well-known important Mahayana sutra, clearly and emphatically says that those who follow the line of Sravakayana (Vehicle of Disciples) or the line of Pratyekabuddhayana (Vehicle of Individual Buddhas) or the line of Tathagatas (Mahayana) attain the supreme Nirvana by the same Path, and that for all of them there is only one Path of Purification (visuddhi-marga) and only one Purification (visuddhi) and no second one, and that they are not different paths and different purifications, and that Sravakayana and Mahayana constitute One Vehicle One Yana (ekayana) and not distinct and different vehicles or yanas.
10. We admit that in different countries there are differences with regard to the ways of life of Buddhist monks, popular Buddhist beliefs and practices, rites and rituals, ceremonies, customs and habits. These external forms and expressions should not be confused with the essential teachings of the Buddha.

In many aspects, Venerable Walpola Rahula was one of a kind. His simplicity, being a practitioner and not just a preacher, his scholarly knowledge of the Dhamma, his ability to have disseminated this knowledge to vast audiences locally and overseas, his adherence to Buddha’s message of service to others for the happiness of the many, and for the welfare of the many, and his steadfast belief and active promotion of mans right to free thinking. In summing up who Venerable Walpola Rahula was, perhaps the words of Venerable Galkande Dhammananda would describe his lifelong dedication to the one key quality that functioned as one of his core value, freedom to think.  Proper direction and guidance is required to develop this skill. Though the physical body can be easily trained to perform a task, the same cannot be said about training the mind. Progressively cultivating human understanding and judgement through reasoning is a challenging task and Venerable Rahula articulated how this may be done in his teachings and in the many books he wrote”.

Courtesy Investing.com

Investing.com — The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has announced an unexpected 25 basis point rate cut, capitalizing on the current period of low inflation. The bank appears less convinced about inflation reliably reaching 5% in the second half of 2025.

The bank anticipates inflation to turn positive in the third quarter of 2025 and “gradually align with the target thereafter”. This appears more vague compared to their commentary in March 2025, where they stated that inflation “would reach the targeted levels by year-end”.

Citi has updated its expectations based on this new development. The bank now forecasts another 25 basis point rate cut in July, which would bring the forward-looking real rate to around 2.5%. This prediction stems from the belief that inflation is unlikely to consistently hit 5% in the second half of 2025, real GDP growth is projected to be less than 4% in 2025, and the currency remains stable despite global uncertainties.

However, Citi acknowledges that this is a close call, as there are several risks that could compel the Central Bank of Sri Lanka to maintain current rates.

These include the potential second-order impact of an electricity price increase or an irregular monsoon season driving inflation higher in the second half of 2025, and potential adverse outcomes or delays surrounding a US trade deal, which could reignite external sector risks.

Courtesy The Peninsularqatar

Photo by (Fazeena Saleem/The Peninsula.)Follow usnewsCopyA+A-

AFP

Colombo:Sri Lanka’s central bank cut its benchmark interest rate on Thursday, the first reduction in six months, with signs that the crisis-hit nation was emerging from its worst economic downturn.

The single policy rate was reduced by 25 basis points to 7.75 percent, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka said in a statement, following a review by its Monetary Board.

“This measured easing of the monetary policy stance will support steering inflation towards the target of 5.0 percent, amidst global uncertainties and current subdued inflationary pressures,” the statement said.

“Recent leading economic indicators reflect sustained progress in domestic economic activity,” it said.

The South Asian country, which declared a sovereign default on its $46 billion external debt in April 2022, has restructured its bilateral loans and international bonds, giving it more time to repay.

Inflation, which peaked at nearly 70 percent in September 2023, has dropped sharply and the country has been experiencing deflation since September last year.

The International Monetary Fund, which granted a $2.9 billion bailout loan in early 2023, says Sri Lanka is slowly emerging from its crisis and that the economy has turned around, although risks remain.

Courtesy Macau Business

British fashion retailer Next has abruptly shut one of its three factories in Sri Lanka, sacking around 1,400 workers and sparking protests on Wednesday.

The Next factory at the island’s Katunayake Free Trade Zone, just outside the capital Colombo, announced its immediate closure on Tuesday and promised severance deals to 1,416 workers made redundant overnight.

David Reay, director of manufacturing at Next, said the plant had been unprofitable for several years and that he had no alternative but to close it.

At the heart of this decision is the increasingly high operating cost of the Katunayake manufacturing plant,” Reay said in a statement, adding the company will continue to operate two other factories on the island.

A powerful trade union said over 800 of its members were out of work as a result of the sudden closure, and it would seek legal redress to secure their jobs.

The decision to close without any consultation with us is a violation of a collective agreement,” said Anton Marcus, the general secretary of the Free Trade Zones and General Services Employees Union.

The union rejected the claim that the factory was unviable.

Last month, Sri Lanka’s apparel industry warned that threatened US tariffs would disrupt the island’s largest export sector and place thousands of jobs at risk.

A tariff rate of 44 percent on Sri Lankan exports to the United States has been on hold for months by the US authorities, but a new 10 percent baseline tariff is being applied in the meantime.

Sri Lanka exported $4.76 billion worth of garments last year, up from $4.53 billion the previous year. The industry employs about 350,000 workers and is a key foreign exchange earner.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, May 22 (Daily Mirror) – President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s request to allow incumbent Auditor General Dharmapala Gammanpila to remain in the post for six more months has been approved by the Constitutional Council (CC) today.

The request was approved by all members of the CC according to sources.

By Venerable Bhikkhu Mihita, Ph. D.

Introduction

When a Buddhist devotee offers  alms to the sangha and/or participate  in any other religious activity, the expectation is to earn enough punna merit to gain a berth  in Heaven (sagga), obviously by way of  having  a qualitatively better life than on Earth.  Fair enough! But   where is heaven? Based in a study of the Tipitaka Tricompendium, this writer has  come to identify Heaven  as being nothing but the Sky! And hence the term    Sky-Heaven as used in this article.

So here then is the basis. As in the Ratana Discourse,   a territory hit by a severe drought and hunger, the Buddha   implores to the deities to have compassion on the human population (mettam karotha maanusiyaa pajaaya). He addresses Whoever  beings (yaaneedha bhootaani) assembled (samaagataani) [to hear his Dhamma], on Earth (bhummaani)  or   ‘going through air’ (antalikkhe), meaning Space. So  what could  air, or Space be, as contrasted with Earth,  other than the Sky?

This comes to be clear in another line.  The pleading is done in   the name of the Triple Gem – Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha. Declares the Buddha,   Whatever treasure there is, here or there [idha vaa huran vaa], or Heaven .. [saggesu vaa],  there is none equal to the Buddha”. Taking the reference to ‘here  or  there’ being to Earth,  would Heaven then not mean as contrasting with   Earth?   If this is based on language analysis, heard of  rukkha devatas ‘tree devas’ or ‘ground-based’ bhummattha devas? So there we go! Convincing enough?   

And so it is based in Canonical evidence   that I have ended up writing the  paper, Sky as Heaven, but Temporary Abode: as in  Buddhianscience” (<https://hdl.handle.net/1807/127073>). A point to remember is that just as is life on Earth is temporary, so is life in Sky-Heaven,     lasting  a few months or years, or    even  eons! 

Sky-Heaven as in the Buddhadhamma is made up of four   realms  – sense-based, form-based, non-form-based and beyond-world (kaamaavacara, roopaavacara, aroopaavacara, lokuttara). In my paper, I parallel them to  the four-plus levels  of the Space above Earth as in Westernscience – (0 km to 500 km).

I	II	III	IV	V
SENTIENT      TYPE	REALM	REALMS IN                  BUDDHIANSCIENCE	SPHERES IN         WESTERNSCIENCE	KM FROM  EARTH
Deva	Celes-tian (Sky)	Exosphere (lokuttara)   Formlessphere (arūpāvacara)    Formsphere (rūpāvacara)    Sensesphere (kāmāvacara)	Exosphere   Thermosphere   Mesosphere   Stratosphere   Troposphere	500 +   50-400     30-50          10-30        0-10
Human   Animal	Terres- trian (Earth)	[Sensephere (kāmāvacara)]	Troposphere	0-10

                              Sky Spheres in Buddhianscience Paralleling Sky Spheres in Westernscience

Is  it not of interest that  the prefix ‘exos’,  in Line 1 Column 4 of the Chart, well parallels ‘beyond-world’  as is the literal translation of ‘lokuttara’  in the Buddhianscientific characterization? That then should speak to the reality of the realms as in the Tricompendium being in the Sky, beginning from right under our very feet, at  0 km.

A Spontaneous, Parentless Rebecoming in Sky-Heaven

Now that we have an understanding of the Sky-Heaven,   the next relevant question is how an Earthly human being   passing away ends up in Sky-Heaven, if sufficient merits earned. This then is my most recent paper, linking  Buddhadhamma to Physics and Biology.  It is titled CittaDNA, Higgs Field and Psychomorphic Resonance Co-conditioning a Rebecoming in  Sky-Heaven  – a  Buddhianscientific  Exploration in Relation to Westernscience)”    <https://hdl.handle.net/1807/141920>.

A human being (if also an animal) is a  ‘Mindbody’ naamaroopa,  as is the  Buddhian term. While Westernscience recognizes only the five  physical senses – eye, ear, nose, tongue  and body, Buddhianscience recognizes a sixth, and indeed the primary, namely the mind sense, behind the other five senses as well. So clearly a human  is made up of a visible body, which is guided by  a mind behind it. 

          The death of a person then  means the mind being separated from the body. In the final stream of consciousness, without continuing on to the end, halfway through, the mind, Citta, this  being the Abhidhammic   term, bids goodbye to the body, exiting it, and so it is called   the exit-mind (cuti citta).

           But then, alas, the mind, not having a body,  is orphaned,  having lost its lifelong buddy the bosom body!!! So how can it survive? With  no  physical counterpart with which it can link, there would be no mindbody.  And so it is   Westernscience that I turn to, specifically Physics and Biology,  the Figure below introducing the specifics:

                              Triple conditions for a Rebecoming in Sky-Heaven

captured in the form of a cell

As in  the Figure, the three components that then come together towards conditioning a Rebecoming in Sky-Heaven are CittaDNA, Higgs Field and Psychomorphic Resonance.

         To explain CittaDNA, while what left the body at the point of death as above is ExitCitta, what links up with Higgs Field is what   I have come to call CittaDNA!  DNA is the genetic code inherited  from parents. Likewise is  Citta   the bearer of the history of a given   individual. Hence the name change.   

           But now, CittaDNA is  orphaned. And there would be no continuing on without a mass. This is where Higgs Field, named after British Physicist Peter Higgs,  one of the three  founders,   comes to the rescue. It is

a field of energy that is thought to exist in every region of the universe. [It] is accompanied by a fundamental particle known as the Higgs boson, which is used by the field to continuously interact with other particles, such as the electron. Particles that interact with the field are given” mass and, in a similar fashion to an object passing through ….. Higgs bosons contain the relative mass in the form of energy.

Let us note how particles that interact with the field   are given” mass and, and also  an object passing through. And so it is that the CittaDNA comes to be given   mass, and no longer orphaned, but in interaction with mass.  

However, while the mind is now linked with  a mass, it has no  specific shape. This is where Morphic Resonance pitches in.  Advanced by British Biologist Rupert Sheldrake, it is  a process whereby self-organizing systems inherit a memory from previous similar systems”. But given that mind is the forerunner, as in Buddhianscience, it is to capture this dimension that I have called it Psychomorphic Resonance.

So the memory of Devas in  Sky-Heaven , literally ‘shining ones’, now joining the CittaDNA-Higgs Field   joint duo,   there comes to be a Rebecoming in Sky-Heaven! And, would you believe,  it is spontaneous, meaning instantaneous!!

           The Buddhian   formula of  ‘conditioned co-origination’ (paticca samuppaada) well explains the process of three strangers ending up as an amicable  single unit.  It is a co-origination, since the outcomes emerges conditioned in a mutual relationship  of    A <>B <> C.   If A serves as the mind  dimension, B is the Higgs Field  physical dimension.  But it is C, Morphic Resonance,   that gives shape to the Rebecoming.    

         To draw a rather mundane analogy,        a mother  hugs baby  who hugs mom. Happiness emerges for both, co-conditioned by each other. Likewise in relation to the  threesome.  To give a rather material parable, let’s say an artist  thinks of doing a painting of the scene of Prince Siddhartha leaving the palace, and getting a horse back ride with Channa at the ropes.    There then is the mind dimension. So  he gets the material for it – brush, paint and paper. And now he begins to draw the horse. So what guides him?  Would it not be the memory of the Prince on horseback, and other details?  So based in memory, the picture of Prince Siddhartha on  horseback with Channa in front holding on to the reins, and the horse in galloping stride   emerges on paper!  So, the thought to build is the mind dimension (CittaDNA), the material the physical (Higgs Field),    and   Psychomorphic Resonance the memory.

The end product of the union of the threesome is called a Rebecoming, and not      a birth, since it is parentless. Rebecoming is, as above,  spontaneous, the Buddhian  term  ‘Opapaatika’ literally meaning  ‘falling near’; that is, instantaneous, since there is  no birth process.    

Interestingly, we get the explanation and justification of the Buddhian concept of spontaneity  in Westernscience:

… when …  a system is far from equilibrium, or where it is at a much higher temperature than its environment, new types of structures may originate spontaneously. The result is that new dynamic states of matter, namely, organic life, are created.

This then is the complex process of how, an earthly, terrestrial being, as in the chart,  upon passing away,   would end up in Sky-Heaven. Anyone voting to go through the process? Yes, you all will all,   if enough merit gathered and    are looking for  a happier life!

Life in Sky-Heaven

So is   there any record of Sky life in the Tricompendium? You bet!  One night, a young man appears before the Buddha,  and speaks in verses, beginning with

This indeed is that Jeta’s Grove,                                                                                                    The Resort of the Order of Seers,

Dwelt in by the Dhamma King,

A place that gives me joy.

He immediately disappears. Buddha relating the experience to monks  the next day, Ananda wonders if that was not Anathapindika, the Buddha’s greatest benefactor, who had died the day before. The Buddha confirms.  

Then there is the deitess Devata in the Mahaamangala Blessings Discourse, who lightens up the entire Jeta grove” in the night, and appears before the Buddha, and beseeches him:

      Many a deva and human  have wondered about the Blessings.                                                     For their benefit, may the Blessings be please spelled out.

So the Buddha does.   And you have heard them at paritta ceremonies, even though you may not have known the meaning of the words.

So does the fact that both Deity Anathapindika and the nameless Deitess appear in human form, and also communicate in language, indeed poetic diction, not speak to the presence of the six senses in them?

But if the examples above are taken from the Tricompendium, would you believe if evidence comes from the 20^th c. Westernscience? To give an example, one day, at about 6 am,  a grandson  gets a call from his brother living in a different city, Picking up the phone, he immediately asks,  

Did grandpa die”?

Yes. How did you know?”

He says that awakened from sleep  up at 1.10 am,  he  saw grandpa smiling,  the dark room  well-lit up. The brother confirms that that is when he died.

So first it is clear that Rebecoming in Sky-Heaven has been in the form of a sentient-being – i.e., one with senses, in a sentient form as are humans,  with six senses. This then renders the Sky-being Deitesses and Deities (devatas and devas) a phenotype, just  as animals are, too.  And this would be under the genotype satto, meaning ‘Sky-being’ (plural sattaa).

      To give mundane parallel, let us take the term ‘vehicle’.  Taking it as  a genotype;  several are those that fall under it: 2-wheel bikes, baby tricycles, 4-wheel cars and buses and multi-wheel trains, all  as phenotypes on Earth. But not to be forgotten airplanes as phenotypes in the Sky!

         And the Buddha makes the  distinction between the two types absolutely  clear. You may remember the term naamaroopa ‘mindbody’ as above. And ‘roopa’  reference here is to ‘body’ in general. But in relation to a specific body,   the term used is  kaaya. In mindfulness meditation, e.g., one begins with ‘kaayaanupassnaa’ i.e., reflecting on one’s own specific body.

Above then is the evidence for the reality of Sky-beings, Devatas and Devas, paralleling Earth-beings, female and male! Hope you have well grasped it.  

Incidentally, if by chance you are intrigued by my term Buddhianscience as replacement for  the misnomer ‘Buddhism’, please go to my article, Buddhianscience: Truth Yesterday, Truth Today, Truth Tomorrow” https://hdl.handle.net/1807/128886.

Closure

So my intent in presenting this media piece is, first, to give a realistic picture  of that goal of  Sky-Heaven that temple goers and  alms-givers eternally aspire to. A second is to bring to  the general reader, regardless of religion, some Westernscientific theories  that is only in the hands of scholars. A third is  to give a hint, with a specific example,  of  the scientific nature of the Buddhadhamma, a reality rarely  dealt with if ever,    even in scholarly literature,.

And so I invite  anyone interested to go deeper, and the sources quoted in this piece, particularly those with a background in Westernscience, to look up the article itself (as above), but also my book length treatment,  Phenotype  Devas  in Sky-Heaven  Paralleling Humans under the Genotype ‘sentient beings’ <https://hdl.handle.net/1807/141697>. Hope my short piece  establishes the reality  of Sky-Heaven, and  demolish the sceptical doubts   about  Sky-Heaven, taking it to be     mythological. But finally, it is to show how Sky-Heaven in Buddhianscience has no associations with divinity – i.e., a creator God, Angels, etc., .       

However, for all the advanced  knowledge gained, let us in this Wesak Season, listen  to the  words of the Buddha in the Agganna Discourse (see Wikipedia for a quick access), where  he outlines the Devolution and Evolution process of the Universe (see my paper, under my pre-ordination name,   <https://hdl.handle.net/1807/65093   >.  But   the  advice at the end of it all is straightforward – that is that  living the Dhamma far outweighs  gaining the highest knowledge! 

So recognizing that Sky-Heaven is  only a temporary abode, and that   returning  to Earth would mean  continuing suffering,  would you be not be interested in   modifying  your goal of getting a berth in Sky-Heaven, to experiencing  Nibbana?     And, if interested,    the first step towards this is letting go of the ‘body is me’ view (sakkaayaditthi).    And this is by coming to see that there is no ‘I’ or ‘me’, but that the body, as is the mind,   a mere process of constant change (anicca), and  on auto-pilot, i.e.,  with no doer behind, as e.g.,  a ‘soul’.  And that the body will end up as nothing more than a worthless log of wood fallen dead, as in the Buddhian  parable. The book, Thoughts without a Thinker,   by Mark Epstein well speaks to it. But you may also read up my short piece, Fetters in Tatters  Towards Sotàpanna” <https://hdl.handle.net/1807/139402>.

Looking to end up in Sky-Heaven would mean a coming back to Earth again and again, continuing in the samsaric life-cycle of, would you believe,  suffering and suffering and suffering!  And the outcome  of letting go of the ‘body is me view’ would be   coming to be a Stream-entrant, i.e., a sotāpanna.  Just as a stream goes only one way, as guaranteed by the Buddha,  once a sotāpanna,    there will   only be a maximum of 7 lifetimes, and only 4  on Earth before attaining Nibbàna.  We can see it   in an arithmetic chart:

LIFETIME	0	1	2	3	4	5	6	7
Celestian (Sky-Heavenly)	——	In Sky-Heaven as Born Stream-entrant	——–	In Sky-Heaven as Born Stream-entrant	——-	In Sky-Heaven as Born Once-returner		In Sky-Heaven born Non-returner > Nibbàna
Terrestrian (Earthly)	Becoming a Stream-entrant (sotāpanna)	——	Born-Stream-entrant	——	Born Stream-entrant > Once-returner (sakadaagaamin)		Born Once-returner > Non-returner (anaagaamin)

An Arithmetic Chart:  Stream-entry to Nibbana

However, the earthly lifetimes could be even less, becoming a Once-returner in Earthly life 2, and coming to be a Non-returner in 4, and attaining Nibbàna    in life-time 5, while in Sky-Heaven. And indeed, if one were to  walk the Path even more diligently,  a Stream-entrant, Once-returner  or Non-returner could come by the experience of Nibbàna  in that very lifetime.   This, however, would not be  as a householder, unless living in an Empty House, with all relationships with the world cut  off.   Any interest?

The beginning for all this, however,  is  living  by the Five Self-Training Principles (Pancaseela)    diligently, undertaking them willingly in a self-discipline:

1. to abstain from taking life (killing);
2. to abstain from taking what is not given (i.e., stealing);
3. to abstain from sexual misconduct (infidelity);
4. to abstain from language abuse (lying, back-biting, gossip, foul language);
5. to abstain from going overboard on liquor & drugs.

Taking to  meditation would be helpful as well.  Even for 20 minutes daily  might be a good  beginning, to help keep one’s calm.  But there would be no need to be at a temple or forest retreat. Home would be just as good.

If this is in a self-care,   as in the Buddhian  advice, not to be forgotten is other-care.  And this is through the four Noble Abidings –  Metta, Karuna, Mudita, Upekkha (friendliness, compassionate action, joy in the joy of others and equanimity). If living  guided by them   is certainly an other-care, would you be happy to hear that  the beneficiary would be yourself as well, with good, healthy cells coming to be formed in your own mindbody!?     

So while aspiring to end up in Sky-Heaven would certainly be a good goal,   when compared to being born an animal or into a woeful state, would not ending suffering for ever not be the far better?  And so it is hoped that you would take to    walk the Path diligently towards Nibbàna  Sadhu, sadhu, sadhu!

Thank you, Metta!   

Ven. Bhikkhu Mihita  is a US Fulbright scholar, Interdisciplinarian Buddhist scholar and Lifetime Buddhist practitioner. Formerly at University of Toronto, and Founder of Nalanda College of Buddhist Studies, Toronto, and Visiting Professor, University of Havana,   he was to get ordained at the prime age of 83, introducing Theravada to Cuba as well.   Pioneer in Canadian  Buddhism,  he was to bring World Buddhism  under one umbrella, holding  the first North American Pan-Buddhist Wesak in Toronto in 1981.       

Shenali D Waduge

A day of honor was turned into a day of betrayal. Victory Day in Sri Lanka is not just a date on a calendar — it is a solemn tribute to the tens of thousands of brave Ranaviruwo who laid down their lives to defend the nation from one of the most brutal terrorist organizations in the world: the LTTE. It is a day meant to remember sacrifice, celebrate unity, and reaffirm our commitment to a sovereign, unitary & undivided Sri Lanka. Yet this year, the President’s Victory Day address did not honor the fallen — it diminished their sacrifice. By deliberately avoiding the term Ranaviruwo,” failing to name the LTTE as terrorists, and drawing false moral parallels between those who defended the nation and those who tried to destroy it, the President not only rewrote the past — he betrayed the very spirit of the day. This response is not about politics. It is about truth, duty, and respect. It is a call to remember who our true heroes are, and to ensure their legacy is never blurred, distorted, or forgotten in the future — especially not by those who swore to protect it.

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1ASPz7suND

1. Sacred Day Undermined by Political Calculations

Victory Day is not just another commemoration. It is a solemn tribute to over 28,000 war heroes who laid down their lives & an equal number who are injured for life, to protect Sri Lanka’s sovereignty from LTTE terrorism. In his speech, the President failed to even call them Ranaviruwo”—a symbolic yet crucial term. His refusal to identify the LTTE as terrorists, while omitting to mention President Mahinda Rajapakse without whose orders as Commander in Chief to militarily defeat LTTE & rescue Tamil civilians held hostage by LTTE as well as name key military leaders who led the war to victory, is viewed not as omission but calculated erasure.

2. Revising History: A Dangerous Narrative

The President’s ambiguous moral equivalence—suggesting no one takes up arms without reason”—distorts the root cause of the conflict. Tamil separatism, not economic grievance, led to war. The Vaddukoddai Resolution (1976) openly called for armed youth rebellion. Prior to that the ITAK was formed seeking a separate Tamil Nation in 1949. The LTTE only hijacked the quest of Tamil politicians after being secretly trained by India alongside other Tamil militants & initiated the war, not the State. Our forces defended civilians and national unity—not against fighters,” but against internationally designated terrorists who were even getting help & material assistance from external forces.

3. Distortion of Sacrifice

Every life lost in defense of the country holds meaning. The sacrifice of:

• Total 28,589 war heroes paid the supreme sacrifice in defense of the nation
• Armed Forces – 23,962 (6261 died between 2006-May 2009 last phase)
• Airforce – 443
• Navy – 1160
• Civil Defense Force – 456
• Police – 2568 (includes the 600 policemen killed brutally by LTTE in the East)
• 29,551 Armed Forces personnel remain wounded.

cannot be equated with those who died attacking the country (LTTE & Other militants)

To compare the grief of a mother of a soldier with that of an LTTE terrorist’s family may be politically convenient—but morally and nationally dangerous. Soldiers defend a nation. Terrorists seek to attack & destroy it.

4. A Gravest Insult: False Moral Equivalence

Sympathizing with LTTE families without any mention of their atrocities—child soldiers, suicide bombers, ethnic cleansing—offends not only war heroes but the very truth of our national struggle.

The LTTE themselves kept families of other militants below their own elite circle. Now, the State, in the name of reconciliation, allows glorification of LTTE dead while marginalizing the real protectors of peace. This is an insult. The terrorists must be laughing at us.

Sri Lanka Armed Forces are CRUEL INHUMAN War Criminals – Look how they treated injured LTTE

5. The Fallacy of War for Peace”

Our military didn’t wage war to seek abstract peace. They fought to end terrorism, restore rule of law, and free civilians held hostage by the LTTE—nearly 300,000 in 2009 alone. Peace was a result, not the mission. The mission was national survival.

However, the wrong message conveyed by the President has been carried forward by his ministers as seen by their statements in Parliament

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/16EWUapt2z/ – this is the Justice Minister 

6. Ongoing threats ignored

The ideological battle continues:

• Pro-LTTE groupsabroad remain active continuing to seek separatism.
• University radicalizationin Jaffna grows.
• Demands for separate statehoodpersist
• Reduction in troop presenceas well as reduction of the entire armed forces, undermines stability & ushers vulnerability of the State.

Yet the President ignored all of these. That is not leadership—it is negligence.

7. Politicization of a Sacred Day

• Instead of unity, the President used Victory Day to:
• Criticize political opponents, float unfair theories
• Give veiled warnings to the military.
• Push vague, sanitized narratives on war and peace.
• Leadership requires moral clarity—not confusing sermons.

8. Reconciliation ≠ Whitewashing Terrorism

Reconciliation cannot come by erasing the difference between defenders and aggressors. It must be rooted in:

• Truth
• Justice
• Historical accuracy

The rumored promise to build a memorial for Prabhakaran (as per Shamindra Ferdinando) is a betrayal of national memory, not an act of peacebuilding.

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1AxmGqS3de

9. What Did They Sacrifice their Life?

• They died for:
• Aunitary Sri Lanka
• Aterror-free homeland

Protection of all citizens regardless of ethnicity

What they did not die for:

• Political expediency
• Rewriting of history
• Reconciliation” that rewards separatism

Not Everyone Can Become a Soldier

Not everyone can become a soldier — because not everyone has the strength to look death in the face and still choose to stand their ground. A soldier is more than a uniform; he is discipline in action, courage under fire, and sacrifice without applause. He is the shield between chaos and the people he has sworn to protect.

Behind every brave soldier is a mother who taught him compassion and resilience, a father who instilled honor and duty, and a family that nurtured the values that made him choose service over safety. These are not ordinary families — they are the unseen pillars of the nation’s strength.

Becoming a soldier is not a profession — it is a calling, one that only a few are willing and able to answer. It demands heart, willpower, and the ultimate readiness to pay the highest price. That is why Victory Day must remain sacred — to honor the extraordinary few who gave their all, so the rest of us could live in freedom. Their legacy is not to be distorted, compared, or diluted — because not all can be soldiers, and not all sacrifices are the same.

10. Final Verdict: A Dangerous Betrayal

• This is notreconciliation. It is revisionism. It weakens the nation and emboldens those who still seek to divide it.
• The real half-victory is not due to moral failure by the Armed Forces—but due to:
• Political failures to tackleongoing separatism
• Foreign-funded historical distortion

The President speaks of spread of racism? Who are the guilty? The Vaddamana Viharaya in the North was destroyed by Tamil racists, this is the situation outside Tissa Viaharaya in the North https://www.facebook.com/share/p/14GJVY8trkH/  all of the remaining Buddhist sacred sites are under risk by Tamil racists. Have a single Buddhist stopped Tamil praying in Hindu kovils across the South or anywhere else? The President must identify the real racists.

The State’s silence on continued desecration of Buddhist sites and illegal land grabs in the North & East. No Govt can speak for only minorities completely ignoring the rights, grievances & the wrongs being done to the majority.

A President is duty-bound to protect sovereignty, honor the military, and uphold truth—not to equate grief, promote dangerous moral ambiguities, or forfeit national memory for political gain.

Let this serve as a warning: a nation that forgets its heroes will one day struggle to find new ones. The people will remember what was not said, and they will not forget who chose silence over truth.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali D Waduge

If there is a war against terrorism and extremism, there can be no room for double standards. Yet, some foreign governments continue to permit the display and glorification of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and its associated symbols, despite the group’s designation as a banned terrorist organization in many countries. This dangerous hypocrisy not only undermines national security but also jeopardizes the safety of their citizens and the integrity of immigration and welfare systems. It is imperative that foreign governments recognize the threat posed by LTTE-linked activities and take decisive action to eliminate this danger, ensuring their policies align with their commitment to global peace and security. Any group holding flags, insignia, or chanting slogans of banned terrorist organizations on foreign soil — no matter the theme or cause of their demonstration — is promoting a terrorist movement. Full stop.

Governments that do not allow Al-Qaeda flags under the guise of protest cannot allow LTTE terror insignia either. If Governments wouldn’t permit ISIS supporters to build monuments to its leaders – why allow banned LTTE?. Why is the LTTE — a group responsible for suicide bombings, assassinations, child soldiers, and decades of ethnic cleansing — being given space to organize rallies, raise flags, and lobby foreign parliaments as well as erect monuments & influence school curriculums? Terrorism cannot be disguised. If a group is banned as a terrorist entity, then its glorification in any form must be banned too.

1. LTTE as a Global Security Threat

The LTTE, responsible for numerous acts of terrorism, including suicide bombings and assassinations, child soldier recruitment, continues to pose a significant threat beyond Sri Lanka’s borders. Why should foreign governments encourage banned entities to claim a separate state? This is an affront to diplomatic relations. Despite being banned in countries like Canada, US, UK, India, and the European Union, remnants of the LTTE persist, engaging in fundraising, propaganda, and recruitment activities within diaspora communities. These groups exploit legal loopholes and cultural narratives to perpetuate their agenda, undermining national security in host countries. The normalization of LTTE symbols and activities sends a dangerous message to other terrorist organizations, implying that such behavior is tolerated. Governments must recognize that allowing these groups to operate freely is a betrayal of their citizens and a moral failure on the global stage.

By continuing to allow LTTE-affiliated groups to operate freely, foreign governments are ignoring a critical threat: the radicalization of new generations, both within the Tamil diaspora and beyond. Many hardcore LTTE operatives have fled Sri Lanka under new identities and are now embedded in diaspora networks — and they haven’t abandoned their ideology.

The global rise of far-right and Islamist extremism has already shown how quickly violence can spread when radical ideas are left unchecked. The LTTE, though quieter in form, operates no differently. These former terrorists can easily be absorbed into or aligned with other extremist networks — making them a silent but potent threat to national security.

Let’s not forget: the LTTE assassinated former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on Indian soil, in collaboration with Indian conspirators. They are only peaceful” as long as they are given freedom to chant their lies. The moment foreign governments begin to rethink policy or restrict their influence, the potential for violent resurgence should not be underestimated.

2. Exploitation of Asylum and Welfare Systems

LTTE-affiliated individuals and organizations often exploit asylum laws, social benefits, and public services to fund terrorism, organize criminal activities, and radicalize youth. This abuse of immigration and welfare systems not only drains public resources but also undermines the principles of asylum and refugee protection. By permitting these groups to operate under the guise of cultural preservation or human rights advocacy, foreign governments are complicit in the misuse of their legal frameworks. It is crucial that governments hold these organizations accountable and prevent the exploitation of their systems.

Are these governments aware that people are being trained how to win the immigration officers sympathy. Tamils pay to be bruised & burnt with cigarette butts to falsely claim being tortured by the Sri Lankan Army. Shouldn’t these centres be investigated.

3. National Security Consequences and Law Enforcement

The stance a country takes on global terrorism—whether through tacit acceptance of groups like the LTTE or outright support for counterterrorism efforts—sends a signal to the international community. As terrorist groups like ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and others continue to be global pariahs, any government that tolerates the glorification of the LTTE risks undermining its own credibility on the world stage.

Governments that continue to allow these activities are failing in their duty to protect their citizens. The rise of knife gangs in the UK, the criminal networks in France, and the manipulation of welfare systems are just the tip of the iceberg. If LTTE-linked groups are allowed to continue this activity unchecked, it could embolden other radical groups to do the same. This is not just an issue of domestic policy; it has global ramifications.

The presence of LTTE-linked groups and their ability to organize freely in foreign countries emboldens other extremist organizations and undermines national security. These groups engage in activities such as fundraising, recruitment, and propaganda, often under the radar of law enforcement agencies. The rise of radicalization within diaspora communities and the manipulation of legal systems to further terrorist agendas pose significant challenges to law enforcement. Governments must strengthen their intelligence-sharing and cross-border cooperation to dismantle LTTE networks operating abroad.

4. The Moral Imperative: True Protection for Victims, Not Terrorists

The true victims of LTTE terrorism include not only Tamil civilians but also Sinhalese and Muslim communities who suffered from the group’s brutal tactics over 30 years. By allowing the glorification of LTTE symbols and activities, foreign governments implicitly endorse the group’s ideology and violent methods, sidelining the genuine concerns of all communities affected by their actions. This is a human rights issue. Foreign governments must recognize that supporting or tolerating groups that have terrorized and oppressed their own people is not just a policy mistake—it’s a betrayal of the very people they claim to protect.

5. A Call for Accountability and Global Solidarity

The time for soft responses is over. If foreign governments wish to be seen as legitimate leaders in the global fight against terrorism and extremism, they must apply the same standards to the LTTE as they do to any other terrorist group. There can be no room for double standards when it comes to terrorism. Governments must act decisively to:

• Enforce bans on LTTE symbols and activities within their borders.
• Invest in intelligence-sharing and cross-border cooperation to track and dismantle LTTE networks operating abroad.
• Hold accountable those political leaders and individuals who facilitate or fund these terrorist groups through lobbying, financial support, or otherwise.
• Investigate politicians on the payroll of these terrorists, especially those who are key spokespeople for LTTE lobbies.
• Ensure the integrity of immigration systems, preventing the exploitation of asylum processes by those linked to terrorism.

Have Foreign Govts asked themselves – Why Iis the LTTE Diaspora still protesting when Tamils in Sri Lanka are not?

If Tamils in Sri Lanka are rebuilding their lives in peace, and the diaspora left for better opportunities, why are LTTE-linked groups still pushing a narrative of genocide and oppression?

The answer lies in self-interest:

• Political Gain: Many diaspora activists use the Sri Lankan Tamil issue to gain political leverage and remain relevant in their adopted countries.
• Asylum Justification: Claims of genocide are often tied to their refugee or asylum status — admitting the truth could undermine those claims.
• False Representation: The LTTE diaspora does not represent all Tamils. In fact, they hijack Tamil identity to push extremist views most Tamils reject.
• Tamils living in Sri Lanka today are not waving LTTE flags or demanding separation (only those hired by the LTTE diaspora are) — they want peace and development. It’s time the world & foreign governments stopped listening to those who profit from prolonging division, and instead, heard the voices of Tamils who actually live in Sri Lanka.

This is not just about one country’s policies. This is a matter of global security and human rights and the safety of its own citizens on their soil. Governments must stop equivocating and take a stand—terrorism is terrorism, no matter where it comes from or who promotes it. The world is watching, and it is time to act decisively.

Shenali D Waduge