We have a candidate in line with our policies: PM

August 25th, 2019

Yohan Perera and J.A.L. Jayasinghe Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The National Democratic Alliance (NDF) will be formed soon and a candidate will be named shortly, Prime Minister Rani Wickremesighe said on Saturday.

We have chosen a candidate in line with our policies and we will name him at the right time,” the Prime Minister said.

Speaking during the launch of Bogambara Cultural Centre in Kandy, the Prime Minister said the NDF will be formed shortly as an agreement has been reached among the allies of NDF on the constitution of the proposed alliance.

We will form the NDF shortly and will select a suitable candidate for the presidency in line with our agreed policies,” he said. 

Karu ready to contest Presidency to abolish it

August 25th, 2019

By Upatissa Perera Courtesy Ceylon Today

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya had informed the United National Party (UNP) that he will contest the upcoming Presidential Election with the aim of abolishing the Executive Presidency if the Presidential candidacy is given to him with the unanimous agreement of the UNP.

He had emphasised that he took this decision in response to the requests made by several UNP members, not to surpass another person.

He had also stated that there’s no truth in rumours that he is going to contest the Presidential Election in a bid to protect the Party leadership held by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. 

I would like it if Sajith becomes presidential candidate – Mahinda

August 25th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Leader of the Opposition Mahinda Rajapaksa says that he would like it if Minister Sajith Premadasa runs for Presidency from the United National Party (UNP).

The Opposition Leader expressed these views following a function held in Colombo today (25).

According to him, his party, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has received the approval from the majority of the minorities.

The 123rd birth anniversary of Ven. Balangoda Ananda Maithree Thera was commemorated at the BMICH under the patronage of Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, today.

Power and Energy Min. Secretary avoiding COPE to protect politicos?

August 25th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The Secretary of the Ministry of Power and Energy Suren Batagoda is avoiding the Committee On Public Enterprises (COPE) in the fear of having to reveal the names of the politicians involved in these frauds, according to the Ceylon Electricity Board Employees’ Union.

General Secretary of the Union Ranjan Jayalal pointed out that the politicians involved in the issues protect the Ministry Secretary.

Many corruptions and fraud activities took place in the Ministry in the recent past and they still continue today, according to Jayalal. This is a national crime, he added.

The Ministry Secretary will have to reveal the names of the politicians in the current government to prove his innocence before the COPE committee, he further said.

UNP members to leave politics if Sajith isn’t made presidential candidate?

August 25th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

If Minister Sajith Premadasa isn’t named the United National Party (UNP) presidential candidate by the 30th of August, a group of UNP members, including himself, will make some tough decisions, states UNP MP Hesha Withanage.

The MP expressed these views speaking to the media at Godakawela, in Ratnapura.

He stated that the 30th of August is a decisive day for the UNP.

He says that they cannot watch the injustices done by the group attempting to sabotage the journey of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Therefore, if Sajith Premadasa isn’t named the Presidential candidate, a group UNP members are even ready to resign from their posts and leave politics, he said.

According to Withanage, Monitoring MPs, State, Deputy and Cabinet Ministers are also in the group willing to take such a drastic decision.

Current govt. blemished the terms ‘good governance’ & ‘democracy’ – Gotabaya

August 25th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

The presidential hopeful of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, attending the National Youth Convention of the party, addressed the solutions that would be provided to resolve the issues of the youth that concern the fields of education, employment, development, security, sport and environment.

The first phase of the SLPP National Youth Convention was held at the Nelum Pokuna Theatre yesterday (23) under the patronage of the former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and National Organizer of SLPP Basil Rajapaksa.

A large number of youths representing every district had attended the convention.

The ‘Lotus Declaration of Youth’ prepared with the proposals collected from youths across the country was presented to Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Leader of SLPP, Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa also attended the event.

Addressing the gathering, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that under his government more investments will be made on education.

Stating that the 21st century gives prominence to intelligence, the presidential hopeful said steps would be taken to increase the facilities at universities, upgrade them to be on par with other universities in the Asian region and expand technical education.

A long-term national policy must be made for the field of education and an education system that creates more job opportunities for local youth has to be established, he said. 

The current government did not give priority to national security ever since it came to power, the former defence secretary continued.

The leaders of a country must be aware of the importance of national security and Sri Lanka will be stabilized under his government, while restoring the intelligence units, the SLPP presidential candidate said assuredly.

The current government has blemished the terms ‘good governance’ and ‘democracy’, Gotabaya claimed.

The younger generation should live happily and think positively, he continued.

Gotabaya pledges to fulfill request of Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith

August 25th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa says he pledges to appoint an independent commission of inquiry to probe the Easter Sunday attacks through a government under his leadership.

The former Defense Secretary made this pledge in response to a request made by the Archbishop of Sri Lanka Rev. Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith for an independent commission of inquiry.

Rajapaksa stated that he fully understands the gravity of the situation and that he requests the current government to fulfill this long overdue request made by the Cardinal Ranjith.


The complete message of Gotabaya Rajapaksa:


My attention is drawn to the statement made by the Archdiocese of Colombo and His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, Archbishop of Colombo on 21st April 2019, in the wake of the horrific terrorist attacks on Easter Sunday.

I can understand the deep sadness and pressure faced by His Eminence, due to the lack of response to the demands made by the relatives of the innocent people who died and were severely injured, in the ruthless terrorist attacks on Easter Sunday, which shocked the entire nation.  

The statement called for the appointment of an independent Commission with legal authority to inquire into and bring to justice, all those who are responsible for the attack, those who organized sponsored the attack, those who, through sheer negligence of their duties, allowed the attack to take place, those who did not arrest suspects and allowed arrested suspects to be released.

I firmly believe that His Eminence, The Cardinal is making this appeal not only on behalf of the Catholics who are suffering but on behalf of all the people of Sri Lanka.

The statement further urged, to take all preventive measures to ensure such a catastrophe will not befall Sri Lanka once again.

As a person who was instrumental in wiping out 30 years of brutal terrorism within a short span of 3 years, I fully understand the gravity of the situation and request the Government of Sri Lanka to respond to the long overdue and very fair request made by His Eminence, without further delay.

The people of the country are fully aware that, together with His Excellency President Mahinda Rajapaksa, we defeated terrorism and created a safe and secure nation, where people could live without any fear.

I hereby pledge that the request made by His Eminence, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith to appoint an independent commission of inquiry will be promptly acted upon by a future government under our leadership and will ensure a country free of terrorism and extremism, so that people may live without fear again.”

Gotabhaya makes a promise to the Cardinal

August 25th, 2019

 Hiru News

Archbishop of Colombo his eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith said that he has no faith that proper answers will be received with regard to questions raised over the Easter Sunday attacks. The Cardinal expressed these views during a special service held at the Ragama – Thewatte Church.

Meanwhile, Presidential Candidate of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Gotabhaya Rajapaksa said that he will fulfil the request made by his eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith to appoint an independent commission to bring all those responsible for the Easter Sunday attacks to justice.

In a statement, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa said that he would assure a country free of terrorism and extremism.

ජනපති අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභයගෙන් කාදිනල් හිමිපාණන්ට පොරොන්දුවක්

August 25th, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

පාස්කු ඉරිදා ත්‍රස්ත ප්‍රහාරයේ වැරදිකරුවන් වන අය නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍ය යටතට ගෙන ඒමට බලය ලත් ස්වාධීන කොමිෂන් සභාවක් පත් කරන ලෙස අගරදගුරු අතිඋතුම් මැල්කම් කාදිනල් රංජිත් හිමිපාණන් කර ඇති ඉල්ලීමට තම රජයට බලයට පත්වූ විට නොපමාව ඉටු කරන බව ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂක ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ පවසනවා.

නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් කියා සිටියේ රටේ සමස්ත ජනතාවටම ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් සහ අන්තවාදයෙන් තොර රටක් තුළ බිය සැක නොමැතිව නිදහසේ ජීවත්වීමේ අයිතිය ලබාදෙන බව ද තමා ඉඳුරාම ප්‍රකාශ කරන බවයි.

කතෝලික රදගුරු මණ්ඩලය සහ අගරදගුරු හිමිපාණන් පාස්කු ඉරු දින ත්‍රස්ත ප්‍රහාරය සම්බන්ධයෙන් නිකුත් කළ නිවේදනය කෙරෙහි තමාගේ අවදානය යොමු වූ බව ද එහි දැක්වෙනවා

පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන්ට සැකයක්.

August 25th, 2019

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

පාතාල කල්ලි නායක කංජිපානි ඉම්රාන්හට පසුගියදා දුන් තීන්දුවෙන් පසු කොළඹ අපරාධ කොට්ඨාසය හා නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ක්‍රියා කළ ආකාරය සැක සහිත බව පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන් පවසනවා.

උන්වහන්සේ මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ අද කළුතර ප්‍රදේශයේ පැවති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකට එක්වෙමින්.

මේ අතර, විවාහයෙන් පසු මුස්ලිම් ආගම අතහැර බෞද්ධාගම වැලදගත් බියගම ප්‍රදේශයේ කාන්තාවකට විවිධ තාඩන පීඩනවලට ලක්වීම සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද පූජ්‍ය මාගල්කන්දේ සුදත්ත හිමියන් අදහස් පළ කළා

TAMIL & MUSLIM LEADERS RUBBING THEIR HANDS WITH GLEE! FOR HOW LONG? POLITICAL R.I.P. FOR SINHALA RANIL, ANURA KUMARA

August 24th, 2019

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

Sambandan, Mano Gaheshan, Sumanthiran, Rauf Hakeem, Badurdeen, Vigneswaran are now feeling something unique in Sri Lanka unfolding.  The ordinary Tamils and Muslims have now realized a distinct possibility that so-called saviours of Tamils and Muslims will not be kingmakers after the elections in Sri Lanka.

Several Tamil and Muslim members of Parliament were elected to their seats with massive Sinhalese vote base.  Sinhalese are now distancing themselves not only from Ranil, Maithree and Anura Kumara, but will also not vote for Tamils and Muslim candidates in the coming elections.

In the most recent General Election in India, PM Modi garnered the majority without the help of Muslims and Tamils.   This strategy will filter through to Sri Lankan Tamils and Muslims.  Sinhalese should be directing all their efforts to isolate the power base of Tamil and Muslim opportunists to save our nation.  Innocent Tamils and  Muslims are now finding true future guardians for them in Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapakse movement.

Eliminating Ranil Wickremasinghe from the political platform will ensure a massive defeat for the groups such as Sambandan, Mano Gaheshan, Sumanthiran, Rauf Hakeem, Badurdeen, Vigneswaran etc.   They have not provided any relief for either Tamils or Muslims.   

It was none other than Ranil Wickremasinghe who carried a Corporate Umbrella to the politically bankrupt Sambandan and Co.  It was a shame that in recent times, Ranil’s Umbrella was carried by Anura Kumara Dissanayake. At end of political demise of Ranil, the so-called socialist Anura Kumara will be hoping to own and carry Ranil’s policies.

We need new leadership from Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, Malay, Burgers.   The groundwork for this objective has already been formulated.  Sensing the danger of losing their power without Ranil Wickremasinghe, Sambandhan and Co. constantly attempt to approach MR&GR.

The MR&GR will keep Sambandhan and Co. in their right places, going forward.  The MR&GR will introduce a new Team of Muslim and Tamil Leaders who are passionate and willing to obey the Laws of the Land, without ulterior motives.

First thing first, Get rid of Ranil. 

The plight of some, who might not see the light never again.

August 24th, 2019

Laksiri Warnakula

The letter by ‘JAYMAN’ in the opinion column of the ‘Island’ of 20-08-19 titled ‘Ban export of slave labour to West Asia’ once again reminds us of the misery and the suffering the daughters of Mother Lanka go through, while working as domestic aides in the ME.

The majority of these unfortunate women ranging from quite young (possibly just past the teenage) to middle-aged often choose to go to these countries because of poverty, which the rulers of their Motherland cannot do anything about. Or it is quite likely that these politicians are burdened by and saddled with more urgent problems and the plight of these women doesn’t seem as one needing ‘top-priority attention’, in spite of the fact that their foreign exchange earnings constitute a formidable fraction, if not the biggest, of the total foreign exchange earnings coming into the country. 

Even when incident after incident, which we hear from time to time about some of these hapless, unfortunate women getting beaten, tortured and even maimed and murdered by their masters, both the past and the present governors of the nation remained and continue to remain blind to the tragedy and for all intents and purposes they do seem to be wholly unperturbed by those tragic incidents.

One would find it hard to understand let alone describe their callous disregard for the well-fare and wellbeing of these poor workers, who or nearly most of them become virtual slaves to these aliens, not because they like it or want it. They do not have any other option, when the heads of their country haven’t shown any interest in designing and launching short-term and long-term island-wide poverty alleviation programmes.


Temporary reliefs mostly with hidden political agendas are given out with lots of fanfare. Yet we all know the sustainability of such handouts. Even if they are sustained somehow, with great cost to the nation, the consequent economic ramifications will materialise in time to come. So all will be back to where they were before, with or without that increased ‘Samurdhi’ allowances and other handouts. So in the end the poor will stay poor or become poorer and our women virtually lambs to the slaughter will continue to board planes bound for these countries.


And going back to those alien masters even though they now are supposedly living in modernity, most of them are still close in their mindset to a people, who lived in medieval times, living in those god-forsaken, arid, desert lands and their attitude towards their own women is well known. And when it comes to foreign women, it is quite natural for them to look down upon and treat them like slaves. It is quite unlikely that those people will look at these women as paid workers, who need to be treated with dignity and respect too.

I do not wish to go much further. Many a concerned citizen has written about these Sri Lankan domestic aides working in the ME. Their working conditions and how they are treated by their masters are not secrets anymore, except perhaps to our politicians in the government and the relevant authorities, who still seem unconvinced.

And the elections are not far away. Lots of things are given in the form of promises and in kind and in cash too. Sanctimony and sincerity, both obviously phony, targeting the gullible voter, in particular, are over flowing almost everywhere.  

Let’s hope that whoever is going to sit at the helm next, will seriously do something about these daughters of Mother Lanka too and start work paving the way to stop this poverty-driven exodus to the ME.

Lastly, I have written two letters on the same subject, the first one fifteen years ago and the other just one year ago.

http://archives.dailynews.lk/2004/07/13/letters.html#1l

Has anything changed since?

And has anything changed since?

Laksiri Warnakula

කුවේට්‌ ගිය කාන්තාවෝ හිස්‌ අතින්ම ගෙදර එති…. මාස හයක්‌ එක දිගට ගුටි කකා වැඩ කළා…. ගෙවල් හයක වැඩ කළා කනවට බොනවටත‍් ගහනවා…

August 24th, 2019

 කටුනායක – ටී.කේ.ජී.කපිල 

* ගිහිල්ලා දුක්‌ විඳින්න එපා සම්බෝලයි බතුයි කාල හරි ළමයි එක්‌ක ජීවත් වෙන්න – මාතලේ ධම්මිකා 
 * ස්‌වයං රැකියාවක්‌ කරල හරි ලංකාවේ ජීවත් වෙන්න  – කුරුණෑගල නිරෝෂා 


 කුවේට්‌ රාජ්‍යයේ ගෘහ සේවය සඳහා ගොස්‌ සිටියදී, එම නිවෙස්‌වලින් විවිධ ආකාරයේ හිංසනයන්ට ලක්‌ වූ ශ්‍රී ලාංකික කාන්තාවන් 60 දෙනෙකු, එරට සිට ඊයේ 22 දින උදෑසන කටුනායක ගුවන් තොටුපළ වෙත එවා තිබුණි.
 
 මෙම පිරිස 22 දින උදෑසන 6.40 ට කුවේට්‌ සිට පැමිණි ශ්‍රී ලන්කන් ගුවන් සේවයේ යූ.එල්.- 230 දරන ගුවන් යානයෙන් කටුනායක ගුවන්තොටුපළ වෙත එවා තිබුණි.

වැටුප් සහ ආහාර නොලැබීම, උදෑසන සිට රාත්‍රී වනතුරු වැඩ ගැනීම, පහර දීම්වලට ලක්‌ වීම සහ විවිධ වධ හිංසාවලට ලක්‌වූවන් පිරිසක්‌ මෙසේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට එවා තිබුණි.
 
 ඔවුන් තම අසීරුතා තවදුරටත් දරා ගත නොහැකිව, තමන් සේවය කරමින් සිටි නිවෙස්‌ වලින් පැන ගොස්‌ , කුවේට්‌ රාජ්‍යයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ “සුරක්‌ෂා” 
 
 රැඳවුම් මධ්‍යස්‌ථානයේ රඳවා තබා සිටි කාන්තාවන් පිරිසකි.
 
 මෙම පිරිස අතර සිටි ගාල්ල ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි නන්දාවතී මහත්මිය මෙසේ අදහස්‌ දැක්‌වූවාය . 
 
 මම කුවේට්‌ ගිහිල්ලා අවුරුදු එක හමාරක්‌ වෙනවා. මම එහෙ ගෙවල් 06 ක වැඩ කළා.
 
 මම එක ගෙදරකින් ගහන කොට බනින කොට ඒජන්සියට දන්වනවා.
 
 එතකොට මාව වෙනත් ගෙදරකට දානවා. ඒ ගෙදර උදවිය මට දීපු පඩි සල්ලි උදුරා ගන්නවා. පස්‌සෙ මට ගහන්න බනින්න පටන් ගන්නවා. ඉතිං මම ඒජන්සියට කියපුවහම තවත් ගෙදරක වැඩට දානවා. 
 
 ඒ අයත් මගේ පඩි සල්ලි උදුරාගෙන මට ගගහ වැඩ ගන්නවා.
 
 පස්‌සෙ මාව සෞදි අරාබියේ ගෙදරකත් වැඩට දැම්මා. ඒ අයත් මට දීල තිබුණ පඩි සල්ලි උදුරාගෙන ගැහුවා.
 
 පස්‌සෙ මාව ආයෙත් කුවේට්‌වල වැඩට දැම්ම.
 
 ඒ හැම ගේකම කනවට බොනවට බනිනවා ගහනවා.
 
 දැන් මට අඳින්න ඇඳුමක්‌ වත් නැහැ .
 
 මීළඟ කතා කළේ මාතලේ ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි 32 හැවිරිදි චම්පිකා පණ්‌ඩිත මහත්මියයි.
 
 මට ළමයි තුන් දෙනෙක්‌ ඉන්නවා.
 
 මම කුවේට්‌ ගියේ 2017.09.09 දිනයි. මාව කුවේට්‌වල ළමයි බලන්න කියලයි අරං ගියේ. නමුත් මට එහෙදි බලන්න වුණේ සත්තු.
 
 ඒ ගෙදර කුකුල්ලු , බැටලුවෝ ඇති කරනවා.
 
 මට හැමදාම කන්න දුන්නෙ තක්‌කාලි හොදියි, බතුයි.
 
 මම බැරිම තැන, දවසක්‌ ඒ ගෙදරින් පාන්දර 3.00 ට විතර ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයට පැනල ගියා.
 
 මම ලංකාවේ කාන්තාවන්ට කියන්නෙ , කුවේට්‌ ගිහිං දුක්‌ විදින්න යන්න එපා. තමන්ගේ ළමයි එක්‌ක තියෙන විදියට සම්බෝලයි, බතුයි කාල හරි ජීවත් වෙන්න. කියලයි.
 
 කුවේට්‌ ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයේ තවත් ශ්‍රී ලාංකික කාන්තාවන් 160 ක්‌ පමණ ලංකාවට එන්න බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන් 
 
 රැඳිලා ඉන්නවා. යෑයි ද ඇය වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළාය.
 
 නිකවැරටිය ප්‍රදේශයේ පදිංචි 29 හැවිරිදි ඩී.එම්. සන්ධ්‍යා කුමාරි මහත්මිය ඊළඟට අදහස්‌ දැක්‌වූවාය.
 
 මට ළමයි 02 ක්‌ ඉන්නවා .
 
 මාව කුවේට්‌වලට යෑව්වෙ කුරුණෑගල තියෙන ග්‍රීන් වේ ඒජන්සි කියන සුප්‍රසිද්ධ ආයතනයෙන්. මට ඒ ගෙදරින් ගැහුවා. මේ මූණෙ තියෙන ගෙඩිය එක්‌ක තියෙන තුවාලෙ ඒක.
 
 මම මාස 05 ක්‌ ඒ ගෙදර ගුටි කකා වැඩ කළා. ඒජන්සියට කතා කළා . ඒජන්සියෙන් කිව්වා අපි ඔයාව කුවේට්‌වලට යෑව්වෙ නෑ කියල. 
 
 පස්‌සෙ මම කුවේට්‌වල තියෙන ඒජන්සියට කතා කළා. ඒ අයත් ගණන් ගත්තෙ නැහැ . මග ඇරියා. බැරිම තැන මම කුවේට්‌වල ශ්‍රී ලංකා තානාපති කාර්යාලයට පැනලා ගියා. එතැනින් අද මාව යළිත් ලංකාවට එව්වා. 
 
 මම කුරුණෑගල නිරෝෂා සුදර්ශනී . මගේ වයස අවුරුදු 23 යි. මම කුවේට්‌වලට ගියේ 2018.10.23 වැනිදා .
 
 මාව අඳුනන කෙනෙක්‌ තමයි මාව කුවේට්‌වලට යෑව්වෙ. මාව කුවේට්‌වල සැළුන් එකක වැඩට කියලයි යෑව්වෙ .
 
 ඒත් ඒක බොරුවක්‌ . එහෙ මාව දැම්මෙ ගෙදරක වැඩට. ඒක තට්‌ටු තුනේ ගෙයක්‌. මට ලංකාවෙදී කිව්වෙ මාසෙකට කුවේට්‌ ඩිනාර් 110 ක්‌ දෙනවා කියලා. ඒත් ඇත්තටම මට දුන්නෙ කුවේට්‌ ඩිනාර් 90 යි .
 
 මම උදේ 6.00 ට නැගිටින්න ඕන. නිදා ගන්න වෙලාවක්‌ නැහැ . පාන්දර 3.00 හෝ 4.00 වෙනකං වැඩ කරන්න ඕනෑ.
 
 ළමයින්ගෙ වැඩ. ගෙදර අයට ආහාර හදන්න ඕනෑ. කෙළවරක්‌ නැති වැඩ. මට කෑම කන්නවත් වෙලාවක්‌ නැහැ .
 
 මම බැරිම තැන ඒ ගෙදරින් පැනල තානාපති කාර්යාලයට ගියා. මම කියන්නෙ , මේ රටේ කවුරුත් කාන්තාවන් කුවේට්‌ නම් යන්න එපා.
 
 ලංකාවේ ජීවත් වෙන්න බැරිම නම් ස්‌වයං රැකියාවක්‌ හෝ කරල ජීවත් වෙන්න කියලයි. ඇය පැවසුවාය.
 
 මෙම කාන්තාවන් පිරිස ශ්‍රී ලංකා විදේශ සේවා නියුක්‌ති කාර්යාංශය මගින් ලබා දෙන බස්‌ වියදම් ලබාගෙන, තම ගම් බිම් බලා පිටත්ව ගියහ.

ශවේන්ද්‍රට යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එන රහස හෙලිවෙයි!

August 24th, 2019

කීර්ති වර්ණකුලසූරිය උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

shavendra135

ඇමරිකානු රජය හමුදාපති ශවේන්ද්‍ර සිල්වාට එරෙහි යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීමට මුල් වූයේ හිටපු මේජර් ජෙනරාල්වරයකු ඇමරිකානු රාජ්‍ය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට ලබාදුන් පිටු 200 ක දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශය නිසා බව අනාවරණය වී ඇත.

 මෙම හිටපු මේජර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා වන්නි මෙහෙයුමේ සියලු මෙහෙයුම් කටයුතු සහ ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ දුන් විධාන භාරව සිටියේ තමා බව එම දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශයෙන් සඳහන් කර තිබේ.

 මෙම දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශය ගැන හමුදා බලධාරීන්ට වසන් වී තිබණි.

 මේ දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශය ලබාදුන් හිටපු මේජර් ජෙනරාල්වරයා 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණ සමයේ මෙරටට පැමිණ සිය නම වෙනස්‌ කරගෙන ඇත.

 පසුව යහපාලන රජය යටතේ ඔහුට තානාපති ධුරයක්‌ ද ලබාදී තිබුණි.


 දකුණු පළාතේ හිටපු ශ්‍රීලනිප ඇමැතිවරයකුගේ මස්‌සිනා වූ මෙම නිලධාරියා තානාපති ධුරය ලබාගෙන ඇත්තේ සිය අලුත් නමින් බව හෙළි වී ඇත.

 මේ අතර වන්නි මෙහෙයුමේ කටයුතු සහ හිටපු ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්ගේ විධානයන් භාරව තමා සිටි බවට ඔහු කර ඇති ප්‍රකාශය අමූලික බොරුවක්‌ බව ඉහළ පෙළේ හමුදා ආරංචි මාර්ග පැවසීය.

 මෙකී දිවුරුම් ප්‍රකාශය ගැන රජය හෝ හමුදාව ඔහුට එරෙහිව රාජ්‍ය රහස්‌ පනත යටතේ විමර්ශනයක්‌ ආරම්භ කර නැත.

Absit omen!

August 24th, 2019

Editorial Courtesy The Island

No sooner had the state of emergency lapsed, the other day, four months after the Easter Terror attacks than President Maithripala Sirisena issued a Gazette Extraordinary, deploying the armed forces to maintain public order countrywide. He seems to know more than one way to shoe a horse! His move has raised many an eyebrow though his action is said to be well within the constitutionally prescribed confines of his power.

The government never misses an opportunity to say, nay insist, that the threat of terrorism has been effectively neutralised and all National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ) terrorists have been either killed or taken into custody. After all, that was the reason it cited for lifting Emergency. But in spite of the government leaders’ rhetoric, trained terror suspects, some of whom are as young as 16 years, continue to be arrested. Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, one of the ardent defenders of the government, has publicly stated that it will be several years before the terrorist threat is overcome, once and for all. As the former war-winning army commander who was instrumental in liberating the country from the clutches of the LTTE, he knows what he is talking about when it comes to national security, unlike politicians who are full of themselves and consider themselves omniscient.

Tamil Nadu has been on high alert following an intel warning of terrorist infiltration. The Indian Intelligence has found that some Islamic terrorists have found their way into that state via Sri Lanka. If so, terror cells here must still be active, and this fact runs counter to the government’s much-advertised claim that the situation is normal and there is no need to extend the state of emergency. President Sirisena’s decision to deploy the armed forces to maintain public order also calls the veracity of the government’s claim into question.

President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe hardly see eye to eye on anything, following the collapse of their political marriage, but they are agreed on the government’s position that terrorism is a thing of the past. If so, the presence of the armed forces in public is highly unwarranted. Why should the military be required to carry out constabulary duties if threats to national security or public safety are absent? The task of maintaining public order is best left to the police, in peacetime.

The armed forces deserve praise for the manner in which they cracked down on the NTJ terror network and prevented more bombings while the government was all at sea, so much so that even their bitterest critics welcomed their presence in the North and the East. Reassuring as the military presence may be in times of terrorist threats, it can reflect negatively on the country if it persists. There lies the rub. As a former Indian army commander once said, the excessive and continuous involvement of the army for internal security is good for neither the army nor the nation.

An Opposition politician, commenting on the Gazette Extraordinary at issue, said he smelt a rat. He must be quite used to rat smell, which the former regime, of which he was a prominent member, reeked of. However, the fact remains that the governments in the developing world love to have the armed forces out of the barracks, on some pretext or the other, during election times, when they anticipate political trouble in the form of mass protests, work stoppages, etc.

President Sirisena has asked the Supreme Court whether the much-delayed Provincial Council elections can be held anytime soon under the former electoral system. His critics demand to know why the President, who did his damnedest to put off the PC polls and went so far as to help change the PC Elections (Amendment) Bill at the committee stage without judicial sanction to achieve that end, has suddenly realised that the PCs should have elected representatives. He has drawn heavy flak from the main Opposition party, which complains of a sinister move to postpone the presidential election, though the Election Commission says both elections can be held in quick succession before the end of this year. The apex court determination is expected soon.

If the PC polls are to be held prior to the presidential contest all main parties will go flat out to win them as their stakes therein will be extremely high in that from the outcome of those elections it will be seen which way the wind is blowing. We can only hope that the next few months leading to some crucial elections will remain peaceful, and no need will arise for extraordinary security measures.

Geetha, Gota and the Elections Commission

August 24th, 2019

By C. A. Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

Last Thursday, SLPP/JO presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa, addressing a gathering of local government representatives of the party at the Nelum Mawatha headquarters, finally made a public statement to the effect that he had relinquished his US citizenship; he had received a letter from the USA, stating that he had lost his US citizenship; he had submitted that document to the Department of Immigration and Emigration in Sri Lanka and got his old Sri Lankan passport which stated that he was a dual citizen of the USA cancelled and he had been issued with a new passport as a Sri Lankan citizen. Ever since Gota announced that he had taken steps to renounce his US citizenship, there has been speculation about whether the process was completed.

Even last Friday, the day after Gota made that statement at Nelum Mawatha a prominent columnist in an English language daily newspaper wrote that even members of the SLPP/JO were in the dark and Gota himself did not seem to have any interest in clearing the air. However, if all the steps that Gota mentioned at Nelum Mawatha, on Thursday have been fulfilled, then he has taken all the necessary steps to conclusively prove the loss of US citizenship, which we see mentioned in the Appeal Court and Supreme Court cases against Geetha Kumarasinghe. This is the first case we have for reference after dual citizenship was added to the list of disqualifications to contest elections.

What the SC said in this regard in the Geetha Kumarasinghe dual citizenship case was this: “If the 1st Respondent-Appellant (Geetha K) claims that she has got herself released from Switzerland citizenship she should have submitted her passport to the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration requesting him to make an endorsement nullifying her previous endorsement relating to dual citizen. Has she done it? If she has done it, this endorsement nullifying the previous endorsement should be available in her passport. But she has not produced a copy of her passport to the court.”

Procedure to renounce dual citizenship

From the Geetha K judgement delivered by five members of the Supreme Court in 2017, it seems clear that the conclusive moment when the Sri Lankan state accepts that a person has lost foreign citizenship is when the Department of Immigration and Emigration accepts the letter issued by the foreign government indicating that a person has lost his foreign citizenship and issues him an ordinary Sri Lankan passport. If the Department of Immigration and Emigration sees something amiss in a letter submitted by a foreign government stating that someone has relinquished his or her foreign citizenship, they would consult the Attorney General. At least in Geetha Kumarasinghe’s case the Attorney General was consulted and the AG instructed the Controller of Immigration and Emigration to obtain some clarifications from Geetha K, before accepting the letter.

Since Geetha K did not send in the clarification, she did not get an ordinary Sri Lankan passport. Since Gotabhaya Rajapaksa states that he has now been issued with an ordinary Sri Lankan passport after going through the procedure at the Immigration and Emigration Department, he has as far as the Sri Lankan state is concerned, done all that was needed to relinquish his US citizenship. It was just last Thursday that it was finally spelled out the way it should have been from the beginning. What we had earlier was people wondering aloud whether Gota had relinquished his US citizenship and the process had been completed. Various third parties were giving incomplete or unsatisfactory answers and spreading confusion all around.

The one-third party would say, “Of course he has relinquished his US citizenship!” another third party would say, “He has received the certificate acknowledging the loss of US citizenship.” Then the image of a document purporting to be Gota’s loss of citizenship certificate would appear in the social media to be quickly denounced as a forgery. Then a newspaper would carry the image of a document claiming that it was the real loss of citizenship certificate. Meanwhile, the state media would be carrying headlines stating that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s name had not yet appeared on the list of persons who have relinquished their US citizenship, which is published every quarter in the US federal register website and that this indicates that he has not yet totally lost his US citizenship even though he may have applied for renunciation.

Then a JO MP would say, “Well it has not appeared this quarter but it will appear in the next quarter’s list!”Another JO MP would say that Gota has received all the necessary documentation from the US but that they are not obliged to show the documents to anybody. The government and the JO seemed to be vying with each other to confuse matters. If things had gone on like that until nominations were called, it would have been a case of inviting disaster because of the absolute power that the Elections Commission assumes the moment they receive an objection to a presidential nomination on the basis of the qualifications listed in Articles 92 and 91 of the Constitution which includes the question of dual citizenship.

The Geetha Kumarasinghe case  

It may be useful at this stage to look at the court cases that unseated Geetha Kumarasinghe on the grounds that she was a dual citizen. The case against Geetha was not an election petition as many people seem to believe, but an application for a Writ of Quo Warranto, filed before the Court of Appeal by five petitioners from the Galle district challenging Geetha Kumarasinghe to show by what authority she claimed to hold office as a Member of Parliament. The allegation was that she was not qualified to hold office as a Member of Parliament as she is a holder of citizenship of both Sri Lanka and Switzerland. The case was heard before Appeal Court Judges Vijith Malalgoda and Padman Surasena. Geetha Kumarasinghe was elected as a Member of Parliament on 17 August 2015 and had taken oaths before the Speaker on 1 September 2015. This Writ application against her was filed before the Court of Appeal after the 21day period for the filing of election petitions had lapsed.

The petitioners stated that Geetha K was a holder of a dual citizenship i. e. the citizenship of Sri Lanka as well as that of Switzerland, and that she had not divulged her dual citizenship at the time of submission of her nominations and that she was not qualified to hold office as a Member of Parliament according to Article 91(1)(d)(xiii) of the Constitution. When Geetha K’s nomination paper was produced in Court, it was found that she had signed certifying that she was not subject to any disqualification for election as a Member of Parliament. However, her current passport details provided by the Department of Immigration & Emigration to Courts indicated that she was a dual citizen.

The Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration had informed Courts that according to the departmental records, Geetha K had applied for dual citizenship of Sri Lanka/Switzerland on 29 August 2006 and was registered as a dual citizen on that date under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act No. 45 of 1987. The dual citizenship certificate bearing No. 17096 had been issued to her on 19 September 2006. On 30 October 2015, Geetha K had applied for a diplomatic passport and requested that the same be issued without an endorsement that she was a dual citizen. In support of her claim that she was no longer a dual citizen, Geetha K submitted a letter dated 11 September 2015 issued by the Registry and Citizenship Services, Canton of Bern in Switzerland indicating that she had been released from Swiss Citizenship.

The Attorney General advised the Controller General of the Department of Immigration and Emigration to request Geetha K to clarify paragraph 4 of the letter issued by the Registry and Citizenship Services, Canton of Bern and to provide evidence that she had been released absolutely from Swiss Citizenship. However, Geetha K had not responded to this request for clarification as per the Attorney General’s advice. The Court of Appeal observed that in any case, the letter issued by the Registry and Citizenship Services, Canton of Bern would be effective only from the date of its issue 11 September 2015 which means that Geetha K had been holding unfettered dual citizenship at least up until that date. Hence the Court held that she had contested the Parliamentary Election, been elected and sworn in as a Member of Parliament and thereafter sat and voted in Parliament whilst being disqualified to have been elected to Parliament.

Geetha Kumarasinghe’s appeal to the Supreme Court against the Court of Appeal judgment was heard by a five-member Bench comprising Chief Justice Priyasath Dep and Justices B. P. Aluwihare, Sisira J de Abrew, Anil Goonerathna, and Nalin Perera. The Supreme Court observed that Geetha K had submitted to the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration, a letter dated 11 September 2015 alleged to have been issued by the Switzerland Authorities. The letter stated that Geetha had, on 25 August 2015, sent a letter to the Switzerland Authorities requesting that she be released from Switzerland citizenship. It also stated that she had been released from Switzerland citizenship, but the same letter suggested that her release from the Switzerland citizenship had not been made absolute. Though the lawyers appearing for Geetha argued that she had been released from Swiss citizenship on the basis of that letter, the Court refused to accept it and stressed that “if she says that she has given up Switzerland citizenship she should state the date on which she gave it up …”

The Court observed that the Petitioners contesting Geetha’s qualifications to be an MP had produced her current passport details and proved the fact that there was an endorsement in her passport to the effect that she was a dual citizen. The SC observed that if Geetha was trying to contend that she had given up the citizenship of Switzerland, the burden of proving the date on which she gave up citizenship of Switzerland shifted to her. The SC also observed that although Geetha K tried to rely on the letter purported to have been issued by the Switzerland Authorities, to prove that she had been released from Switzerland citizenship, paragraph 4 of the said letter raised a question whether she had been released absolutely.

When she was questioned on this matter by the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration (on the instructions of the Attorney General), she did not reply. The Court observed that there was an endorsement in her current passport to the effect that she was a dual citizen and that  “if the 1st Respondent-Appellant (Geetha) claims that she has got herself released from Switzerland citizenship she should have submitted her passport to the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration, requesting him to make an endorsement nullifying her previous endorsement relating to dual citizen. Has she done it? If she has done it, this endorsement nullifying the previous endorsement should be available in her passport. But she has not produced a copy of her passport to the court.”

The SC observed that on 25 August 2015 when Geetha K applied for release from Swiss citizenship, she was a citizen of Switzerland. Thus, she was holding dual citizenship (of Switzerland and Sri Lanka) when she was elected a Member of Parliament on 17 August 2015 (the day of the Parliamentary Election) and that therefore she was not qualified to have been elected a Member of Parliament on that date.

Renunciations carefully checked

Several important matters need to be taken note of. In both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court, the question of whether Geetha Kumarasinghe’s release from Swiss Citizenship was ‘absolute’ had been considered. The mere fact that she had a letter from the Swiss authorities saying that she had been released did not suffice. The Department of Immigration and Emigration and the Attorney General’s Department wanted it confirmed that her release from Swiss citizenship was final and absolute. The wording on Geetha K’s letter of release from Switzerland had an ambiguous paragraph and that caught the attention of the Controller of Immigration and Emigration and the Attorney General’s Department and until it was resolved the whole process ground to a halt.

That shows that the mere fact that someone has received a letter saying that he is no longer a citizen of a foreign country will not be blindly accepted by the Department of Immigration and Emigration. They check back to see whether there are loose ends leaving the process of renunciation incomplete. The other thing that becomes clear from the Geetha Kumarasinghe cases is the absolutely pivotal role of the Department of Immigration and Emigration in determining the question of dual citizenship. The Citizenship Act vests all power in the Minister in charge of this Department. It’s the Department of Immigration and Emigration that confers dual citizenship on people and also cancels the same. It is to them that letters issued by foreign governments acknowledging the renunciation of a foreign citizenship are submitted and it is this Department that scrutinises those letters with the help of the Attorney General’s Department, where necessary.

What this means is that if the Department of Immigration and Emigration has accepted a letter regarding the renunciation of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s US citizenship, and issued him with an ordinary Sri Lankan passport, that’s the end of the story. When you look at the Geetha Kumarasinghe cases, you see that what undid her was that her current passport at the time of the election indicated she was a dual citizen as indeed it would, because she had not even applied for renouncing her Swiss citizenship until after the election. However, if she had contested the election with a passport which did not say that she was a dual citizen, she would still be an MP. What Gota announced, last Thursday, was that he now had a passport which did not say that he was a dual citizen, which in effect means that this whole question whether he is still a dual citizen or not, has been conclusively solved at least as far as the Sri Lankan state is concerned.

Precautions are still called for

However, the SLPP/JO is not out of the woods yet. According to the Presidential Elections Act, there are only three grounds on which objections can be raised to a nomination. Firstly, that it is apparent from the contents of the nomination paper that the candidate is not qualified to be elected as President; secondly that the candidate is disqualified by reason of conviction by a court of law for a corrupt or illegal practice or an election malpractice; and thirdly, that civic disability has been imposed on the candidate by Parliament. When it comes to objections raised on the second and third instances, the Elections Commission cannot decide on its own but has to refer such objections to the Supreme Court within three days after the day of nomination. Such petitions have to be heard by a five-member bench of the Supreme Court within a period of seven days. Unless and until the Supreme Court decides to uphold the objection the candidate concerned will stand nominated.

But when it comes to objections based on a candidate’s qualifications, the Elections Commission assumes unbridled power. It will decide what the term “apparent from the contents of the nomination paper” means in a context where the nominations paper is directly connected to the Constitutional provisions listing the qualifications of a presidential candidate through the declaration that the candidate signs. Given the judgment in the Geetha Kumarasinghe case, Gota would have been quite secure if the power to decide on a question of qualifications was vested in the Supreme Court. One would think that objections on easily ascertainable matters like conviction by a Court or being deprived of one’s civic rights by Parliament would have been left to the Elections Commission and the more complicated and contentious question of a candidate’s qualifications would have been left to the Supreme Court, but the present law has it the other way around.

One can see that yahapalana activists have gone into overdrive, making complaints to the police on Gota’s new Sri Lankan passport alleging that he had obtained it while still being a citizen of a foreign country. What we have is a biased Elections Commission, which is playing ball with the government on postponing elections and manipulating the timing of elections. This whole idea of having rushed PC elections just before the presidential election came from the Chairman of the Elections Commission, who showed little or no interest in having those elections held earlier. Since they have basically ignored the Supreme Court judgment about the role of the Elections Commissioner and his duty to hold elections in the 1998 case filed by Sunanda Deshapriya and Waruna Karunatilleke, they could just as easily ignore the guidelines on citizenship matters set in the Geetha Kumarasinghe cases. It’s vital for the SLPP/JO to take cognizance of who they are dealing with in the form of the Elections Commission and to take precautions accordingly.

Tuk-tuk drivers and doctors

August 24th, 2019

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

A news item today shows the extent of disrespect to law and order my the citizens in the country

This is the best time to suppress such upper hand manipulations which may be done political backing 

Three-wheelers who have been a menace to the public and motorists should be deprived of their license if they violate rules

With the deployment of  many other transport services such as Uber, pick me, Yugo, etc, the cost of transport has gone down substantially 

Let people select such transport mode and stop using three-wheelers 

Presidential candidates may invite the Union of Three-wheelers mainly consisting from Colombo voters may be coerced to continue the strike so that they can invite the union to sumptuous dinner in either Temple trees or any other Temple patronized by the candidates and promise them that they will

Allow them to drive without meters 

The union may resort to drastic action such as blocking roads and inconvenience people like the way doctors do by going on strikes

I sometimes wonder whether the mentality of doctors and three-wheeler drivers are the same

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera 

Amarapura & Ramanna Buddhist “Sects”?

August 24th, 2019

Don de Silva 

The Editor 
Adaderana Sri Lanka

Dear Editor, 

Thank you very much for your daily TV news bulletin, through your Youtube Channel. 

They are useful in obtaining news and information about Sri Lanka. 

However, I was very concerned with your  English News Bulletin on 16.08. 2019.

The news clip, which begins from 2.30, refers to the Amarapura and Ramanna Nikayas as sects”. 

Please see the attached picture of the clip, which also uses the term sect” in its caption. 

The use of the term sect” is extremely unfortunate. 

The term sect” is often used as a group of people with somewhat different religious beliefs — typically regarded as heretical —  from those of a larger group to which they belong. The term is often synonymous with cult” and used to describe a philosophical or political group, especially one regarded as extreme or dangerous. 

The Amarapura and Ramanna communities are distinguished Buddhist traditions”, established by Venerable Sri Lankan monks, who spent considerable time in Burma. 

The reference in the Adaderana news clip to the Amarapura and Ramanna Buddhist traditions as sects” is derogatory. 

Another way of referring to different Buddhist traditions is to describe them as schools” of Buddhism. Please see the way the Victoria and Albert Museum in London refers to different Buddhist traditions: http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/b/buddhist-schools/

In your website, in the About Us” section, you describe your news channel as probably the most unbiased and comprehensive news property on offer”. I would be very grateful if you could review your news clip, against this ethos. 

I look forward to your early response. 

With best regards

Don de Silva 

Aggressive minority politics a threat to national, regional and global peace -Part I

August 23rd, 2019

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Anbarasan Ethirajan is a seasoned Correspondent of the BBC who covers Sri Lankan politics from time to time. His latest report is titled Sri Lanka’s Muslim demonised” after Easter bombings. (August 13, 2019 – BBC News). The overall thrust of his latest report is to present the Muslims as victims of the Sinhala-Buddhists. He weaves his story to cast the Sinhala-Buddhists as the majority persecuting the minority Muslims. This theme of majority persecuting the minority is the usual excuse that hits the headlines, each time inter-religious, inter-ethnic, inter-cultural violence breaks out in any corner of the globe. It opens up space for criminals in minority communities to pose as victims of the majority. Intellectuals and academics use it to white wash minority crimes against the majority.

Blaming the majority helps the minority to get away with their crimes against the majority. In some instances, it helps criminals from minority communities to pose as heroes (Example: Prabhakaran). The need to combat the majority at any cost even enables criminal leaders of minority communities to justify their crimes to liquidate their dissidents refusing to toe the official line. The minority passing the buck to the majority also breeds a plethora of human rights activists and globe-trotting UN rapporteurs who, after a hurried visit of few days, write their reports on the stereotyped format of blaming the majority to justify their stipend.

Above all, it is easy to spin a sob story of victimisation even when the minority had been beneficiaries of the highest privileges. Sri Lanka is one of the unique nations which produced billionaires who carried backpacks loaded with explosives to target Christians at prayer in suicidal terror attacks. Even Osama bin Laden, the other billionaire, did not carry out suicidal attacks. He got others to do it. Only Zahran Hasheem led the suicidal attack on foot.  It is also a nation where minority violence originated from the most privileged segments of society.

Ethirajan spins his story around this hacked theme of victimised minorities.. In a country of 70 % Sinhalese, he focuses on the plight of a Muslim (10%) trader facing virtual boycotts from the Sinhalese customers who were reacting to the Easter Sunday bombing that killed hundreds of mainly Tamil Christian worshippers. He interviews Mohammed Iliyas, a hardware shop owner, serving mainly Sinhala customers. Quoting Iliyas he says: “Since the Easter Sunday bombings, almost 90% of my Sinhalese customers have stopped buying from my shop. My business has gone down significantly and I have lost hundreds of thousands of rupees.”

He adds: Minority Muslims live among the majority Sinhalese community in this area (Kottaramulla). For decades, Mr. Iliyas, who is a Muslim, spent his days serving people from all religious communities.

But that has changed since Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday bombings in April,” says Ethirajan.

It is at this point that he spins his story to project Muslims as victims of the majority Sinhalese. In doing so he narrated the usual sob story of the majority reacting negatively against the Muslim minority. This is typical of Western reporters projecting the majority Sinhalese as persecutors of the minorities. The story of Iliyas is incontrovertible. But that is not news. It happens in any global community where the majority reacts against the violence of the minority, or vice versa.

The newsworthiness is in the story he skipped. That story is elsewhere. It is in two places mainly. It is first in the big picture where the majority is confronted by the aggressive minorities pursing identity politics to violent extremes – a common feature in global politics today. Second, it is in the third wave of Sri Lankan youth exploding violently to pursue futile political goals.

Of the three, the two initial waves came from the Sinhala youth who flocked to the JVP in the early seventies in search of a socialist paradise. The second was the Tamil youth who took up arms in search of an elusive Eelam in the late seventies and eighties – violence that lasted for 33 years (from the official declaration of war in the Vadukoddai Resolution in May 1976 to May 2009 in Nandikadal). And the third was the rise of Muslim youth from the most affluent layers of the Muslim society. All three movements were aimed at attacking, and if possible dismantling, the democratic mainstream to impose the will ideologically obsessed youth from all three communities.

Iliyas’s story, as narrated by Ethirajan, is a local manifestation of the global phenomenon of the minority moving aggressively to impose their will on a majority culture. It also raises the question as to whether Iliyas is a victim of the Sinhala-Buddhist majority or the politically engineered internal politics of Muslims who have been driving their former sedate culture with the calculated intention of radicalising the Muslim community to achieve pie-in-the-sky caliphates in Sri Lanka.

One of the political strategies has been to Arabify the community with Wahabist extremism with a nudge and a wink from the Muslim leaders.  With funding from Wahabist Muslim sources from the Middle East, they have been deviating deliberately from the traditional Muslim culture to radicalise a community that co-existed peacefully with the other communities for centuries. Prior to the radicalising and Arabification of Muslims in Sri Lanka, mosques survived and thrived with the Churches and Buddhist and Hindu temples with the least amount of tensions.

But the new politicised culture aimed at the Arabification of the East in particular, with madrassas sprouting like mushrooms in other parts for the radicalising of the Muslim youth. This Wahabification (a local version of Talibanisation) produced a new breed of foot soldiers for politicised Islam. Brain-washed Muslim youth were trained in bomb-making and other terror tactics. The militarisation of the domesticated neighbourhood consisting of traders, butchers, wayside buriyani-makers, tailors, etc., posed a new threat for peaceful co-existence with other communities. The traditional saree draped casually over the head was replaced by niqabs and burkas signaling the rise of an aggressive assertiveness within the Muslim community. That is the feminine manifestation of Muslim radicalism. The masculine version reached new heights, creeping up as far as the affluent middle-class youth. They emerged from behind the shadows of imported Imams to assert emphatically their radical Islamic identity. Instead of covering their faces with the black cloth they substituted a thick and lengthy growth of defiant Blue Beards. They declared their commitment to Islam through the fierceness of their beards. The public manifestation of a hirsute Islamic identity hit the tonsorial trade very hard. They also wore the thwab / thobe, the ankle-length, long-sleeved robe.

The Arabification of Islam was demonstrated publicly in the sartorial idiosyncrasies. It was visible for those with eyes to see. Practically everyone in the Muslim community was aware of the rise of this new force. Nevertheless, it took everyone by surprise on Easter Sunday when the leading militant Muslim youth walked coolly into Churches for a cause which had not been articulated clearly by their Muslim leaders, or even by the Muslim terrorists in a coherent or cogent ideology. Various theories have been bruited as the cause, some of which lead to even foreign sources. But what emerges as a certainty from the fog of theories, speculation, conflicting evidence, and the mystifying paralysis and inaction of the state is that the Muslim leaders were aware of the power and the aggressive nature of the Muslim youth and, of course, their external political and financial sources.

Billionaire Zahran Hasheem became the leading model of the affluent terrorists, debunking the pop theories of oppression and poverty as the root causes of political violence. He was, in a sense, the carbon copy of billionaire Osama bin Laden.  In Sri Lanka, the Muslims were producing a new breed of terrorists riding in Pajeros with money to burn. They wielded sufficient power to summon Muslim leaders and make them obey their commands. They even dared to challenge the state forces by staging a violent political protest with impunity. They were in a commanding position to get away as a law unto themselves with the critical segments of the state turning a blind eye.

The politicising of Islam into an Arabic cult (albeit with Sri Lankan characteristics) was the critical turning point that propelled the Muslim youth into violence. Rightly or wrongly, it also turned the image of the Muslims as a new kind of violent separatists seeking to establish a caliphate on Sri Lankan soil. The reaction of the non-Muslim majority was not too traditional Islam (which among other things produced flavoursome buriyani and  wattalappam) but to politicised Islam that turned violent.

The rise of aggressive Islam threatening to challenge and confront the other settled cultures inevitably produced a predictable reaction. It is unrealistic for an aggressive minority attempting to have their way through violence to expect the sympathy of the other peace-loving communities. So the story of Iliyas facing boycotts and distancing by the Sinhalese is predictable. It is not a peculiarity of the Sinhalese only. It is a universal story common to all societies in conflict with each other. The Irish Catholics bombing the hell out of the British Protestants, or the Muslims in the post 9-11 period faced the identical reaction from the communities their leaders targeted. The BBC has streamed overwhelming evidence of this instinctive human trait. Clearly, the BBC narrative to make Iliyas look like a victim of the Sinhalese is to distort the realities of a global phenomenon. I won’t be surprised if the next BBC bulletin reports that the sardines packed in Canada were killed by the Sinhala-Buddhist migrants!

Aggressive minority politics a threat to national, regional and global peace -Part II

August 23rd, 2019

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Though not all the Muslims are perpetrators of violence it is the violence of the few that stain the image of the many. Besides, the experience of Iliyas is only a temporary phase. It takes time to heal. The Sinhalese and the Muslims have come a long way from the riots of 1915 which was an early attempt by the Muslims to impose their will on the majority. When the Muslims tried to deny the Sinhala-Buddhists their historic right to sound their traditional drums as they passed a latter-day mosque the reaction was instantaneous. It was a case of the newcomers, fostered and protected by the Sinhala majority, trying to rewrite history according to their aggressive and arrogant political agenda. The Sinhalese who saved the Muslims from the persecution of the Portuguese and the Dutch were now faced with the Muslims denying the very rights and freedoms given to them by the Sinhalese.

The 1915 riots were the first inter-ethnic violence that provided ample lessons for the preservation of peaceful co-existence among inter-religious communities. It proved that minorities attempting to rewrite history with the sole intention of imposing their will like the new political order of the day is fraught with inevitable conflicts.

Empirical evidence point clearly to the disastrous consequences of militant minorities rushing to change through violence the established norms necessary for peaceful co-existence. Armed with their latest political agendas minorities rush to confront the majorities with guns. They fancy that they can unleash the necessary power from their light-weight Kalashnikovs to impose their will on the majority. But modern Sri Lankan history has debunked this Maosian dictum. The available evidence reveals that minorities had miscalculated and overrated their power to impose their will over the majority.

The minorities who resort to violence do so at their own risk. The instinctive reaction of all majority communities will be to make the minorities pay the price for resorting to violence and threaten their way of life. The main ideological defence of minorities is based on their claim that they have been victims of the majority. Assuming that this is valid, does this give them the right to produce victims far greater than the violence of the majority? Do victims in minority communities have special rights to outdo the victims of the majority? Victimology has its limits. It is not the exclusive privilege of the minority. Besides, minorities lose their validity of being victims when they begin to victimise others on a scale greater than that of the majority.. For instance, the violence of the Tamil and Muslim terrorists has been quite to the wall? In the classic moral tale dramatised in the Baghavad Gita the answer to deal with evil facing mankind is to DO YOUR DUTY”. Can retreating from the battlefield on moral grounds put an end to evil? Was the moral answer to Hitler to let him win?

Besides, in a democratic society that is amenable to change, however tardy it may be, there is no legitimacy for any group to take up arms. Violence for change has a degree of legitimacy in a dictatorship that is not open to change. But not in a democracy that has a credible record of flexibility. Above all, the increasing power of weapons of mass destruction and the possibility of those weapons falling into the hands of maniacs make political violence absolutely prohibitive.

The Muslim leadership, very much like the Tamil leadership, was hoping to ride on the backs of their violent youth to consolidate their political base and dictate terms to the majority. This was clearly demonstrated by Asath Sally, the former governor of the Western Province. He came on TV and quite arrogantly, threatened the majority with the 30% electoral power of the minorities. In other words, the Muslim leadership is openly threatening the majority with consequences if the latter does not give in to the minority demands. He is expressing his threat on a psephological plane. It doesn’t take long for the youth to translate it into brutal violence. Both are two sides of the same coin.

The Tamil leadership, for instance, argued that parliamentary politics failed to grant them their right to self-determination which meant many things to many Tamils, including separatism, So they urged the Tamil youth to take up arms in the Vadukoddai Resolution of 1976. Ideologies that threaten peace co-existence provide the necessary oxygen to activate impatient and militant youth. Minority leaders in the mainstream cannot claim to be moderated when their ideologies drive their followers to extremes. Their roles of playing Dr. Jekyll overtly in the mainstream and simultaneously the role of provocateurs of violence (the Hydes) to promote their political agendas boomeranged on the Tamil leadership. The consequences were two-fold: 1. In the first place, this covertly turned them into hypocritical fathers digging in advance the graves of their sons and daughters. 2. The youth who were asked to take up arms did not hesitate to turn the guns first on the fathers who launched Vadukoddai violence. Besides, the provocative agendas of minority leaders, moving aggressively to break through established boundaries into the territory of the majority, cannot expect their counterparts to sit back and lay down welcome carpets. Aggressive agendas of minority leaders have invariably become invitations for the majority leaders to respond with the similar agendas of extremism.

A common tactic of minority leaders to beef up their identity politics is to manufacture new histories to justify their antiquity and, therefore, legitimacy to territories that belonged to the pioneering settlers who made this island a land fit for all dwellers. The extremism of the majority has been a reaction to the extremism of the minority.

It is the provocative minoritarianism targeting the majority aggressively that produces Bodu Bala Senas to rise and react with equal vehemence. Prabhakaran came out of the political satyagraha launched by Gandhians” like S. J. V. Chelvanayakam. If the NGOs and other rights activists think that the majority must lie low and cow down to the arrogance of aggressive minorities then they must think again. It is against human nature and the ground realities of any established polity. In other words, they are doctoring their theses to legitimise minority extremism while denying the same right to the majority. The acceptable norm is to give equal rights for tribalism on both sides or deny tribalism to both sides.

The assumptions of the Muslim leaders of their power to dictate terms and conditions to the nation as a whole confirm that the Muslims have not yet learned the lessons of the recent events. A good example is the story of Iliyas. While the Muslim leaders are boasting about their power the Iliyas’s in the Muslim community have to face the consequences of their aggressive politics. The consensual opinion agrees that the need of the hour is reconciliation. How far can Asath Sally’s arrogance and threats go to reconcile the divided communities? How far can it go to ease the confrontational tensions facing the Muslim community? Isn’t he fuelling the fires of communal bigotry? Isn’t he putting the lives of Ilyas’s at risk?

To dismiss the Sinhala reaction to this Muslim arrogance as some sort of evil majoritarianism is to bury the heads in the sand. The minority cannot hold a gun to the head of the majority and expect them to surrender. The minorities that take up the gun must be prepared to accept the consequences of the other side taking up their guns. They must play by the rules and cannot hide behind human rights as if they were established for their protection.

Majoritarianism and minoritarianism both have limits. The Tamil minority fought a 33-year-old war (from the declaration of war in the Vadukoddai Resolution May 1976 to May 2009 in Nandikadal) on a hastily manufactured and distorted narrative of their own. When things went wrong they took refuge under human rights as if those rules were made only for them. They refused to take responsibility for the violence launched officially by the Tamil leadership which declared war in the Vadukoddai Resolution. They threw all their best resources – both international and national – into their wars and, in the end, they sank in the waters of Nandikadal. Not all the rights in the UN charter could save them.

This questions the validity of Muslim arrogance challenging the majority. What chances have the Muslims to go from Kathankuddy to their elusive Islamic caliphate in Sri Lanka? This also leads to another serious issue: If they follow the line of Vadukoddai violence what kind of human rights can justify their Jihadist massacres?

The Arabification of the East may give rise to some vague hopes of an Islamic caliphate. But the stories of Ilyas and Sally point directly to the inevitable consequences of misled minorities rising up against the majority. It is the Iliyases on the ground who will have to face reactions to the follies of their leaders. Iliyas had done nothing to deserve the reaction of the Sinhala-Buddhists. The leaders who misled their people into futile violence should take full responsibility. They offer false hopes to their people which end in disastrous consequences to their own people surrounded by the Sinhala majority.

Hisbullah is another example. He boasted that in the event of a threat to the Muslims the Arab nations will rush to their aid. The record, however, tells a different story. The Palestinians have been waiting for a saviour from the Arab world ever since Israel became a state in 1948. In Kashmir, even the constitutional safeguards granted to the Muslims have been removed and Kashmir is now a part of India. In Myanmar and Thailand Muslims are running for cover. How many Arab nations would come to save Hisbullah and his political mates like Zaharans?

He has also forgotten that the Tamils had the Western world behind them. In fact, David Milliband, the British Foreign Minister, and his French counterpart, Bernard Kouchner, rushed in to save Prabhakaran. The Tamils had the Western media, the NGOs and the bulk of the Tamil diaspora were behind them. But Tamil violence failed. The over-determining forces of the state prevailed. Besides, in the current political climate Muslim violence has the least chance of gaining international acceptance. It is clear that Tamil and Muslim political violence has not brought them their desired goals. It has only brought misery to their people and the rest of the nation.

The story of Iliyas and Asath Sally is a global phenomenon. Their stories go to the heart of the global crisis caused by majority-minority conflicts. Right across the globe the majority is reacting at various levels to the minorities aggressively attempting to redefine the new parameters of traditional borders and established ways of life. Militant minorities rushing with guns and bombs into places where angels fear to tread devalue their right to claim the protection of human rights when they decide to push the majority to bow down to their will through violence.

Besides, the minorities are now banking on external forces to train, arm and finance their terror. At the drop of a fez, they rush to foreign embassies to mobilise international pressure against the majority. The Sri Lankan experience confirms that the international community is complicit in the violence unleashed by the minorities. Nevertheless, the international moralists invariably rush to justify the violence of the minorities knowing that their guns do not throw roses at the feet of the majority. International forces are behind them providing the necessary wherewithal to kill the majority. This makes them complicit partners in the war crimes committed by the minorities. They have no moral right to go to Geneva and pass resolutions against the majority when their policies and programmes had trained, financed, directed and encouraged violence against the majority.

Current thinking is focused seriously on seeking solutions to prevent violent explosions that come out of the majority-minority tensions. The Right-Left ideological battles of the Cold War have been replaced by the dominant issue of majority-minority conflicts.  From Donald Trump to Narendra Modi, from Norwegian or Australian White supremacists to  Prabhakaran and Zahran the critical issue comes down to the peaceful coexistence of minorities within a majority community.

There is an urgent need for human rights activists to redefine and restructure majority-minority relations to stabilize future peaceful co-existence on national, regional and global scales. The mass populist movement sweeping the landscape from east to west is a natural response to aggressive minorities threatening the majorities. Ven. Athureliya Rathana Thero and  Bodu Bala Sena are the local manifestations of this global phenomenon. Blaming the Sinhala Buddhists is not going to solve the problem. Ethirajan and the hired moralists have taken the easy way out by regurgitating the usual stereotypes. The international moralists must stop pinching the minority babies and rocking the cradle of human rights. The new morality must restrain minority violence aiming to impose their will at any cost. Justifying violence of a minority in a democracy, whatever the cause, loses its moral power to condemn the violence of the other side.

DRINK DRIVING FINES COLLECTED IN 50 DAYS IN SRI LANKA $2M Austrian Dollars ( or Rs 250 M)

August 23rd, 2019

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

Revenue collected from fines imposed on drink drivers in Sri Lanka in the most recent 50 days amounts to staggering Rs 250 m from mere 10,000 offending drivers.  There is no doubt the vast majority of these offenders are Sinhala Theravada Buddhists who commit in the 5th Precept to abstain from intoxicants as tending to cloud the mind” to Lord Buddha each morning. But doing also, they also directly break the 4th Precept to abstain from the false speech”.    Naturally, under the influence of liquor, they are likely to break the 3rd Precept to abstain from sensuous misconduct .  

When one is out of mind and out of control,  we need not go on a voyage of discovery to determine as to what happens to the remaining two Precepts of   to abstain from taking life and to abstain from taking what is not given”.

Buddhist philosophy teaches the simple basic ways of living that perhaps no other religion or philosophy had provided as a guide to a good life.

As a consequence of these instances, committing murder intentional or otherwise becoming common. Robberies by ordinary citizens as well as incidents of rape and rape-murder are also quite common in my Buddhist Sri Lanka.

When in Sri Lanka, you are unsure of whom to deal with. 

Where are those Sri Lankans whom we had with”SARA GUNA DARMA”?

——————————————————-

DHAMMA PADA PANCHA UPASAKA VATTU:

Dhammapada Verses 246, 247 and 248

Yo panamatipateti
musavadanca bhasati
loke adinnamadiyati
paradaranca gacchati.

Suramerayapananca
yo naro anuyunjati
idheva meso lokasmim
mulam khanati attano.

Evam bho purisa janahi
papadhamma asannata
ma tam lobho adhammo ca
ciram dukkhaya randhayum.

Verses 246 & 247: He who destroys life, tells lies, takes what is not given him, commits adultery and takes intoxicating drinks, digs up his own roots even in this very life.

Verse 248: Know this, O man! Not restraining oneself is evil; do not let greed and ill will subject you to prolonged misery.”

Acknowledgment:  Tripitaka.net

සම්බන්ධන් සහ සුමන්තිරන්ගේ පුරවැසිකම අහෝසි කළ හැකිද?

August 23rd, 2019

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

     වත්මන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ හැටියට මන්ත්‍රීධූරයක් දරන තැනැත්තෙකු තමන්ගේ රටේ පමණක් පුරවැසියෙකු විය යුතුය.ගීතා කුමාරසිංහ මහත්මියට සිය ධූරය අහිමි වූයේ මේ ව්‍යවස්ථාපිත තත්ත්වය නිසාවෙනි.දැන් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ගේ ඇමරිකන් පුරවැසි භාවය ගැන බොහෝ දෙන ප්‍රශ්ණ කරමින් සිටී.ඔහු එය ඉවත් කරගත් බව දන්වා සිටියද සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ජාලා තුළ සාකච්ඡා වන්නේ වෙනත් කරුණකි.

        පුරවැසියා (Citizen) යන්න කතාබහ වන්නේ පුරාණ ග්‍රීක පෞර රාජ්‍යය තුළයි. ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලය තුළ සිටින්නන් ග්‍රීක පුරවැසියන් ලෙසට හැඳින්වූහ.එය දේශපාලන පීළිබඳ බෞතීස්ම නැන්වීමක් බඳු විය. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී පාලන ක්‍රමයන් සංවර්ධනය වීමේ දී මෙම පුරවැසි අයිතිය පිළීබඳ සකච්ඡෘ වෙමින් තහවුරු වූ ආකාරය අපට ඉතිහාසයෙන් උගත හැකිය.ලංකාවේ දී පුරවැසි භාවය පීළිබඳ පළමුවරට නීතිමය ලෙසට කතා බහ වන්නේ 1948 වර්ෂයේ දීය. 1815 වසරේ  බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අධිරාජයාට ලංකාව ගිවිසුමකින් භාරදුන් පසුව එංගලන්ත කීරීටයට යටත් පාලනයක් මෙහි විය. ඒ නිසා ලංකාව තුළ වාසය කරන සියලු දෙන එංගලන්ත කොළණීයකට අයත් පුරවැසියන් බවට පත් විය. නමුත් 1948 දී අපට  දේශපාලන නිදහස ප්‍රදානය කරන කල්හි මෙරට වාසය කරන සියලුම ජන කොටස් වල අයිතිය සුරැකීමට යම් නීතිමය ලියවිල්ලක් අවශ්‍ය විය. එම නිසා 1948 අංක 18 දරන පුරවැසි පනතකින් එය නීතිගත කරන ලදී. මෙම පනතේ පැහැදිලිව සඳහන් කරන කල එක කාරණයක් වෙයි.පියා සීයා හෝ මුත්තා පරම්පරාගතව ලංකාවේ ජීවත්ව සිටීයේ නම් ඔහුට පාරම්පරික පුරවැසි බව හිමිවන බවයි. යම් අයෙකු ගේ පියා හෝ සීයා පමණක් මේ රට පදිංචි කරුවන් ලෙසට සිටි අවස්ථාවකදී ඔහුට ලියාපදිංචි පුරවැසි භාවය හිමිකර දීමටද මෙම පනතින් විධි විධාන සැලැස්වීය. මේ අනුව මෙතනදී සිදු වූයේ 1815 න් පසු ලංකාවේ පදිංචි කරන ලද දෙමළ සහ මුස්ලිම් ජන කොටස් වලටද ලංකාවේ නව රජයේ පුරවැසි කම ලියාපදිංචියෙන් හිමි වීමයි.ඒ  අනුව ඉන්දියාවේ සිට පැමිණී අරුණාචලම් පවුල විග්නේශ්වරන් පවුල පසුව ගල් ඔය සංවර්ධන මණ්ඩලයේ ගබඩා පාලක වශයෙන් පැමිණී රාජවරෝදියන්ට ඔහු ගේ පුතණුවන් වන ආර්.සම්බන්ධන්ට මෙන්ම සුමන්තිරන් ගේ පරම්පරාවටත් ලියාපදිංචි පුරවැසි කම හිමි වීමයි. තොන්ඩමාන් මහතාට පුරවැසි කම් ලබා දුන්නේ සිරිමා රජයයි.මෙම පනතේ  ලංකාවේ පාරම්පරිකව ජීවත්ව සිටි ජනතාව ගැන සඳහනක් තිබුණද එම පුරවැසි පනතේ කිසිම තැනක ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතීන් උරුමයන් ගැන සාකච්ඡා කර නැත. එම පනත ගෙන ආයේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් නොවේ. නිදහස ලබාගෙන ආණ්ඩු බලය හිමිකරගත් මෙරට පාලකයන්ය.

             1950 1955 වර්ෂ වලදී මෙම පනත නැවත සංශෝධනයට බඳුන් විය.ඉන්දු පකිස්ථාන් පුරවැසියන් පිළීබඳ නීති රීති එහි අඩංගු වී තිබුණි. ලංකාවට ගෙන ආ ඉන්දියානු වතු කම්කරුවන් පුරවැසි බව ගැන යලිත් 1962 වර්ෂයේ දී සාකච්චා වූ අතර 1978 දී ඇති කළ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ  පස්වන පරිඡේදය තුළ පුරවැසි භාවය පිළිබඳ වැදගත් කරුණු රැසක් අඩංගු කිරීමට කටයුතු කර ඇත. ඒ ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව 1948 අංක 18 ප්‍රතිපාදනය වෙනස් කර එහි 26(2) වගන්තිය යටතේ සියලුම පුරවැසියන් මෙසේ එක සමාන කර ඇත.එනම් පුරවැසි තත්ත්වය අත්පත් කරගනු ලැබූ ආකාරය එනම් පරම්පරාවෙන්ද නැතහොත් ලියාපදිංචියෙන්ද යනු සලකා කවර වූ හෝ කාර්යයක් සඳහා ශ්‍රි ලංකාවේ පුරවැසියන් වෙසෙසා නොදැක්විය යුතුය යන්න සඳහන් කර තිබේ..ඉන් පසු උඩරට වතු වල පදිංචි දහස් ගණනක දෙමළ කම්කරුවන්ට  දිවුරුම් පෙත්සමක් මගින් ලියාපදිංචිය මගින් පුරවැසි බව හිමි කර ගැනීමේ අවස්ථාව හිමි විය.1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කළ අනෙක් ප්‍රතිපාදනය නම් එහි 91 වගන්තිය තුළ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ධූරය දැරීමට සුදුසුකම් දැරීම සඳහා වන නියමයට ලංකාවේ පුරවැසි කම් අනිවාර්යය කිරීමයි.

      මේ අනුව 1948 සිට වසර හතළික් දක්වා කාලය තුළ ලංකාවේ ජීවත්වන ඓතිහාසික පුද්ගලයන් වන සිංහලයන් ගේ භූමිපුත්‍රය අයිතිය පුරවැසි කමෙන් වසා දැමීමේ ඛේදවාචකය පීළිබඳ යම් චිත්‍රයක් මවා ගත හැකි වෙයි.දෙමළ සහ මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවගේ චන්ද කුට්ටියට ඇතැම් විට කප්පමට වහල් වී සිංහල දේශපාලඥයන් කළ කුපාඩිකම් මෙලෙස හෙළිදරව් කළ හැකිය. අද වන විට ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ගේ දිවිත්ව පුරවැසිභාවය ගැන බොහෝ දෙනෙකු කතා කරති. එය මහා වැරැද්දක් ලෙසට ඉස්මතු කොට ඔහුට කිසිසේත්ම ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් විය නොහැකි බවට තර්ක ඉදිරිපත් කරති.නමුත් 1948 අංක 18 දරන පනතේ පැහැදිලිව යම් කිසිවෙකු ගේ පුරවැසි කම අහෝසි වන ආකාරය දක්වා තිබේ. එනම් රාජ්‍යයට ද්‍රෝහී වීම රජයට එරෙහිව කුමන්ත්‍රණය කිරීම ආදී කරුණු ප්‍රමුඛ වෙයි. නමුත් ස්ව කැමැත්තෙන් පුද්ගලයෙකුට තමන්ගේ පුරවැසි කම අහක් කොට ගෙන යෑමටද එහි ඉඩ ප්‍රස්ථා ලබා දී තිබේ.. මෙම ප්‍රතිපාදන දෙක ඇරුණු කොට දිවිත්ව පුරවැසි බව ලබන තැනැත්තෙකුට මේ රටේ අයිතිවාසිකම් අහුරන වගන්තියක් එහි නොවේ.මෙය වූයේ කෙලෙසකද

       2015 වසරේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව පත් වීමෙන් පසු දිග හැරෙන විදේශ න්‍යාය පත්‍රය යටතේ බලය බෙදීම ස්වයං පාලනය ලබා දීම මිය ගිය කොටිවන්ට වන්දි ගෙවීම ලංකාවේ ඉඩම් විදේශිකයන්ට පැවරීම වැනි බරපතල කාරණා රැසක් අන්තර්ගතව තිපබුණි. ඒවා සුමට ලෙසට ක්‍රියාත්මක කරලීමට නම් විරුද්ධ පකෂය අකර්මණ්‍ය කළ යුතුය. යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව සිය ධූර කාලය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ගත කළ යුතුය.  ඒ නිසාම රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ප්‍රමුඛ ආණ්ඩුව දහනව වන සංශෝධනය හොර පාරෙන්ම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධීව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ සම්මත කර ගැනීමට කටයුතු කළහ. මෙම සංශෝධනය කරලීමේ දී ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධීව බරපතල ලෙස වැරදි කීපයක් සිදු කර තිබේ. ජනමත විචාරණයකට යා යුතු ඇතැම්  වගන්ති අමු අමුවේ වෙනස් කර හිතූ මනාපයේ තමන්ට අවශ්‍ය න්‍යයා පත්‍රයට සරිලන වගන්ති ඇතුලත් කර තිබේ. එයින් එක් වගන්තියක් වන්නේ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු හෝ ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකුට අපේක්ෂකත්වය ලබා ගැනීමට නොහැකි වන කොන්දේසියයි. එනම් 91 වගන්තියේ සඳහන් ලංකාවේ පුරවැසි භාවය නොමැති කෙනෙකු යන වචනය වෙනස් කොට වෙනත් රටක පුරවැසියෙක් වන  ශ්‍රී ලංකා පුරවැසියෙක් යන්න ආදේශ කිරීමයි.

    සැබවින්ම මෙය මගින් 1948 අංක 18 දරණ මූලික පනත උල්ලංඝණය කර ඇති අතර මානව හිමිකම් සම්බන්ධ ඡෙදයේ ඇතැම් වගන්තිද උල්ලංඝණය කර තිබේ. උපතින් පරම්පරාවෙන් ඉතිහාසයක් හිමි  ගීතා කුමාරසිංහට සහ ගෝඨාභාය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාට අපේක්ෂක සුදුසුකම් අහිමි වන්නේ ඒ නිසාය.කණගාටුව වන්නේ සිංහලයන් වශයෙන් තමන්ගේ අයිතිය අහිමි කර ඇති බව ඔවුන් දෙදෙනාද නොදැනීමයි.නමුත් ලියාපදිංචි කිරීමෙන් පුරවැසි බව හිමි වූ රටට එරෙහි යුධ වැදුණු කුමන්ත්‍රණය කළ ආර්.සම්බන්ධන් සුමන්තිරන් විග්නේශවරන් විජයකලා වැන පුද්ලයන්ද රිෂාඩ් බද්යුදීන් හිස් බුල්ලා වැනි ත්‍රස්තවාදයට අනුබල දෙන පුද්ගලයන්ගේද පුරවැසි කම් හොඳින්ම ආරකෂා වේ. දහනව වන සංශෝධනය සම්මත කර ගැනීමට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ප්‍රමුඛ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය සහාය පළ කළ බව කවුරුත් දනිති.  බරක් පතලක් නොමැතිව කළ මේ ගොන්කම් නිසා අද ඔවුන්ද අමාරුවේ වැටී සිටිති.අමාරුවේ වැටී සිටිතත් තමන් ඇතුලු සිංහල ජනතාව වැටී සිටින අගාධාය ගැන ඔවුහු නොදනිති. සමස්ත සිංහලජාතියටම මේ පුරවැසි පනත් වලින් සහ ව්‍යවසථා සංශෝධන වලින් බලවත් අසාධාරණයක් වී තිබෙන බව කියන්නට  ඔවුන්ටද හයියක් නැත.එසේ කියන්නට ශක්තියක් ලැබේ නම් රටට ද්‍රෝහී වන සම්බන්ධන් සුමන් තිරන් මෙන්ම රිෂාඩ් බද්යුදීන්  ලාගේ පුරවැසි කම අහෝසි කිරීම එතරම් ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නොවේ.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

One Woman’s Brush with Sharia Courts in the UK: “It Ruined My Life Forever”

August 23rd, 2019

Written by Rahila Gupta Courtesy sabrangindia.in

My daughter and I appeared before the Sharia court at Regent’s Park mosque in London. They were not interested in anything we had to say, the whole process was shocking.”

Protest in London against the Law Society’s guidance on Sharia Wills April 2014. Photo: Wikimedia Commons/See Li

The UK government is conducting an inquiry into the operation of Sharia courts which is being boycotted by a number of women’s organisations because its remit is too narrow, and the panel of judges is not seen as ‘independent’ enough.

Parallel to this, the Home Affairs Committee has also launched an inquiry into whether the principles of Sharia are compatible with British law.

On 7 November, there will be a public seminar on “Sharia Law, Legal Pluralism and Access to Justice” 7-9pm at the Committee Room 12 at the Houses of Parliament. Below, we publish the story of a woman Shagufta (not her real name) who spoke to the campaign group, One Law for All, and described how a brush with the Sharia courts ruined her life forever.

I am a practising Muslim. My faith is central to who I am. I was born in 1947 in Pakistan and joined my husband in the UK in 1965.

I am a practicing Muslim. My faith is central to who I am. I was born in 1947 in Pakistan and joined my husband in the UK in 1965. I am from a middle-class Pakistani family and found life in England hard. It was a huge culture shock. We settled in the north of England. I supported my husband with his business interests and eventually had my own business running a cookery school and a halal food company. I had six daughters and a son.

After my husband died in 1987 I moved to London with my children.  My older daughter, Lubna (not her real name) moved to London in 1994 after the breakdown in her marriage. After the British courts granted her a civil divorce, I hoped that would be the end of our involvement with my ex-son-in-law. Sadly this was not to be the case. He visited our local mosque and denounced me to the gathering, saying that I was ‘a loose woman’ who was pimping her daughters. He asked the mosque elders to help him get his children and his wife back to save their morals. A delegation from the mosque visited my home to convince me that the best thing would be to make my daughter return to her husband. I told them she was divorced but they said the English divorce meant nothing and was not valid in Islam. I was so angry at the vile allegations of these men.

Another Imam, a close family friend of ours, told us that Lubna would have to seek a khula (divorce) from a Sharia court. I vehemently disagreed and cited the cases of several Muslim women I had known who had been divorced in the English courts without any need for a religious divorce. These women had since remarried too. The imam said the mosques had failed in their duty and that these women would go to hell as they were committing zina (adultery) and producing haram children. I reluctantly agreed to speak to Lubna.

We appeared before the Sharia court. The whole process in the Sharia court at Regents Park mosque was shocking. Lubna was dismissed every time she spoke; I was treated very disrespectfully every time I tried to intervene. They were not interested in anything we had to say, not even the real risks that my ex-son-in-law posed to his children let alone to my daughter. He had beaten my grandson a few years earlier and split his head open. He still has scars on his face.

Very late one night my ex-husband broke in and violently raped me. I did not report this to the police as I was too scared. After the rape he wrote to my mother and the Imam and told them I had slept with him and that we were now together again.

None of the information from the civil proceedings (affidavit, non-molestation orders etc) was admissible in the Sharia Court. When Lubna’s ex-husband stated that he did not want to grant khula but wanted a reconciliation ‘for the sake of the children’, the Judges agreed. I was horrified. As my daughter and I were protesting so much, a further hearing date was set.  At the next hearing, Lubna was told to reconcile and that a khula would not be granted. We were also told that my ex-son-in-law had custodial rights over my grandchildren and that they would remain with Lubna as long as my ex-son-in-law agreed. I do not have words to convey my anger at what was being done in this supposed court. I left the Sharia Court determined to find a way to protect my daughter and her children.

After the hearing, Lubna lived with a sustained campaign of harassment and abuse from my ex-son-in-law.  During this time he kidnapped my grandchildren and threatened to keep them if Lubna did not allow him to come and live with her. He threatened to kill me and my other children if she involved the police. It was only with the help of her father-in-law that the children were returned to her.

What happened next, I cannot even bring myself to say the words so I will quote from Lubna’s statement, ‘Several weeks after the children were returned to me, my ex-husband began calling at all hours of the day and night (he had my address and contact details from the Sharia Court papers). I refused to let him in. I contacted the police and applied for a new non-molestation order. However, the harassment did not stop. Very late one night my ex-husband broke in and violently raped me. I did not report this to the police as I was too scared. After the rape he wrote to my mother and the Imam and told them I had slept with him and that we were now together again. My mother came to my house as soon as she received the letter and was shocked to see the injuries resulting from the violence I suffered that night.’

It breaks my heart – all that she had to go through.

My family in Pakistan were horrified to hear that there were Sharia courts in England. My family sent written advice from several scholars in Pakistan and India which confirmed that there was absolutely no need for a khula as the civil divorce was recognised as a formal termination of the marriage.

My family in Pakistan were horrified to hear that there were Sharia courts in England. My family sent written advice from several scholars in Pakistan and India which confirmed that there was absolutely no need for a khula as the civil divorce was recognised as a formal termination of the marriage; if Lubna were to remarry in Pakistan then a copy of the divorce from the English courts would be sufficient.

However, with regard to my grandchildren, the letters did confirm that Lubna only had guardianship of the children under Sharia principles but as she had custody of the children under English civil law, they advised that the ruling of the English courts should be accepted as they had based their decision on the best interests of the children.

I sent copies of the letters to my ex-son-in-law and his father. His father gave his word that this would be an end to the matter. He had never thought a Sharia divorce certificate was necessary.  I do not understand where these Sharia courts have come from. I come from the generation of immigrants to this country that was able to be part of British society and to be Muslim without the need for separate legal systems. After the Sharia court proceedings ended I supposed that my life would continue as it had done before. Nothing could have prepared me for what lay ahead.

The ostracism began with people who had once been friends starting to avoid me. I asked my friend Guljabeen if she knew what was going on. Guljabeen told me that the incident at the mosque (where I was accused of pimping my daughters) had become common knowledge in the area where we lived. My children were no longer welcome in the homes of their Muslim friends. I used to sing the naats and nasheeds at prayer gatherings and was well known for doing this. All invitations to do this ceased.

Three of my other daughters have married non-Muslims and left Islam. I have suffered almost total ostracism for supporting them in their choices.

Three of my other daughters have married non-Muslims and left Islam. I have suffered almost total ostracism for supporting them in their choices. My closest friend from childhood, who lives in the area, has stopped visiting me. My only wish has been for my daughters to be safe and happy. I taught them about their faith – how to pray, fast, be good and decent human beings – I did my duty as a mother. As for their choices in regard to their own religious practice – they are adults and must make their own choices about what is right and wrong. Only Allah can judge us in the end.

In the end, I decided not to leave the area where we live and start all over again. Why should I? I am old now and tired of all of this. I wanted to share these experiences with you so that you can begin to understand how the community judges control women like me. I knew as a widow without a male to protect me I was an easy target. Even in London a big city with millions of people it is very hard to move away from this control.

My time is coming to an end, but I am so sad for the generations to come if we continue on the path of this new Islam.

Rahila Gupta is a freelance journalist and writer. Her work has appeared in The Guardian and New Humanist among other papers and magazines. Her books include Enslaved: The New British Slavery; From Homebreakers to Jailbreakers: Southall Black Sisters; Provoked;  and ‘Don’t Wake Me: The Ballad of Nihal Armstrong (Playdead Press, 2013).

(This article was first published on openDemocracy).

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු රටේ බහුතර ජනතාවගේ භාෂාවෙන් ලබා ගැනීමට ජනතාවගේ අත්සන් ලක්ෂයක් එකතු කිරීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී, විනයවත් සහ සංවර්ධිත සමාජයක් වෙනුවෙනි……!

August 23rd, 2019

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන BSc(Col), PGDC(Col) සමායෝජක)

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නීතිය සොයාගත හැකි ප්‍රධාන නීති මූලාශ්‍ර 2කි.

  1. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන පනත්
  2. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු

නීතිය නොදැනීම සමාවට කාරණයක් නොවන හෙයින් ස්වාධීන රටක නීති පැනවීම ස්වදේශීය ජනතාවට කියවිය හැකි භාෂාවෙන් ලබා දීම ශිෂ්ට ලෝකයේ පිළිගැනීමයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නීති පැනවීම

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පවතින ප්‍රධාන නීති මූලාශ්‍ර 2ක අතරින් එකක්වන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන පනත්ය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව රටේ බහුතර ජනතාවගෙන් සගවා නීති පැනවීම සිදු නොකරන අතර පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පනවන නීති එනම් පනත් සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පනවා එයට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානයද ලබා දී ඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන පනත් සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් සහ ඉංග්‍රීසි පරිවර්තනයක් සමග පනවනු ලැබේ. එමෙන්ම සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂා පනත් අතර අනනුකූලතාවයක් ඇති වුවහොත් සිංහල පනත ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානයේ පවතී. ඒ අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ප්‍රජාතාන්ත්‍රික මූලධර්ම අනුගමනය කරමින් නීතියේ පාලනය ස්ථාපිත කිරීම සදහා නීති පනවනු ලබන්නේය යන්න කිව හැකිය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පනවන ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා පනත පරිවර්තනයක් හෙයින් නීතිය හොදින් දන්නා අය පරිවර්තන දෙස බලාගෙන යුක්තිය පසිදලන්නේ නැත. යම් අධිකරණයක නඩු විභාග කරන විට ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා පනතේ අනනුකූලතාවයක් ඇති වුවහොත් කවර භාෂා පාඨය බලපවත්වන්නේද? යන පැනය නීතියේ පාලනය ඇති සමාජයක මතු නොවන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන පනතේ පරිවර්තනයක් ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති බව නීති විශාරදයින් මැනවින් දන්නා හෙයින් පරිවර්තනයක් දෙස බලාගෙන යුක්තිය පසිදලීම නොකරන හෙයිනි. ඒ අනුව නීතියේ පාලනය පවතින ලාංකීය සමාජයේ නඩු විභාග කිරීමේදී පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පනවන ලද මුල් පනත එනම් ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානයේ ඇති සිංහල පනත අනුව යුක්තිය පසිදලනවා මිස ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා‍වෙන් ඇති මුල් පනතේ පරිවර්තනය අනුව යුක්තිය පසිදලීම සිදු නොවිය යුතුය.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය නීති පැනවීම

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පවතින ප්‍රධාන නීති මූලාශ්‍ර 2ක අතරින් අනෙක වන්නේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දුය. පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන නීති මෙන්ම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු නීති වර්ගයකි.  

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු අනෙක් අධිකරණවන මහේස්ත්‍රාත් අධිකරණ, දිසා අධිකරණ, මහාධිකරණ, වාණිජ මහාධිකරණ සහ සිවිල් අභියාචන මහාධිකරණවල නඩු තීන්දු මෙන් නඩුවේ පාර්ශවයන්ට පමණක් බලපාන ලෙස තීන්දු ලබා නොදේ. ඒ අනුව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු විශේෂ බලධාරීත්වයක් උසුලයි. එනම් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු රටේ සියලුම පුරවැසියන්ට අදාල වන අතර ඒවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පනවන නීති මෙන් බලධාරී වේ. එනම් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු රටේ සියලු ජනතාවට සහ පහළ අධිකරණ අනුගමනය කළ යුතු නීති ලෙස බැදීමක් ඇති කරයි.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය නීති පැනවීම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බහුතර ජනතාවගේ භාෂාවෙන් සිදු කරන්නේද?

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සම්මත කරන නීති මෙන්ම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු නීති වර්ගයක් වන හෙයින් නීතිය නොදැනීම සමාවට කාරණයක් නොවන හෙයින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පනවන පනතට මෙන්ම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය ලබා දෙන නඩු තීන්දුවටත් අදාලය. මන්ද යත් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය ලබා දෙන නඩු තීන්දුව හෙට දවසේ රටේ නීතිය බවට නිරායාසයෙන් පත්වන නිසා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සෑම පුරවැසියෙකුම එකී  ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය ලබා දෙන නඩු තීන්දුව කියවා වටහා ගැනීමේ යුතුකම පවති.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී මූලධර්ම අනුගමනය කරමින්  පුරවැසියන්ට කියවා වටහා ගැනීමට හැකි පරිදි සිංහල භාෂා පනත ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානයේ තබා නීති පනවයි. එසේ වුවත් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය නඩු තීන්දු මගින් නීති පැනවීම මේ අකාරයට සිදු නොකරන අතර රටේ බහුතර ජනතාව භාවිතා කරන සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් නොව සුලුතර ජනතාවට හැකියාව ඇති ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ලබා දේ.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය නීති පැනවීම රටේ බහුතර ජනතාවගේ භාෂාවෙන් වීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය

රටේ බහුතරයක්වන ඉංග්‍රීසි නොදන්නා ජනතාව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය පනවන නීතිය පිළිබද අවබෝධය ලැබීමට නොහැකිව සිටී.

මෙහි අහිතකර ප්‍රතිඵල රාශියක් සමාජයක් ලෙස ලාංකීය ජනතාවට විදින්නට සිදුවී ඇති අතර ප්‍රංශය, ජර්මනිය, ජපානය, චීනය, ඉතාලිය සහ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යය වැනි රටවල ජනතාව මෙහිදී පුළුල් නීතියේ නිදහසක් භුක්ති විදිති.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ජනතාවගේ විනය පිරිහී ඇති බවත්, අල්ලස දූෂණය සහ නාස්තිය සමාජයේ පැතීරී ඇති බවත්, දිනෙන් දින අපරාධ වැඩිවන බවත් දිනපතා මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ අසන්නට ලැබේ. අධිකරණවල නඩු තදබදයද, නඩු විසදීම ප්‍රමාද වීමද ලංකාවේ සමාජ ප්‍රශ්නයකි.

නඩු කියන සේවාදායකයා පැත්තක තබා නීතිඥවරයා සහ විනිසුරුවරයා පමණක් නඩු විභාගයට සම්බන්ධවන යුක්තිය පසිඳලන ක්‍රමයක් ලංකාවේ පැවතීම 1815 ඉංග්‍රීසි යටත් විජිතකරණය නිසා සිදුවූවා විය හැකිය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වේවා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණය වේවා නීති පනවන්නේ නම් ඒ නීති කියවා වටහා ගැනීමට අවස්ථාව සළසා දීම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී, විනයවත් සහ සංවර්ධිත සමාජයක් වෙනුවෙන් බව විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා වටහා ගත යුතුය.

මෙම තත්ත්වය ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ අවධානය යොමු කිරීම සදහා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු රටේ බහුතර ජනතාවට කියවිය හැකි පරිදි සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ලබා ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් වන වැඩසටහන මගින් මුලු රට පුරා ජනතාව දැනුවත් කරන වැඩපිළිවලක් දියත් කර ඇත.

එමගින් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු ලබා දිය යුතු භාෂාව සිංහල භාෂාව විය යුතුද? යන කාරණය ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාව වෙත යොමු කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලමින් පුරවැසියන් ලක්ෂයක් විසින් කැමැත්ත ලබා දී අත්සන් කරන ඉල්ලීමක් ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත යොමු කිරීමට කටයුතු කර ඇත.

මේ වන විට මෙම ඉල්ලීමට භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ජනාධිපති නීතිඥවරුන්, නීතිඥවරුන්, වෛද්‍යවරුන්, මාධ්‍යවේදීන්, සිවිල් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරීන්, රජයේ හා පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ විධායක නිලධාරීන් ඇතුළු සේවය කරන අය, විශ්ව විද්‍යාල කතිකාචාර්යවරු සිසුන් ඇතුළු දිවයිනේ විවිධ නගරවල සහ ගම්වල පොදු ජනතාව අති විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් අත්සන් ලබා දී සහාය පළකර ඇත.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත යොමු කරන අත්සන් ලක්ෂය සදහා අත්සන් කර සහාය දැක්වීමට අදහස් කරන්නේ නම් ඒ සදහා කටයුතු කළ හැකිය. එමෙන්ම අත්සන් එකතු කිරීමට දායක විය හැකි නම් ඒ සදහාද අවස්ථාව ඇත.

නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන
BSc(Col), PGDC(Col)
(සමායෝජක) – 2019.08.23
ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ සහ අභියාචනාධිකරණ නඩු තීන්දු රටේ බහුතර ජනතාවට කියවිය හැකි පරිදි සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් ලබා ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් වන වැඩසටහන.

අංක 09, කොළඹ පාර, හදපාන්ගොඩ. (10524)
දුරකථන 0342256066, 0342256067, 0712063394

Water Transport – a bold step

August 23rd, 2019

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

That day I had the privilege of attending the ceremony of launching the very first passenger boat in Beira Lake. Sri Lanka Land Development Corporation Act does not encompass carrying out such activity. Nevertheless, the Cooperation with the blessing from the minister had taken a very bold step in spearheading the commencement of much-needed service for the people.

Minister of transport was not to be seen in the ceremony, neither the mayor of Colombo who should have taken some initiative to support was not at the ceremony.

Despite the fact that port minister had nothing to do with transport was gracing the occasion 

We should hail the professionals in the corporation. Who has tirelessly worked with Sri Lanka Navy  to make this a success

Other than the National Housing development Authority, SLLDC  Maybe the only other state institution trying to to do some useful service to the people when the whole country is standing still

දුම්රිය සේවය නංවන්න ණය ගැනීම දේශපාලන ප්‍රෝඩාවක්

August 23rd, 2019

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය දුම්රිය වෘත්තීය සමිති සන්ධානය

කොළඹ සහ තදාසන්න දුම්රිය සේවාව නංවාලීමේ අරමුණින් සකස්කර ඇති සැලසුම් අහසේ පාවෙන සැලසුම් බවත්, එම සැලසුම් පෙන්නා පිටරටවලින් ණය ගෙන ආරම්භ කිරීමට නියමිත ව්‍යාපෘති දේශපාලන ප්‍රෝඩාවක් බවත්, දේශීය සම්පත් සහ ශ‍්‍රමය යොදා ගනිමින් දුම්රිය සේවය ප‍්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමේ කිසිදු අවශ්‍යතාවක් මේ ආණ්ඩුවට නැති බවත් වගකීමෙන් යුතුව පෙන්වා දෙමු. ඉරිකෝන් සමාගම ඉන්දියානු ණය ක‍්‍රමය යටතේ මුහුදු බඩ දුම්රිය මාර්ගය සෑදීමේදී එක් කිලෝ මීටරයකට රුපියල් කෝටි 19 ක් සහ උතුරු දුම්රිය මාර්ගය සෑදීමේදී එක් කිලෝමීටරයකට රුපියල් කෝටි 34 ක් වැය කළද, අපේක්‍ෂිත අරමුණු ඉටුකර ගැනීමට නොහැකි වී ඇත. එමෙන්ම එම ණය යෝජනා ක‍්‍රමය යටතේම ඉන්දියාවෙන් ගෙන්වා ඇති දුම්රිය එන්ජින් සහ බලවේග කට්ටල ඉතාමත් දුර්වල තත්වයේ පවතී. චීන ජාතික සමාගමක් විසින් ඉදිකරන ලද මාතරxබෙලිඅත්ත දුම්රිය මාර්ගය වසර තුනකින් අවසන් කරන බව කීවද, ඒ සඳහා වසර 07 කට ආසන්න කාලයක් ගත කර ඇත. ඒ සඳහා දුම්රිය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ යන්ත්‍රෝපකරණ ද යෙදවීමට සිදුවිය. මිලියන 200 ක් වැය කර එම මාර්ගයේ සංඥා පද්ධතිය සවිකිරීමට හැකියාව තිබුණද ඒ සඳහා රුපියල් මිලියන 2000 ක් වැය කර ඇත. මේ වන විට මහව සිට  ඕමන්ත දක්වා දුම්රිය මාර්ගය ඉදිකිරීමේ කටයුතු ද ලබාදී ඇත්තේ ඉරිකෝන් සමාගමටය. ඒ සඳහා දේශීය සම්පත් හෝ ශ‍්‍රමය කිසිවක් යොදා ගන්නේ නැත.

කොළඹ මගී තදබදය අඩු කිරීම සඳහා ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමේ දුම්රිය ව්‍යාපෘතියක් ආරම්භ කරන බව මේ දින වල කථා බහට ලක්වී තිබෙනවා. මෙම ව්‍යාපෘතිය සඳහා ආසියානු සංවර්ධන බැංකුව මගින් ඇ. ඩො. මිලියන 160 ක (රු. මිලියන 28640* ණය මුදලක් අනුමත වී තිබෙන බව මධ්‍යවල වාර්තා කර තිබෙනවා.

මීට අමතරව ඉන්දියාවෙන් ලොකොමෝටිව් එන්ජින් 03 ක් බලවේග කට්ටල 06 ක් හා මැදිරි 160 ක් ද චීනයෙන් බලවේග කට්ටල 09 ක් හා යුරෝපයෙන් තවත් එන්ජින් ප‍්‍රමාණයක් ණය පදනම යටතේ ගෙන්වීමට ආණ්ඩුව කටයුතු කරමින් සිටිනවා. තනි මාර්ග ද්විත්ව මාර්ග කිරීම, ද්විත්ව මාර්ග ත‍්‍රිත්ව මාර්ග කිරීම හා  කොළඹxරාගම 4 වන දුම්රිය මාර්ගයක් ඉදිකිරීම ගැන සාකච්ඡුා බොහොමයක් තිබෙනවා. මීට අමතරව විදුලි දුම්රිය ධාවනය, සැහැල්ලූ දුම්රිය ධාවනය ආදිී ව්‍යාපෘති ගණනාවක් ද ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමිතව තියෙනවා. රටේ ජනතාව ණය කාරයින් කර ආණ්ඩුව මහා සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති සකස් කළද, එම ණය මුදල් වැය කර, සියයට දශම ගණනක හෝ ජනතාවට ප‍්‍රතිලාභ ගෙනදෙන සංවර්ධනයක් කිරීමට අපේ රටේ පැවති ආණ්ඩු වලට නොහැකිවී තිබෙනවා. මහා දැවැන්ත ව්‍යාපෘති පිළිබඳව සුරංගනා කථා කියමින් අහස් මාලිගා තැනීමට ආණ්ඩු සමත් වුවද දැනට ඇති දුම්රිය සේවය නිසි පරිදි විධිමත් ලෙස පවත්වාගෙන යාමට ආණ්ඩුවටවත් දුම්රිය බලධාරීන්ටවත් නොහැකි වී තිබෙනවා. දුම්රිය ප‍්‍රමාදය හැමදාමත් එසේමයි. දුම්රිය අවලංගු වීම් හැමදාමත් එසේමයි. තිබෙන දුම්රිය සේවය වඩා යහපත් නොකර අහසේ පාවෙන කෝටි ගණන් වටිනා ව්‍යාපෘති සෑදීම හා ජනතාව ණය කාරයින් කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුවේ දේශපාලන ප්‍රෝඩාවක් බවද ඉතා පැහැදිලිය.

අප දුම්රිය එන්ජින්, බලවේග කට්ටල, දුම්රිය මැදිරි, තාක්‍ෂණ උපදේශන, දුම්රිය මාර්ග මේ සියල්ල අප ගන්නේ ණයට. අපට ඒවා ලබා දෙන රටවල් සියල්ල අප රටේ දුම්රිය ආරම්භ කරන කාල වකවානුවේම දුම්රිය සේවාව ආරම්භ කරපු රටවල්. එහෙත් දුම්රිය මාර්ගයක් හදාගන්න, මැදිරියක් හදාගන්න අපට නොහැකි වී තිබෙනවා. බි‍්‍රතාන්‍ය ජාතිකයින් අපට ලබා දී ඇති සම්පත් ටිකද අප විනාශයට පත්කර තිබෙනවා. දුම්රිය පරිපාලනය, දුම්රිය ධාවනය, දුම්රිය මූල්‍ය කළමනාකරණය මේ සියළු දේ අතින් අප පරිහානියට ගොස් තිබෙනවා. ඒවා නැවත විධිමත් කිරීමකින් තොරව, ණයට කොපමණ දුම්රිය ගෙන ආවත්, ඒවා සියල්ලමත් කෙටිකාලයකින් විනාශ වෙනවා. ආණ්ඩු ණය ගත්තත් ඒවා ගෙවන්න වෙන්නේ මේ රටේ ජනයාටය. කෝච්චියක් දැක නැති, කෝචිචියක ගිහින් නැති ජනතාවත් මේ ණය ගෙවනවා.

දුම්රිය සේවය සංවර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා අනුගමනය කරන සෑම ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ගයක්ම අප ඉතාමත් අගේ කොට සළකන බව පෙන්වා දෙන අතර, එහෙත් සංවර්ධනයේ මුවාවෙන් සිදුකරන මහා දැවැන්ත විනාශය අප දැඩි ලෙස හෙලා දකිමු. ජනතාවට ප‍්‍රතිලාභ නොලැබෙන සංවර්ධනයක් තුලින් කිසි විටෙකවත් ජාතික දියුණුවක් අපේක්‍ෂා කළ නොහැකි බව පෙන්වා දෙන අතර, දුම්රිය සේවයේ කඩා වැටීමට මෙතෙක් පැවති ආණ්ඩු හා පවතින ආණ්ඩුවද එක ඒලලේම වගකිව යුතු බවද පෙන්වා දෙමු.

ස්තූතියි.

මෙයට,

එස්.පී.විතානගේ
ප‍්‍රධාන ලේකම්

යන්න එන්න තැනක් නැති වෙන්න අපි පරාජය වෙනවා..- ජනාධිපති වෙන්න ගිය සජිත් වේදිකාවේ තබාගෙන මංගල කියයි.. [Video]

August 23rd, 2019

lanka C news

යන්න එන්න තැනක් නැති වෙන්න අපි පරාජය වෙනවා..- ජනාධිපති වෙන්න ගිය සජිත් වේදිකාවේ තබාගෙන මංගල කියයි.. [Video]

‘යන්න එන්න තැනක් නැති වෙන විදිහට අපි පරාජයට පත්වෙනවා’ යැයි මුදල් ඇමති මංගල සමරවීර මහතා පැවැසීය.

‘සජිත් එනවා’ දෙවන රැළිය මාතර සනත් ජයසූරිය ක්‍රීඩාංගනයේ දී අමතමින් ඔහු මේ බව කියා සිටියේය.

‘මිත්‍රවරුනි බයවෙන්න එපා.. අපේ සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මැතිතුමා එතුමා රාජපක්ෂලාට යන්න එන්න තැනක් නැති විදිහට අපි පරාජයට පත්වෙනවා’ යැයි ඇමැතිවරයා පැවසීය.

එසේ පවසද්දී එහි සිටි ජනතාව අත්පොලසන් දුන් අතර වේදිකාවේද සිටි එජාප මැති ඇමතිවරුන් අත්පොලසන් දුන්හ.

රැලිය සමග සංගීත සංදර්ශණයක්ද සූදානම් කර තිබින.

Attorney General says CID reports on Thajudeen and Lasantha murders are inconclusive

August 23rd, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

Attorney General Dappula de Livera has informed the Acting IGP to refrain from submitting inconclusive reports in respects to the high-profile cases including the murders of Wazim Thajudeen and Lasantha Wickramatunga.

He stated this in a letter to Acting IGP C. Wickramaratne in connection to the reports submitted by Sri Lanka Police to the AG’s Department on several high-profile cases currently being investigated. 

The letter states that the reports submitted by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) to the Acting IGP appear to be inconclusive and emphasizes that this has resulted in an unsatisfactory situation.

Therefore the Attorney General instructs the Acting IGP to refrain from submitting inconclusive reports, to appoint senior officers to oversee the respective investigations expeditiously and efficiently while directing him to only submit completed investigative reports hereafter. 

On August 16, the Attorney General instructed the Acting IGP to expedite the conclusion of police investigations into six high profile cases including the assassination of journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge, the killing of 17 aid workers in 2006, the murder of Sri Lankan rugby player Wasim Thajudeen, the abduction of journalist Keith Noyahr, the abduction and disappearance of 11 Tamil youths.

The Attorney General had instructed the Acting IGP to conclude investigations into the cases without delay and to submit the completed files to the AG’s Department for the filing of charges.

The reports were handed over to the Attorney General by the Acting Inspector General of Police yesterday.

All in Sri Lanka enjoy religious freedom unlike some Asian countries: UN Expert

August 23rd, 2019

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The visiting UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Ahmed Shaheed, when he called on Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa at the latter’s Chamber at the Parliamentary Complex in Battaramulla, has said that all ethnic groups in Sri Lanka enjoyed the freedom of religion in comparison to some other countries in Asia.

According to a statement issued by the Opposition Leader’s Office, the UN Expert had also said the reconciliation among the different ethnicities and religious groups in the country was commendable.

The UN Expert, who undertook a visit to the North and East, also mentioned that the residents have said Mr. Rajapaksa’s Government had contributed immensely to develop the infrastructure of the region.

During the meeting, Mr.Rajapaksa said the country cannot forge ahead if there was no faith among different communities.

Mr. Shaheed, who arrived in Sri Lanka on August 15, will end his visit on 26th.  

Sri Lanka ends emergency four months after Easter attacks

August 23rd, 2019

Courtesy  france24.com

Sri Lanka has ended a four-month state of emergency declared after Easter suicide bombings by Islamist extremists that killed 258 people, officials said Friday.

President Maithripala Sirisena has been extending the emergency on the 22nd of each month since the April 21 attacks on three hotels and three churches.

However, his office confirmed that Sirisena had not extended it for another term and thereby allowed the emergency to end on Thursday.

“The president did not issue a fresh proclamation extending the emergency by a further period,” an official source said.

The official government printer also confirmed that there was no notification reimposing the state of emergency, which gives sweeping powers to police and security forces to arrest and detain suspects for long periods.

The government used the emergency as it tightened security across the country and hunted members of a local jihadist group which was held responsible for the attacks and which claimed allegiance to the Islamic State group.

Police have said that all those directly responsible for the suicide bombings have either been killed or arrested.

This week Tourism Minister John Amaratunga said he had asked the president to relax the draconian law to signal to foreign holidaymakers that the situation in the country was back to normal.

Sri Lanka’s parliament is currently investigating security lapses that led to the Easter attacks despite intelligence warnings.

Sirisena himself has been accused of failing to act on precise Indian intelligence that jihadists were about to hit Christian churches and other targets in Sri Lanka.

A parliamentary public inquiry has been told Sirisena — who is also the minister of defence and law and order — failed to follow proper national security protocols.

The mainly Buddhist nation of 21 million people was about to mark a decade since ending a 37-year-long Tamil separatist war when the Islamist extremists struck.


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