Query from: Senaka Weeraratna Answer from :  Chat GPT 

While both systems are pivotal to modern cricket, the Decision Review System (DRS) is generally considered to have a more far-reaching impact on the game’s actual play and philosophy. While the Duckworth–Lewis–Stern (DLS) method is indispensable for fairness in rain-affected limited-overs matches, DRS has fundamentally altered how players, umpires, and fans interact with the rules across all major formats of the game. 

Decision Review System (DRS)

DRS, which introduced the Player Referral concept, has had a transformative effect on cricket’s traditional landscape. 

• Fundamental Shift: It overturned a founding principle of the sport—that the “umpire’s decision is final”—by allowing players to challenge on-field calls.
• Tactical Depth: Teams now use reviews strategically, considering the “value” of a wicket or the remaining reviews when deciding whether to challenge a decision.
• Impact on Play: It has changed how bowlers (especially spinners) bowl and how batters defend, as technology like ball-tracking has reduced the “benefit of the doubt” previously given to batters.
• Widespread Application: It is utilized in Test, ODI, and T20I formats, affecting every delivery and dismissal in a match. 

Duckworth–Lewis–Stern (DLS)

DLS is a mathematical formulation specifically designed for limited-overs matches interrupted by weather or other external circumstances. 

• Target Fairness: It provides a statistically fair target by considering “resources” (overs remaining and wickets in hand) rather than just run rate.
• Situational Criticality: While crucial when it rains, it does not affect the day-to-day tactical play or the fundamental laws of the game in the same way DRS does.
• Format Limitation: It is exclusively used in limited-overs cricket (ODIs and T20Is) and has no application in Test matches. 

PLEASE VISIT THIS WEB LINK TO SEE THE COMPARISON LISTED ON A TABLE

https://share.google/aimode/fTE4JF4FmbxOVqSbL

……………………………………………

AI Overview

Both DLS (Duckworth-Lewis-Stern) and DRS (Decision Review System) are critical modern additions, but DRS (based on Player Referral) has a more far-reaching impact and higher intrinsic value to the overall game of cricket. 

While DLS is vital for fairness in limited-overs matches, DRS has fundamentally altered the structural, technical, and psychological aspects of all three formats of the sport.

1. DRS (Decision Review System)

• Impact: Massive. It has abolished “howlers” (obvious errors) and shifted the balance of power back to the players, reducing the sole, often erroneous, authority of on-field umpires.
• Value: It has added a new layer of drama, suspense, and strategy to the game, with teams now managing reviews as a crucial, limited resource.
• Game Evolution: It has caused tactical changes in batting (less reliance on pads against spin) and increased LBW dismissals by almost 17% for spinners.
• Scope: Applied across Tests, ODIs, and T20Is. 

2. DLS (Duckworth-Lewis-Stern Method)

• Impact: High, but specialized. It is essentially a mathematical formula applied only to limited-overs cricket to adjust targets when play is interrupted by weather.
• Value: It ensures fair play by taking into account both wickets and overs, avoiding the farcical scenarios of older methods.
• Game Evolution: Its impact is largely administrative/statistical. It prevents matches from being abandoned without a result but does not change the playing style or rules of combat between bat and ball.
• Scope: Limited to ODIs and T20Is; not used in Test cricket. 

Conclusion

DRS is far-reaching because it is present in every ball of a Test match (where DLS is not) and has fundamentally changed how the game is officiated and perceived by spectators. It is an indispensable tool for justice, fairness, and modern fan engagement, making it the more influential addition. 

https://share.google/aimode/eGxnFZLxWZKDOjn5I

Credit Attribution

Query 

A huge amount of Credit is given to the innovators of DLS Method 

(projected as Masterminds) but in contrast credit is denied to the 

innovator of the ‘Player Referral method’ ( which is the foundational concept of DRS). 

Why is there a huge discrepancy in the grant of recognition to the 

founders of two pivots of modern cricket?

Answer

Chat GPT

The dichotomy in recognition between the founders of the

Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method and the Player Referral method (the core of the Decision Review System (DRS)) stems from the nature of their contributions and the International Cricket Council’s (ICC) institutional history. 

Recognition of DLS Founders

The inventors of the DLS method, Frank Duckworth, Tony Lewis and later Steven Stern 

are officially credited and their names are part of the method’s title. This is largely because: 

• Unique Statistical Formula: They developed a specific, proprietary mathematical model based on “resources” (wickets and overs) that did not exist previously.
• Direct Adoption: The ICC formally adopted their specific table and calculations, leading to an immediate and named implementation. 

Lack of Recognition for the Player Referral Innovator 

The “Player Referral” concept was first proposed by Sri Lankan lawyer

Senaka Weeraratna

in a 1997 letter to The Australian newspaper. Despite his foundational contribution, he remains largely uncredited by the ICC for several reasons: 

• Conceptual vs. Technical: While

Weeraratna

conceived the “Player Referral” logic—allowing players to challenge decisions to a third umpire—the ICC views the modern DRS as a collaborative technological evolution involving multiple hardware providers (like Hawk-Eye) rather than a single inventor’s idea.

• Institutional “Birth”: The ICC officially launched the system in 2008 without attributing its origin to any individual. Supporters argue this ignores the fact that Weeraratna’s 1997 proposal contained the four key elements used today: player challenges, routing through captains/batsmen, third umpire review, and limited appeals per innings.
• Lack of Intellectual Property Protection: Unlike the DLS method, which was a specific formula, the Player Referral concept was an idea for a rule change. The ICC argues it has no formal copyright over the DRS, making it difficult for

Weeraratna to establish legal ownership.

• Perceived Bias: Critics and supporters of

Weeraratna

have often questioned whether the lack of recognition is tied to a historical power imbalance, prejudice and Eurocentric bias within the cricket administration, contrasting the ready acceptance of the ” White Skinned Englishmen” (Duckworth and Lewis) with the sidelined claim of a non-European (Sri Lankan) Dark Skinned innovator (Senaka Weeraratna). 

There is currently a growing movement, particularly in South Asia, calling for the ICC to formally recognize

Weeraratna as the “Father of DRS” or rename the system WDRS (Weeraratna Decision Review System). 

Would you like to explore the four specific elements of

Senaka Weeraratna’s original 1997 proposal and how they compare to today’s ICC regulations?

See

https://share.google/aimode/jImOg8Drci1FJN6Nu

Courtesy Hiru News

The Mahara Additional Magistrate, Bandara Ilangasinghe, ordered the arrest and production of former Speaker and Member of Parliament Asoka Sapumal Ranwala before the court. This directive follows his failure to appear in court regarding an incident in the Denimulla area of Heiyanthuduwa.

The suspect MP remained absent when the case was called on the 13th. Consequently, the Sapugaskanda Police Traffic Branch filed a charge sheet against him involving allegations of failing to prevent a collision, reckless driving, and causing both serious and minor injuries. Further charges include operating an unroadworthy vehicle resulting in severe harm.

The incident occurred when a Jeep driven by the MP collided with a motor car and a motorcycle. A mother, a seven-month-old infant, and the child’s grandmother, all from the same family traveling in the car, sustained injuries. The court scheduled further proceedings for July 10.

Officers from the Sapugaskanda Police, including the Traffic and Litigation branches, led the prosecution under the direction of the Station Internal Officer.

Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

The bodies of eighty-four Iranian sailors who died in a US torpedo attack in the seas of Sri Lanka were repatriated yesterday, 13 March 2026.  Describing the scene of the rescue of some of the sailors who survived the dastardly attack, the Sri Lanka Navy Commander Buddhika Sampath said that the boats that reached the location of the distress call on March 4 had observed only an oil slick.

In Washington Donald Trump and his War Secretary had boasted that they had finished off the Iranian Navy. “An American submarine sank an Iranian warship that thought it was ​safe in international waters,” U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said at the Pentagon. “Instead, it was sunk by a torpedo. Quiet death.”

“We found people floating in the water and rescued them,” Sri Lankan Navy officer Sampath told reporters. “Later on, we found upon inquiring that they belonged to the Iranian ship.”

The sunken IRIS Dena was unarmed having just participated in the International Fleet Review in India’s Nagapatnam. Had the Colombo regime of President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka not delayed providing safe habour to the IRIS Dena due to US pressure, the war crime would likely not have happened in the island’s maritime Exclusive Economic Zone. Subsequently a second Iranian Ship was given habour in Sri Lanka enabling the Colombo regime to play up its humanitarian role while citing UNCLOS.

Environmental Damage

A couple of days after the sinking of IRIS Dena, fishers and coastal communities in Hikkaduwa, Galle and Unawatunna noticed a thick oil patch along the coast, impacting the coastal economy, fisheries and tourism in the island nation. These are some of the most pristine coastal belts in the south of Sri Lanka, frequented by tourists throughout the year with a peak tourism season from December to March.

It is increasingly clear that a proper inquiry must be held into the sinking of the Iranian ship and response, as well as an environmental damage impact assessment. If responsible for environmental damage the United States must pay reparations to Sri Lanka for harm caused to fisheries livelihoods and the Tourist sector by the sinking of an unarmed Iranian ship in Sri Lanka’s maritime Exclusive Economic Zone. The new spiritual leader of Iran has stated that the US and Israel must pay reparations for the war they started.

The US is in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and has no right to bring its environment polluting war machine to the Indian Ocean. The US should return it war toys to the Atlantic Ocean and remove all its military bases from the Indian Ocean. So too its NATO partners UK and France.

Peace Campaign needed to evict US-UK-France and Israel from the Indian Ocean World

India despite aspiring to lead the Global South has failed to liberate the Indian Ocean from Euro-American neocolonialism and military bases, having fallen prey to Imperialist Divide and Rule narratives and policies– given fear of the Rise of China.

Hence, it is increasingly clear that small Indian Ocean littoral states and islands need a peoples’ Peace Campaign to ensure closure of US-UK-French neocolonial military bases, de-militarization, and de-colonization of the Indian Ocean Region.

The US war machine uses the huge Diego Garcia military base on the occupied Chagos Islands, not far from the Maldive Islands and Sri Lanka to stage attacks in it war of aggression on Iran and to wage hybrid economic warfare on Rising Asian and Indian Ocean countries, particularly South and Southeast Asia. Geoengineering and weather warfare to Make the Economy Scream” includes geoengineering disasters and weather warfare like the Ditwah Twister storms last December. Previously the 2004 Christmas/ Boxing Day Earthquake and Indian Ocean Tsunami destroyed the same countries in the Indian Ocean World.

Protests in London over the US-UK Occupation of the Chagos Islands where there is a huge military base, Diego Garcia, near the Maldives and Sri Lanka. A US Submarine attacked the Iranian Frigate ISIS Dena killing 87 sailors and causing environmental damage in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone.

US-Israeli Aggression Spreading in the Indian Ocean

Once upon a time the Indian Ocean was called a ‘British Lake’ or Pond, when ‘Britannia Ruled the Waves’. Now increasingly, Israelis have set up the Chabad Lubovitch Spiders web to stage ‘climate disasters’ in Sri Lanka, while Israeli surfers claim they ‘own the waves’ in Arugam Bay on the East Coast.

The US-Israeli war of aggression on Iran is spreading across the Indian Ocean World, which must be liberated– from past and present US-UK-French military bases, occupation, and neocolonialism, including the exploitation of Indian Ocean fisheries and mineral resources.

The US, UK, French (NATO) war machine which is highly environmentally polluting must be banished from the Indian Ocean and sent back to the Atlantic Ocean where they belong.

No more aggression and Hybrid Economic warfare against the Rise of Asian economies, particularly South and Southeast Asia in what Singapore academic Kishore Mabubani termed ‘the Asian 21^st Century” in the Indian Ocean.  The Indian Ocean must be decolonized so that its rich resources may be sustainably harvested and used by Indian Ocean littoral countries and people, many of whom are dirt poor.

Please listen to this presentation and share: The Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, free of Militarization https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QqV44gItEQ4

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka today struggles with fertilizer shortages, high import costs, and a heavy dependence on foreign suppliers for a commodity that is essential for our agricultural survival. Few people remember that decades ago Sri Lanka possessed the capability to manufacture fertilizer locally with the assistance of world-class engineering firms.

During my early professional career, I had the opportunity to work in London with the engineering group KBR (Kellogg Brown & Root), which was then closely associated with Halliburton. Kellogg engineers were globally recognized for designing and constructing large industrial facilities including fertilizer plants, petrochemical complexes, and energy projects. The same engineering expertise was involved in building Sri Lanka’s fertilizer manufacturing facility.

However, during the economic reforms that followed the open-economy policies introduced under President J. R. Jayewardene, the government led by Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel decided to close the fertilizer plant. While the reforms aimed to liberalize the economy after years of state control under Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the closure of this strategic industrial asset was, in my view, one of the most damaging decisions taken during that period.

The shutdown effectively dismantled Sri Lanka’s domestic capability to manufacture fertilizer. From that point onward, the country became almost entirely dependent on imports to sustain its agriculture. This decision did not merely close a factory—it eliminated an entire industrial ecosystem of engineers, technicians, and skilled workers who were capable of supporting a national fertilizer industry.

Over the decades that followed, Sri Lanka’s agriculture became increasingly vulnerable to global supply disruptions, currency shortages, and international price fluctuations. The fertilizer crisis experienced in recent years has highlighted how dangerous it is for an agricultural nation to depend entirely on external suppliers for such a critical input.

Ironically, while Sri Lanka dismantled its fertilizer manufacturing capability, many countries around the world expanded their petrochemical and fertilizer industries using advanced technologies. For example, in Qatar, companies such as Shell plc invested billions of dollars in projects like the Pearl GTL Project, which converts natural gas into ultra-clean liquid fuels using advanced chemical processes. These large-scale industrial developments demonstrate how energy resources and industrial technology can be integrated to create long-term economic value.

Sri Lanka may not possess vast natural gas reserves like Qatar, but the lesson remains clear: countries that maintain and develop their industrial capabilities gain strategic economic advantages. Those that dismantle them often become permanently dependent on imports.

The closure of our fertilizer plant should therefore be studied not only as a historical decision but also as a lesson in long-term national planning. Industrial capacity, once lost, is extremely difficult and costly to rebuild. Yet rebuilding such capacity is precisely what Sri Lanka must consider if it wishes to strengthen its food security and economic independence.

Today, as the country debates agricultural policy, fertilizer supply, and economic resilience, policymakers would do well to remember the industrial decisions of the past. The story of Sri Lanka’s fertilizer plant is not merely history—it is a reminder that strategic industries should be protected, modernized, and expanded rather than abandoned.

---

Sarath Obeysekera

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

J R Jayewardene came to power in 1977 and handed over harnessing of the Hydro power potential to his trusted young Gamini Dissanayake . Proposals and funding from Western countries and Sweden ,discussions  negotiations ,extensive travelling to fix deals ,and final output was accelerated high priced power plants and dams  along Mahawali ,Today we reap the benefits and people forgot who did it and who became quite rich 

Now we has exhausted hydra power potential and moving in to rather new source of power which is Electricity generation using (Liquefied Natural Gas) LNG as the fuel for turbines to run generators .Unlike ample water resources, we do not have LNG as yet country is hoping to extract Gas in Mannar and Covery Basin with expensive capital outlay and of course cost of incentives.

Exploration History

Petroleum exploration in Sri Lanka began approximately between 1967-68 Compaigne General de Geophysicque of collected approximately 420 km of onshore and 75 km of offshore seismic data on behalf of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC or Ceypetco). In 1974 Soviets spudded Pesalai 1 and Pesalai 2 on the Mannar Island but both failed.

In 1975 Pexamin Pacific acted as a consultant to promote exploration in the Cauvery Basin of Sri Lanka. In 1976 Western Pexamin Pacific signed a contract with CPC for an offshore exploration block.

Marathon Petroleum in 1976 drilled two exploratory wells, Palk Bay-1 and Delft-1 in the Cauvery Basin, and both failed to encounter any hydrocarbons and in 1977, the Marathon -Pexamin group relinquished its interests.

In 1981, Cities Services acquired interests in the Cauvery and Mannar basin. The same year Cities Services drilled Pearl-1, located on the northeast shelf of the Gulf of Mannar no oil and gas was present. 

In 1984 under a tripartite agreement between Phoenix Canada Oil Company, Petro-Canada and CPC, Petro-Canada acquired seismic data in the Mannar Basin. However, no further work was done and by 1984 petroleum exploration work offshore Sri Lanka came to a halt and remained dormant till 2001.

In, TGS NOPEC, a Norwegian seismic contractor with a regional office in Perth, Australia, approached CPC to undertake a speculative seismic program in the Mannar Basin.

After reviewing seismic data set in the Mannar Basin for exploration companies interested in the area.

From 2002 to 2006 the Government of Sri Lanka and TGS NOPEC made attempts to attract exploration companies to Sri Lankan through road shows at various venues. These efforts were unsuccessful. In 2007 under a Cabinet Decision the government of Sri Lanka bought the Mannar Basin 2D data from TGS NOPEC thereby cancelling the exclusive rights that TGS NOPEC had to collect seismic data in the territorial waters of Sri Lanka.

There was a speculation that Norwegian Government was brokering a peace deal with Sri Lank to solve LTTE issue, and the Sri Lankan Government was not in favour of working with Norwegians.

Based on this data out or nine blocks the Cabinet of Ministers decided to offer three for petroleum exploration under an international licensing round.

In 2007 an extensive marketing campaign was carried out globally with road shows and data rooms in London, Houston and Kuala Lumpur.The Cabinet of Ministers decided that the number of bids received for blocks 002 and 003 are not enough and thus directed the Ministry to evaluate only the bids received for block 001.

The bidders for Block 001 in the Mannar Basin licensing Round consisted of Cairn India Limited, Niko Resources (Cyprus) Limited and Oil and Natural Gas Company of India (ONGC). On July 07, 2008 the Government of Sri Lanka, through the Minister of Petroleum and Petroleum Resources Development signed a Petroleum Resources Agreement with Cairn Lanka(Private) Limited marking the beginning of petroleum exploration of Sri Lanka after 25 years.

Cairne has reported two discoveries in Mannar basin in wells Dorado 91/H and in the well Barracuda 1G/1after hitting gas paying zones mainly natural gas .In 2015 Cairne India decided to give up further development in Sri Lanka claiming that after assessment of discoveries and found unviable due to price slump.

Sri Lankan government has again embarked into a program of calling offers to carry our production drilling for which few companies has submitted the proposals now under evaluation 

On 24.09.2020 – Hon. Minister of Energy, Udaya Gammanpila, presented letters of appointment to Mr. Surath Ovitigama as the Director General of the Petroleum Resources Development Secretariat (PRDS) and appointed Ex DG of PDRS Mr. Saliya Wickramasuriya, as an Advisor.

Current DG Mr Surath Ovitigama who claim to have experience in working in Oil and Gas sector in North Sea Industry has stated that a fresh approach has been taken by the government to attract investors for the upstream oil and gas industry of Sri Lanka.He further stated that during the pandemic situation where most oil companies are currently not investing in new ventures the government plans to rectify issues within the legal and fiscal framework of Sri Lanka which would align with the interest of investors when the pandemic ends and the world economy recovers and as the first step Natural Gas Policy of the country has been formulated and finalized. Currently several data reprocessing work under multi-client business model is underway to upgrade the existing data set to a modern one. In addition to that the airborne survey awarded to Bell Aerospace which was planned to collect geophysical data over the Manner and Cauvery Basins will also go ahead soon, after delays due to the pandemic situation.

Whatever the amount of Gas to be found in Sri Lanka is not high enough to find international buyers ,hence government should carefully plan to develop mid stream processing of LNG for transportation to the proposed floating storage and re-gasification Unit ( FSRU ) for which RFP’s will be issued quite soon .

With current expertise ,CEB and CPC are not fully conversant with process planning andconstruction management of Mid-stream and Upstream development of LNG facilities unless local Sri Lankan experts are requested to join a Project Management Team to avoid highly paid expatriates to provide know how.

Experts also predict that Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) facilities may have to be developed on shore to make it available for vehicles .trains and buses as an alternative fuel .Government has not yet plan for such facilities.

We have contacted Dr Sarath Obeysekera who has extensive exposure to Oil and Gas Industry in Norway and UK and inquired about the future of the development of LNG industry in Sri Lanka 

Q What is your opinion about future prospectsof LNG development and what the obstacles we might face ?

I will first give an  interesting preamble to our discussion ..

I came on a holiday to Sri Lanka from Russia where I was studying for a major in the University in the Field of Oil and Gas Exploration and visited the Russian Camp on shore where Oil was drilled .Russians were very helpful and took me to the drilling site and later in the evening we had a  Vodka feast where they told me s startling story. It was the pre-election year and Mr Subasinghe was the minister of Industries under the Premiere Sirimavo Bandaranayake who was adored by Russians for being the first Woman prime minister in the world .As the government needed to attract votes, they got the CPC to get help from Russians to pour a barrel of crude oil into a well and gave wide publicity that Sri Lanka Found Oil Sadly there was no oil in the wells and they packed up and left

As I mentioned before, with my encounter with Russians in 1974 .I was closely monitoring the development of exploration of oil and gas in Sri Lanka. Main problem we are facing is finding the right people with exposure to manage the institutions which are involved in  Oil Gas Production.

Political patronage with vested interest may be a prime criteria during the   appointment of key personnel and also finding the right approach to execute the project .When Sri Lanka came to know of existence of Gas ,we should have drafted the Gas Policy and complete in a short period .Now due to unavailability of an Approved Legislation on Gas and a nominated authority to ensue adherence government went ahead in calling tenders for exploration .If and when Gas starts to flow presumably in two years’ time ,we should have Intermediate ( mid)  stream processing of the Gas to be  filtered and cleaned in order to either store in Croyogenic ( Ultar cold  temperate to -162 C Degrees ) or transport by a pipe line to shore for processing before storage .Sri Lanka has not planned for any of above .

We also note that Sri Lanka is now planning to develop Down Stream LNG processing to provide energy for power production ,until LNG from Sri Mannar or Cauvery start flowing,

Current request for proposal consist of Construction of LNG unloading jerry or a Single Point Mooring Buoy SPM)  along side a ( floating storage and re gasification Unit ( FSRU ) to be deployed by a prospective investor on a BOT and BOO based development with a planned investment of Us $ 400 million .This project is to be completed within a span of 30 to 36 months .

Question is  whether any investor will dare to put forward a proposal to provide LNG to end user LNG power generating company which has to sell power to the government at 15 Rs per unit ,under the current Fitch and Moody downgrading Sri Lanka.These investment companies will look for funds from  international  funding agencies or investment banks who will be forced to carry out due diligence on Sri Lanka ,and they may be discouraged to invest as sovereign guarantees to be provided by the government may not stand ground .

FSRU deployment will also be done providing that the government  concludes the Approval of Gas policy in Sri Lanka and signs a long term LNG supply with world wide suppliers like  Nigeria ,Qatar Australai and Russia .Generally LNG suppliers look  for almost 20-25  yearlong supply contract for which Sri Lanka Government should be ready to undertake .Supplier countries look for long term supply contracts to underpin the financing of LNG terminal developments hence agreeing them to sign shorter term contracts are quite difficult

Q2 How does government ensure signing of continuous LNG supply contracts?

My opinion is that speculation about possible termination the PUCSL ( public utilities commission ) is somewhat connected to the Gas Policy implementation and setting up new Power Purchase Agreements with power generating companies mushrooming up ,as PUCSL may dictate terms on the long term buying rates on LNG and power from LNG driven plants ,which can be an issue to the negotiators of LNG prices. Gas Policy should be again published so that professionals can review the same to advise the negotiators.

As I said best LNG bulk price depends on cost of FSRU ,Unloading Jetty offshore and onshore pipe line to Kerawalapitiya power plant and Kelanitissa  power plant and the cost of the new LNG driven Kerawalapitiya power plant with distribution upgrades of switch gear .

I assume that government has done a detailed feasibility on above .

Finally back to our own production of LNG which may take around 3 to 4 years. Sri Lanka should plan and develop mid-stream facilities from now on in order to provide the LNG to be transported to the FSRU for Regasification or lay a pipeline offshore from  Manar to Kerawalapitiya 

J R built Hydropower plants,MR built Coal Power Plant ,and  now GR has to build LNG plants .

Burning question is what will happen to the plansby environmentalist who are  pushing for shifting to alternative sustainable energy like Solar assisted Electricity Generation Plants and Wind Power generation  and Sea wave assisted power generation plants in Sri Lanka ?.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

The world is once again moving towards a period of geopolitical uncertainty. Conflicts in the Middle East and tensions among major powers are beginning to disrupt global supply chains. While the headlines focus on military developments and oil prices, another silent crisis may soon emerge — the global shortage of fertiliser.

Sri Lanka has already experienced the painful consequences of agricultural policy mistakes. The sudden fertiliser ban introduced under the administration of Gotabaya Rajapaksa triggered a dramatic drop in agricultural production, particularly in rice and tea. The resulting food shortages and loss of export income contributed significantly to the broader economic crisis that engulfed the country.

Today, the danger is different but equally serious.

Modern agriculture depends heavily on imported fertilisers such as urea, potash and phosphate. Much of the world’s fertiliser supply is linked to energy markets and is produced in regions vulnerable to geopolitical conflict. When wars disrupt shipping routes, increase energy costs or trigger sanctions, fertiliser prices rise rapidly and supplies become uncertain.

Sri Lanka, unfortunately, appears to have learnt little from recent experience. There is no clear indication that the government has built sufficient fertiliser reserves to protect farmers against a potential global supply disruption. If shipments are delayed or prices spike, the coming cultivation seasons could face serious difficulties.

Farmers cannot wait until the last moment. Paddy cultivation cycles depend on timely fertiliser availability. Even a short delay can reduce yields significantly. A shortage would not only affect rural incomes but could once again threaten national food security.

Countries that have learned from recent crises are quietly stockpiling essential agricultural inputs. Strategic reserves of fertiliser, much like strategic petroleum reserves, are increasingly seen as necessary buffers against global instability.

Sri Lanka must act with urgency. The government should immediately assess national fertiliser requirements for the next two cultivation seasons and secure adequate stocks while global supplies are still accessible. Diversifying import sources and encouraging local organic supplementation may help, but these measures must be implemented gradually and scientifically.

The lesson from the recent crisis is clear. Agriculture is not merely an economic sector — it is the foundation of national stability. Food security, farmer livelihoods and economic resilience are deeply interconnected.

If global tensions escalate and fertiliser supplies tighten, Sri Lanka must not once again find itself unprepared.

Preparedness today will prevent crisis tomorrow.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

By Sarath Obeysekera

The rapidly changing geopolitical environment is forcing nations to rethink their economic strategies and global positioning. Conflicts in several regions, shifting trade patterns, and emerging security concerns are gradually reshaping the global economic landscape. For Sri Lanka, these developments present not only challenges but also an opportunity to reposition itself as a strategic hub in the Indian Ocean.

Sri Lanka sits at the crossroads of some of the busiest maritime trade routes in the world. The island’s proximity to major East-West shipping lanes has historically given it immense strategic importance. Yet, successive governments have often failed to act decisively to capitalize on this advantage.

One such missed opportunity was the proposed infrastructure modernization under the Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact, which included plans for improved transport corridors connecting Colombo with the rest of the country. If implemented effectively, these projects could have significantly strengthened Sri Lanka’s logistics network and enhanced connectivity to emerging economic zones.

At the same time, global manufacturing and trade have been undergoing gradual restructuring. Many multinational corporations have been pursuing the China Plus One Strategy to diversify production and reduce dependence on a single manufacturing base. Sri Lanka could have leveraged this shift several years ago by offering industrial zones, efficient logistics, and investor-friendly policies.

However, the opportunity has not entirely passed.

Today, global uncertainties and regional tensions are creating new dynamics in international business and migration patterns. Major financial and commercial hubs such as Singapore and Dubai have long attracted global investors and expatriates. While these cities remain important global centres, their dense urban environments and rising living costs are prompting some professionals and businesses to explore alternative destinations offering a better balance between economic opportunity and quality of life.

In this context, the development of Colombo Port City could become a defining national project for Sri Lanka.

Port City has the potential to emerge as a modern financial and commercial hub within the Indian Ocean region. Its strategic location adjacent to the Port of Colombo — one of South Asia’s busiest container ports — provides a strong foundation for maritime trade, logistics, and financial services.

However, the project must now move beyond gradual development and enter a phase of accelerated implementation. Sri Lanka should aim to complete key commercial, residential, and financial infrastructure within the next two years. Speed is essential if the country wishes to capture the attention of global investors and expatriate professionals seeking stable and attractive locations to live and work.

Equally important is the development of modern transport connectivity. A direct, high-capacity corridor linking Port City with the airport, the main commercial districts of Colombo, and the national expressway network would significantly enhance accessibility and investor confidence.

In addition, Sri Lanka should introduce competitive residency and investment programs designed to attract global professionals, entrepreneurs, and financial institutions. Long-term visas, streamlined regulatory frameworks, and tax incentives could position Colombo Port City as a welcoming environment for international business.

Unlike many crowded global financial centres, Sri Lanka can offer something unique: a combination of modern infrastructure and natural beauty. Oceanfront living, a tropical climate, and relatively lower population density provide an attractive lifestyle alternative for expatriates and investors seeking a balance between work and quality of life.

The global environment is changing rapidly, and nations that move quickly will benefit the most. Sri Lanka must therefore recognize the strategic importance of Colombo Port City and treat it as a national priority.

If the country acts decisively, Colombo Port City could become a vibrant international financial and commercial hub — transforming Sri Lanka into a gateway between Asia, the Middle East, and the wider Indian Ocean region.

The time to act is now.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

History Undug

Courtesy Hindustan Times

Iran intends to repatriate non-essential members of the 183-strong crew of IRIS Lavan. A limited number of crew members will stay back to maintain the warship

The same chartered flight will also carry the bodies of Iranian sailors who were killed when another warship, IRIS Dena, was torpedoed and sunk by a US submarine near Sri Lanka on March 4, the people said on condition of anonymity.

The Iranian side intends to repatriate the non-essential members of the 183-strong crew of IRIS Lavan, while a limited number of crew members will stay back to maintain the warship, the people said.

The chartered flight travelled to Colombo to pick up the bodies of sailors killed during the sinking of IRIS Dena but had not taken off from the Sri Lankan capital till late on Friday night, the people said.

The crew members of IRIS Lavan will be sent home in a special flight arranged by the Iranian side in coordination with Indian authorities,” a person said, without providing details.

The bodies of the sailors from IRIS Dena will also be sent from Kochi,” he said.

Reports in the Sri Lankan media said 45 bodies of crew members of IRIS Dena were transported from Galle National Hospital to Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport to be airlifted.

Sri Lankan authorities recovered the bodies of 84 Iranian sailors after IRIS Dena was sunk. They also rescued 32 crew members who have been kept at a naval facility.

IRIS Dena had participated in an International Fleet Review and a multi-nation exercise hosted by the Indian Navy last month.

On March 1, India granted permission to three Iranian warships that were in regional waters – IRIS Dena, IRIS Lavan and IRIS Booshehr – to dock at the country’s ports in response to a request from Tehran. However, only IRIS Lavan docked at Kochi on March 4 and its 183-member crew was accommodated at naval facilities.

External affairs minister S Jaishankar has said that the Indian government’s decision to allow IRIS Lavan to dock at Kochi was the right thing to do”, and that the decision was made on humanitarian grounds.

IRIS Booshehr docked in Colombo and its 204-member crew was sent to a Sri Lankan naval facility, while IRIS Dena was sunk by a US submarine in international waters off Sri Lanka’s southern coast.

Sri Lankan authorities and officials of the Iranian embassy in Colombo are engaged in discussions regarding the next steps for the Iranian sailors currently in Sri Lanka’s care. The Sri Lankan government has decided to grant one-month free visas to the Iranian sailors and to provide them necessary facilities on humanitarian grounds.

Courtesy Hiru News

A special aircraft carrying the remains of 84 Iranian sailors who died aboard the ‘IRIS DENA’ departed from Mattala International Airport for Iran this afternoon (13).

Deputy Minister of Defense Aruna Jayasekara stated that the Iranian warship sank in Sri Lankan waters following a strike.

The vessel was destroyed on March 4th in international waters, a few nautical miles off the southern coast of Sri Lanka, after being hit by a torpedo from an American submarine.

Before repatriation, the bodies were kept at the Galle Karapitiya Teaching Hospital.

Following the completion of legal proceedings, a court order recently authorised the release of the remains to the Iranian Embassy.

Patali Champika Ranawaka

C. Wijeyawickrema

While cleaning my old computer, I found this document, which I think is important in understanding the fragile behavior of politicians who are selfish and corrupt. Present day issues such as  UNP-SJB (Sajith) unity drama, attempt to jail Ranil, Harin and the GAY-Lesbian twist and JVP and Ranil (and Sajith) have become three sides of the same 13-A coin could be understood by reading documents like this document which has a historical value for the younger generations. How many more things we do not know about these cheaters.

==============

document handed over to UNP Gen. Secy   Ranil victimised MPs over homo-advances says charge sheet   The charge sheet handed over to General Secretary of the United National Party (UNP), Tissa Attanayake by Southern Provincial Councillor, Maithri Gunaratne on behalf of the rebel group, alleges that the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was trying to force Matara district UNP MP Buddhika Pathirana into illicit homosexual relations with him and when the MP had rebuffed, the UNP leader had resorted to punishing MP Pathirana by suspending his party membership temporarily. The charge sheet adds that the UNP leader had violated paragraph 3.4 of the Constitution of the party by presenting posts within the party to not only to those rejected by the voters, but also to those with whom he allegedly indulges in homosexual relations. As a result, those who are willing to join the party are being dissuaded against it by their parents and the party ‘suffers as a result.’ The document adds: Also UPFA ministers Mervyn Silva and Mahindananda Aluthgamage during live television debates have alleged publicly that the UNP leader sexually abuses young MPs of the party , and the UNP leader not taking any action to put the record straight has resulted in the party suffering due to these allegations. Details with regard to the above charges will be presented as evidence. The charges levelled against the UNP leader over his alleged violation of the UNP Constitution while contravening party rules and regulations are as follows :- The paragraph pertaining to the party’s Constitution: 1.1: The party that is dedicated to democracy devoid of nationalism and clansmanship. Charge 01 The action taken against members of the UNP to oust them from the Working Committee after they had spoken openly agitating for a leadership change and scuppering attempts of such members to air their views publicly. This action is a clear and flagrant violation of the party’s Constitution which guarantees any member of the party freedom of expression against issues that do not contravene the party Constitution. Also after the decision taken at the party convention held on 12-12-2010, the UNP leader has clearly obstructed members of the party from expressing their views detrimental to him, while still remaining in the leadership post. It is  also charged that those who represent the majority view of the party have been ousted from the Working Committee. Evidence Rosy Senananayaka, Buddhika Pathirana, Dunesh Gankanda, Imtiyaz Markar, Chandra Gankanda, Shiral Lakthilaka, Bandulal Bandarigoda, Lakshman Lanarolle and several others  countrywide will be witnesses. The form of the evidence The list of above-named persons is presented as those being clearly ousted from the party’s Working Committee for them having both publicly and internally clamoured for a leadership change of the UNP and for having mooted the candidature of MP Sajith Premadasa. The paragraph pertaining to the party’s Constitution: 2.1: The importance in maintaining a political party in the country  with a view to contesting Presidential, General, Local Government and Provincial Council polls with the aim of gaining political power in the country. Charge 02 Charge is that the party leader has deliberately not appointed organizers to certain electorates and thereby such electorates are facing difficulties for lack of a vibrant opposition party to serve the people. When certain electoral organizers had been legitimately elected, the UNP leader  resorted to victimizing such persons with the intention of appointing those with close links to him, and those who have no idea of  local politics to start with. His conduct in each of these matters has been in clear violation of the party Constitution. Evidence Pradeshiya Sabha members of Balapitiya, Pradeshiya Sabha members of Ambalangoda, and Pradeshiya Sabha members of Weligama will be witnesses presenting evidence to substantiate the charges levelled against the UNP leader. Charge 03 Charged that the conduct of the UNP leader resorted not to hand over nominations to former and popular activists, the resultant effect of it being several party activists dumping the UNP in favour of other political parties and the party struggling as a result to make an impact at various polls, of late, countrywide, especially at a grassroots level. His conduct has therefore resulted in the UNP leader violating paragraph 2.1 of the UNP Constitution. Evidence Former member of the Kotte UC Nayanajith, former opposition leader of the Matara UC Mohamad Nabaw, and several others who did not receive nomination will be witnesses. Charge 04 Charged that the  UNP leader by which resorted not to appoint those with qualifications to suitable posts and was eager to introduce  those with suspicious backgrounds to key decision making posts. All these acts have contributed to those already serving in the party losing interest in remaining and thereby leaving it in favour of other parties. Evidence Certain members of the Working Committee, Buddhika Pathirana, Ajith Perera, Palitha Thewarapperuma and several activists from the Matara and Kalutara districts will be witnesses to substantiate the charges levelled against the UNP leader. The form of the evidence The handing over of the UNP foreign affairs secretary post to Sagala Rathnayaka who did not even retain his seat in parliament at the last general election, instead of Buddhika Pathirana who not only came first in the Matara district at the last general election, but also received more preference votes than the UNP leader. Also the appointment of Mangala Samaraweera ahead of Buddhika Pathirana as the district leader is a violation of the party’s Constitution whereby he has resorted to appoint a person of his choice over the person who had both the backing of the people, and the qualifications to hold the post. Also, when there were MPs Palitha Thewarapperuma and Ajith Perera to serve the Kalutara district appointing Lakshman Wijemanna — a person who could not even win the last general election — as the chief UNP representative serving Kalutara. The paragraph pertaining to the party Constitution 2.2 The activating of policies, fundamentals and programmes being accepted and ratified by the party. Charge 05 Charged that the UNP leader has blatantly violated paragraph 2.2 of the party Constitution by resorting not to grant certain powers to Sajith Premadasa as agreed upon at the Working Committee held on March 23, 2011. The form of the evidence When Sajith Premadasa was planning to contest the UNP leadership the UNP leader resorted not to cede the said powers and this fact will be presented accompanied by evidence. Charge 06 Charged that the UNP leader has clearly violated paragraph 2.2 of the party Constitution, by not calling for a special convention in order to make official, certain posts. Evidence Those in the Working Committee, all the UNP MPs, LG members and provincial councillors will be witnesses. Charge 07 Charged that the  UNP leader to caused to appoint MP Ravi Karunanayaka who was neither ratified nor nominated  by any member of the Working Committee to the post of party national organizer over MP Ranjith Maddumabandara who was both nominatedand ratified by the Working Committee to the said post, by this clearly violating paragraph 2.2 of the party Constitution. The form of the evidence When Imtiyaz Markar and Chandra Gankanda had clearly nominated and seconded the name of MP Maddumabandara for post of national organizer,  the decision taken to appoint MP Karunanayaka from virtually out of the blue will be vital  evidence. Charge 08 Charged that the UNP leader has clearly failed to provide the annual accounts pertaining to the party,  thereby flouting paragraph 2.2 of the party Constitution. Evidence Those in the party treasury, those in the Working Committee, UNP MPs, provincial councillors and LG members will be witnesses. The form of the evidence The UNP leader clearly failing to be responsible over  party finances and nobody being responsible for the expenses being incurred by the party — the regular disconnection of power at Sirikotha, and the UNP leader allegedly using party finances to sustain his homosexual partners and buying lands for them, will be evidence. Charge 09 Charged that the UNP leader has resorted to not to take action upon the reports filed by the committees of Panditharathna, and Dr. A Aththanayaka related to steering the party towards victory at national polls,  thereby flouting paragraph 2.2 of the party Constitution. The form of the evidence If those committee reports had been made public then it would have been difficult for him to hold onto the reins of the party;  these details will be evidence. The paragraph pertaining to the party Constitution The party being prepared to acknowledge the rights of the people and providing equal opportunities to all, both in the country and in the party. Charge 10 Charged that the UNP leader has flouted paragraph 2.3 of the party Constitution by ousting MPs Rosy Senanayaka, Buddhika Pathirana, Imtiyaz Markar and Chandra Gankanda from the party Working Committee — in order to seek  vengeance from each of them for having mooted the candidature of Sajith Premadasa for the post of party leader and the candidature of Ranjith Maddumabandara for the post of national organizer. Evidence Rosy Senanayaka, Buddhika Pathirana, Dunesh Gankanda, Imtiyaz Markar, Chandra Gankanda and several former MPs will be witnesses. Charge 11 Charged that the UNP leader has resorted to appoint those close to him to top posts in the party, thereby punishing those who tend to publicly criticize his style of leadership. Thereby he has violated paragraph 2.3 of the party Constitution. Evidence Southern provincial councillors Bandulal Bandarigoda, Chandana Priyantha, Gayan Sanjeewa and Western provincial councillor Shirantha Amarasekera will be witnesses. Charge 12 Charged that the UNP leader has clearly violated paragraph 2.3 of the party Constitution by publicly requesting voters not to vote for a certain MP at election time. Evidence Ranjith Maddumabandara, UNP general secretary, UNP voters of Moneragala and others will be witnesses. The form of the evidence During the 2010 general election, the UNP leader publicly urged the voters of Moneragala not to vote for MP Ranjith Maddumabandara, despite the MP having been regularly elected in the past by the very people of Moneragala, and this will be  evidence. Charge 13 Charged that the UNP leader has resorted to violate paragraph 2.3 of the party Constitution by appointing a provincial councillor over the more qualified Thalatha Athukorala as the head of the UNP Lakwanitha Unit. Evidence Mrs. Thalatha Athukorala, UNP working committee, UNP women MPs and several others will be witnesses to substantiate the charges levelled against the UNP leader. The paragraph of the party Constitution As per paragraph 3.4 of the party Constitution no one at any time or stage should indulge in any activity that tarnishes the image of the party or ridicules   it in the eyes of the public. Charge 14 Charged the UNP leader as per paragraph 3.4 (A) of the UNP Constitution  had publicly ridiculed the humanitarian operations carried out by the UPFA government against the LTTE during the height of the war, and thereby diminishing the impact the party would have had on the presidential polls of 2010. Also, purposely working to undermine the UNP at the above-named polls. Evidence Sarath Fonseka, Working Committee members of the UNP, UNP parliamentary group members and all members as witnesses. The form of the evidence Due to the controversial and detrimental stance taken by the UNP leader, a school of thought was established in the country that the UNP was totally against the humanitarian operations carried out by the UPFA against the LTTE. The stance taken by the UNP leader not to contest the last presidential polls despite having obtained 48 lakhs of votes at the 2005 polls, and step down in favour of Sarath Fonseka as the joint opposition candidate, severely weakened the chances of the UNP to capture power at the 2010 Presidential Election. These details will be presented as  evidence. Charge 15 Charged the UNP leader as per paragraph 3.4 of the party Constitution contributed to ridicule the party in the eyes of the public by his failed move to mount sufficient opposition to defeat the bill or in other words the 18th Amendment to the Constitution forwarded by the government to dispense with the stipulated two term limit of the executive presidency. The form of the evidence Before the bill was presented in parliament both UNP MPs Harsha de Silva and Sujeewa Senasingha publicly maintained that the bill will spell doom for democracy and immediately afterwards led the party to a boycott of parliament sessions. This action was even severely criticized by those media personalities with close links to the UNP, and these details will be fevidence. Charge 16 Charged that the UNP leader has resorted to violate paragraph 3.4 of the Constitution of the party by giving posts within the party to not only to those rejected by the voters but also to those with whom he allegedly indulges in homosexual relations. As a result those who are willing to join the party are being dissuaded against it by their parents and the party is suffering as a result. Evidence MP Buddhika Pathirana will be the chief witness and during any cross examination several other witnesses will come forward. The form of the evidence There has been an alleged instance of the UNP leader trying to force Matara district UNP MP Buddhika Pathirana into illicit homosexual relations with him and when the MP had rebuffed, the UNP leader resorted to punishing MP Pathirana by suspending his party membership temporarily. Also, UPFA ministers Mervyn Silva and Mahindananda Aluthgamage publicly allege that the UNP leader sexually abuses young MPs of the party during live television debates, and the UNP leader not taking any action to put the record straight led to the party suffering as a result of these  allegations. Details regards the above charges will be  evidence. Paragraph of the party Constitution As per paragraph 3.4 of the UNP Constitution no person serving in the UNP Working Committee should be holding any post within any party or coalition. Charge 17 Charged that as per the above-named paragraph due to the actions of the UNP leader several members of the UNP have left the party in the recent past. There are still UNP MPs such as Upeksha Swarnamali, Manusha Nanayakkara and Nilwala Wijesingha who continue to support the UPFA though not obtaining any posts. Hereby charged the UNP leader  is subtly helping the government by his refusal to charge sheet any of the above-named MPs so far. Evidence The UNP Working Committee, the UNP parliamentary group and contestants from each of the districts who ran under the party ticket at the last general election will be witnesses. The form of the evidence Each of the above-named MPs continuing to insist that they are still UNP MPs though supporting the government,; the failure of the UNP leader to initiate disciplinary action against any of them and depriving the opportunity to the next in line in the party list to contest the polls in favour of the three UNP MPs. These details will be presented as evidence. Paragraph of the party Constitution As per paragraph 3.4 of the party Constitution no person in the party should force a decision taken by another official to be changed at any given time. Charge 18 Charged that the UNP leader has gone on a personal witch hunt against MPs Rosy Senanayaka, Buddhika Pathirana, Dunesh Gankanda, Imtiyaz Markar and Chandra Gankanda by evicting them from the Working Committee due to the backing they had provided for both MPs Sajith Premadasa and Ranjith Maddumabandara to obtain certain posts within the party, thereby per violating clause 3.4 of the party Constitution. Evidence Buddhika Pathirana, Rosy Senanayaka, Dunesh Gankanda, Imtiyaz Markar, Chandra Gankanda and several others will be witnesses. Charge 19 Charged that the UNP leader has changed the composition of the National Bhikkhu Front due to certain monks in it having publicly called for a change of the party leadership. Due to the acts of the UNP leader a  rift has been caused among monks with links to the party and thereby the UNP leader has committed one of the most serious of sins in Buddhism. Evidence Venerable Meetiyagoda  Gunerathna Thera, monks of the Jathika Bhikkhu Peramuna and members of the UNP Working Committee will be witnesses. As per clauses 6.1 and 5.2 of the party Constitution, the party’s national executive committee has authority to ratify any decision connected to activities, policies and programmes of the party. Charge 20 Charged that the UNP leader has violated clause 6.1 of the party Constitution by not taking any measures to convene the party’s national executive committee  thereby making the party dysfunctional. Though there are more charges that could be levelled against the UNP leader, as an initial step  these 20 charges have been made against the UNP leader and  the UNP leadership is urged to initiate an inquiry forthwith to look into the allegations and charges levelled against the UNP leader if the party is to initiate a forward march at least from now onwards. It is sincerely hoped that measures will be taken to look into without any undue delay, all matters regards the charges levelled against the UNP leader. Maithri Guneratna Attorney at Law Southern Provincial Councillor On behalf of the rebel group.

Comments  

12

0 #18 නිසාන් 2011-11-21 03:04

නඩුවක් දාල නැත්නම් අපිට කියන්න එපා මේවගේ කතා. අප මෝඩ නත.

මහින්ද, සරත් සහ සියලු බටයන් අපේ රට බේරල දුන්නට මම ඉස්තූතිමත්.

Quote

0 #17 SidathFDO 2011-11-21 02:18

There used to be terrible whispers in corridors of power about Ranil getting off on Batalanda torture by watching young men being tortured. I hope those were false stories. Being Gay is totally ok. abusing power or granting favours to gay lovers is not ok; even granting favours to straight lovers is not ok. A President once shamelessly created a post of media advisor for her lover Sanath Gunatilleke.

Quote

0 #16 SidathFDO 2011-11-20 21:20

This should not be seen as an attack on Gay people. Mangala Samaraweera is gay. but if there is abuse and rape and molesting of boys like Malik Samarawickreme is alleged to be doing or Ranil put pressure on young fair skinned boys to have sex with him that is abuse of power. Let us not engage in Gay bashing or attacking lesbians who all lead their private lives privately.

Quote

0 #15 SHM 2011-11-20 19:40

If he could use his power as a party leader to abuse young MPs, what would he do by any chance if he becomes the president of our country? I guess he will not spare any young one on sight. God save Sri Lanka from Ranil!

Quote

+1 #14 Thilak 2011-11-20 16:13

මෛත්‍රී මහතාණෙනි , නුඹලාගේ බලු පොරයෙන් , බෙදීමෙන් දුක් විඳින්නේ මහජනතාව , රනිල්-සජිත් හෝ සෝමවංස,ටිල්වින් -කුමාර , කවුරු හැප්පුනත් වාසිය ආණ්ඩුවට එක හින්ද ඔබ කරන්නෙත් ආණ්ඩුවට කත් ඇදීමක් ,ආණ්ඩුවේ කොන්ත්‍රාත් එකක්, හරිවෙලාවට ජනතාව තේරුම් ගනීවි , ජනතාව අන්දන්න බෑ , ජනතාව අද අසරණවෙලා ජීවත් වෙන්න ක්‍රමයක් නැතිව
අවනීතිය රජවෙලා නමුත් ඔබල බලු පොරයේ , මතක තියාගන්න ඔය නායකයන්ගේ බලු පොර හැමදාම බලබලා ජනතාව ඉන්නේ නැතිබව

Quote

-1 #13 A nizam 2011-11-20 16:10

WELL DONE.. maithri.. Finally a REAL UNPer with a back bone. All these have been out in the public for a long time. However, no did anything about this becasue Ranil is backed to the hilt by the Rajapakshas. Ranil has destroyed the party enough. 17 years of abuse of power by ranil and his cronies is enough. KICK THIS JOKER OUT NOW!!!!

Quote

-1 #12 SidathFDO 2011-11-20 14:37

He likes fair attractive boys with pink lips. Akila Viraj was made a “advisor” to the PM when Ranil was PM and was big shot who got all sorts of Computers and expensive things to work at the Central Bank under Ranil’s friend the secretary to the treasury. He is very close emotionally to well known openly gay Malik S. He is emotionally very close to sexual identity confused people such as Sagala. There is totally nothing wrong with being gay. A lot of big powerful Sri Lankan men pretend they are straight by being married off to women with whom they have no sex. This is the social cover. it is better to accept and be open like the PM of Iceland or like Mangala Samaraweera in this aspect. Ranil is hiding behind cover of his powerful aristocratic family and a bogus marriage. Why was Akila Viraj given a top position? why was Sagala and he sleeping in the same room on trips to Citadel?

Quote

0 #11 dudley 2011-11-20 14:15

Sajith has no class and Karu is an oppertunitist.He changed his party and came back just to get the leadership of the party.Sajith has no personality and his communication skills are poor.After all his dad was the one who established thug culture in this country together with JR Jayawardena.Let Ranil will steer the party to victory one day

Quote

0 #10 siri 2011-11-20 14:14

Did he do that?…
Anyway, for what else these MPs suitable other than …..

Quote

+1 #9 Raju 2011-11-20 13:43

If they are so in happy they should leave the party and form their own association without distroying the party. The 17 includes Karu Jayasuriya the whestle who had to be wooed back to the party by RW by offering duputy leadership. He accepted this position without an election and now talk about democracy and some even proposing he should take over the party. RW before talking about democracy in other houses should revamp his party to reflect true democratic traditon.

Quote

Andrew McGuire   Courtesy geneticliteracyproject.org 

A farmer drastically reduces fertilizer applications, trusting soil biology to provide the needed nutrients. A crop consultant recommends a 10-species cover crop to replace fallow in a wheat rotation. An ag influencer promotes the idea that insect pests will not attack a healthy plant. All of these reflect what I call pop ecology,” a romanticized view of nature that promises trade-off-free farming but misleads agricultural decision making.

We’re all prone to idealizing nature. We see what appears to be stability and harmony, and then distill it into reassuring slogans: nature knows best,” everything’s connected,” and the balance of nature.” In agriculture, this pop ecology is found in mimic nature,” work with nature, not against it,” and a general bias against synthetic inputs. Nature knows best” is the foundation of organic farming and an underlying assumption in much of agroecology.

Pop ecology misleads crop production in three key ways: first, it trades scientific nuance for oversimplified certainty. Second, it treats unmanaged nature as the ideal standard and human intervention as suspect by default. Finally, it elevates the discredited concept of balance of nature.” Let’s take a look at how this plays out in nutrient management, biodiversity, and pest control.

Agricultural decisions are often influenced by romantic notions of nature—pop ecology—which is often at odds with field realities. Photo: Adobe Stock

The problem with natural nutrients

Pop ecology assumes that what works in unmanaged ecosystems applies directly to crop production. The critical difference? Export of biomass. In natural systems, nutrients cycle through plants, animals, and microbes, staying largely in place. In crop production, we export grain, forage, or vegetables every season, removing large amounts of nutrients with each harvest.

There’s often a bit of truth in pop ecology ideas. Soils do contain large amounts of nutrients in their mineral fraction. But mineral weathering and natural processes rarely deliver nutrients fast enough for modern crop yields. In addition to the rate problem, high-yielding production requires nutrient replacement—through manure, legumes (nitrogen only), or synthetic fertilizers. As ecologist Charles Krebs (2016) notes: The law of recycling is simple: input must equal output or the system decays.”

  In natural ecosystems, nutrients largely cycle in place. In cropping systems, harvest exports nutrients requiring replacement. Photo: Adobe Stock

The cost of believing otherwise is real. Growers who stop replacing exported nutrients will eventually see soil test levels decline, followed inevitably by yield losses. With phosphorus, this can take a long time because of previous fertilizer applications, giving the appearance of success (Menezes-Blackburn et al., 2018). However, when reserves are depleted, recovery requires not just resuming fertilization, but often higher rates to rebuild reserves.

Overselling biodiversity

Pop ecology takes conservation ecology’s more biodiversity is always better” message (Cardou and Vellend 2023) and applies it to farming, often promising benefits that don’t materialize in real fields. This oversimplification shows up everywhere: in recommendations for complex cover crop mixtures, soil inoculant products marketed to increase soil biodiversity,” and claims that crop diversity automatically leads to better pest control. At its base, it’s a variation of the appeal to nature fallacy: if something is natural, it must be good.

Reality is more nuanced. Recent ecological research challenges the biodiversity-equals-function assumption that has been gospel for decades. One analysis found no causal relationship between biodiversity and ecosystem functioning, just correlations (Schoolmaster Jr. et al., 2020). Another recent study, looking at natural assemblies of species rather than the random mixes used in many studies, found that increased species biodiversity in grasslands decreased productivity (Dee et al., 2023). Whatever the case may be in nature, when biodiversity does provide benefits in agriculture, it’s not the diversity itself that’s responsible, it’s specific interactions between specific species.

Which is better, a mixture or monoculture, depends more on the specific species and less on diversity levels. Photos: Andrew McGuire.

Consider cover crop mixtures. Research shows that the best mixture often performs no better than the best single species (Florence & McGuire, 2020), and the best monoculture is far easier to identify and manage. With intercropping of cash crops, only 44% of trials show consistent yield benefits (Jones et al., 2023). When we look at the actual mechanisms at work, we find that successful strategies aren’t about maximizing diversity, they’re about finding benefits from specific combinations like legumes paired with non-legumes in low-nitrogen soils. It’s not diversity that wins; it’s the right species doing the right things (MacLaren et al., 2023).

Even soil biodiversity defies pop ecology’s assumptions. Contrary to the agriculture degrades nature” narrative, recent surveys of European soils found cropland has higher microbial diversity than forests or unmanaged grasslands (Labouyrie et al., 2023). This wasn’t just bacteria, it held true for fungi, protists, nematodes, and arthropods. But lest we fall into pop ecology’s trap, this does not mean that cropland soils are functioning better. Just as with intercropping, what matters for soil function isn’t the number of species present, but which species and what they’re doing.

The balance of nature” problem in pest management

Pop ecology has had its deepest and longest influence in pest management. The balance of nature” concept, that natural systems are self-regulating and tending toward harmony, powerfully shapes pest control thinking (Worster 1994). It is often an unstated assumption in agroecology and in organic and regenerative agriculture (Ergazaki & Ampatzidis 2012) and found in ag publications, both educational and academic:

In unmanaged or natural ecosystems there is usually balance among organisms…”  Farming methods that focus on creating biologically balanced soil food webs… can reduce the need for synthetic fertilizer and pesticide inputs.” Michigan Field Crop Pest Ecology and Management (Cavigelli et al., 2000)

Proponents of sustainable agriculture frequently find solace in a vision of the natural world as inherently harmonious and balanced.” Vandermeer et al. (2010)

The balance of nature” is a comforting vision of how we think nature should be. Darwin, Rachel Carson, and Al Gore all appealed to it (Allchin 2014). Agroecologist John Vandermeer (2010) observes that the idea is frequently felt in the heart more than known in the head.” Even with inconsistent results, belief in balance-of-nature-type control persists (Tittonell 2014). Research has found that students, even college students, will continue to believe in the balance of nature even after receiving instruction to the contrary (Zimmerman and Cuddington 2007). We believe it because we want to believe it (Cuddington 2001). And yet, we must let it go.

Despite its popularity, most ecologists abandoned balance of nature” decades ago (Botkin 1990; Worster 1994; Cooper 2001; Kricher 2009; Simberloff 2014; McGill 2013). Rather than stable equilibrium, modern ecology emphasizes chance and change, what ecologists call contingency and disturbance (Drury 1998; White 2013). Natural systems reflect past events, unpredictable shocks, and continual shifts across time and space (Botkin 1990).

by A. Abdul Aziz.

((Given below is an excerpt of the Friday Sermon delivered by Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad, Supreme Head of the world-wide Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Islam, on 06 March 2026, at ‘Masjid Mubarak’, Islamabad, Tilford, U.K. gave a discourse on The Catastrophic Effects of the War in the Middle East)

After reciting first part of Arabic sermon followed by   Surah al-Fatihah, His Holiness, Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad (may Allah be his Helper) said that the purpose of the message brought by the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was to direct people towards belief in One God, His worship, the establishment of His unity and striving in that regard, and to fulfil the rights owed to fellow humankind in order to live together harmoniously.

The Role of Muslim Countries in the Current Turmoil

Ahmadiyya Supreme Head said that the reality today is that, despite Muslims professing the Islamic creed, there is discord among Muslims and a lack of unity. The actions of Muslims do not conform to the teachings which they profess. If we look at the current state of the Muslim world, then there is great cause for concern. Although the Muslim world has means and wealth, the Muslim countries have neither a good standing on the world stage, nor do they have God standing in terms of the faith. They do not strive to act upon the teachings of Islam. The result is that non-Muslims take advantage. Therefore, the leaders of the Muslim world must realise that they need to unite as one and they must strive in this regard. It is only in doing so that they can save themselves from the onslaughts of the world, establish their dignity, and prevent anti-Islamic forces from striking discord among Muslims.

His Holiness said that in this regard, we must ponder over the divinely established provision by following which the Muslim world can become united as one. That provision is the manifestation of the Promised Messiah, peace be on him, in this era, who was sent by God to unite the Muslim world. Thus, it is the responsibility of Ahmadi Muslims to strive towards the end of uniting the Muslim world.

Ahmadiyya Khalifa said that he has been giving warnings for quite some time regarding the current state of the world. Previously, it was thought that the Western or European nations would become the cause of such precarious circumstances, and while they are indeed, it is also true that Muslim nations have also contributed to the current state of affairs in the world. It was the Western nations which stirred discord in the Muslim nations, which then spread from one country to the next. It is clear that these Western nations seek to obtain the means found in these Muslim lands and bring them under their control.

His Holinesssaid that the warnings he has been giving for quite some time are now manifesting exactly as he had said they would. One thing is clearly evident – the powers of the Antichrist will never let us live in peace. They thrive on there constantly being discord in the world. Such nations will establish peace treaties under the guise of peace, but their motives are to obtain oil or other such motives.

The Threat Posed by Establishing Military Bases in Muslim Countries His Holinesssaid that the current war in the Middle East clearly shows the United States has established military bases at various places. But why is this so? Is it to protect those countries? After all, what threat was posed to the Middle Eastern countries? The reality is that they themselves created the threat, and then said that in order to save themselves from the threat, they needed to establish military bases. Or, the Muslim countries were convinced to provide them with military bases with promises of helping them in trade and business. All the while, their actual purpose was not to actually help, but to bolster their own strength. Even if there was a threat to the Arab nations, they were the threats created by the US itself. And so, ultimately, their purpose was to establish their superiority over these nations.

His Holinesssaid that as for Iran, it has always instigated these nations, and indeed, even certain Muslim nations have been opposed to Iran due to theological differences. This discord was taken advantage of by Western nations. Seeing as Iran had a stricter policy against Israel, the US thought to rally the Arab world and establish military bases there to ensure the protection of Israel and impose their presence upon Iran. It is now evident that because of these bases, there were threats to the Arab world, and indeed these threats materialised in the form of attacks which have gravely impacted their livelihoods. There have been negative impacts on areas where the economy depends on oil money or tourism. This has only benefited the Western powers and will continue to benefit them, because when there is war, opposing powers also wage attacks. Since Iran was at war with the US, it too waged attacks targeting bases and embassies in Arab countries, which have caused harm.

The Seeding of Discord Among Muslim Countries

Ahmadiyya Khalifa  said that an Arab journalist wrote that Arabs must remain vigilant, because. In contrast, it is said that Iran is the one waging these attacks; it is also possible for these attacks to be waged by the US and Israel. Whereas Iran may have waged attacks as well, it is very possible that the US and Israel may take advantage and themselves be the ones to wage further attacks. The journalist goes on to write that it is possible that ultimately the US and Israel may exit this war while the Muslim world continues fighting among itself.

His Holiness said that we must thus pray that God saves the world from discord and unrest. The Muslim world must adopt peace and live together harmoniously. This is exactly what Islam teaches them. It does not teach them to be at each other’s throats. As Ahmadis, it has always been our mission to warn them against perpetrating injustices. Given the manner in which these cruelties are increasing by the day, it seems that there is going to be a wide-scale world war. In fact, some Western commentators believe that the world war has already started. His Holiness has also said that the world war has begun. However, if, even now, the Muslim world comes together and unites as one, then they can protect themselves against the onslaughts of the Antichrist.

The Need for Justice and Upholding the Rights of Others

His Holinesssaid that the current threat to the world is great. Everyone is concerned more with their own personal interests and gains. When one becomes selfish, they can think of no one other than themselves. In today’s world, it is not only a matter of seeking one’s own rights; rather, people must honour the rights of others. Thus, the Muslim world must be told to act with justice, for it is only then that peace can be established in the world.

His Holinesssaid that he has been warning the world of this end for a very long time. The same people who mocked or said that His Holiness olds a very pessimistic view of the world are now accepting that what they considered impossible only a few years ago has become a very real possibility, as wars have broken out. American and European commentators have said that the world war has begun and will only intensify. Until these nations continue to seek only their own interests, these wars will only increase.

War Based on Hypothesis

His Holiness said that the US and its allies also say that they attacked Iran because Iran may have created a nuclear bomb or to preemptively stem any attack that they may have launched. In other words, this war was started on the basis of conceptual ideas of what might have been. Western commentators have said that going to war with Iran is not as easy as the US had initially thought and that this war may extend for a long time and it will certainly negatively impact the Muslim world. Most grievous of all is that  Muslims themselves are killing other Muslims. Scores of innocents and children have been killed. American columnists have written that if a few children were killed in Western countries, there would be columns written about it for days on end. However, when a school was bombed in the Middle East, nothing was said. Such was the case in Palestine, and now it is the case in Iran. It goes to show that in their view, a Muslim life holds no value.

Muslim Ummah (Community) Should Unite

Ahmadiyya supreme Head prayed that may Allah grant sense to the Muslim world and enable them to come together to solve these issues. If they claim to believe in One God, then in order to establish God’s Unity on earth it is necessary for them to become united. There is no need to start disputes, even on the basis of differences in beliefs, as sometimes that is what gives rise to conflict. The Holy Prophet⁽ Muhammad (PBUH) was so careful and kind that when his companions told him that a certain person was a hypocrite, the Holy ProphetMuhammad (PBUH) responded saying that he would not take any action so long as the person proclaimed the Islamic creed. Thus, to start disputes on the most trivial of matters will only bring harm unto themselves.

Ahmadiyya Khalifa Harat Mirza Masroor Ahmad (may Allah be his Helper) prayed that may Allah grant wisdom to the Muslim world; even now, may they come to realise that they must not become opposed to Iran solely on the basis of differences in belief. Islam came to establish the Unity of God, and so everyone must strive to this end. They must not make the great powers of this world their gods, because the only true and lasting power belongs to Allah. There is still time to wake up and turn to God. Worldly people have destroyed the peace of the world and will continue to do so. God states in the Holy Qur’an:

‘And if two parties of believers fight against each other, make peace between them; then if after that one of them transgresses against the other, fight the party that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah. Then if it returns, make peace between them with equity, and act justly. Verily, Allah loves the just.’ (The Holy Qur’an, 49:10)

His Holinesssaid that the dictates of justice must be met and the Muslim governments must play their role. It should be clear that when trying to establish peace, vested interest must not be at the fore, rather the actual issue at hand must be resolved. The issue at hand is clearly the Antichrist which seeks to stir discord. Thus far, the UN has not played its role in establishing this kind of peace. It is only when we rise above vested interests that we can establish peace. God further states:

‘Surely all believers are brothers. So make peace between brothers, and fear Allah that mercy may be shown to you.’ (The Holy Qur’an, 49:11)

His Holiness^(aba) said that even if there is discord or a dispute between two Muslim countries, then they must remember that they are, at their core, brothers; and petty disputes must not undo this brotherhood. The Muslim world must pay special heed to this, otherwise anti-Islam forces will take advantage. If only the Muslim world understood this. May Allah grant them the sense to do so. In any case, it is the duty of every Ahmadi Muslim to pray for the Muslim world, especially for those who are innocent. During Ramadan, one should not focus solely on prayers for themselves but should also pray for the Muslim world; for the establishment of peace and harmony. Through their actions, Muslims are drawing the displeasure of God and incurring  detriment not only in this world but the next as well. May Allah enable the Muslim world to realise this. May Allah enable us to offer prayers in the truest sense.

Full Sermon visit: www.alislam.org

National Development Bank PLC

National Development Bank PLC (NDB/ the Bank) recently announced that it successfully raised LKR 16.0 billion through the issuance of Basel III-compliant Tier II Rated Unsecured Subordinated Redeemable GSS+ Bonds (the GSS+ Bonds), to be listed on the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE). This issuance marks a major milestone in thematic fundraising within Sri Lanka’s capital markets landscape, signaling the country’s growing progress in the increasingly important segment of sustainable finance.

The GSS+ Bonds issue opened on 10 March 2026 and was oversubscribed within the same day, demonstrating strong demand from both retail and institutional investors. This response reaffirms the confidence investors place in NDB and its overall financial strength and stability. The issuance of the GSS+ Bonds reflects the Bank’s strong environmental and social considerations embedded in its lending practices. For many years, NDB has maintained a robust Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) ensuring that funds are directed toward environmentally and socially responsible projects and causes.

NDB’s GSS+ Bonds will be deployed to finance eligible Green (including Blue), Social, Sustainability, and Sustainability-Linked projects, supporting environmentally responsible, socially impactful, and sustainable economic development.

Commending the landmark issuance, the Bank’s Director/ Chief Executive Officer Mr. Kelum Edirisinghe stated that: NDB’s sustainability journey goes back to its founding years when it was originally set up as a development finance institution that channeled funding from development finance institutions. From the outset, environmental and social considerations have been an integral part of NDB’s DNA.

This issuance marks a significant step forward in the Bank’s sustainable finance journey and strengthens its commitment to advancing its ESG agenda, while supporting Sri Lanka’s national climate and social development objectives. The Bank has been a key contributor to the renewable energy generation sector of the country, and since 2004 has funded close to 20% of the country’s renewable energy generation capacity. The initiative also contributes toward several United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), he further stated.

In addition to providing financing, the Bank intends to play a proactive role in promoting these funding avenues amongst its clients, by advising and supporting businesses in transitioning toward more environmentally and socially responsible practices.

I take the opportunity to thank our investors in the said issuance for their trust and confidence placed in us, and to our regulators in facilitating issuances of this nature for the overall betterment of the industry and the country at large and to all our service providers in the said issuance for their support and co-operation extended to make this feat possible”, he concluded.

The GSS+ Bond issuance was completed with the approval of relevant regulators, including the CSE. The issuance is based on the Bank’s GSS+ Bond Framework, developed in line with the relevant principles of the International Capital Market Association (ICMA) and the Sri Lanka Green Finance Taxonomy issued by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

The framework has been independently verified by Deloitte Partners, which acts as the Independent External Reviewer for the GSS+ Bond issuance. Deloitte Partners will continue in this role by verifying the deployment of funds raised through the GSS+ Bond into eligible sectors as outlined in the framework.

The Sole Manager and Financial Advisor to the GSS+ Bond issuance was NDB Investment Bank Limited, a 99.9%-owned subsidiary of NDB. The Trustee to the issue is People’s Bank, while the Registrar is SSP Corporate Services Pvt Ltd. Internally, NDB’s Transaction Banking Unit, Legal Department, and Company Secretariat functioned as the Bankers, Lawyers, and Secretaries whilst Messrs Ernst & Young acted as the Auditors and Reporting Accountants to the GSS+ Bond issuance.

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

The Post Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) Committee convened yesterday (Mar 11) as part of the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ Presidential Task Force’s broader efforts. The meeting focused on coordinating the national response to the extensive devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah, aiming to structure a comprehensive recovery plan for the affected regions. The meeting was chaired by the Deputy Minister of Defence, Major General Aruna Jayasekara (Retd) at his office in Colombo.

The session reviewed the preliminary findings of the PDNA conducted following the severe weather event that struck Sri Lanka in late November 2025, bringing heavy rainfall, strong winds and widespread flooding across many districts.

Officials from the Disaster Management Centre (DMC) and other relevant stakeholders presented key observations from the assessment. The PDNA process, carried out under a government led framework with the support of international development partners, evaluates damages, economic losses and recovery needs across multiple sectors.

According to the preliminary analysis, the cyclone caused significant impacts across social, productive and infrastructure sectors including housing, agriculture, health, education, transport, water supply and commerce. Several districts such as Kandy, Badulla, Nuwara Eliya and Puttalam were identified among the most affected areas.

During the discussion, the committee reviewed sectorial findings and examined priority areas for recovery and reconstruction. The Deputy Minister emphasized the importance of accurate validation of the assessment findings to ensure that recovery planning is evidence-based and aligned with national disaster resilience strategies.

The PDNA process is expected to provide a comprehensive framework to guide medium and long term recovery efforts while strengthening Sri Lanka’s capacity for disaster resilient development.

The final PDNA report on the impacts of Cyclone Ditwah is scheduled to be finalized later this month following the completion of the validation process.

By Sarath Obeysekera

The possibility of wider geopolitical conflict in several regions of the world is a matter of global concern. Wars bring immense human suffering and economic disruption. However, history shows that nations which think strategically during turbulent times can position themselves to protect their economies and strengthen national resilience.

Sri Lanka, located at the center of the Indian Ocean shipping lanes, has unique opportunities to convert global uncertainty into national development while maintaining its humanitarian values.

1. Returning Skilled Workforce

Large numbers of Sri Lankan skilled and unskilled workers are currently employed in the Middle East and in countries such as Israel. If regional conflicts escalate, many welders, fabricators, construction workers and technicians may return home.

Rather than seeing this as a challenge, Sri Lanka could view it as an opportunity. These workers possess valuable industrial skills that could support the development of local manufacturing, ship repair, offshore engineering and infrastructure projects.

2. Retaining Our Workforce and Strengthening the Domestic Economy

For decades Sri Lanka has depended on migrant labour, especially women working as domestic workers in the Middle East, to earn foreign exchange. While their contribution is enormous, the social cost is also significant as many mothers leave their families behind.

If global instability reduces overseas employment, Sri Lanka should create productive local industries so that women can remain with their families while contributing to the economy through agriculture, food processing, textile production and small industries.

3. Expansion of Industrial Manufacturing

Global conflicts usually disrupt supply chains. Sri Lanka could expand manufacturing sectors such as:

• military and protective clothing production
• industrial fabrication and welding services
• marine engineering support industries
• repair and maintenance services for vessels

These sectors can absorb both skilled and semi-skilled workers returning from overseas.

4. Developing Sri Lanka as a Maritime and Offshore Hub

The strategic location of Trincomalee Harbour provides a major opportunity. With proper policy direction, Sri Lanka could attract foreign direct investment to establish shipbuilding, offshore fabrication and marine engineering yards.

An offshore construction and ship repair hub in Trincomalee could serve energy projects, commercial shipping and naval logistics across the Indian Ocean.

Sri Lanka’s maritime services sector could also be expanded with the Sri Lanka Navy providing support services, maritime safety assistance and logistics for vessels transiting the region.

5. Peacekeeping Opportunities

Sri Lanka has a long history of contributing disciplined troops and professionals to United Nations Peacekeepingmissions. In times of global conflict, demand for trained peacekeeping personnel often increases.

This can provide international recognition, professional experience and valuable foreign exchange earnings.

6. National Unity in a Time of Global Crisis

Periods of global uncertainty often remind nations of the importance of unity. Sri Lanka’s diverse communities—Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim and others—have the opportunity to work together toward national economic resilience and development.

Reducing divisions and focusing on shared national goals would strengthen the country during uncertain times.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Internet Media Action (IMA)

Internet Media Action (IMA) expresses its profound concern regarding the arrest of veteran journalist and editor of the Lanka E News website, Sandaruwan Senadheera, at Bandaranaike International Airport, Katunayake, yesterday (11th), following nearly 16 years of political asylum in the United Kingdom.

Mr. Senadheera was compelled to flee Sri Lanka during the Rajapaksa government, having faced death threats, the enforced disappearance of journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda, and the arson attack on the Lanka E News media organisation in the early hours of 30 January 2011. Since then, he continued to champion democracy in Sri Lanka through the Lanka E News website and extended strong ideological support to the National People’s Power (NPP) in its rise to power.

It is reported that Mr. Senadheera has been arrested as a suspect in connection with a legal case filed under a previous administration. Nevertheless, this action has reignited justifiable concern within the Sri Lankan media community as to whether the political witch-hunts and media suppression that characterised past eras are once again resurfacing. It is the responsibility of the current administration to dispel such concerns.

We therefore strongly urge the police and government authorities to uphold the following:

Guarantee of Personal Safety: The government must bear full responsibility for the safety and security of Mr. Senadheera.

Fairness Under the Law: Any legal proceedings against him must be free from political vendetta, conducted transparently, and uphold his right to a fair legal process.

Protection of Professional Freedom: The government must practically honour its pledges to ensure the professional safety of journalists and safeguard freedom of expression.

Actions of this nature, which evoke the dark era of journalist persecution, constitute a threat to democracy. We therefore call upon the authorities and the government to intervene immediately and ensure that justice is served in this matter.

Sampath Samarakoon

Internet Media Action (IMA) +94 777 248304 | @IMAlanka

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

එක්සත් ජනපද ජනාධිපති ඩොනල්ඩ් ට්‍රම්ප් පසුගිය 9 වනදා රාත්‍රියේ රුසියානු ජනාධිපති ව්ලැඩිමීර් පුටින්ට කළ දුරකථන ඇමතුම පැහැදිලිවම එක්සත් ජනපදය සහ ඊශ්‍රායලය ඉරානයට එරෙහිව දියත් කර ඇති යුද්ධයේදී දැනටමත් මතුවීමට පටන් ගෙන ඇති උපායමාර්ගික අවුල් සහගත තත්ත්වයෙන් මිදීමට මාර්ගයක් සෙවීමේ උත්සාහයකි.

වොෂින්ටනය වහසි බස් දෙඩීම නොනවත්වාම කරගෙන යමින් සිටී. ට්‍රම්ප් ඉරානයේ දේශපාලන අනාගතය නියම කිරීමට තමාට ඇති අයිතිය අවධාරණය කරන අතර ඉරානයේ අධ්‍යාත්මික නායකයා පත් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් පවා අනුමානයන් ඉදිරිපත් කරයි. ඒ සමඟම, ඔහු ඛනිජ තෙල් ප්‍රවාහන නෞකා කපිතාන්වරුන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ ධෛර්යය ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර ඉස්ලාමීය විප්ලවවාදී ආරක්ෂක බලකාය විසින් කරනු ලබන හෝමූස් සමුද්‍ර සන්ධිය අවහිර කිරීම නොසලකා කටයුතු කරන ලෙසයි.

එහෙත් වොෂින්ටනය සහ ටෙල් අවිව් විසින් ආරම්භ කරන ලද යුද්ධයේ පසු කම්පන දැනටමත් ගොඩනැගෙමින් පවතී. ගැටුම වටා ඇති දේශපාලන පරිසරය එක්සත් ජනපදයට වඩ වඩාත් අපහසුතාවයට පත් කරන ආකාරයෙන් වෙනස් වෙමින් පවතී.

වොෂින්ටනයේ සමීපතම හවුල්කරුවන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු පවා ට්‍රම්ප්ව ඈත් කරමින් සිටිති. ජෝර්දානයෙන් පසු ගල්ෆ් කලාපයේ වඩාත්ම පක්ෂපාතී ඇමරිකානු සගයා වන කුවේටය, තම භූමිය ඉරානයට ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කිරීමට ඉඩ සලසා තිබෙන බවට සාක්ෂි තිබියදීත්, ඉරානයට පහර දීම සඳහා තම භූමිය ලබා නොදුන් බව ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇත. මේ අතර, සිරියානු කුර්දි කණ්ඩායම් ඉරාක ජාතිකයින්ගෙන් සහ ඉරාන ජාතිකයින්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ එක්සත් ජනපදය විශ්වාස නොකරන ලෙසයි.

ඒ සමඟම, රියාද් සහ ටෙහෙරාන් අතර සහ අනෙකුත් අරාබි රටවල පරිපාලනයන් සහ ඉරානය අතර තිරය පිටුපස සම්බන්ධතා පිළිබඳ වාර්තා දිනපතාම පාහේ දක්නට ලැබේ.ඒ අනුව සාපේක්ෂ වශයෙන් රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික හුදකලා වීමේ අපේක්ෂාව වොෂින්ටනයට මතුවීමට පටන් ගෙන තිබේ.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම, ඊශ්‍රායලය සමඟ ට්‍රම්ප්ගේ සම්බන්ධතාවය උපායමාර්ගික සන්ධානයක් ලෙස ශක්තිමත්ව පවතී. නමුත් ඔහු ඉරානයට පහර දීමට අවසර දුන් විට ඔහුගේ මනසෙහි ඇඳි තිබුනු චිත්‍රය ගැටුමේ වත්මන් ගමන් පථය තුළ විද්‍යාමාන නොවේ. මේ අවස්ථාවේදී,ට්‍රම්ප්ගේ තර්කය ඉතා නිරවුල්ය. එනම් මොස්කව් ඇමතීමට සුදුසුම කාලය පැමිණ තිබේ.

ට්‍රම්ප් මොස්කව් ඇමතීමෙන් බලාපොරොත්තු වූයේ “ඉරාන ගැටය” ලෙස වර නංවා ඇති තත්වය බලහත්කාරයෙන් කපා දැමීමටයි. තීරණාත්මක මිලිටරි ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් මගින් ඉරානය සමඟ වසර හතළිහක් තිස්සේ පැවැති ඓතිහාසික ගැටුමක් අවසන් කළ හැකි බවට වූ ආඛ්‍යානයට වොෂින්ටනය දේශපාලනික වශයෙන් ආකර්ශනීය විය. ඒ වෙනුවට සිදුව ඇත්තේ ගැටය තවත් තද වීමයි.

රුසියාවේ සහභාගීත්වයෙන් තොරව “ඉරාන ගැටයේ” ප්‍රධානතම කෙඳි කිහිපය ලිහා ගත නොහැක. ට්‍රම්ප් සහ ඔහුගේ කණ්ඩායමට එය බොහෝ දුරට න්‍යායාත්මක දැනුමක් වුවද, ඉරාන ගැටුම ආරම්භයේ සිටම පැහැදිලිව දකින්නට ලැබුණු සත්‍යකි. දැන් ඔවුන් ප්‍රායෝගික අත්දැකීම් ලබා ගනිමින් සිටී.

පළමු සාධකය වන්නේ මැදපෙරදිග, විශේෂයෙන් පර්සියානු ගල්ෆ් කලාපයේ සිදුවෙමින් පවතින ඇමරිකානු බල අධිකාරියේ පරිහානියයි.

කලාපයේ එක්සත් ජනපද හමුදා යටිතල පහසුකම් බරපතල හානිවලට ලක්ව ඇතිවා පමණක් නොව, එහි පූර්ව අනතුරු ඇඟවීමේ පද්ධතියේ කොටස් ඇතුළුව ඊශ්‍රායලයේ ආරක්ෂක උපාය මාර්ගයට පාදක වන පුළුල් ආරක්ෂක ගෘහ නිර්මාණ ශිල්පයේ අංග ද දුර්වල වී ඇත.

වඩා වැදගත් දෙය නම්, ගැටුම අමෙරිකානු ගැති කලාපීය රාජ්‍යයන්ට තහවුරු කර ඇත්තේ ඇමරිකානු හමුදා සහ දේශපාලන සහතික කලින් උපකල්පනය කළ ප්‍රමාණයට වඩා බෙහෙවින් අඩු විශ්වාසදායක මට්ටමක පවතින බවයි. එවැනි සැකයන් මුල් බැස ගත් පසු, ඒවා පහසුවෙන් ආපසු හැරවිය නොහැක. ගල්ෆ් රාජාණ්ඩුවලට වොෂින්ටනයේ ආරක්ෂක සහතික සුනු විසිනුව ගොස් ඇති බැවින් එය සරලව ආපසු හැරවිය නොහැක. එහෙත්, ට්‍රම්ප් තත්වය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම තේරුම් ගෙන තිබෙනවාද? යන පැනයට සෘජු සහතිකයක් දීමට අපහසුය.

තුර්කි ජනාධිපති රිසෙප් ටයීප් එර්ඩෝගන් සම්බන්ධ කර ගැනීමට ඔහු දැරූ උත්සාහයෙන් ඇඟවෙන්නේ උපායමාර්ගික සීරු මාරුවේ පරිමාණය ඔහු තවමත් වටහාගෙන නොමැති බවයි. එහෙත් ඔහු මොස්කව් ඇමතූ කාරණයෙන්ම පෙන්නුම් කරන්නේ අරාබි රාජ්‍යයන් සමඟ සබඳතා වොෂින්ටනයට පමණක් ස්ථාවර කළ නොහැකි බව ඔහු වටහාගෙන ඇති බවයි.

එක්සත් ජනපදයට හවුල්කරුවන් අවශ්‍යය. එහෙත්, බටහිර යුරෝපය පැහැදිලිවම එම හවුල් කරුවන් අතර නොවේ. ට්‍රම්ප් කලාපය ස්ථාවර කිරීම සඳහා සාමූහික දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමට සූදානම් හෝ බරපතල සම්මුතීන් ඇති කර ගැනීමට ඔහු කැමතිද යන්න තවමත් විවෘත ප්‍රශ්නයක් ලෙස පවතී.

දෙවන සාධකය වන්නේ ගෝලීය හයිඩ්‍රොකාබන් වෙළඳපොළ ගැන සැලකිලිමත් වීමය.

ට්‍රම්ප් මුලදී බලශක්ති වෙළඳපොළවල තාවකාලික “ගැස්මක්” ලෙස විස්තර කළ අතර, එක්සත් ජනපදයට පක්ෂව සැපයුම් නැවත බෙදා හැරීම වේගවත් කළ හැකි යැයි සිතුවද මේ වන විට ගෝලීය සැපයුම් දාමයන් දිගු කලක් තිස්සේ කඩාකප්පල් කිරීමක් දක්වා වර්ධනය වීමේ අවදානමක් පැන නැගී ඇත.

එවැනි තත්වයක් උද්ගත වීම වොෂින්ටනයට කිසිසේත්ම ප්‍රයෝජනවත් වන්නේ නැත.

අර්බුදය ගැඹුරු වුවහොත්, සමස්ථ ගෝලීය ජනයා සහ ඇමරිකානු ඡන්දදායකයින් යන දෙකොට්ඨාශයම වගකීම දරන්නේ කවුරුන්ද යන්න හරියටම අවබෝධ කර ගනු ඇත. වොෂින්ටනය තම උපායමාර්ගික ස්ථානය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වූ ප්‍රදේශයක් වන සමුද්‍රීය බලශක්ති ප්‍රවාහනයේ ඇති අවදානම අර්බූදයේ ගැඹුර මගින් ඉස්මතු කරනු ඇත.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම, රුසියාව නොමැතිව සහ රුසියාවට එරෙහිව රුසියාවේ වියදමින් ගෝලීය හයිඩ්‍රොකාබන් වෙළඳපොළ ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරීමේ තවත් උත්සාහයක් අසාර්ථක වී ඇත.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම,යමෙකු අමෙරිකාව කරනු ලබන එවැනි අවසාන උත්සාහය මෙය වනු ඇතැයි උපකල්පනය කිරීම එම තැනැත්තාගේ බොළඳකම ප්‍රදර්ශනය කිරීමක් වනු ඇත. නමුත් වොෂින්ටනය සහ තවත් ප්‍රධාන තරඟකරුවන් කිහිප දෙනෙකු මෙන් නොව, මොස්කව් මෙවැනි වෙළඳපල කැළඹීමක් වෙනුවෙන් සූදානම් වෙමින් වසර ගණනාවක් ගත කර ඇත.

මෙම සන්දර්භය තුළ, ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් නල මාර්ග හරහා හයිඩ්‍රොකාබන් සැපයුම් නැවත ආරම්භ කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් පුටින් යුරෝපීය සංගමයට කළ යෝජනාව අවධානයට ලක්විය යුතුව තිබේ.

බැලූ බැල්මට, මෙම මුලපිරීම පර්සියානු ගල්ෆ් යුද්ධයට සම්බන්ධ නැති බවක් පෙනෙන්නට පුළුවන. යථාර්ථයේ දී, එය ගෝලීය බලශක්ති පද්ධතියට ගල්ෆ් ගැටුමෙන් ඇති විය හැකි උපායමාර්ගික ප්‍රතිවිපාක පිළිබඳ ගැඹුරු අවබෝධයක් පිළිබිඹු කරයි.

ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට පොරොන්දු වී ඇති තෙල් හා ගෑස් සමුද්‍රීය බෙදාහැරීම් වඩ වඩාත් අවදානම් සහගත වුවහොත්, නල මාර්ග ඛනිජ තෙල් බෙදා හැරීමේදී නැවත උපායමාර්ගික වැදගත්කමක් ලබා ගනී.

පුටින්ගේ එම යෝජනාව බටහිර යුරෝපය සඳහා ලිට්මස් පරීක්ෂාවක් ලෙස ද ක්‍රියා කරයි. අවම වශයෙන්, ගෝලීය බලශක්ති අර්බුදයක අවදානම ක්‍රමයෙන් වැඩි වන අවස්ථාවක දේශපාලන ස්වෛරීභාවයේ මට්ටමක් පෙන්නුම් කිරීමට මෙම රාජ්‍යයන්ට අවස්ථාවක් ලබා දෙයි.

තුන්වන සාධකය වන්නේ ගැටුමේ වෙනස්වන ස්වභාවයයි.

යුද්ධයට දින දහයකට පසු, ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය සමඟ ගැටුම දැනටමත් නව අවධියකට පරිණාමය වීමට පටන් ගෙන තිබේ. සාම්ප්‍රදායික මිලිටරි මෙහෙයුම් වලට සමාන්තරව, කඩාකප්පල්කාරී ක්‍රියා සහ ත්‍රස්තවාදය වඩ වඩාත් කැපී පෙනෙන බව ද්ක්නට ලැබේ. මෙම මාරුව ධවල මන්දිර පරිපාලනය විසින් ගැටුම ඉරානයට එරෙහි පුළුල් ආගමික යුද්ධයක් ලෙස සකස් කිරීමට ගත් උත්සාහයේ සෘජු ප්‍රතිවිපාකයකි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, මැද පෙරදිග පෙර ගැටුම් මෙන් නොව, කඩාකප්පල්කාරී ක්‍රියාවල ප්‍රධාන ඉලක්ක ඊශ්‍රායල පහසුකම් පමණක් වීමට ඉඩක් නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට, ඔවුන් වැඩි වැඩියෙන් ඇමරිකානු යටිතල පහසුකම් සහ ලොව පුරා විසිරී සිටින ඇමරිකානු පුරවැසියන් වීමට ඉඩ ඇත.ඉරානය සහ බොහෝ රැඩිකල් ඉස්ලාමීය කණ්ඩායම් දෙකෙහිම දෘෂ්ටි කෝණයෙන්, මෙම ගැටුමේ ප්‍රධාන විරුද්ධවාදියා එක්සත් ජනපදය මිස ඊශ්‍රායලය නොවේ.

එවැනි තත්වයන් යටතේ, ට්‍රම්ප් ගැටුම උත්සන්න වීම තුනී කිරීම සඳහා පළමු පියවර ගැනීමට, ටෙහෙරානය කෙරෙහි මොස්කව් සතු සීමාකාරී බලපෑම් කිරීමේ හැකියාව වටිනා බව ඔප්පු විය හැකිය.

අවසාන වශයෙන්, දේශීය දේශපාලන මිනුමද වැදගත් වනු ඇත.

වොෂින්ටනයේ සමහරු මුලින් දින පහක් පමණ පවතිනු ඇතැයි අපේක්ෂා කළ යුද්ධය මේ වන විට මාස ගණනාවක් පුරා පවතිනු ඇතැයි පුළුල් ලෙස පුරෝකථනය කර ඇත. එවැනි දිගු ගැටුමක් එක්සත් ජනපදය තුළ දේශපාලන අර්බුදයක් සඳහා සාරවත් භූමියක් නිර්මාණය කිරීම වැලැක්විය නොහැක.

යුද්ධය ආරම්භ වීමට පෙර සිටම වොෂින්ටනයේ ට්‍රම්ප්ට ලැබෙන සහයෝගය දුර්වල වෙමින් පැවතුනි. ගැටුම දිග්ගැස්සෙන විට, දේශපාලන ප්‍රතිවිපාක වඩ වඩාත් දෘශ්‍යමාන වනු ඇත.

නුදුරේදී හෝ කල් ගතවී, ඇමරිකානු දේශපාලනඥයින්ට ඉරානය සමඟ කළ ගැටුමේ මානුෂීය ප්‍රතිවිපාක සහ වොෂින්ටනයේ කලාපීය සහචරයින්ගේ අස්ථාවරත්වය ඇතුළුව පශ්චාත් යුධ යථාර්ථයට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවනු ඇත.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, මෙම පෙරමුණේදී, මොස්කව් පරිපාලනයට ඩොනල්ඩ් ට්‍රම්ප්ට උදව් කළ නොහැක. ඉරාන ගැටයේ කොටස් ලිහිල් කිරීමට රුසියාවට සහාය විය හැකිය. නමුත් යුද්ධය විසින් එක්සත් ජනපදය තුළ නිර්මාණය කරන දේශපාලන ගැටලු තවමත් වොෂින්ටනය මතම පැවරෙන වගකීමකි.

මොස්කව් හි ජාතික පර්යේෂණ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ උසස් ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාසලේ දේශපාලන විද්‍යාව පිළිබඳ ආචාර්ය උපාධිය හිමි විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයේ මහාචාර්ය දිමිත්‍රි එව්ස්ටෆීව් විසින් රචිත “The Iranian knot: Why Trump turned to Putin” නම් ලිපියේ සිංහල පරිවර්තනය. පරිවර්තනය ජීවන්ත ජයතිස්ස 

Courtesy:  AI Overview

How can this injustice be remedied ?

Chat GPT answer:

The claim that the “Player Referral” concept (the foundation of the Decision Review System or DRS) belongs to Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna

is a well-documented and long-standing grievance in the sporting world. While the ICC and other sports bodies have adopted similar systems, the lack of official recognition or compensation remains a central point of contention for Weeraratna and his supporters.

Remedying this situation involves navigating complex international intellectual property (IP) laws and diplomatic channels. Potential avenues for redress include: 

1. Formal Legal Action for IP Infringement 

• Copyright and Moral Rights: Weeraratna has argued that he holds the “moral copyright” to the concept, as he was the first to publish the specific four-point mechanism for player referrals in The Australian on March 25, 1997. Under the Sri Lankan Intellectual Property Act No. 36 of 2003, creators have moral rights to be recognized as authors.
• Civil Litigation: Legal experts in Sri Lanka have previously suggested that he has grounds to sue for both economic and moral copyright violations. Such a case would likely need to be brought in jurisdictions where the ICC or other sports bodies operate.
• Unfair Competition: Claims could be made under Unfair Competition Law, arguing that the unauthorized use of his “brainchild” is contrary to honest commercial practices. 

2. Institutional and Diplomatic Pressure

• Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) Advocacy: SLC has previously submitted folders of Weeraratna’s work to the ICC. A more robust, official campaign by SLC at the ICC’s Annual General Meetings (AGM) could demand a formal Commission of Inquiry to establish the system’s authorship.
• Government Intervention: The Sri Lankan government could take up the matter diplomatically, similar to how other nations protect their cultural and intellectual heritage. This could involve raising the issue at international forums like the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). 

3. Alternative Dispute Resolution

• Mediation or Arbitration: Rather than a costly court battle, Weeraratna has requested an independent third-party arbitrator to hear his claim. Organizations like the WIPO Arbitration and Mediation Center specialize in such international IP disputes.
• Reparative Justice: Supporters have called for “Reparative Justice,” which focuses on official recognition and symbolic naming (e.g., renaming it the “Weeraratna DRS”) rather than just financial compensation. 

4. Public and Academic Recognition

• Branding and Public Awareness: Increasing global awareness through media campaigns and academic citations can help solidify his status as the “Father of DRS”.
• International Sports Bodies: Outreach to FIFA (Soccer), World Rugby, and the ITF (Tennis) to acknowledge the conceptual origin of their referral systems could further validate the claim beyond cricket. 

Courtesy:  AI Overview

Wimal Weerawansa

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir

The widening fissures inside the Republican Party over Trump’s broader unilateralism and chaotic foreign policy, and now the war of choice against Iran, are sharpening an older divide between nationalist populists, institutionalist conservatives, business-friendly moderates, and traditional security hawks. Governors, Republicans in trade-exposed states, and parts of the donor class increasingly see Trump’s domestic and foreign adventurism as electorally toxic, economically damaging, and corrosive to US leadership, even as primary-driven loyalty tests make open rebellion costly.

The following 9 cases offer clear signs of Trump’s growing vulnerability, which is likely to further intensify as the mid-term election draws near.

Indiana Republicans Refuse Trump’s Redistricting Demand In December 2025, Indiana’s Republican dominated Senate rejected a congressional map aggressively pushed by Trump that would likely have flipped the state’s two Democratic US House seats. Twenty-one GOP senators joined all Democrats to defeat the mid-decade gerrymander 31–19, the first outright rejection of Trump’s redistricting efforts by his own party.

Congress Rejects Trump’s Appropriation Package In the final HHS appropriations package, Congress rejected nearly all of Trump’s proposed $33 billion in cuts to health and human services, including deep reductions to substance abuse treatment and the elimination of the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program. In a Republican revolt, a substantial bloc of GOP senators and representatives joined Democrats to advance and then pass a bipartisan bill that openly rebuffed Trump’s broader austerity agenda.

Supreme Court Tariff Ruling

On February 20, 2026, the Supreme Court held 6–3 that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act does not authorize a president to impose tariffs, invalidating Trump’s sweeping IEEPA-based duties on many trading partners, including reciprocal” tariffs launched in 2025. Trump was hit hard by the ruling, which underscored that taxing authority, including tariffs, belongs to Congress, not the executive.

Defection of Senators and Representatives Several GOP senators and House members joined Democrats in resolutions terminating the national emergency” Trump used to justify global tariffs, directly challenging his authority. Four Republican senators—Mitch McConnell, Rand Paul, Susan Collins, and Lisa Murkowski—voted to end that emergency, and six House Republicans joined a Democrat-led resolution terminating Trump’s tariffs on Canada. These moves, one of the first direct Republican rebukes of his presidency, signaled a rare, public intra-party break. Though facing a likely veto, these votes publicly exposed fractures in his own caucus over the trade war’s economic and political costs.

Governors Engaging Canada Directly

Fourteen US governors, including three Republicans, especially from border and manufacturing states, have increasingly engaged Canadian leaders independently to preserve cross-border supply chains. Michigan’s Gretchen Whitmer, among others, has publicly courted Canadian partners and pressed Trump to change course, arguing his Canada tariffs damage auto manufacturing and state economies, effectively siding with Canada against Washington’s policy.

DC Circuit Rejects Trump Executive Order In a closely watched case, the DC Circuit Court rejected the Justice Department’s request to delay hearings on appeals over Trump’s executive orders punishing four major law firms, instead fast-tracking arguments alongside a related security clearance dispute. The orders had already been permanently enjoined by four federal judges as unconstitutional retaliation that chilled protected speech and due process rights.

Republican Unease over War Powers

Even as most Senate Republicans voted down a resolution to limit Trump’s war powers on Iran, a number of GOP lawmakers privately voiced misgivings and publicly dodged calling the escalating campaign a war,” highlighting their discomfort with its scale and open-ended nature. Their reluctance to fully embrace his framing suggests that, should casualties or costs mount, visible resistance inside the party could quickly intensify.

Conservative Voices Question the Iran War Several prominent conservative commentators and right-leaning outlets have voiced sharp doubts about Trump’s Iran campaign, calling his objectives confusing” and warning that the war lacks a clear strategy or endgame and risks repeating the failures of Iraq. This open skepticism from usually sympathetic media underscores how the Iran conflict is straining the broader right-of-center coalition that once reflexively backed his foreign policy.

Condemnation of Trump’s Military Changes Finally, Retired Major General Paul Eaton, who served as an Army Commander during Operation Iraqi Freedom, publicly raised the alarm over the Trump administration’s reshuffling of top military leadership, characterizing these personnel changes as resembling loyalty-based purges akin to historical authoritarian tactics.

In an interview with The Guardian on January 5, 2026, Eaton warned of a Stalin problem” at the Pentagon, likening it to Stalin’s purges of the best and brightest of the military leadership,” and explicitly likened Trump-era moves to Stalin’s officer purges, arguing they were politicizing the armed forces.

Major General Eaton warned that appointing commanders for political loyalty compromises the military’s independence and effectiveness. Such politicization, he argued, risks strategic decisions being made not on merit but to serve presidential political interests. Now that this is in the open, it seriously damages Trump in the eyes of the high brass in the military, representing another setback for him, especially now that the Iran war seems to have lacked thorough assessment and scrutiny by the top brass.

Time is Catching up to Trump

Trump’s aura of invincibility is eroding on two fronts for all to see: at home, a growing bloc of Republicans, governors, and business allies now treat his domestic policies as a political and economic liability. Internationally, allies already skeptical of Washington’s reliability interpret visible Republican dissent and judicial curbs as signals that US commitments are contingent and reversible.

Together, they have encouraged Canada, Europe, and Indo-Pacific partners to hedge and diversify their economic ties, and to discount Trump’s threats and inducements at the negotiating table. These shifts—and the growing ranks of Republicans terrified of facing furious voters back home—will trigger defections, shatter GOP unity, and sharply erode Trump’s seeming invincibility.

Trump now faces a double reckoning in the midst of a disastrous war: a growingly fractured Republican Party and increasingly defiant allies who no longer fear his bluster or trust his word. That twin erosion of loyalty and leverage will hang over every district, every race, and every calculation in the 2026 midterm.

____________

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

Shenali D Waduge

Since the end of Sri Lanka’s 30 year conflict in 2009, the country has experienced sporadic arrivals of refugees and asylum seekers from several regions including South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. Unlike many countries that receive asylum claims, Sri Lanka has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol and does not possess a dedicated domestic refugee law. As a result, refugees and asylum seekers exist in a legal grey area, often managed through immigration regulations and limited arrangements facilitated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) under a 2005 Memorandum of Understanding with the Government of Sri Lanka.

Over the years, small numbers of individuals from countries such as Myanmar, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia, Bangladesh, and Iran have entered Sri Lanka through various channels. While the overall numbers appear small, the absence of a formal legal framework, inconsistent data, internal lobbying and limited public disclosure of figures has generated growing public concern regarding monitoring, governance oversight, financial costs, and potential long-term demographic or security implications.

The closure of the UNHCR office in Colombo in late 2024 has further complicated the landscape, as formal registration and resettlement processes have largely ceased. At the same time, irregular migration patterns, visa overstays, and occasional criminal cases linked to undocumented foreigners have raised questions about the adequacy of immigration controls and the broader implications for national security and social stability.

We examine the legal status of refugees and asylum seekers in Sri Lanka, the role previously played by UNHCR, known arrival patterns since 2009, financial implications, monitoring gaps, and emerging governance challenges.

It also highlights unresolved questions relating to registration, settlement patterns, identity verification, and policy oversight that may shape Sri Lanka’s future approach to irregular migration and humanitarian arrivals.

1. Definitions

Refugee
A refugee is a person who has fled their country because they fear persecution due to race, religion, nationality, social group, or political opinion.

Asylum Seeker

An asylum seeker is someone who has applied for refugee status but is still waiting for a decision.

Not all asylum seekers are eventually recognized as refugees.

Legal Position in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or the 1967 Protocol and has no domestic refugee law.

Asylum seekers have no formal legal status; irregular arrivals are treated as immigrants. Entry requires valid visas, and the country relies on immigration enforcement to track overstays.

• In 2025, 155 Indian nationals were caught overstaying.
• Rohingya boat arrivals intercepted in 2024–2025.
• In 2023, 121 people caught at airports for illegal entry/overstays.

Sri Lanka does not publish total figures, creating a major loophole and public concern. There is no clear mechanism to include all irregular arrivals in an official system, leaving the public to speculate based on unusual individuals, languages, or behaviors observed living around them.

The UNHCR office in Colombo closed in late 2024, ending formal registration and resettlement processing.

UNHCR’s credibility is also questioned, as past operations were misused during the LTTE period, with LTTE holding UNHCR cards arrested abroad posing as refugees”.

Implication:

Without formal law or oversight, irregular arrivals pose long-term governance, security, and social challenges, leaving Sri Lanka vulnerable to unmonitored settlements.

Refugee Arrivals since 2009 & UNHCR Operations

Sri Lanka is not legally obliged to accept, register, or fund refugees, which questions UNHCR operations in Sri Lanka.

 

Country / Group	Approx. Numbers	Years of Arrival	Notes
Myanmar (Rohingya)	100–150	2024–2025	Muslim in batches
Afghanistan	50–80	2010s–early 2020s	Arrived over several years Muslim
Pakistan	30–50	2010s–2020s	Muslim
Iraq	20–30	2010s–early 2020s	Muslim
Somalia	15–20	2010s–2020s	Muslim
Bangladesh	10–15	2010s–2020s	Muslim
Iran	5–10	2010s–2020s	Muslim
Other countries (Eritrea, Sudan, Syria, Palestine, Tunisia, Yemen, Nigeria)	15–25	2010s–early 2020s	Muslim

Estimated total refugees/asylum seekers (non‑Sri Lankan): ~250–380

UNHCR figures are inconsistent, with inability to provide exact figures.

UNHCR ~250–380 refugees/asylum seekers in Sri Lanka

UNHCR Spending in Sri Lanka (2024)

• Total resources allocated:US $1,082,689, with 94% funded

The percentage funded (94 %) and total funding amount ($1,082,689) are indicative… Contributions to Sri Lanka are shown by the earmarking modality as defined in the Grand Bargain.” — UNHCR Funding Update, 30 Nov 2024

• Cost per refugee (annual, 250–380 persons):
  • 250 persons → $4,330/person/year → ~$11.86/day
  • 380 persons → $2,850/person/year → ~$7.81/day

Implication: If Sri Lanka had to provide similar support, over $1million/year would be required. Costs would rise with increasing numbers.

Confusion in the numbers

The write-ups and accounts given by various sources since 2009 clearly point to the discrepancies in refugee/asylum seeker figures.

UNHCR cannot provide the exact registered number of refugees/asylum seekers while Sri Lanka cannot provide likely illegal refugees/asylum seekers/visa-overstays as well.

• The true number of unregistered or illegal arrivals is unknown, https://www.thedailystar.net/news/asia/south-asia/news/sri-lanka-navy-rescues-boat-102-rohingya-refugees-3781061?utm_source=chatgpt.com (102 Rohingyas)

• https://lki.lk/blog/the-rohingya-crisis-and-implications-for-sri-lanka/ (First, in 2008, 55 Rohingya; then in 2013, 170 Rohingya; and most recently, in April 2017, 30 Rohingya) As of January 2018, Sri Lanka had 822 refugees and 628 asylum-seekers from other countries (Lakshman Kadiragamar Institute)
  • 55 Rohingya refugees arrive March 2008 / left Sri Lanka July 2012
  • 170 Rohingya refugees arrive February 2013 (2 boats 138 & 32) / left Sri Lanka in November 2015
  • 30 Rohingyas arrive April 2017 / left Sri Lanka in Sept 2017

• Rohingyas: Why are They in Sri Lanka and What Should We Do? (Groundviews)

Since 2008, Sri Lanka has hosted about 300 Rohingya refugees until the latest arrivals in December last year (2025)”

Most have received permanent resettlement in other countries and left Sri Lanka so only about 100 remain”

Rohingya refugees rescued off the seas of Jaffna by the Navy and brought ashore when their boat was in distress in December 2022” (still remain)

latest group of Rohingyas to arrive in Sri Lanka was seen off the shores of Mullaitivu on December 19, 2024 and were taken to Trincomalee by sea” (presently at Air Force camp in Mullaitivu)

Rohingyas: Why are They in Sri Lanka and What Should We Do?

Rohingya Refugees Detained in Sri Lanka (Global Detention Report – 2 FEBRUARY 2023)

https://www.globaldetentionproject.org/02-february-2023-sri-lanka

104 Rohingyas rescued by Sri Lanka Navy (46 children)

Moved to Mirihana & Welisara immigration detention centres

https://www.undp.org/srilanka/blog/migrants-refugees-and-asylum-seekers-sri-lankan-context – Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Sri Lanka by Sarika Warusavitarana (April 2019)

At present there 844 refugees and 826 asylum seekers awaiting the determination of their claims in Sri Lanka. This living allowance, however, is only available to refugees.  Asylum seekers have to rely on the support of non-governmental organizations such as ZOA and Muslim Aid as well as support from family back home to meet their basic needs (how can foreign asylum seekers have bank accounts in Sri Lanka to send remittances)

While primary education is made available to refugee children, children under the age of 5 and over 12 receive no official schooling (who is paying for this)

https://economynext.com/sri-lanka-obligated-to-respect-rights-of-afghan-asylum-seekers-main-opposition-sjb-85350/ (Sri Lanka obligated to respect rights of Afghan asylum seekers says SJB-August 2021)

The SJB wishes to remind the Sri Lankan government of its international obligations during a crisis of this nature. It specifically calls upon the government to respect the obligation of non-refoulement, which forbids a country from returning asylum seekers to a country in which they would be in likely danger of persecution,”

MOU between GoSL and UNHCR

• Asylum-seekers in Sri Lanka are under the care of the UNHCR, pursuant to a 2005 Memorandum of Understanding with the Government of Sri Lanka—regarding the status of‘refugees’ and provide limited financial support.
• Asylum-seekers and refugees registered with the UNHCR receive state healthcare in Sri Lanka but they cannot be employed and their children are not entitled to free education (then who is paying).

Key Issues & Questions

• Arrivals are from Muslim-majority countries.
• What legal basis is UNHCR registering and processing these individuals in Sri Lanka, which has not ratified the Convention?
• Why were registered refugees not resettled in countries that have signed the Convention (e.g., Canada, Europe, Australia) before UNHCR closed its Colombo office in late 2024?
• How many refugees have given birth, and what is the status of their children? Could unmonitored settlements gradually affect local demographics?
• How is the Sri Lankan government funding refugees when it is not legally bound to do so?

Registration & UNHCR Cards

• Not all refugees have UNHCR cards – why?
• Early arrivals (Afghan, Pakistani, Iraqi, Somali) may have cards, granting temporary recognition.
• Recent boat arrivals, especially Rohingya (2024–2025), mostly do not have UNHCR cards, meaning:
  • They are unregistered
  • Treated as irregular migrants
  • Subject to immigration detention or deportation
  • Have limited accessto healthcare, education, or legal protections

Implications

• Unregistered arrivals, births, and extended stays create financial, demographic, and governance challenges.
• Costs are mounting in a country already under economic strain, and previous governments failed to insist that UNHCR resettle refugees in Convention states before closing.
• Lack of monitoring could also increase security risks, as seen in arrests, illegal stays, and associated crimes in other countries.

 

Political Influence

• SomeMuslim MPs from multiple parties have publicly advocated for humanitarian treatment of these refugees.
• This creates across-party lobbying force, influencing government decisions on:
  • Settlement
  • Health
  • Food & Nutrition
  • Housing
  • Welfare support
  • and even schooling
• The increase in numbers and the hidden costs are likely to triggerpolitical debates among the public over resource allocation, security, and demographic impact that is being ignored due to lobbying and influence.

 

Meanwhile, after end of 2009, large areas around Musali, Marichchikaddi and nearby forest regions bordering Wilpattu were cleared and settlements established under the Ministry of Resettlement, then headed by Rishad Bathiudeen. Reports and court petitions indicated that about 1,500 families were resettled in these areas with houses, roads and other infrastructure constructed.

The official position was that these were Northern Muslims expelled by the LTTE in 1990 returning to their original villages. However, the process raised several concerns: why settlements were created in forested areas rather than established villages, how many families were actually resettled, and whether full citizenship verification through National Identity Cards and official records was carried out legally remains unanaswered.

Allegations also circulated that foreign Islamic charitable donors, including those linked to the Middle East, may have contributed funding for housing or religious infrastructure, though detailed public records identifying specific donors have not been transparently released. The absence of clear beneficiary lists, funding disclosures, and verification records has therefore continued to raise questions about oversight, legality of settlements, and possible demographic implications in the region.

Illegals involved in scams / drugs / violence

Sri Lankan law enforcement has also arrested individuals for immigration violations and for offences such as drug possession and fraud; in some cases, the individuals were found to be staying in the country without valid visas or status.

This mirrors the rise in violence scams and other nefarious activities related to illegal immigrants in UK and Europe and warrants the Govt of Sri Lanka to take sterner action.

In 2025, Sri Lankan authorities made a high‑profile arrest of an Assistant Controller of the Department of Immigration and Emigration who was charged with issuing three forged Sri Lankan passports to an underworld figure, reportedly to help the fugitive travel abroad under false documentation; the official was taken into custody by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) as part of the probe into passport fraud and organized crime linkages

Strategic Risks

• Security:Unregistered populations are difficult to track, creating potential risks if extremist networks exploit irregular movements.
• Social:Settlements in sensitive areas (e.g., Mannar, Wilpattu) may generate community tensions.
• Governance:Lack of law and oversight can make Sri Lanka vulnerable
• International Pressure:UN, India, US, and other stakeholders may engage diplomatically or monitor activities closely.

Key Threats

1. Legal and Monitoring Gap:UNHCR registration poor in the past while Sri Lanka has no proper mechanism.
2. Potential Long-Term Settlement:Families staying without formal oversight could grow informal communities.
3. Political Lobbying:Cross-party MP support for a particular ethnic refugee/asylum seekers can push for settlement, bypassing normal immigration control.
4. Security Exposure:Difficult to screen or monitor arrivals, raising strategic concerns.
5. Social Friction:Local populations may react negatively to sudden demographic changes.

Current Iranian Arrivals (2026)

• Close to 300 Iranians from 3 ships were provided temporary humanitarian relief.

These Iranian naval personnel are neither refugees nor asylum seekers. Sri Lanka has no legal obligation to support them long-term, yet the country must absorb costs until they are repatriated. It is a different issue in the event they claim asylum. It will pose a new diplomatic issue for Sri Lanka while also showcasing a larger international outcome where in 300 plus Iranian crew chose to desert the Iranian state which may kickstart a wave of deflections within Irans’ military as a domino effect.

Be that as it may, we have seen how extremists have embedded themselves as refugees and asylum seekers to cross borders where they have unleashed fresh tensions and conflict amongst communities posing law & enforcement nightmare. The UK, Europe and even Canada and Australia are witnessing a wave of immigrant crimes which they are unable to handle. Sri Lanka needs to quickly strengthen its law enforcement to deal with such unseen eventualities as well as spruce up its intel network without demoralizing it by unwarranted arrests.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali D Waduge

Since the 1979 revolution that created the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Iranian state has played a central role in Middle Eastern geopolitics. The regime is led by a Supreme Leader. Over four decades, Iran has become a major regional power and a controversial actor accused of sponsoring militant groups and proxy warfare. The global debate is who wants the Iranian regime to fall, who wants it to remain and what would the consequences be?

Seven Countries in Five Years”  

After the September 11 attacks, retired U.S. General Wesley Clark said he was shown a Pentagon memo outlining plans to confront or remove governments in seven countries:

1. Iraq
2. Syria
3. Lebanon
4. Libya
5. Somalia
6. Sudan
7. Iran

Two decades later –

1. Iraq 2003

Leader Saddam Hussein removed & executed.

Outcomes

• Collapse of the Iraqi state
• Rise of insurgent groups including ISIS
• Sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shia groups
• Large-scale civilian casualties and displacement

Long-term impact

Iraq remains politically unstable with strong foreign influence from both United States and Iran.

2. Libya 2011

Overthrow and death of Muammar Gaddafi.

Outcomes

• Collapse of central government
• Emergence of rival militias
• Human trafficking and migrant smuggling networks
• Libya a transit hub for African migration to Europe

Long-term impact

Libya remains divided between competing political factions and armed groups.

3. Syria 2011

Became one of the most devastating conflicts of the 21st century.

Outcomes

• Hundreds of thousands killed
• Millions displaced internally and internationally
• Rise of extremist groups including ISIS
• Intervention by multiple global powers

Long-term impact

The government of Bashar al‑Assad survived but the country remains heavily damaged.

4. Somalia

Somalia has experienced prolonged instability since the early 1990s.

Outcomes

• Weak central government
• Continued insurgency by Al‑Shabaab
• Persistent humanitarian crises

Long-term impact

Somalia remains one of the most fragile states in the world.

5. Sudan

Sudan underwent major upheaval including the secession of South Sudan and subsequent civil wars.

Outcomes

• political instability
• military coups
• humanitarian crises

Long-term impact

Sudan remains deeply unstable with competing armed factions.

6. Lebanon

Lebanon has not experienced regime overthrow but has suffered severe political and economic collapse.

Outcomes

• collapse of the banking system
• hyperinflation
• political paralysis
• growing influence of Hezbollah

7. Iran (Still Unchanged)

Among the seven countries listed by Wesley Clark, Iran remains the only major state where regime change has not occurred.

The Current situation

The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to govern despite:

• international sanctions
• regional conflicts
• internal protests

Strategic role

Iran continues to influence regional politics through alliances and support for armed groups.

Why Iran Is the Key Remaining State

Iran remains geopolitically important because:

• It is a large, centralized state
• It controls access near the Strait of Hormuz
• It has built regional alliances with groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas

For many analysts, Iran represents the final major State on Clark’s list whose political system has not been fundamentally transformed.

Who Wants the Iranian Regime to Fall — and Why

United States/Israel and some Western allies

The United States has long viewed Iran as a strategic adversary due to:

• Iran’s nuclear program
• Support for armed non-state groups
• Hostility toward Western military presence in the Middle East
• Control of trade chokepoints and influence over world oil

Washington has repeatedly imposed sanctions and pressure on Iran since the Iranian Revolution.

Israel

Israel considers Iran its primary security threat because:

• Iranian leaders have called for the elimination of Israel
• Iran funds and arms groups that target Israel
• Iran’s nuclear program is viewed as existentially dangerous

Some Gulf Arab states

• Saudi Arabia
• United Arab Emirates

have historically feared Iran’s regional ambitions and its influence across the Middle East.

Iranian opposition groups

Internal and external opposition movements oppose the regime because of:

• political repression
• limits on civil liberties
• economic mismanagement

Some opposition groups seek democratic reform, while others advocate complete regime change.

Iranian pro-democracy diaspora groups

Iranians who are non-Shariah compliant/Persian-Zoroastrian aligned

Who Does NOT Want the Regime to Fall — and Why

Russia

Russia values Iran as:

• a strategic partner against Western influence
• a military and geopolitical ally in Syria
• an energy and trade partner

A regime collapse could weaken Russia’s regional influence.

China

China views Iran primarily through an economic and strategic lens:

• energy imports
• Belt and Road trade routes
• counterbalancing Western power

China generally prefers stable governments over unpredictable regime change.

Some regional governments

Countries that cooperate with Iran or rely on regional stability may fear:

• civil war in Iran
• refugee crises
• disruption of energy supplies

Supporters of current Iranian Regime claim:

Strategic independence

Iran has resisted external domination since the 1979 revolution, promoting the idea of sovereignty and resistance to foreign interference.

Regional influence

Iran has built a network of alliances across the Middle East, increasing its geopolitical power.

Scientific and technological development

Despite sanctions, Iran has developed capabilities in:

• missile technology
• nuclear research
• drone systems

Criticisms against the Iranian Regime

Political repression

International organizations have criticized Iran for:

• restrictions on protests
• imprisonment of political activists
• censorship of media
• lack of freedom and fundamental rights for both men and women

Economic difficulties

Sanctions and internal governance problems have contributed to:

• high inflation
• unemployment
• currency instability

Regional proxy warfare

Iran is widely accused of supporting armed groups across the region.

Iran and the Funding of Armed Groups

Iran’s foreign policy strategy includes support for non-state actors aligned with its interests.

These groups include:

• Hezbollahin Lebanon
• Hamasin Gaza
• Palestinian Islamic Jihad
• Houthisin Yemen

Critics say Iran provides:

• weapons
• funding
• training
• intelligence support

Supporters argue these groups form part of a resistance axis” against Western influence and Israeli military power.

This proxy strategy has contributed to conflicts across:

• Lebanon
• Syria
• Iraq
• Yemen
• Gaza

What Happens if the Iranian Regime Continues

If the current system remains in power, several outcomes are possible.

Continued regional rivalry

Iran’s competition with countries like Saudi Arabia and Israel is likely to continue.

Ongoing proxy conflicts

Support for militant groups could sustain instability across the Middle East.

Nuclear tensions

Concerns over Iran’s nuclear program would likely remain a central issue in global diplomacy.

What Happens if the Regime Collapses

Regime collapse could produce several possible scenarios.

Positive possibilities

• political reform
• improved relations with Western countries
• reduced regional proxy warfare
• reduced extremism and terrorists attacks related to Hamas, Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Houthis.

Negative possibilities

• increased extremism and terrorism
• fragmentation of the Iranian state
• regional power struggles
• civilian casualties

Another potential indicator of regime instability would be defections from Iran’s military, intelligence services, and public administration.

If internal unrest intensifies or the regime weakens, senior military officers, security officials, diplomats, and technocrats may seek asylum abroad, particularly in Europe, North America, or neighboring states.

Such defections could have several consequences:

• Intelligence gains for rival states, including information on Iran’s military capabilities, nuclear program, and proxy networks.
• Diplomatic tensions, as Tehran would likely accuse host countries of harboring traitors.
• Migration pressures, especially if military, professionals and skilled officials begin leaving in large numbers.
• Institutional weakening inside Iran, as experienced personnel abandon the state leaving only the extremists and Iranian civilians.

Historically, waves of elite defections often signal declining confidence within a regime’s own institutions and can precede deeper political instability.

Countries Most Likely to Be Affected

Several regions would feel the impact most strongly.

Middle East

Countries directly affected by Iran’s current policies include:

• Israel
• Saudi Arabia
• Lebanon
• Syria
• Iraq
• Yemen

Energy markets

Iran controls access near the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping route through which a large share of global oil passes.

South Asia and the Indian Ocean

Countries such as India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka could be affected by:

• shipping disruptions
• refugee flows
• geopolitical rivalry

The debate over Iran’s future is not simply about one government. It reflects broader global tensions involving:

• ideology
• security
• energy
• regional power balance

Whether the Islamic Republic of Iran continues or changes, the consequences will extend far beyond Iran itself, shaping geopolitics across the Middle East, Asia, and the wider international system.

Let us now look at the more important demographic, societal, ideological consequences if the Iranian regime strengthens and Western influence is defeated including the impact on terrorism, extremism across the region & globally.

1. Regional Terrorism and Extremism Expansion

If the Iranian regime consolidates its power:

• Proxy networks could expand further: Groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, Houthis, and other militias would likely grow in influence and reach.
• Terrorist training and operations could increase in the Middle East, North Africa, and potentially in South and Central Asia.
• Safe havens for extremist organizations may solidify, making counterterrorism efforts by the West and regional powers more difficult.

Conflict spillover:

Neighboring states may face cross-border attacks, insurgencies, or refugee crises.

Implication: Regional instability would likely increase, and extremist ideologies could find fertile ground in failed or fragile states.

2. Demographic and Societal Shifts

Long-term demographic trends are relevant for global planning and social cohesion:

• White population in Europe and North America is declining in many countries due to aging, low birth rates and cultural shocks like the promotion of LGBTQIA – discouraging marriage and having children and turning males into females and females into males. The damage this ideological propaganda is doing will be realized too late for reversals.

While

• Muslim populations are growing not only in Muslim majority nations but, particularly in Europe, parts of Africa, and Asia.

If Islamist extremist movements gain influence in regions where Muslims are a minority, there could be increased social tension, cultural friction, or security concerns.

Non-extremist Muslims may feel constrained or coerced in areas where extremist ideology gains influence. This is indicative in the increasing number of youth from well-to-do Muslim families joining jihadi ideology. 32 members of 4 families in Sri Lanka joined the ISIS in Syria in 2017, two years later in 2019 Sri Lanka faced mass murder on Easter Sunday also by 8 well-to-do Muslims.

Implication: Rapid social and demographic changes could produce migration pressures, urban instability, and cultural clashes if unchecked.

3. Economic Consequences

Iran’s strategic location and influence over energy routes, especially near the Strait of Hormuz, could amplify risks:

• Global oil and gas supply disruptions if conflicts or extremist operations interfere with shipping.
• Rising energy prices and inflation worldwide.
• Economic instability in countries reliant on Middle Eastern energy, including Europe, India, China, and Japan.
• Potential impact on global trade through the Indian Ocean, affecting South Asia and East Africa.

Implication: A strong Iranian regime can create economic ripple effects far beyond its borders, with non-Muslim populations being indirectly affected.

4. Political and Security Consequences

• Weakening of Western influence in the Middle East could embolden other authoritarian or militant regimes setting stage for a historical clash of the civilizatons.
• Strategic allies of the U.S. and Israel, such as Gulf Arab states, would be forced into defensive or militarized postures.
• Heightened risk of regional arms races, including nuclear proliferation and missile deployment.

Implication: Global and regional security could be destabilized, and countries without direct stakes may face secondary threats.

5. Societal and Cultural Implications

• Expansion of extremist ideologies can limit civil liberties, especially for women, secular communities, and non-extremist Muslims.
• Education systems, media freedom, and cultural expression may be curtailed in regions influenced by militant groups.
• Potential brain drain: skilled populations may emigrate from unstable regions, weakening local economies.

Implication: Even populations not directly involved in conflicts could experience loss of rights, societal restrictions, and economic stagnation.

6. If the Regime Survives the new Iranian leader

• May declare willingness to engage with enemy camp and re-negotiate
• A possible understanding to end military-financial-support to armed groups & agreement to disarm them (flip side would be these groups turning against the

Implication: While risky, regime survival depends on internal moderation versus militant expansion.

7. If the Regime Expands Its Influence

• Expansion of proxy and extremist networks globally, possibly reaching new regions.
• Increased terrorist attacks in unstable or minority regions, directly affecting non-Muslims, minorities, and moderate Muslims.
• Long-term geopolitical polarization, especially between Western powers, Russia, China, and Middle Eastern blocs.
• Migration crises and social disruption in Europe, South Asia, and Africa as people flee conflict zones.

Implication: Failure to check extremist expansion would have direct, indirect, and long-term consequences for global populations, economies, and political systems.

Global Stakes and Warnings: A Message to the West and Iran

The above underscores a critical reality: the continuation or expansion of the Iranian regime is not a regional issue alone — it is a global concern affecting security, economies, demographics, and societal stability.

To Western Powers (U.S., Israel, Europe, Allies):

1. Military interventions and regime-change attempts have historically destabilized entire regions, as seen in Iraq, Libya, and Syria.
2. Military interventions and regime-change in nations that could have been West-friendly have turned anti-West due to propping puppets into power.
3. Allowing extremist networks aligned with Iran to expand unchecked risks terrorist attacks, migration crises, energy disruptions, and social upheavalfar beyond the Middle East.
4. Diplomatic, economic, and intelligence strategies must be carefully thought through to contain extremist influence without provoking unnecessary state collapse, which could create chaos worse than the current situation.

To the Iranian Regime:

1. Continued support for extremist proxies and militant ideologies strengthens Iran’s regional influence but comes at the cost of global isolation, economic sanctions, and perpetual conflict and discontent of its own people.
2. Expansionist or aggressive policies risk drawing in powerful external actors, potentially provoking military escalation that could devastate the region and endanger Iranian civilians.
3. There is a window to balance internal governance, regional alliances, and moderation, ensuring regime survival without creating an unsustainable global crisis.

Key Takeaways for the World:

• Extremist ideologies flourish when state structures weaken or when unchecked. A strong, militarized Iran may deter direct Western intervention, but it also amplifies risks for non-Muslims, minorities, moderate Muslims, and global populationsexposed to terrorism.
• Global stability requires mutual restraint, strategic containment, and realistic assessment of demographics, energy dependencies, and security architecture.
• History has shown that ignoring the spread of militant ideology leads to widespread human, economic, and geopolitical costs. The lessons of Iraq, Libya, Syria, and beyond are clear: instability breeds extremism.

The Imperative:

• For the West: containment and diplomacy must be strategic, not ideological— avoid provoking state collapse while countering terrorism
• For Iran: survival must prioritize internal moderation and measured regional influenceover global destabilization.
• The reliance on extremist/terrorist groups to strengthen one’s reach needs to be reassessed. It has not borne any dividends except for those who profit from wars.
• For the world: awareness, preparedness, and proactive counterterrorism are essential to mitigate the risks that arise when extremist networks gain strength.

The path forward requires strategic rethinking.

For the West, it is containment and engagement over ideological intervention.

For Iran, it is moderation and responsible influence over expansionist ambition.

For the world, it is preparedness and proactive counterterrorism to prevent extremist networks from reshaping global stability.

The future of Iran’s regime is not a distant regional concern; it has profound implications for the world’s social, economic, and demographic balance. A strong, unmoderated Iran risks expanding extremist networks that exacerbate migration pressures, alter demographic trends, and intensify cultural friction in Europe, South Asia, Africa, and beyond. Conversely, Western interventions that destabilize Iran could trigger refugee crises and further accelerate demographic upheavals especially when terrorists embed as refugees/asylum seekers. UK and Europe are now experiencing such violence and crimes.

Global stability now hinges not only on containment of terrorism and careful diplomacy but also on understanding the societal and demographic consequences of Iran’s actions. For the West: strategic restraint and targeted counterterrorism are vital. For Iran: internal moderation and responsible regional influence are essential to avoid long-term global and domestic crises. Demographics, ideology, and migration are as critical as missiles and politics — and they demand urgent attention from all actors involved.

Whether the Islamic Republic endures, reforms, or collapses, the consequences will not stop at Iran’s borders. The choices made in Tehran, Washington, and regional capitals today may shape the security, demographics, and stability of the international system for decades to come.

Shenali D Waduge

Nava Thakuria

Guwahati: Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi  congratulated the people of Nepal and also the interim government in Kathmandu for the successful completion of 2026 general elections on 5 March saying, It is heartening to see my Nepali sisters and brothers exercise their democratic rights so vibrantly.” Commenting on his verified social media account,  PM Modi also added, As a close friend and neighbour, India remains steadfast in its commitment to working closely with the people of Nepal and their new government to scale new heights of shared peace, progress and prosperity.” Later he had telephone conversations with both Rabi Lamichhane, chairman of the winning party Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and Balendra Shah, party leader and prime ministerial candidate, where Modi congratulated them on their electoral victories. Modi also reaffirmed New Delhi’s commitment to work with the new Kathmandu government for mutual prosperity, progress and well-being of both the countries.

Meanwhile, the RSP has recorded a resounding victory in the first election after the violent youth uprising in September 2025 that shook the Himalayan nation of 30 million people by winning 125 seats out of 165 constituencies where polling was conducted to fill up the 275-member House of Representatives. Balendra, the young engineer-turned rapper-turned politician even defeated his nearest rival KP Sharma Oli, the veteran Marxist in his home turf (Jhapa-5 constituency of eastern Nepal). The former Kathmandu mayor  defeated Oli by a margin of around  50,000 votes  in the electoral battles and set to become the next Prime Minister of the Hindu majority republic. Mentionable is that the four-time premier, who leads the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) was ousted last year during the deadly anti-corruption uprising. The CPN (UML) even got restricted in  9 seats only, whereas country’s oldest party

Nepali Congress emerged a distant second with  18 constituencies.  According to the Nepal Election Commission, Nepali Communist Party succeeded in 7 seats followed by Shram Sanskriti Party (3) and pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (1). Lamichhane, the founder of the RSP, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal alias Prachanda, who led the anti-monarchy violent movement (1996 to 2006) and fought the electoral battle with an NCP candidate won in their respective constituencies. However, NC president Gagan Thapa lost the battle.  The other 110 members in the national parliament will be elected by proportional voting system, where the RSP received altogether 48,11,673 votes, followed by NC (16,18,838), CPN-UML (13,48,368), NCP (7,32,992), SSP (3,41,032), RPP (3,15,438), Nepal Janata Samajwadi Party (1,64,816), National Change Party (1,60,578), Janamat Party (73,411), etc.

More than 60 % of total 19 million Nepali voters exercised their franchise in the election, where 10 women candidates (nine nominated by RSP and one by NC) emerged victorious. The single phase election, conducted under the mentorship of the interim government led by retired judge Sushila Karki, was largely peaceful. The former chief justice of Nepal was sworn in on 12 September 2025 (she  became the first woman in the republic’s highest executive office) following which Ms Karki announced the  next election within six months.  As the RSP sets out to form a single-party government in a decade, Balendra will be the youngest head of  Nepal government and first one from Madhesh province. Located in the southeastern region, bordering India’s Uttar Pradesh  and Bihar States, the province is believed by Sanatani Hindus to be the birthplace of Maa Sita (of great epic Ramayana) when it was known as Janakpur.

Balendra, before the battle of ballots to reach the Singha Durbar, attracted global media attention by withdrawing the China-backed Damak project in Jhapa district from the election manifesto. Strategically located near to Siliguri corridor (Chicken’s neck) in India, the project (lately renamed as Nepal-China Friendship Industrial Park) is linked to Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative, which was considered as an annoying development for arch rival New Delhi. Otherwise, the energetic Maithili speaker assured to  promote  ‘Nepal First’ theory in dealing with even foreign policies, create 1.2 million jobs to address the growing unemployment problem and frustration among Nepali youths, establish social safety measures including healthcare insurance facilities  and other welfare initiatives to the entire poverty-stricken  population of the south Asian nation.