Palitha M Senanayake

JVP rose to popularity in the 1960’s with the theme that the political left at the time headed by the LSSP is too engrossed in leftist political theory to be of relevance to the Sri Lankan politics at the time. This was quite evident in a situation where the LSSP, being the opposition to the UNP in 1952, got dethroned by SWRD’s MEP to be the third force in the parliament in 1956. Since then, the LSSP could never regain its ground to be a the alternative force of the Sri Lankan politics although the party had intellectual and honest persons in its senior cadre. True the LSSP stalwarts were wedded to their theory which pronounced religion as opium to the masses and love for ones nationality as a capitalist ploy to remain in power. The left believed in a society devoid of religious beliefs and no nationalities. These theories propounded by Karl Marx and put in to practice by Lenin appeared agreeable to the situation in Soviet Russia in the post Tzarists scenario.

This is mainly because the Tzars, while being cruel an unreasonable in their governance used religion as a tool to control the masses. The Tzar projected himself as the agent of God and made almost all his proclamations of unjust laws as those emanating from the ‘will of God’. Thus, it soon became apparent that unjust rulers could exploit religious beliefs of the masses to justify their unjust rule. As for the nationality, the theory of Marx was that the proletariat whose needs are common in the world over, need no barrier of nationalism to prevent from getting together. It advocated class distinction against the nationhood of Tsarist Russia that supported upper class in the society as a requisite in structuring national governance. The Marxist theory advocated an international utopia where there are no caste, religious and national barriers.

A fact in the evolutions of world political theories is that every political theory in the history has risen in response to a particular situation. Thus, the theories of Karl Marx were quite in place for the Russian revolution to inspire the masses to bring about a change of its rulers. The question however, is whether those theories that suited Soviet Russia under the Tsar could be applicable in the Ceylonese society post-independence. We had no Tsars here and the country was just coming out of a period of 400-years of colonialism. Therefore, there was no grounds to vilify religion and nationalism here and on the other hand the requirement was to support masses oppressed for 400 years and that would be to support what is indigenous against what is foreign to the masses. Yet the LSSP made the cardinal mistake of taking on Sinhalese nationalism and Buddhism, placing those in the place of Tsar’s religious concept whereas in reality they were part of the proletariat fighting for liberation after a 400- year oppression. They called King Dutugemunu a ‘Gadol Modaya’ and ridiculed all forms of Singhala resurgence. LSSP campaigned against the Citizenship act of the UNP Government that sought to disenfranchise the migrant South Indian labor 1951 was done to support the workers but the general masses viewed that as a patronization of a colonial appendage.

Further the LSSP attacked Sinhala nationalism in the face of Tamil militancy when in actual fact Tamil separatism initiated by Pan Tamil state of Ponnambala Arunachalam in 1923 and the nostalgic sentiments of Tamil Diaspora were the chauvinist causes that fuelled the Tamil militancy. Thus the LSSP died a natural death for going against the cherished ideals of a new nation. Even the like of Tissa Vitharana, an ardent supporters of Tamil militancy till recently, seemed to have now realized that by supporting that line they identified themselves with the imperialist forces like the US and Britain who patronize Tamil militancy.

The JVP presented itself in the political firmament in the late 1960’s with a band of young men and a new political rhetoric that appealed to the marginalized in a caste-conscious melee. The party became very popular among the young including the university students who were bent on radicalizing the society to achieve their well-intentioned social objectives.  Yet even after 50 years in politics the JVP’s appeal is limited to a few youth organizations and all it could muster are a few seats in Parliament (6); thanks to JRs proportional representation. This is again, in spite of the very honest and agile political role it has played in the current Sri Lankan political establishment.

Therefore, it is time the JVP had a look at its political strategy if it hoped to make an impact in the future course of political events in the country. The truth however is that the JVP is taking the same road that the LSSP took decades ago into political oblivion. The JVP too thinks that the theories of Karl Marx are universal irrespective of the context a particular society is placed in. JVP too take Sinhala nationalism as ‘Jathiwadeya’ and embrace Tamil chauvinism as the nemesis of Sinhala nationalism when in actual fact Sinhala nationalism was a result of Tamil chauvinism whith a history dating back to 1923. It was Tamil Chauvinism who opposed the granting of universal franchise to Ceylon in 1931 and the liberalization of education in the country in 1945. Yet the JVP of Anura Kumara is very comfortable in marching alongside Sumanthiran who represents the interest of Tamil racialism and that of UK and US in bifurcating the country.

It is a fact that the JVP too, could not make headway in its political popularity during the past 4 decades due to its blind adherence to Marxist dogma without being sensitive to the aspirations of the indigenous population. Then to make things worse, today the JVP stands with the imperialist in their quest to destabilize Sri Lanka. The initiation of the 20^th amendment to the constitution will be the swan song of the JVP, just as the anti Citizenship bill of 1952 was, of the LSSP.