Dr. K M Wasantha Bandara

It can be very logically proven that six international agendas are being implemented together -at one and the same time-under the current Ranil Wickramasinghe rule. It can be clearly proven that the final goal is to weaken the government of Sri Lanka, break down the structure of society, and make it dependent politically and economically. A very potent space was created historically to initiate the entire agenda and lay it on Sri Lanka by the ’77 government change. Thereafter it can be seen that the journey which has systematically progressed, under different governments by now has reached its zenith under the direction of President Ranil Wickramasinghe.
Of these agendas, the first is the separatist agenda; President Ranil Wickramasinghe emboldened by a courage that none of the seven earlier Presidents had states that he would enforce fully the 13th Constitutional amendment. That is, the road will be laid for the Eelam State by creating a complete Federal state, constitutionally. An argument can be made that he gets such courage because of the support and guidance he gets from outside. The reason is that by now it has been proved with evidence that there had been a strong American and Indian mediation to overturn the Gotabhaya Rajapakse rule which had people’s mandate of 69 laks, and bring into power Ranil Wickramasinghe who had no mandate from the people.
It is now evident that the relevant people had known the final outcome of the drama – ‘Gota Go Home’, purportedly scripted by under the Second Secretary of USA, Victoria Nuland, set to music by the Indian Defence Advisor, Ajit Doval, directed by the American Ambassador Julie Liyon Chang- was ‘Ranil Come Back’. It is very clear that the majority of the simple honest youth who performed the role of actors and spectators had seen only ‘Gota-Go-Home’ on the cover, and not the last line in the copy – ‘Ranil-Come-Back’. Is it not on this reality that Mr. Anura Kumara Dissanayake -the leader of the JVP- expressing his ideas about the so-called Galle Face Drama, accept that he has supported the anti-revolution, thinking it was the revolution?
Now it has come to light that on the manuscript of the drama, one of the two conclusions could have been reached. Suppose it had been possible to assassinate President Gotabhaya Rajapakse and fuel public protests across the country, the situation to establish an interim government with international intervention would have arisen as had happened in Libya. That would have created the environment to implement the above agenda very quickly and by force. When the tragedy faced by the Libyan and Iraqi public is observed, it can be accepted that the same fate would have followed the people of Sri Lanka.
But with the failure to build up public protest as in Libya as mentioned above, it is very clear that Plan B relevant to the manuscript was put in force. That is the creation of the space necessary to continue the agenda by empowering Ranil Wickramasinghe as the most suitable alternative. Now it has been proved that Ranil Wickramasinghe had known the role given over to him according to Victoria Nuland’s script, and that he had been prepared for it. His advisor Prof Ashu Marasinghe and Minister Harin Fernando have acknowledged in public that they had been told to provide all support for the success of the protest. It can also be well argued that he accepts the posts in Parliament on a definite calendar on a specific road map.
Thus, there is no doubt that Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe is now under severe pressure from his masters who have put him into power. Especially considering the manner, he has been dealing with India during the recent past, shows that the Indian agenda which is the third of the six agendas handed over to him has been given priority. It is a historical fact that the Indian agenda is based on the Panikkar theory-tied up with the separatist agenda or the 1st agenda. It was in 1932 that the Mahabharath theory or the Panikkar theory was put forward and it became one of the principles on which the RAW, India’s external intelligence service bases its foreign policy. According to that, Maha Bharat must be created with the annexation of all smaller kingdoms associated with India through agreements as semi- independent states. At the recently conducted G20 summit Narendra Modi identified India as Bharatha. In addition, the map of Bharatha displayed at the Indian Parliament included Sri Lanka too.

The independent state of Sikkim was attached as the 22nd state-protectorate of India in 1975, according to the Panikkar theory. The Prime Minister of the country at the time Lhendup Dorji-the Indian agent like the prime minister of Sri Lanka-Ranil Wickramasinghe, lost ignominiously in 1974. Consequently, very much like the Galle Face protest, with the mediation of India, public agitation was pursued against the king that the relevant election was corrupt. The king accepting it, had to call for fresh elections. Then the Prime Minister who had suffered an ignominious defeat could secure a strong victory with Indian mediation. Finally on conforming with all agreements presented by India within a year, Lhendup Dorji was able to aspire to the governorship of the 22nd protectorate of India. When that situation is applied to Sri Lanka, the question can be raised whether the Indian agenda cannot be implemented within the Gotabhaya Rajapakse regime making use of Basil Rajapakse. It is a fact that Mr. Basil Rajapakse went to India in November 2021, and agreed to a number of serious strategic processes such as handing over the oil tank complex at Trincomalee to India, handing over the monopoly of power generating projects in the North and East to the Adani company, providing permission to establish the largest alcohol manufacturing plant in Asia under the pretext of purifying sugar, as well as a land of 20,000 acres belonging to the Kantalai Sugar Factory to another Indian company , finalizing matters regarding the handing over of the Western jetty of the Colombo Port to the Adani Company, and bringing the surveillance of the Sri Lanka maritime zone under the Indian navy .

However, it is not surprising that the RAW Intelligence Service admitted that it was not possible to achieve the Indian objectives on a short-term basis under the Gotabhaya regime due to two reasons. The first was that, however much Basil Rajapakse tried, it was very clear that their final target could not be achieved without breaking down the Sinhala Buddhist force that empowered the Gotabhaya regime. Accordingly, it had to be accepted that chasing away Gotabhaya and breaking the backbone of the majority Sinhala Buddhist forces must happen simultaneously. The second was to escalate the economic crisis further and subject the economy of Sri Lanka to the sympathetic affiliation of India. It was clear that for that to the happen the most appropriate was to bring down the economy further and become the saviour by helping and finally adapt the strategic approach of ‘Gota go home-Ranil come back’.

There can be no argument that prior to examining the length and breadth of the Sardar Panikkar agenda, a basic introduction to the rest of the agendas is called for. Accordingly, it must be admitted that the third agenda, that Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe has grasped firmly, is the agenda related to the geopolitical needs of America -or the Indo Pacific region. It is seen that some political novices seem to think that there is a contradiction between the Indian and the American agenda. But it becomes apparent, on a practical basis that there is no contradiction, when looking at the agreements reached by India and America through the NATO in Asia which is the QUAD organization. India and America have agreed on four war and defence agreements-BECA, GSOMIA, LEMOA, COMCASA. The areas of joint training, operations, unifying intelligence services, exchange of information and provision of war supplies are covered by these.
Additionally, India has shown no objection whatsoever to the ACSA and SOFA agreements signed between America and Sri Lanka based on accommodating the land and the harbors of Sri Lanka for the use of the American army. Nor has India shown any objection whatsoever to the MCC agreement that Sri Lanka is being compelled to sign, or the agreements reached recently by the government with the heads of the CIA and NATO who were here recently on unifying the intelligence services. Accordingly, what is left to complete the American agenda given over to President Ranil Wickramasinghe on their Indo-Pacific agenda is to agree on the ‘Annexure B’ that has been presented by now and sign the MCC agreement. It can be assumed that these will take place on winning the next Presidential election.

When the three agreements-ACSA, SOFA, and MCC related to the American or the Indo-Pacific agenda are implemented, it will be possible to make use of the entirety of the landmass of Sri Lanka according to the Indo-American unified war strategies. Accordingly, a soldier, an officer of the American army, or a contractor who provides services to those armies can enter the country by air or sea. It will not be necessary to obtain prior permission for such. In addition, they can, travel to any place within the country making use of air, sea or highways and camp in any place. They could go about in the country in or out of uniform, armed or unarmed, and their travelling bags and vehicles may not be examined on any occasion. The opportunity is created by the MCC to obtain the land necessary for supplies and to establish the supply center for the American armies in the vicinity of Trincomalee.

The network of new industries and the other required facilities will be established in proximity to Trincomalee according to the plan already drawn by Surbana Jurong -the Advisory Company of Singapore. Permission has been granted for such only to Indian, American, and Japanese companies. It is reported that Victoria Nuland who came to Sri Lanka and India recently, in discussions with Subramaniam Jaishankar, the Foreign Minister in India, had come to an agreement that an Indo -American united war supply centre be established in Sri Lanka in the vicinity of Trincomalee. Doesn’t all this clearly indicate that there is no discrepancy between the Indian agenda and the American in relation to Sri Lanka?

Now it becomes apparent, that the agenda Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe is implementing currently, very bravely and strongly is the fourth or the IMF agenda. It is based on the theory of Milton Freedman- ‘the economy must be governed by the market’. According to that, the private sector must perform the major role of the Economy, and the state’s role will be minimized by privatizing state-owned land and reducing responsibility. By facilitating free trade with no obstruction, the opportunity is created for global multi-national companies to appropriate the entire economy of Sri Lanka. Already under the guise of selling off loss making state institutes, the process of selling off even those that do make profits has been started. The selling of farms and other land that belong to the government also comes under that.
The destruction of the economy of the country as a whole can be taken as agenda five. This process was initiated with fanfare in 1977, and by now it is reaching its conclusion in the economic crisis. Within this the system of local manufacturing will break down and the security of power and food will be endangered. Under the tax policy, and the energy policy introduced by the Ranil Wickramasinghe government the local producer is exposed further to difficulties and it is reported that by now over 2000 industries have been
closed. Bringing about economic dependence, the IMF agenda as well as the Indo-American agenda are tied together. Indian companies have got the opportunity to acquire local companies at a pittance in the situation where they collapse due to the depreciation of the rupee.

The process of breaking down society, implemented from colonial times, which is proceeding fast under the government of Ranil Wickramasinghe can be identified as agenda six. The strategic approach related to colonial rule was the break-up of society through taking over the government. But within the current process, it can be clearly seen that the strategy of weakening the state and its subjugation is achieved through the breakdown of society. Then as now what was used to break down society was to break down strong social institutes. Three such social institutes can be recognized in Sri Lanka. The first is the sangha, the second the family and the third the individual. In a civilizational state” such as ours, the individual too becomes a social institute because the individual performs a strong role within society in maintaining the system of social values. There is evidence that various militant political parties are made use of to continue the process of breaking down society by making the individual violent and break down the individual by making society violent.

Meanwhile in the name of preventing domestic violence, providing justice to the LGBT community, and that by making the individual violent overall, the final objective is to break down the institute of the family. In addition, it can be clearly seen that the process launched from within and without to break down the sangha society has reached its climax. On considering the historical role played by the Sangha to balance power between the people and the king, it is very clear that by breaking down the power of the sangha society, not only will it bring about the fall of the power of the sangha society, but it will simultaneously bring about the fall of society, and weaken the power of the state by allowing it to go astray.

Out of the six agendas that are concurrently implemented, the Indian agenda is moving forwards rapidly. As per Mr. Milinda Moragoda – former ambassador to India and the unofficial American ambassador- and according to the researchers at the Jawaharlal Nehru University who provide intellectual
guidance to the Indian RAW intelligence organization, there is only one alternative for Sri Lanka to get over the economic crisis. That is for the Sri Lankan economy to be unified with the Indian economy. That six basic accessories will be made use of for this unification was made very clear in the joint statement made by Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe and Mr. Narendra Modi on 22nd last July. These six accessories will be made use of as an extension of the strategic assets and the processes launched so far and that it is the climax of the final objective. A long list can be identified related to it.

First, acquisition of the Oil Tank complex at Trincomalee and the Western jetty at the Colombo port. Meanwhile, there is pressure imposed to acquire the Eastern jetty and a new jetty at the Trincomalee harbour. Secondly, as an extension of the same, acquiring the significant business concerns and the land strategically significant in the Northern and Eastern provinces. As examples: acquiring the power projects at Pooneryn and Sampur and the islands off Jaffna ,obtaining priority for investment in the investment zone related to the Trincomalee harbour, 20,000 acres of land belonging to the sugar factory in Kantalai, space to obtain production rights for the production of alcohol on a massive scale as well as to acquire the market for sugar , acquiring the farms of the National Livestock Development Board, acquiring the local economy for milk by acquiring the Milco company, obtaining the right to explore mineral oils in the seas of Mannar, and Cauvery, converting the airports at Palaly and Batticaloa as civil airports and bringing them under an Indian monopoly, acquiring the authority for the transport of passengers and goods related to the harbour at Kankasanthurai, initiating the process of acquiring Sri Lankan Air Lines and the Mattala Airport belong to this list.

In addition, India has obtained a lot of strategic military advantages by getting the opportunity to enter the data system of the country through the project of digitally registering identity cards as well as the right to direct the intelligence service associated with the ocean zones of Sri Lanka. The climax of all this is the joint statement made as above on 22nd July 2023. It brings about facilities for these six accessories for economic unification. Already the Central Bank Act has been revised to provide room for such. The second is the unification of custom tariffs and the tax policies. The ETCA agreement provides facilities for this. With the ETCA the opportunity is created for Indian persons and services to enter Sri Lanka freely. An Indian will get to enjoy the rights enjoyed by a Sri Lankan within Sri Lanka. The fourth is the unification of power and energy, and the fifth is the unification of the harbour and the airport, in other words the unification of the logistics and supply system. The sixth is geographical unification trough highways and railways.

Thereby it is clear that the economy of Sri Lanka will in totality be joined with the economy of India. It has been revealed that to acquire all these, India is not only making use of the economic crisis faced by Sri Lanka but also using its influence to take relevant decisions to exacerbate the crisis faced by Sri Lanka. For example, the floating of the rupee, by bring about its value to a very low level, and announcing bankruptcy, a situation has been created where India alone must be depended on for financial support and loans.

It is seen that in creating and fostering this crisis, and for the launching of its objective India invests less than USD 5000 million. It is no secret that every dollar will go back to India and that a profit too is earned on every dollar. Accordingly, the process that began in July 2020, by providing the facility of a currency swap of 400 million dollars, has increased to a loan of 1500 million dollars in November 2021, for buying essentials and fuel from India. A further credit facility of 500 million dollars was provided in January 2022, a currency swap of 400 million and a further credit facility of 500 million dollars to purchase fuel. Later, in February and March 2022, a further 500 million dollars each month were provided for the purchase of fuel. It is no secret that the fuel purchased from Russia at very low cost is sold to Sri Lanka at a profit 0f 50%. On every occasion when exchange or credit was thus provided, six MOU s had been signed as surety of such acquisitions and six relevant agreements too have been signed.

As a result of all these, by having to depend on India for credit, by the time all the joint unifications are concluded, it is a question of time when Sri Lanka will be a principality of India, just as Sikkim was. Most probably if Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe wins the Presidential election, it will only take a year for Sri Lanka to be the 29th principality of India and for Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe to be a governor of India like Lendhup Dorji. But there is no doubt that the process will not stop with Sri Lanka being the 29th principality but will proceed forwards till Eelam the 30th principality is created. The reason is that though Sri Lanka has been invaded 17 times in history, it has not been feasible to make Sri Lanka a principality of India. Therefore, to keep Sri Lanka under subjugation for a long time a pre -condition is the separatist agenda. The creation of two states is a strategic move, that will ensure a prolonged and bloody struggle between the externally funded central government and the people of the newly created states, bringing about in perpetua vincere” a bloody combat which will achieve the necessary destruction of the socio-cultural ethos of 2500 years. It is on this precondition that the Indian State provides a strong influence to enforce the 13th amendment in full and holding the provincial council elections. Accordingly, most probably either Mr. Sumanthiran or Mr. Wigneswaran would get the post of Governor of the 30th principality. In addition, on the common Indo-American agenda, in other words Indo-Pacific war strategy, there is no doubt that the Eelam state would be the Israel of Asia. It must be recorded that, then the people identified as Sri Lankans especially those identified as Buddhists will face the fate faced by those in the Gaza today. Within a discussion of Indian expansionism, the earliest political analysis was put forward by Rohana Wijeweera.
Dr. K M Wasantha Bandara

By Garvin Karunaratne

Posted on March 4th, 2021,republished in view of attempts to implement the 13 th Amendment

 I have in several of my Papers detailed as to  Why the 13 th Amendment should be abolished. I have detailed my experiences in my eighteen years’ service in the Administrative Service implementing development programmes islandwide. To state briefly if I were to work in either the agricultural marketing sector, the agrarian extension sector or the small industries sector I will not be able to achieve any target purely because the subjects are devolved(not decentralized) and the implementation of any policy determined by the Minister working at the Centre, on policies laid down by the Houses of Parliament  will depend on the whims and fancies of the Provincial Ministers. Officers in the provinces takes orders from him.

 The full effect of the 13 th Amendment even without devolving land and police powers has not yet been felt because the Provincial Ministers have not asserted their full rights.

 I am most thankful to Cecil Dharmasena of the Department of Agriculture, for his insightful article that appeared in The Island of 22/4/2013. Let me quote a few of his words, which fully support my above statement:

Referring to agricultural extension today he states:

The lack of an organized and coordinated extension and advisory system today as we had in the past(prior to the Provincial Administration System) where the Department of Agriculture through its comprehensive islandwide extension Division provided an efficient service appears to be the biggest drawback in agriculture at present.”

 The situation today he says is that all types of agencies of the Provincial Councils and private sector offer confusing services”.

 He details what happened to the Department of Agriculture after the implementation of the 13 th Amendment. The Department was broken up, the research division broken into independent institutes, the extension service given to the Provincial Councils and the seed farms sold to the private sector.

 Harking back to my days ”…” up to 1973, the Department of Agriculture had a full control over the technical side of Agriculture. At the divisional level there was an Agricultural Instructor, an officer who had two years’s study at the Agricultural School. Under him were several  Overseers- Krushi Vyapti Sevakas at the village level. They had an year’s training in agriculture. This was an effective service. In addition, after the Paddy Lands Act was enforced in came the Agrarian Services Department with cultivation committees at the grass roots level. This Department had Divisional Officers at the Divisional level and Overseers at the village level. The Overseers had an years’ training in agriculture. The Cultivation Committees took over grass roots level planning. Today the Paddy Lands Act is no more and the cultivation committees do not exist.

 Another important change that took place is that the  Overseers of the Agriculture Department- the Krushi Vyapti Sevakas were all promoted as Grama Sevakas( now Grama Niladharis) during the time of President Premadasa. No official trained in agriculture took their place.  After a few years’ lapse when the Agricultural Instructor at the Divisional Level did not have a single Overseer Assistant, during the days of President Kumaranatunge , O Level qualified youths were appointed as Niyamakas.

 This was the extension system that was bequeathed to the Provincial Councils. Cecil Dharmasena has stated that the efficiency of the extension system depended entirely in the hands of the Provincial Minister of Agriculture.

 My own experience with the agricultural extension system under the Provincial Council administration is detailed in my book: How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka.& Alternate Programs of Success”.(Godages):

The entire  agriculture department has to get a bone shake which I hope can get done. In about 1997, running my small family farm I had the occasion to visit the extension centers at Kadawata and Delgoda. The officers there did not know the exact amount of fertilizer that I should use and when. At my insistence they raked their files and provided me with details. The circular advised the use of  ammonium sulphate and urea  at the basal stage  and no mention was made of the top dressing. ¦ About a year later I dropped into one of these Centers and to my amazement  I found that even then  the top dressing had not been incorporated into the advice. . In our inefficiency we are wasting fertilizer.”. This fully supports Cecil Dharmasena’s statement that the extension system is in shambles. My comments pertain to the late Nineties while Dharmasena speaks of the extension service of today.

 Sri Lanka is a small country which is smaller than a State in India and there is no necessity to devolve any subject in administration. Under the 13 th Amendment we have devolved many subjects and accordingly the extension sections of the Department of Agriculture and the Department oif Agrarian Services has been handed over to the Provincial Councils.

 In my days in the Agrarian Services, I was once in charge of fertilizer distribution and we sent out the first circular on fertilizer use for the entire island and this was immediately enforced through the cultivation committees. Not so any more. The futility of devolution is easily realized when one realizes that the Kegalla and Ratnapura Districts which come under the Sabaragamuwa Province is only some 25 miles away from the City of Colombo. It is inimical for Provinces situated in close proximity to have an extension service that is not coordinated. In my days if a circular left the main department signed by the Commissioner or his Deputy it had to be effective. Not so now because one will have to contact the Provincial Ministers and cajole them. In my days as a Senior Assistant Commissioner any communication from me was acted on in the entire island on the next day. Not so now my paper will sit on the Provincial Minister’s desk and mind you there are  a number of them. 

 It is also well known and not disputed by anyone that the 13 th Amendment was drafted by India and imposed on our country under duress by Rajiv Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India. Though President Jayawardena shivered in his boots and gave in and forced his Members of Parliament to vote for it. The fact remains that President Jayawardena held all his members of parliament incarcerated in a Five Star Hotel and they were all marched to parliament to vote. What Democracy! This fact is proved because the Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel shouted and stated that he was not among the incarcerated.   Though the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, also under duress (judges quarters were stoned),gave legitimacy to it, the 13 th Amendment remains a foreign appendage onto our Constitution.

 I am certain that if any Provincial Council asserts itself, the working of all Government Departments will totally cease from the Centre and the implementation of the policies laid down by Acts of Parliament can no longer be a reality.

 This will be the situation once a TNA which is pro Tamil Nadu and also following the LTTE agenda of separation is elected.  The Government will be faced with a crisis of severe dimension, a situation that will eventually lead to the formation of a separate State.

 All this is not surmise. As an experienced administrator with four decades’ experience, I can sense what will happen.

 The abolition of the 13 th Amendment is the only option if we are to remain a sovereign country.

 The International Community, India and the LTTE Diaspora whom we are trying to please by retaining the 13 th Amendment and implementing it are having their act cut and dry. Their one aim is to enable a separate State in the North and the East of Sri Lanka and it is hoped that our leaders will realize this fact before it is too late.

 It is upto our leaders to decide for our sovereignty.

Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D

former GA Matara, International Consultant

4/3/2021

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Tamil Separatist Movement used all sorts of tricks to try and stop Kurundi. Since there was strong evidence to show that Kurundi was indeed Kurundi, this was not easy and Tamil Separatist Movement found that they were making contradictory statements.

Tamil Separatist Movement asked whether Kurundi was Kurundi. Was it really the one built by Kallatanaga as mentioned in the Mahavamsa? No archaeological evidence has yet proven that the Kurundi vihara discussed in the literature is the mound at Kurundi, they said. Tamil Separatist Movement thought that the correct location for Kurundi was Karikattumulai in Vavuniya district, far away from Mullaitivu.

Historian Dewasiri suggests another approach. While archaeological evidence may suggest that the site was a Buddhist one, there is no evidence to prove that the worshippers were Sinhala..  We don’t know the ethnic identity of the people who were worshipping there, he said.

Tamil Separatist Movement stuck to the fiction of a kovil at Kurundi. Mullaitivu was Sinhala Buddhist only to end of Anuradhapura period, they said.  After Chola  rule, the place was full of Tamils who had got  left behind, said an observer, naming the Tamil kingdoms in the wrong order, Chola- Chera- Pandya -Pallava.” The north then became a Tamil majority region. This   change was a natural development and it must be accepted as such.  Kurundi was no longer in use as a vihara so it was turned into a kovil.  What is wrong with that.

Tamil Separatist Movement   then turned to land rights. The clash over Kurundi shows the difficulties of conserving archaeological sites while also ensuring people’s land rights, said an observer.  

International law  does not recognize an  absolute right to land ,  but at a popular level  a  historical  right to land ,  land that  people have lived on for generations, is r recognized. But this avenue is closed to the Tamils .Tamils are not    indigenous  to Sri Lanka .  They are recent arrivals. The  Sinhalese , on the other hand, can claim historical land rights in the north and east. They are the   nationals of Sri Lanka .

The Tamil Separatist Movement  then  tried to claim land through agricultural rights.  UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP 2018) said people living in rural areas have a right to  their land. They cannot be displaced from it. ( Article 17) .

Tamil Separatist Movement  announced that 400 acres at  the Kurundi site had been cultivated by local Tamil farmers for centuries. If Kurundi site was developed as a place of worship, the Tamil farmers would  lose their paddy lands and livestock farms., they said.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe ordered that Kurundi land be released to the local farmers for cultivation. This took place at his well known meeting with the Department of Archaeology  in June 2023. But  he  withdrew the order following harsh criticism, reported analysts.

Tamil Separatist Movement also quickly deforested acres of Norochcholai forest reserve  and created an extent of paddy land near Kurundi, and  said  it was an ancient paddy field cultivated for centuries. But they did not dare   cultivate the land. The so called paddy field  was in an archaeological reserve.

The second land argument used by the Tamil Separatist Movement is the fiction of land  hunger.  Tamil Separatist Movement said that the threat to land is most acutely felt in Mullaitivu .That is false.  Mullaitivu is the least populated district in Sri Lanka.  It is grossly under populated and there cannot be land hunger in Mullaitivu.  In 2021, Mullaitivu had an  estimated 98,000 Population, in an area of 2617  sq. km².  Its Population Density was    0.66% . This is the lowest population density in    Sri Lanka  . https://lankastatistics.com/economic/districtwise-population-and-density.html

There were no  human settlements near Kurundi  stupa. The nearest Tamil village was 10 km away  at Kumalamunai and Mulliyavala. Ven. Santhabodhi  spoke well of the Tamil  villagers  living there.

Santhabodhi and his team  said that the villagers were not against the  Kurundi stupa. They have given Dane to the monk who had resided there some  years ago.  Santhabodhi  has gone for gilanpasa to their  homes.  They were  helpful and  cooperative. They had supplied milk  and kurumba to the Archaeology Department team working at Kurundi.  Santhabodhi and his group of donors had helped the villagers, specially the children. I have  provided school books for their children   and was planning to provide the computer  lessons they had asked for, Santhabodhi  said.

But it is clear that the Tamil Separatist Movement has got at these villagers,  and told them what to do and say. This is seen when you look at the statements the villagers made when they were interviewed.

 When interviewed, Tiruchelvam Divar said that Buddhist s were trying to claim the area. Kanagaraja Vijayakumar said that the Buddhist were building an unlawful temple at Kurundi, They were now prohibited from worshiping at Kurundi and he has been informed t is intended to settle Sinhalese there.  Baskaran Susila Devi (56 yrs) said that from the time she was small they  had worshipped at    Kurundi kovil.. Her son,  Baskaran  Divyaraja said they had deeds for the paddy fields at Kurundi.

 These    responses indicate that these  villagers are not the ‘ahinsaka  demela janatava” Santhabodhi  says they are. They are repeating what they were told to say. They have also been advised to obtain as much assistance as possible from the  Kurundi team for their  needs. They have been told to stay out of the demonstrations.

It will be a rude shock to Ven.  Santhabodhi and his team  when the villagers, after getting   everything they can from the sponsors of  Kurundi vihara,  turn against  them and    support the Tamil Separatist Movement . That will    happen soon.

Tamil Separatist Movement has turned to  the law courts  to  stop Kurundi. They had the advantage over the Buddhists, at Mullaitivu. The  court proceedings were in Tamil and the  Tamil judge, Saravanarajah  was  definitely for them. He permitted Hindus to conduct a Pongal  at the site on July  2023. The Tamil lawyers are also in this,  said Santhabodhi.

The  lawyers appearing for Santhabodhi and Kurundi  had many angry comments to make about the proceedings in Magistrate court, Mullaitivu. They complained that the hearing was one sided. The statements from the Department of Archaeology  were  not even recorded  . Magistrate only listened to  what the Tamil  protestors said and issued orders accordingly.

The  proceedings  were conducted in  Tamil and no provision was made for submissions in  Sinhala and English. The Sinhala lawyers, found that  at Mullaitivu the  court worked only in Tamil., They could not speak in Sinhala.  Translators were not  evadible to translate from    Sinhala  to Tamil. They could not speak in English either, as there were no translators for English to Tamil . Court orders  were only in Tamil..  Santhabodhi had to get them translated.

Three charges were made against the Kurundi restoration. One was  by the police  for  disturbing the peace, another for obstructing a Hindu Pongal,   the third was about constructing a new stupa at Kurundi under the guise of conserving  an old stupa.

When the  Tamil demonstrators disrupted the relic enshrining  ceremony, the police charged Santhabodhi with disturbing the peace. There was no charge against the Tamil protestors. When police brought in the charge of breaking the peace we pointed out that this was not due to monks or Department of  archaeology but due to the Tamil politicians, the Kurundi team said.   

Santhabodhi had made a complaint against Selvarasa  Gajendran,   S.Nogaradalingam , K Sarveshvaran and T Raviharan for  entering and disrupting the relic enshrining ceremony. The  demonstrators  were brought by MP  Raviharan Santhabodhi said.  These four should have been charged under the Penal Code,  Instead my complaint was ignored.. 

A case had been filed by a group of  Tamil  protestors, who alleged that in the guise of conserving an old  stupa, the archaeology team were  building a new stupa at Kurundi. The magistrate  believed them and ordered the removal of all new constructions at Kurundi. The Archaeology Department must refrain from any further  new construction.  

As the complaints continued, the Mullaitivu Magistrate held that the Archaeology Department had violated three court orders from 2022,.The Department can only protect ancient sites. It can’t do as it pleases,” the judge said..

The Department of Archaeology through its lawyers, the  Attorney Generals Department replied  that the work was done according to  approved policy as well as international  standards,  and to give permission to continue the work.

A group of Tamil  objectors then  petitioned  the Magistrate court, Mullaitivu saying that the court order issued in June 2022  which had prohibited  new structures at Kurundi had been violated. Army-sponsored new structures were coming up at Kurundi .

 State counsel representing the Archaeology department said no new constructions had been built .but the petitioners submitted proof such as photographs to show that new constructions had taken place and asked the magistrate to make an inspection. Magistrate  inspected the site on 04 July,2023  and decided that the complaint was correct. His competence to do so  was not questioned.( Continued)

By C. A. Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission heard confessions from perpetrators of human rights abuses from 1996.

Whenever we hear the term Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), what comes to mind is the body by that name established in South Africa in 1995, headed by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The South African TRC may not have been the first of its kind, but it was undoubtedly the one that gained the most public attention and the most accolades. Rightly so, because the South African TRC was a sincere effort at truth telling, healing and reconciliation and not an attempt to continue a war by other means.

South African TRC

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission was set up under the provisions of South Africa’s Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act No. 34 of 1995. The purpose of this body was firstly the investigation and the establishment of as complete a picture as possible of the nature, causes and extent of gross violations of human rights committed during the period from 1 March 1960 to the end of the apartheid era. Secondly, the granting of amnesty to persons who make full disclosure of all the relevant facts relating to acts associated with a political objective committed in the course of the conflicts of the said period. And thirdly, affording victims an opportunity to relate the violations they suffered; the adoption of measures aimed at the granting of reparation to, and the rehabilitation and the restoration of the human and civil dignity of, victims of violations of human rights.

The South African TRC functioned through three Committees – the Committee on Human Rights Violations, the Committee on Amnesty and the Committee on Reparation and Rehabilitation. The provision for amnesty was the centrepiece of the TRC process. The Act of Parliament that set up this body stated that there is a need for understanding but not for vengeance, a need for reparation but not for retaliation, a need for Ubuntu (humanity towards others) but not for victimization”.  It was the task of the Committee on Amnesty to consider applications for amnesty. The Act in question had to be associated with a political objective committed in the course of the conflicts of the past and the applicant had to make a full disclosure of all relevant facts. The amnesty was available to both anti-government guerillas as well as members of the security forces for acts committed bona fide with the object of countering or resisting the armed liberation struggle.

The South African TRC did have an investigating unit headed by a Commissioner to support the Commission and the Committees of the Commission in carrying out inquiries and investigations. The Committee on Human Rights, for instance, did carry out investigations into human rights violations from 1960 to the end of the apartheid era. When the Human Rights Committee finds that a gross violation of human rights has been committed and that a person is a victim of such violation, it was required by law to refer the matter not to the Attorney General or the Courts but to the Committee on Reparation and Rehabilitation.

If any person is questioned by the Commission, any incriminating evidence directly or indirectly derived from such a questioning was not admissible as evidence against the person concerned in criminal proceedings in a court of law. Hence the South African TRC was not an inquisitorial or punitive body but an institution genuinely designed to promote truth telling, healing and reconciliation between rival sides in a long drawn out conflict.

Sri Lanka’s proposed TURC   

A Bill to establish a Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Commission (TURC) in Sri Lanka has now been gazetted. Despite the name, what has been proposed for Sri Lanka is completely different from the South African TRC. While the provision for amnesty for persons on both sides of the conflict was the centrepiece of the South African TRC, the proposed Sri Lankan TURC has no provision for amnesty at all. What the proposed Bill seeks to establish is an inquisitorial commission which will conduct investigations, and make recommendations. The findings of the Commission’s investigations can also be referred to the Attorney General for criminal prosecution.

Under Clauses 7(1) and 12(1) the purpose of the Commission will be to receive and collect information and material and investigate, inquire, and make recommendations in respect of complaints or allegations or reports relating to alleged violation of human rights anywhere in Sri Lanka, which were caused in the course of, or reasonably connected to, or consequent to the conflict which took place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the period 1983 to 2009, or its aftermath.

Under Clause 12 (2) the scope of the investigations to be carried out by the proposed body extends from killings, torture, sexual violence, abduction, unlawful arrests or detentions all the way to corruption and intentional misuse of equipment and financial resources in relation to the conflict which took place in the Northern and Eastern provinces. The proposed law also requires that the TURC inquire into whether any of the alleged violations and abuses were committed as part of ‘systemic crimes’. The TURC is also required to make findings in regard to those responsible for the commission of the alleged violations and abuses, including those who advised, planned, directed, commanded or ordered such atrocities;

Trial at Bar style investigative panels

Under Clause 7(2), investigations and inquiries will be conducted by panels consisting of not fewer than three members of the Commission. The Chairperson of the Commission will appoint the investigative panels the way the Chief Justice appoints judges to a Trial at Bar.

Sweeping powers to investigate

Under Clauses 13(s), 13(t), 13(z), 13(za), 14 and 45 the proposed Commission is to be accorded sweeping powers to conduct its investigations including the requisition of reports, records, documents or information from governmental authorities or any other source and to compel the production of such material. The Commission can summon any person residing in Sri Lanka to attend any hearing to provide information or produce any document or other thing in such person’s possession. The Commission can make an application to a Magistrate for the issuance of a search warrant to enable the Police to search any premises suspected to contain material relevant to an investigation being conducted by the Commission.

All persons including members of the Government and public officials are mandatorily required to co-operate with the Commission. If any person fails to appear before the Commission, refuses to answer any question or fails to produce any document or other thing, which is in his possession or control such person shall be guilty of contempt against the authority of the Commission which shall be punishable by the Court of Appeal as though it were an offence of contempt committed against the Court of Appeal.

Overriding powers of the Commission

Under Clauses 15(1) and (2) the Commission shall submit its final report to the President at the expiration of its term along with its recommendations. It is also required to submit interim reports to the President bi-annually with recommendations and such reports will be tabled in Parliament within three weeks of their receipt. Under Clause 39, within one month from the date of publication of the first interim report of the Commission the President shall establish a Monitoring Committee to implement the recommendations of the Commission.

According to Clause 12(f) the Commission is required to make recommendations with regard to institutional, administrative and legislative policy and resource allocation measures that should be taken to prevent, and ensure non-recurrence of damage to persons or property or violation of human rights and to promote reconciliation. Such recommendations could have wide ranging implications for the country and the people. Yet, these recommendations are to be implemented forthwith by a Monitoring Committee without being referred to Cabinet or debated in Parliament first.

Under Clause 40 the Monitoring Committee has to submit bi-annual reports to the President on the implementation of the recommendations of the Commission. Where the implementation of any recommendation has not been fully complied with, the reports of the Committee shall include the reasons for non-implementation. Such reports by the Monitoring Committee will be tabled in Parliament within two weeks of receipt. Thus, Parliament is kept informed of the actions of the Commission only after the fact, with the Cabinet and Parliament having no role in deciding whether the implementation of a particular recommendation of the Commission should be carried through or not.

Foreign funding and control

Under Clause 13(g) the Commission may enter into agreements with any person or entity necessary to achieve the objectives of the Commission. Under Clause 13(k) the Commission is empowered to seek technical assistance from any person or institution or organisation in the interest of advancement of the commission’s work. Under Clauses 13(h) and 35(1)(c) the Commission is empowered to raise funds by obtaining grants, gifts or endowments. All funds received from outside Sri Lanka have to be channelled through the External Resources Department. Though Clause 11 of the Bill states that the Commission shall be considered an autonomous institution and shall not be subject to the control or direction of any person or authority, we know through experience that the foreign parties that will fund this operation will control it.

Actively seeking questionable evidence

Clause 13(x) empowers the proposed Commission to receive information in confidence from any person, where in the opinion of the Commission, the disclosure of such information would pose a risk to life or security of any person. The Commission will thus end up making recommendations based on information that nobody else knows anything about and the veracity of which cannot be checked. The Commission cannot be compelled to disclose the identity of any person supplying information in confidence.

Clause 13(y) empowers the Commission to admit, notwithstanding any provision of the Evidence Ordinance, any information, whether written or oral, which might be inadmissible in civil or criminal proceedings in order to facilitate truth seeking. Thus, the Commission bases its recommendations on dodgy evidence that the normal justice system would not touch.

Clause 13(z) empowers the Commission to seek assistance from community leaders and organisations to facilitate its public sessions. In practice, this becomes an open invitation to ‘syndicates’ of informers, narrators and witnesses as has often transpired at trials before the International Criminal Court.

Referral to the AG for prosecution

Clause 48 says that no evidence of any statement made or given by any person to or before the Commission shall be admissible against that person in proceedings in any civil or criminal court. Clause 16(1) states that the Commission’s recommendations shall not be deemed to be a determination of civil or criminal liability of any person.

However, Clause 13(zd) empowers the Commission to refer matters to the relevant law enforcement or prosecuting authorities of Sri Lanka for further investigation and necessary action, where it appears to the Commission that an offence or offences punishable under the Penal Code or any other law of Sri Lanka has been committed. Clause 16(2) states that notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, No. 15 of 1979 or any other law, it shall be lawful for the Attorney-General to institute criminal proceedings in a designated court of law in respect of any offence based on material collected in the course of an investigation or inquiry by the Commission established under this Act.

Thus, what is being proposed for Sri Lanka is not a truth and reconciliation commission at all but a body which will, with the backing of foreign and local sponsors, wage law-fare against those who won the war against terror and seek to make wide ranging changes in Sri Lanka without any need to have those proposed changes vetted and approved by Cabinet and Parliament first.

විමල් වීරවංශ (පා. ම.)  නායක, ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ,

“හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” සහ ඒ මත පදනම්ව ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ගනු ලබන ඉදිරි ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග පිළිබඳව නිහඬව සිටීමට කිසිදු දේශපාලන බලවේගයකට සදාචාරාත්මක හැකියාවක් නැති බවත්, එම නිසා සියලු බලවේග “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” සහ ඒ මත පදනම්ව ආරම්භ වී ඇති “සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම” පිහිටුවීම ඇතුළු සෙසු ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග පිළිබඳ තම මතය විවෘතව රටට ප‍්‍රකාශ කිරීමට කටයුතු කළ යුතු බවත් ජානිපෙ නායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

මේ බව දන්වමින් විවෘත්ත සංදේශයක් ඒ මහතා නිකුත්කර ඇති අතර, අදාළ සංදේශය පහළින්…

සියලු මහජන නියෝජිතයින්,

දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නායකයින් හා පොදු මහජනතාව වෙත.

බෙදුම්වාදී මාර්ග සිතියමේ නව හැරවුමක් වන “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” පිළිබඳව (යුද ජයග‍්‍රහණය මෙන්ම රණවිරුවන් පාවාදෙන සහ රට දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදයේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත් කරන එම ක‍්‍රියාන්විතය අවබෝධකර ගැනීමේ වැදගත්කම සහ සියලු පාර්ශ්ව ඊට අදාළව තම මතය ප‍්‍රකාශ කළ යුතු බව)

වසර 30ක් පැවති බෙදුම්වාදී යුද්ධය, රණවිරුවන් 30,000ක් ජීවිත පූජා කරමින් මෙන්ම ඊට සමාන පිරිසක් තුවාල ලබමින් සහ 14,000ක් ආබාධිතයින් බවට පත් කරමින් පරාජයට පත් කර වසර 14ක් ගත වී ඇත. එම ජයග‍්‍රහණය උදෙසා සෙසු රණවිරුවන්ගේ මෙන්ම ජීවිත පූජා කළ සහ ආබාධිත බවට පත් වූ රණවිරුවන්ගේ අඹුදරුවෝ මෙන්ම ඥාතීහු සහ සිංහල, දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් පොදු මහජනයා ද බොහෝ කැප කිරීම් සිදු කළහ. එහෙත් ඉන්පසුව සමානාත්මතා පදනමින් ජාතික ගැටලුව විසඳීම සඳහා සහ බෙදුම්වාදී මතවාද දේශපාලන වශයෙන් පරාජය කිරීමට ජාතියක් ලෙස අප අසමත් වීම නිසා දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාව ප‍්‍රමුඛ දෙස් විදෙස් බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේගවලට උතුරේ ජනයා ප‍්‍රාණඇපයට ගනිමින් බෙදුම්වාදී ක‍්‍රියාන්විතය පවත්වාගෙන යාමට හැකි විය. 

එම ක‍්‍රියාවලිය තුළ බෙදුම්වාදී මාර්ග සිතියමට අනුව 13 වැනි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම බලාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේග දිගින් දිගටම බලපෑම් සිදුකළ ද ඔවුන්ගේ අරමුණු ඉටු කර ගැනීමට නොහැකි විය. ඊට හේතු වූයේ මහා සංඝරත්නය ප‍්‍රමුඛ ජාතිකවාදී බලවේග ජාතියේ මුර දේවතාවුන් සේ ඊට එරෙහිව සිට ගැනීමය.  නමුත් රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා 2003 දී අගමැතිවරයා ලෙස බෙදුම්වාදීන්ට තාවකාලික ආණ්ඩුවක් ලබාදීමට උත්සාහ කිරීම මගින් ආරම්භ කළ බෙදුම්වාදයට පක්ෂපාතී ක‍්‍රියාන්විතය, දැන් ජනවරමක් නොමැති ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකු ලෙස නැවත ආරම්භ කර ඇත. ඔහු විසින් තමා 13 වැනි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය බලාත්මක කරන බවට බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේගවලට සහ තමාට බලයට එන්නට අවස්ථාව සැලසූ පාර්ශ්වවලට පොරොන්දු ලබා දෙන්නේ ඊට අනුව ය. ඊට සමගාමීව දෙස් විදෙස් බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේග නැවත වටයකින් දිරිමත් වී ඇති බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිව දැක ගත හැක. 

ඊට අමතරව බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේගවල දායකත්වය සහිතව ආර්ථික සහ දේශපාලන අර්බුදය උස්සන්න කිරීම සහ එම ක‍්‍රියාවලිය තුළ රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතා බලයට පත් කිරීම තුළ තමාට වඩා වාසිදායක තත්වයක් නිර්මාණය වී ඇති බවට බෙදුම්වාදී බලවේග කල්පනා කරන බව පෙනේ. එම නව තත්ත්වය තුළ ඔවුන් විසින් තෝරා ඇති උපායමාර්ගික ප‍්‍රවේශය තුළ පැතිකඩ දෙකක් හඳුනාගත හැක. පළමුවැන්න සමස්ත ක‍්‍රියාන්විතයේ පූර්ව කොන්දේසියක් ලෙස මහා සංඝරත්නයෙන් යම් පාර්ශ්වයක් දිනා ගැනීම සහ මහා සංඝරත්නය මෙන්ම ජාතික බලවේග අතර බෙදීමක් ඇති කිරීම සහ මානසික බාධක පැනවීමය. භික්ෂූන්  හත්නමක් නේපාලයේ හෝටලයකට රැගෙන ගොස් සියලු සත්කාර ලබා දී “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” නමැති ලියවිල්ලකට අත්සන් ලබා ගන්නේ එම උපායමාර්ගයට අනුව බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. එම ක‍්‍රියාන්විතයේ දෙවන අරමුණ බෙදුම්වාදී යුද්ධය පරාජය කිරීමෙන් පසුව බෙදුම්වාදීන්ට අහිමි වූ කේවල් කිරීමේ බලය ලබා ගනිමින් සාකච්ඡා ක‍්‍රියාවලියකට අවතීර්ණ වීමය. 

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ පාලනය තුළ පවා ජී. එල්. පීරිස් වැනි පැකේජ්වාදීන්ගේ උපදෙස් අනුව දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාව සමග එකඟතාවකට පැමිණ ජාත්‍යන්තර පීඩනය සමනය කරගත යුතු බවට මතයක් ගොඩනැගී තිබුණි. එවැනි තත්ත්වයක් තුළ ඊනියා හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය යනු ඩයස්පෝරාව සමග ගනුදෙනු  සාධාරණීකරණය කිරීම සදහා වත්මන් ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික‍්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේම අදහසක් අනුව කැඳවාගත් ලේඛනයක් බවට ගොඩනැගී ඇති මතය ප‍්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම දුෂ්කර වේ. ඊනියා හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය මේ වන විට ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් උත්සවශ‍්‍රීයෙන් පිළිගෙන ඇති අතර මහා නායක හිමිවරුන්ගේ අනුමැතිය ඊට ලැබුණු බවට එම ක‍්‍රියාන්විතයට ගොදුරු වූ භික්ෂූන් විසින් සමාජයේ මතයක් ගොඩනඟන බව ද දක්නට ඇත. අමරපුර මහා සංඝ සභාව විසින් “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” ප‍්‍රතික්ෂේප කරමින් මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කර ඇතත් සෙසු නිකායන් නිහඬව සිටීම තුළ මහා නායක හිමිවරුන්ට අගතියක් සිදුවේ. එම බොරු ප‍්‍රචාර පතුරුවන භික්ෂූන් හත්නම අතරින් එක් නමක් ව්‍යාජ ලෙස මහාචාර්ය පදවියක් දරන බව පෙන්වති. 

ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” භාරගෙන දින කීපයක් තුළ දෙමළ දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නායකයින් ජනාධිපති මන්දිරයට කැඳවා 2024 ජනවාරි මාසයේදී සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ සහ ප‍්‍රතිසන්ධාන කොමිසමක් පිහිටුවීම සඳහා නව නීතිමය රාමුවක් සම්මත කරන බවට පොරොන්දු විය. එම උපායමාර්ගික ප‍්‍රවේශය 2015 සිට ජාත්‍යන්තර මානව හිමිකම් කොමසාරිස් වාර්තාව මගින් සහ යෝජනා මගින් අවධාරණය කරනු ලැබූවකි. “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” ඉදිරිපත් කරන ගෝලීය දෙමළ සංසදය විසින් එය ක‍්‍රියාත්මක කරන ලෙස ජාත්‍යන්තර වේදිකාවල දිගින් දිගටම බලපෑම් එල්ල කරනු ලැබීය. ඒ අනුව දැන් ඔවුන්ගේ උත්සාහය මල්ඵල ගැන්වී ඇති බව පිළිගැනීමට සිදුවේ. 

සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම යන්නට ප‍්‍රතිසන්ධානය ද අයත් වන බැවින් ඒ මගින් රණවිරුවන්ට එරෙහිව යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර ක‍්‍රියාන්විතය තවදුරටත් ශක්තිමත් කළ හැක. “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” තුළ ‘වගවීම’ සඳහා වන බැඳීම අවධාරණය කරනු ලබන්නේ ඒ සඳහාය. ඊට අමතරව ඒ මගින් නැවත ගැටුම් ඇති වීම වැළැක්වීමේ නාමයෙන් 13 වැනි ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය බලාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා බලපෑම් එල්ල කිරීමේ හැකියාව ද ලැබේ. එම යාන්ත‍්‍රණය තුළ ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමට අවස්ථාව සැලසීම මගින් ජාත්‍යන්තර බලපෑම රට තුළදීම සිදුකිරීමේ හැකියාව ලැබේ. ඒ අනුව මෙම ක‍්‍රියාවලිය ඉතා පැහැදිලිව යුද ජයග‍්‍රහණය සහ රණවිරුවන් පාවාදෙමින් රට නැවත බෙදුම්වාදයේ ගොදුරක් බවට පත් කිරීමේ ආරම්භක පියවර බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. 

එම නිසා “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” සහ ඒ මත පදනම්ව ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ගනු ලබන ඉදිරි ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග පිළිබඳව නිහඬව සිටීමට කිසිදු දේශපාලන බලවේගයකට හෝ මහා නායක හිමිවරුන්ට සදාචාරාත්මක හැකියාවක් නැත. මහා නායක හිමිවරුන්ට තම ධුරය අතහැරීමට අයිතියක් ඇතත් ඓතිහාසිකව උන්වහන්සේලා වෙත පැවරී ඇති භූමිකාව සහ බලය අතහැරීමට නොහැක. එම නිසා සියලු බලවේග “හිමාලයා ප‍්‍රකාශය” සහ ඒ මත පදනම්ව ආරම්භ වී ඇති “සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම” පිහිටුවීම ඇතුළු සෙසු ක‍්‍රියාමාර්ග පිළිබඳ තම මතය විවෘතව රටට ප‍්‍රකාශ කිරීමට කටයුතු කළ යුතු බව අපගේ ඉල්ලීම වේ. මහා පාවාදීමකට මුලපුරන “සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම පිහිටුවීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත” මේ වන විට ගැසට් පත‍්‍රයේ ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත්කර ඇත. එම පනතට අදාළව ද සියලුම දේශපාලන පක්ෂ විසින් තමාගේ මතය ඍජුව ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත්කළ යුතු බව අපි අවධාරණය කරමු. එසේම තම මතය සෘජුව ප‍්‍රකාශයට පත් නොකරන පිරිස්, නිහඬව ඊට එකඟතාව පළකරන බියගුළු අවස්ථාවාදීන් ලෙස ද නම් කිරීමට සිදුවේ. ස්තුතියි.
මෙයට විශ්වාසී, 
විමල් වීරවංශ (පා. ම.)
නායක, 
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ,

RANJITH SOYSA

We refer to the news report that the Government of Sri Lanka is planning to send her naval ship or ships to the Red sea area arguably to protect the international ships from the Houthi rebels who have started attacking the ships which are operating to and from Israel.

According to the information such operations will cost the country more than Rs 250 million. How can any sensible person justify spending our limited foreign exchange on a such a wasteful exercise especially when more than 70% of the population is fighting hard to keep their heads above water,

Any informed person is aware that the Houthi rebels are in possession of drones which they have launched successfully destroying a few vessels. We know our naval vessels   have practically no technical capability of destroying drones. If so, we are on a suicide mission to keep up with the major powers and compel our navy officers to face an unenviable situation. At the end, the Government will realize that Sri Lanka has paid dearly for her whistle.

Pathfinder Foundation

Founder of the Pathfinder Foundation and Urumayake Ulpatha Milinda Moragoda met with the office bearers and Executive Committee of the All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) for an interactive discussion and exchange of ideas on a wide range of subjects and issues. On this occasion, Mr Moragoda also presented the Executive Committee members with copies of Asoka Vadana a compilation of articles written during his tenure as High Commissioner in India.

The All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama has been in existence since 1924, and was incorporated by an Act of Parliament in 2009. The objectives of the ACJU include serving the Muslim Community and the nation. At present the ACJU has 163 branches in 24 districts and over 8000 scholars and subscribed members. The meeting was held at the ACJU Headquarters in Colombo under the Chairmanship of ACJU President MIM Rizwe Mufthi.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

 චීන අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලී කියෑං (Li Qiang) විසින් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා වෙත චීනය වඩාත් ශුභ ලෙස සලකන ‘මකරාගේ වසර’ සඳහා  අලුත් අවුරුදු සුබපැතුම් පිරිනැමීය.
ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ චීන තානාපති කිව් ෂෙන්හොං (Qi Shenhong) මහතා අද (2024.01.09) කොළඹ අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ දී අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා හමුවී චීන අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයාගේ විශේෂ 

සුබපැතුම් පත්‍රය භාර දුන්නේය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ පවතින දුෂ්කරතා මඟහරවා ගැනීමට ඇති හැකියාව දැකීමට සතුටු වන බව පැවසූ තානාපතිවරයා අතර කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය නවීකරණය කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව දරන ප්‍රයත්නයන්ට චීනයේ අඛණ්ඩ සහයෝගය ලබා දීමටද සහතික විය.

ඉහළ අස්වැන්නක් ලබා දෙන සහල් වගාව සංවර්ධනය කිරීම පිළිබඳ චීන විශේෂඥ දැනුම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සමඟ බෙදා ගැනීමේ වැඩසටහනක් චීනය විසින් ආරම්භ කරන බවත් එය ඉදිරි යල කන්නයේදී දියත් කරන බවත් චීන තානාපතිවරයා පැවසීය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම් අනුර දිසානායක මහතා සහ චීන ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රිකයින් පිරිසක් ද මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්ව සිටියහ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

 A few weeks back jugglery committed by a supermarket with the slogan ගෙදර යන ගමන් was exposed 

 Supermarket was scrupulously charging higher prices at the cashier than the price marked on the product claiming that notices are placed everywhere that prices can be changed any time

 A few days back another supermarket along the same road owned by a Foreign entity that boasts that you can spar (e) money for something else did the same thing 

 Today they charged for four loaves of bread when the purchased quantity was two 

Of course, cashier makes mistakes according to management 🥱 

People should help local groceries by  buying locally and boycotting supermarkets

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

By Arj Singh Courtesy inews.co.uk

The Foreign Secretary said he was supporting Sri Lanka over Beijing-funded development

Lord Cameron has said he has no regrets about backing a Beijing-funded development last autumn and dismissed concerns about his role as a senior figure in a mooted UK-China investment fund.

The Foreign Secretary has faced criticism over his links to China since being appointed to the role by Rishi Sunak, given the UK now regards the Asian giant as an epoch-defining and systemic challenge” – a far cry from the golden era” of relations with Beijing pursued by Lord Cameron as prime minister in the 2010s.

The peer has faced questions in particular about speeches he gave as recently as October in the United Arab Emirates in praise of the £16bn Port City Colombo business hub project in Sri Lanka, which counts as its main developer the state-owned China Communications Construction Company.

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Critics, including Conservative MPs, have said that the peer’s promotion of the project amounted to support of China’s controversial Belt and Road investment initiative, which China-sceptics see as a project Beijing uses to gain control in developing nations.

But appearing at the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee on Tuesday, Lord Cameron insisted he spoke only in support of Sri Lanka and that it was solely his decision – rather than that of the Chinese – to speak at the event.

Put to him that he was a friend of China until very recently”, the Foreign Secretary told MPs he did it [the speeches] as a friend of Sri Lanka” after being approached by the Washington Speakers’ Bureau, which offered the ex-PM’s services on the global VIP speaker circuit.

Lord Cameron also said he was supporting Sri Lanka’s former president Ranil Wickremesinghe, who believed the project was a good idea and who the peer had met earlier in 2023 while on holiday” in Sri Lanka.

Asked if he had any regrets about the speech, Lord Cameron told MPs: No.”

Lord Cameron also dismissed concerns raised by Parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee (ISC) over his past role as vice-president of a new £1bn China-UK investment fund.

The ISC said last year it was possible” that Lord Cameron’s appointment had been in some part engineered by the Chinese state”.

Asked whether he agreed with the committee, which has access to highly classified information, Lord Cameron said: I might if it had ever happened but there was no fund – it never got going, it never started and it never happened.

So this is a bit like the blind man in the dark room looking for the black cat that isn’t there.”

Courtesy abc News

A Sri Lankan navy spokesman says the debt-ridden country’s navy is preparing to join a U.S.-led operation to protect merchant vessels in the Red Sea against attacks by Houthi rebels

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Debt-ridden Sri Lanka ’s navy is preparing to join a U.S.-led operation to protect merchant vessels sailing in the Red Sea against attacks by Houthi rebels, a Sri Lankan navy spokesman said on Tuesday.

The attacks by Houthi rebels have targeted commercial shipping vessels transiting through the critical Bab el-Mandeb Strait that links markets in Asia and Europe following the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas and Israel’s subsequent war against the militant group in Gaza.

The U.S. and its allies launched Operation Prosperity Guardian to protect ship traffic, and warships from the U.S., France, and the U.K. are patrolling the area.

No date has been set for sending the Sri Lankan ships and the area they will patrol has not been finalized, said navy spokesman Capt. Gayan Wickramasuriya.

The decision to send the ships drew criticism from opposition lawmakers in the island nation. Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa blamed the government for spending LKR 250 million ($777,000) to send ships to fight Houthi rebels in the Red Sea when Sri Lankans are experiencing severe economic hardships at home.

State Minister of Defense Pramitha Tennakoon defended the move, saying the government wants to fulfill its global responsibilities” and noting that Sri Lanka is against any form of terrorism.”

He added that Sri Lanka would incur no additional costs by joining the operations, as the country’s ships are already patrolling its vast maritime area in the Indian Ocean.

Sri Lanka is struggling to get through the worst economic crisis in its history. The country declared bankruptcy in April 2022 with more than $83 billion in debt — more than half of it to foreign creditors. Its economy was plunged into crisis, with severe shortages of food, fuel and other necessities.

Strident public protests led to the ouster of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The IMF agreed in March last year to a $2.9-billion bailout package.

Sri Lanka hopes to restructure $17 billion of its tens of billions of outstanding debt.

Over the past year, severe shortages of essentials like food, fuel and medicine have largely abated, and authorities have restored power supplies. But public dissatisfaction has grown over the government’s efforts to increase revenues by raising electricity bills and imposing heavy new income taxes on professionals and businesses.

Last week, the government increased the rate of the valued added tax and extended it to cover many essential items, including cooking gas, fuel, medicine and others.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill debated in Parliament today (Jan. 09) has been passed by a majority vote.

The debate on the Second Reading of the Bill was held from 10:30 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. and at the end of the debate, MP G. G. Ponnambalam of Ahila Ilankai Thamil Congress (AITC) called for a division for the said Bill.

In the voting held, 48 votes had been cast in favour of the Bill while only 7 votes were cast against. Accordingly, the Second Reading of the Bill was passed by a majority of 41 votes.

Amendments were added to the Bill during the Committee and accordingly the Bill was passed with amendments.

Meanwhile, the National Hydrographic Bill, which was debated today, was also passed with amendments and without a vote.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Cabinet of Ministers has granted approval for the establishment of new investment zones with the necessary technical assistance from the Asian Development Bank (ADB).

Since the need to develop a joint mechanism between the public and private sectors to build an export-oriented economy has been emphasized in the 2022 budget, the government says it has identified the appropriateness of developing new investment zones.

Accordingly, a proposal was submitted to the Cabinet of Ministers seeking approval to establish new Investment Zones in the Northern, Eastern, Northwestern and Southern Provinces; in Mankulam, Paranthan Chemicals Company Premises and Kankesanturai Cement Corporation Premises; and in Iranawila and Trincomalee areas, while expanding Bingiriya and Hambantota Investment Zones.

Thus, the Cabinet of Ministers has approved the proposal presented by President Ranil Wickremesinghe in his capacity as the Minister of Investment Promotion to develop those investment zones based on an appropriate public-private partnership model.

Courtesy Hiru News

According to internal political sources, President Ranil Wickremesinghe has made a decision to hold the Presidential Election in September 2024.

In a surprising move, he has also declared his intention to contest the election as an independent candidate.

Additionally, the President has outlined plans for Parliamentary elections scheduled for January 2025 and Provincial Council Elections in March 2025.

This strategic timeline is expected to shape the political landscape in the coming months.

Meanwhile,former minister Ravi Karunanayake, Colombo district leader of the United National Party, attending a press conference held today (09), stated that it has been decided to hold the presidential election in another 9 months and the president is going to contest as a non-partisan candidate

RANJITH SOYSA

උතුරේ සෞඛ්‍ය හා අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයේ ගැටලු විමසීමට ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සිය යාපනය සංචාරයේදී පෙරේදා (6 දා) පියවර ගත්තේය. ඉන් අනතුරුව යාපනය රියෝ අයිස් ක්‍රීම් වෙළෙඳසලට පැමිණි ජනාධිපතිවරයා අයිස් ක්‍රීම් රස බලන අතර කුඩා දරුවකු සමග සතුටු සාමීචියේ යෙදුන අවස්ථාවකි.

උතුරේ කුමන දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක්, කුමන අයුරින් කටයුතු කළද කුල ප්‍රශ්නය නිසා ජනතාව පීඩාවට පත්ව සිටින බවත්, යාපනය මගහැර කොළඹ ජීවත් වන දේශපාලනඥයන් එම ගැටලුව පිළිබඳ හඬක් අවදි නොකිරීම කනගාටුවට කරුණක් බවත් අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ත් මහතා පවසයි.උතුරු පළාතේ සිව් දින සංචාරයක නිරත ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සහ යාපනය සිවිල් සමාජ කේන්ද්‍රයේ සභාපති අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ත් මහතා අතර හමුවක් පෙරේදා (6දා) යාපනයේදී පැවති අවස්ථාවේ මේ කරුණු හෙළිවිය.

කුල ප්‍රශ්නය ඇතුළු උතුරේ සිවිල් සමාජය තුළ පවතින ගැටලු මෙහිදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කෙරුණු අතර එම ගැටලු නිරාකරණය කිරීමට කඩිනමින් කටයුතු කරන බව ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා පැවසීය.උතුරු පළාතේ කුල පාසල් රැසක් පවතින නමුත් ඒවායේ අවම පහසුකම් පවා නොමැති බැවින් ගැටලු මතුව ඇති බව ද පැවසූ අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ත් මහතා ඒවා සංවර්ධනය කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව පෙන්වා දුන්නේය. එවැනි පාසල් 100ක් නම් කරන ලෙසත්, එම පාසල් 100 ඉදිරි මාස 06 තුළ සංවර්ධනයට පියවර ගන්නා බවටත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙහිදී යාපනය සිවිල් සමාජ කේන්ද්‍රයට පොරොන්දු විය.කුල ප්‍රශ්න ඉදිරියට දමමින් මහජන ප්‍රශ්නවලට විසඳුම් ලබා නොදෙන ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කාර්යාල සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයා බලන බවද ජනාධිපතිවරයා සඳහන් කළේය.

යාපනය සිවිල් සමාජ කේන්ද්‍රයේ සභාපති අරුන් සිද්ධාර්ත් මහතා මෙහිදී කියා සිටියේ අතුරුදන් වූවන්ගේ පවුල් බව පවසමින් සංගම් නිර්මාණය කරගෙන සිටින බහුතරයකගේ අතුරුදන් වූවන් සිටින්නේ විදේශ රටවල බවයි. ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් අතුරුදන් වූවන්ගේ සංගමයේ ඕනෑම අයකු සමඟ විවාදයකට තමන් සූදානම් බවත් ඔවුන් අතුරුදන් වූවන් යැයි පවසමින් විදේශගතව සුඛෝපභෝගී ජීවිත ගතකරමින් සිටින බවත් සිද්ධාර්ත් මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් සඳහන් කළේය.යාපනයේ ජනතාව මුහුණ දී සිටින කතාබහට ලක් නොවන ගැටලු ඇතුළත් ලිපියක් ද යාපනය සිවිල් සමාජ කේන්ද්‍රය මෙහිදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙත භාර දුන්නේය. ජනාධිපති ලේකම් සමන් ඒකනායක මහතා සහ යාපනය සිවිල් සමාජ කේන්ද්‍රයේ ක්‍රියාකාරීහු පිරිසක් මෙම අවස්ථාවට එක්ව සිටියහ.

Senaka Weeraratna

The fundamental duty of all people living in Sri Lanka is to live in harmony with each other, particularly in harmony with the predominant religious culture and beliefs, and not hurt the moral sensitivities of the ethnic majority, which has made the biggest contribution throughout history to the building of the country and to the civilization that sustains the national ethos. It is an unequal contribution. 

This requirement prevails in all Countries influenced by Abrahamic religions, especially in Islamic countries. 

There is greater stability in Islamic countries because they do not compromise on fundamental values nor encourage diversity, which undermines social cohesion.  

This situation also prevailed in Sri Lanka before 1505.

‘When in Rome do as the Romans do’ is a wise way to avoid conflict between communities.

Thisis a proverb attributed to Saint Augustine. The phrase means that it is advisable to follow the conventions of the area in which you are residing or visiting.

It is said that Saint Monica and her son, Saint Augustine had found out that Saturday was observed as a fast day in Rome, which they had planned to visit. However, it was not a fast day when they lived in Milan  They consulted Saint Ambrose who had then said “When I am here (in Milan) I do not fast on Saturday, when in Rome I do fast on Saturday.” That reply is said to have led to the saying “When in Rome, do as the Romans do”

The Romans are no more in existence neither are we in Sri Lanka related to the ancient Romans.

Nevertheless, this saying looms large in a country that is grappling with trying to find a solution to a seemingly intractable problem of who should prevail or which community should have the final word or say in recommending standards of conduct for the rest of the country. 

In ancient Rome, the majority view prevailed as it should be in any democracy. 

It was accompanied by the presumption that the minority and any foreigner or visitor would heed the conventions of the area or the country in which they are living or visiting and not challenge them or try to replace them, which would invariably develop into a conflict.

The Easter Sunday attack and the underlying reasons shown in the attempt to blow up the Buddha statues in Mawanella demonstrate the threat to the entire community when one group smaller in number (a minority) tries to override the belief system of the group greater in number (the majority).

This type of conduct has to be prevented or avoided at all costs.

That is when the proverb ‘ When in Rome, do as the Romans do’ becomes doubly applicable.  

There is no other better way. 

This requirement of not trying to displace the prevailing ethos by a later introduced system of religious beliefs under the flag of ‘ multiculturalism’ needs to be stressed to the public by the State in Schools, Media, and Public Relations, and be made part of public policy.

We, in Sri Lanka, can no longer afford to take chances with failed models and so-called ‘Human Rights’ experiments, not of our own making.

Europeans these days are horrified by latecomers, migrants, and asylum seekers taking control of the streets of major cities of Europe in unceasing demonstrations relating to extraterritorial matters.

The increasing rejection of Multiculturalism in leading European countries such as England, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Norway, and Austria, shows that peace and harmony cannot be readily achieved in a society if religious values are incompatible and cultural practices are vastly different between the constituent groups of a country. 

Without peace and stability, the fate of a country ‘hangs in the balance’.

By Shamindra Ferdinando  Courtesy The Island

FSP questions feasibility of bankrupt country joining US military project

The Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) yesterday (07) urged political parties in Parliament to oppose the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government’s decision to join a US-led multinational coalition to protect commercial shipping in the Red Sea against continuing attacks by Yemen’s Houthi group.

Senior FSP spokesperson Pubudu Jagoda said that the move, announced by President Ranil Wickremesinghe on January 03 at an event at the BMICH, had taken all political parties by surprise.

The former JVPer questioned the rationale behind bankrupt Sri Lanka joining a costly operation. He pointed out that the US recently launched ‘Operation Prosperity Guardian’ in response to Houthi attacks.

The Houthis have declared that attacks on Red Sea commercial shipping were in response to the current Israeli military campaign against Palestinians in Gaza.

The breakaway JVP group said that President Wickremesinghe’s declaration should have been publicly opposed immediately by all political parties represented in Parliament. Unfortunately, they remained conveniently silent, Jagoda said, urging Parliament to take up this issue without delay.

Jagoda

The US recently asked Sri Lanka to contribute to the Red Sea mission. The Foreign Ministry didn’t respond to The Island query in this regard.

How can the President, in spite of being the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and the Defence Minister, make such a declaration without consulting the Parliament?” Jagoda said. We would like to know whether the Cabinet of Ministers discussed the issue at hand or the National Security Council took it up.”

Jagoda pointed out that Sri Lanka couldn’t under any circumstances join a controversial Western military operation at a time the global community, including some of its members, were hesitant due to growing global public opinion against indiscriminate Israeli attacks. Don’t forget a year ago this government indefinitely put off Local Government polls claiming it didn’t have sufficient funds,” Jagoda said.

Gaza health authorities have placed the number of people killed in the besieged territory at 22,722 up to January 06, 2024, since the cross border Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct 07, 2023.

Former Navy Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera said that he intended to inquire about the proposed deployment from the Navy and the Ministry of Defence.

The former Public Security Minister said so when The Island sought his opinion as the Chairman of the Sectoral Oversight Committee on National Security.

MP Weerasekera said that joining a special naval operation such as ‘Operation Prosperity Guardian’ at a flashpoint was quite a foreign policy challenge. We should also be concerned of our capacity and capability to deploy a vessel fully-equipped to meet the challenging task,” the former minister said.

Houthis launched operations against Red Sea commercial shipping on 19 Nov., 2023. In spite of repeated warnings, Houthis aligned with Iran have mounted a spate of attacks. Last week, they deployed an armed unmanned surface vessel though it failed to reach the intended target. Houthis launched the attack just hours after the United States, Australia, Bahrain, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Singapore and the United Kingdom issued what the international media called a final warning.

Authoritative sources told The Island that at the moment the Navy didn’t have a vessel equipped to meet the US-led coalition in the Red Sea. In case, the government wanted to go ahead with the mission, regardless of the consequences, one of the Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPVs), formerly of the US Coast Guard, would have to be equipped with proper weapons systems which Sri Lanka didn’t have nor the wherewithal to acquire.

Obviously, we are in a dilemma. The truth is even if we have no other issue to be concerned with, the SLN didn’t have a suitable vessel. American OPVs with SLN and Advanced OPVs acquired from India are not equipped to fight drones and unmanned surface vessels,” a source familiar with SLN capabilities said. Responding to another query, the source explained ideally a country that undertook such a mission should have at least one other vessel with similar capabilities and strong support base.

Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LLM International Law (UCL)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Former Chairman of The Consumer Affairs Authority, Solicitor in England and Wales.

It is a commendable concept and a remarkable operation against drugs, the underworld, and criminal activities which appear to be undermining and underestimating the rule of law and the peace of the country, bringing the peaceful life of the peace-loving citizens to its knees. The duration of its effectiveness remains uncertain, and the movement’s ability to withstand opposition from various quarters, where support is minimal and encouragement is lacking, raises concerns.

The rule of Law has been disregarded, paving the way for anarchy fueled by indifference, inefficiency, bribery, and corruption. Justice, which entails treating individuals impartially and equally, and preventing illegal and immoral acts by anti-social elements, seems to have been compromised. The Youkthiya’s campaign, having collected 850 million rupees and seized properties worth billions from drug dealers, has questioned 20,000 individuals suspected of criminal and drug-related activities. Investigations are ongoing, focusing on items such as Hush Hush, Pills, Cannabis, as well as significant amounts of currency and properties whose ownership and sources of income remain elusive.

The collaboration between drug dealers, the underworld, and criminals exacerbates the challenges, with the primary victims often being the youth. Unfortunately, there is a lack of proper vision or direction to curb, if not completely eradicate, this pressing issue. Identifying the responsible parties and determining where to initiate corrective measures are crucial concerns, leaving the average citizen in disarray with no apparent solution.
Drug dealers thrive due to a strong network, locally and internationally, supported by drug lords and an affluent drug mafia. The organized nature of their operations, involving well-paid trained groups infiltrating schools, workplaces, and villages across the country, makes it difficult to pinpoint the main leaders, who likely enjoy political patronage. The elusive nature of these leaders remains a significant obstacle.
It is imperative that social media, civil society, and citizens unite in the fight for peace and the rule of law, which are rapidly eroding due to the lack of participation and intervention from these groups. Safety is compromised everywhere – at home, on the roads, and in the workplace – creating a nationwide predicament. The urgency of finding a solution is heightened by the fear of being mugged or having belongings stolen in broad daylight by organized thieves, drug peddlers, and addicts.
While the initiation and motivation behind the operation are not our concern, as long as it addresses a long-felt need, it is crucial to support and guide the efforts of the line minister and the head of the police department. Public support is essential, as active participation can contribute significantly to the success of the operation.
According to recent statistics, there are approximately 45,000 regular drug users, while the number of other users might be around 600,000. This alarming situation has rapidly encroached upon our neighborhoods, garnering media headlines and plunging citizens into agony. The United States leads globally in drug misuse, encompassing manufacturing as a lucrative business. Drug use is subsequently prevalent in countries plagued by drug addiction, crime, and connections to the underworld.
Despite extensive anti-drug campaigns, it is estimated that there are approximately 2.5 billion drug addicts worldwide, with a staggering 5.75% increase, even in
countries with stringent rules and severe punishments such as the Philippines and Sri Lanka. The peril of drugs has significantly impacted the youth and students, who are vulnerable targets for ruthless drug peddlers. Shockingly, 42% of girls and 43% of boys approached by drug peddlers have tried drugs, and addicted youth are often employed as agents to recruit new victims.
Disturbing incidents, like those involving an 11-year-old student, are widely circulated on social media, highlighting the ease with which the young are ensnared in the drug trade under the false pretense of enhancing memory and enjoyment. The news of Youkthiya’s raids, with recoveries amounting to billions, underscores the magnitude of the issue. It seems that drug lords are capitalizing on the breakdown of law and order, facilitated by bribery, corruption, and inefficiency within the system. Despite large sums being readily available, the security forces, influenced by political patronage, have struggled to make a breakthrough.
Drug crimes and the underworld are intricately connected, with the same entities engaging in various illegal projects. The underworld wields significant wealth and political power, often with suggestions that politicians are either involved or providing protection to the culprits. While Youkthiya remains active, operations continue with the community’s direct approval, as parents of young victims bear the brunt. The group is subjected to thefts, robberies, and the destruction of public and private property during daylight, leading to a burden on public funds and an increase in the cost of living.
Despite ongoing justice operations, the underworld persists, and drug dealers operate alongside other illegal trades at a reduced pace. The intensified pressure through arrests, raids, and anti-drug efforts faces resistance from various quarters. Notable incidents, such as the alleged unauthorized construction belonging to a Dubai-based drug lord being destroyed in Dehiwala, gain media attention. The anticipated outcome is the curtailment or eradication of the drug and underworld menace, seen as a curse to society. We hope for the continued success of the operation, with leaders and public officers facing risks, dedication, and danger, all supported by average citizens living in fear but with high hopes for success.

වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර

මේ වන විට හිමාලයා ප්‍රකාශය මගින් දිගහැරෙන මාර්ග සිතියම අනුව ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ඛෙදුම්වාදී දෙමළ දේශපාලන පක්ෂ නායකයින්ට 2023.12.21 දින ලබා දුන් පොරොන්දුව අකුරටම ඉටු කරමින් සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන කොමිසම් පනත ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ පළ කර ඇත. ජනාධිපතිවරයා එහිදී පොරොන්දු වූයේ එම පනත කෙසේහෝ 2024 ජනවාරි මාසයේදී සම්මත කරන බවය. ඊට සමගාමීව එම පනත මගින් පිහිටුවනු ලබන කොමිසමේ නිර්දේශ අනුව කටයුතු කිරීම සඳහා ජාතික ඒකාග්‍රතාවය සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන කාර්යාල පනත ද ගැසට් කර ඇත. ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන කාර්යාල පනතට අමතරව අතුරුදහන් පුද්ගලයින් පිළිබඳ පනත සහ වන්දි ලබාදීමේ කාර්යාල පනත ආදී වශයෙන් පනත් ත්‍රිත්වයකට පවරා ඇති වගකීම් ඉටුකිරීම සඳහා ගිවිසුම් ඇති කර ගැනීම සහ සහාය ලබාදීම සඳහා සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම් පනතට බලතල ලබා දී ඇත. ඒ අනුව මෙම නව පනත මගින් ඛෙදුම්වාදී මහා න්‍යාය පත්‍රයට අනුව ජාත්‍යන්තර මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලය විසින් 2015 දී සම්මත කළ 30/1 යෝජනාව මගින් පිහිටුවන ලෙස බලකරන ලද යාන්ත්‍රණ සියල්ල ඒකාබද්ධ කිරීම සහ ඒවා ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා මගපෙන්වීම සිදුකෙරෙන බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය.

ඛෙදුම්වාදී න්‍යායපත්‍රය අනුව සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසමක් පිහිටුවීම අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ දකුණු අප්‍රිකාවේ මෙන් අවංක චේතනාවකින් ගැටුම් වලට අදාළ සත්‍ය පසුබිම සොයාගැනීම සඳහා නොවන බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. ඛෙදුම්වාදී යුද්ධය ආරම්භ වන්නේ ජාත්‍යන්තර න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකට අනුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ඛෙදා වෙන්කරීම මගින් දුර්වලකර ජනතාව එකිනෙකා මරා ගන්නා තත්ත්වයක් නිර්මාණය කිරීම සඳහා බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. ලෝකයේ මේ වන විට ඛෙදා වෙන්කර ඇති රටවල් 26ක් පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යයනය කිරීමේදී පෙනී යන්නේ යුද්ධයක් හෝ ගැටුමක් අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ කේවල් කිරීමේ උපාංගයක් ලෙස සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමකට පාර කපා ගැනීම සඳහා බවය. ඒ අනුව ඊනියා අවසාන විසඳුම හෙවත් රටක් ඛෙදා වෙන් කිරීම සිදුවන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සංශෝධනය කිරීම මගින් ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූලව හෝ ජාත්‍යන්තර ගිවිසුමක් මගිනි. වර්තමාන ජනාධිපතිවරයා 2003 දී අගමැතිවරයා ලෙස සටන් විරාම ගිවිසුම යටතේ තාවකාලික ආණ්ඩු ගිවිසුමක් අත්සන් කිරීම මගින් එම ක්‍රමවේද දෙක දෙමුහුන් කිරීමට උත්සාහයක් ගනු ලැබීය.

ඒ අනුව ඛෙදුම්වාදී යුද්ධය පරාජය කිරීමෙන් පසුව ඛෙදුම්වාදීන්ට අහිමි වූ කේවල් කිරීමේ බලය ඔවුන් විසින් නැවත ලබා ගන්නේ යුධ ජයග්‍රහණයට පසු දින 3ක් ඇතුළත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට කඩා වැදුණු එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මහලේකම් බන් කි මූන් විසින් අතට ගත් මානව හිමිකම් කෙවිට යොදා ගනිමිනි. එම කෙවිට මගින් දිගින් දිගටම බලපෑම් කිරීමෙන් පසුව 2015 දී වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් අගමැති ලෙස 2015 දී ඛෙදුම්වාදී මාර්ග සිතියමට අදාළ න්‍යය පත්‍රය හෙවත් ජාත්‍යන්තර මානව හිමිකම් කවුන්සිලයේ 30/1 යෝජනාවට එකඟතාවය පළකරනු ලෑබීය. එම න්‍යාය පත්‍රය තුළ ප්‍රධාන අරමුණු 3ක් හඳුනාගත හැක. ඒ අතරින් පළමුවැන්න ආරක්ෂක හමුදා දුර්වල කිරීම, බිය වැද්දීම සහ ඔවුන්ට මානසික බාධක පැණවීමය. ඊට අදාළව ක්‍රියාමාර්ග 5ක් යෝජනාවේ අඩංගුවේ. පළමුවැන්න විශේෂ සිදුවීම් යොදා ගනිමින් ආරක්ෂක හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට පරිපාලන වශයෙන් ද~ුවම් කිරීමය. දෙවැන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආරක්ෂක හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට විරුද්ධව ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිකරණ බලය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන ලෙස සෙසු රටවලින් ඉල්ලා සිටීමය. තුන්වැන්න එම ක්‍රියාවලියට පහසුකම් සැලසීම සඳහා චෝදනා සහ සාක්ෂි ගොණු කිරීමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර යාන්ත්‍රණයක් පිහිටුවීමය. හතරවැන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමක් සහිතව යුද අපරාධ අධිකරණයක් පිහිටුවීමය.

නමුත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමක් සහිතව යුධ අපරාධ අධිකරණයක් පිහිටුවිය නොහැක. එම අභියෝගය ජය ගැනීම සඳහා යුද අපරාධ අධිකරණයක බලය සහිත මහාධිකරණයක් පිහිටුවීම සඳහා අතුරුදහන් වූවන් පිළිබඳ ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රඥප්ති පනත මගින් ප්‍රතිපාදන සැලසීය. පස්වන යාන්ත්‍රණය වන්නේ අතුරුදහන් පුද්ගලයින් පිළිබඳ කාර්යාල පනතය. ඒ මගින් අණදීමේ වගකීමත් ඇතුළත්ව සාක්ෂි ආඥා පනත බලාත්මක නොවන ලෙස ආරක්ෂක හමුදා නිලධාරීන්ට එරෙහිව චෝදනා ගොනු කිරීම සඳහා චෝදනා කර්මාන්තශාලාවක් නිර්මාණය කරනු ලැබීය. ඉහත සඳහන් කළ 30/1 යෝජනාවේ ප්‍රධාන අරමුණු ත්‍රිත්වය අතරින් දෙවැන්න 13 වැනි සංශෝධනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම බලාත්මක කරන ලෙසට විවිධ කොන්දේසි යටතේ විවිධ ආකාරයට බලපෑම් කිරීමය. තුන්වන අරමුණු සමස්තය කළමනාකරණය කිරීම සහ ඊට අදාළ බලපෑම් කිරීම සඳහා ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමකට පාර කපා ගැනීමය. විශේෂයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙමින් මැදිහත්වීමට පාර කපා ගැනීමය. සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම නමැති උපාංග යොදාගන්නේ ඒ සඳහාය.

ඛෙදුම්වාදී න්‍යාය පත්‍රයට සාපේක්ෂව සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම මගින් අපේක්ෂිත අරමුණු ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් 4ක් හඳුනාගත හැක. පළමුවැන්න ඩයස්පෝරාවේ සාමාජිකයන්, විවිධ වින්දිතයන්, විශේෂයෙන්ම අතුරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ ඥාතීන් සහ මිලදී ගත හැකි ආරක්ෂක හමුදා සාමාජිකයන් යොදා ගනිමින් යුධ අපරාධ ලෙස නම් කළ හැකි විවිධ අපරාධ පිළිබඳව ව්‍යාජ පාපොච්චාරණවලට පහසුකම් සැලසීම ය.

ඒ සඳහා සාක්ෂි ලබාදීමේදී ඒකපාර්ශවීය පාපොච්චාරණය කරන්නාට වාසි සැලසෙන ලෙස අදාළ ක්‍රියාවලියට සාක්ෂි ආඥා පනත අදාළ නොවන බවට පනත මගින් ප්‍රතිපාදන පනවා ඇත. (13 (හ- වගන්තිය) ඊට අමතරව ව්‍යාජ සාක්ෂි ලබාදෙන පුද්ගලයින්ට එරෙහිව ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගත නොහැකි වන ලෙසද ප්‍රතිපාදන පනත මගින් පනවා ඇත. (48 වගන්තිය) එසේම එම ක්‍රියාවලියට එරෙහිව අභ්‍යාචනා අධිකරණය මගින් රීට් ආඥාවක් ලබා ගැනීමේ හැකියාවද නැත (46 වගන්තිය) තවද අදාළ පුද්ගලයින්ගේ අනන්‍යතාවය හෙළි නොකිරීම සඳහා එනම් ඒ සඳහා බැඳීමක් ඇති නොවන බවටද පනත මගින් ප්‍රතිපාදන පනවා ඇත. (13(ං- වගන්තිය) ඒ සියල්ලටම වඩා මෙම පනත මගින් අණදීමේ වගකීමට අදාළව චෝදනා ගොනු කිරීමේ හැකියාව ඇත. (12 (ය- :Xෂෂ- වගන්තිය)
ඒ ආකාරයට සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ නාමයෙන් පාපොච්චාරණය කරන්නන් යොදා ගනිමින් ආරක්ෂක හමුදා සාමාජිකයන්ට යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීම මගින් අතුරු අරමුණු 4ක් ඉටු කර ගැනීමට හැකියාව ලැබේ. පළමුවැන්න දැනට ආරම්භ කර ඇති සාක්ෂි සහ චෝදනා ගොනු කිරීමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර යාන්ත්‍රණය ශක්තිමත් කිරීම සහ ඊට සුජාතභාවය ලබාදීමය. දෙවැන්න ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිකරණ බලය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා අදාළ රටවල අභිචෝදකට අවශ්‍ය චෝදනා සහ සාක්ෂි ලබාදීමය. තුන්වැන්න ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළදී අපරාධ නීතිය සහ සිවිල් නීතිය යටතේ නඩු පැවරීමට අවකාශය නිර්මාණය කිරීමය. (16(2) වගන්තිය) හතරවැන්න දැනට පිහිටුවා ඇති පුද්ගලයින් අතුරුදහන් කිරීම පිළිබඳ කාර්යාල පනත යටතේ චෝදනා ගොනු කිරීම සඳහා තොරතුරු සැපයීමය. ඉහත සඳහන් කළ ආකාරයට සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම සහ අතුරුදහන් වූවන්ගේ කාර්යාලය ඒකාබද්ධව කටයුතු කිරීම සඳහා පනත මගින් ප්‍රතිපාදන පනවා ඇත. (13 (9) වගන්තිය)

සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම මඟින් ඉටු කර ගැනීමට අපේක්ෂිත මූලික අරමුණු අතුරින් දෙවැන්න චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීමේ, සාක්ෂි ගොණු කිරීමේ සහ ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීමේ ක්‍රියාවලියට අවශ්‍ය වන බලවත් නීතිමය ආවරණය ලබා දීමය. මෙම පනත මගින් ඕනෑම රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයකට හෝ නිලධාරියෙකුට ඕනෑම රහසිගත ලේඛනයක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට සහ කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්ෂි දීමට පෙළඹවීමේ හැකියාව ඇත. කොමිසමේ නියෝග නොතකා කටයුතු කිරීම මගින් පනත යටතේ වරදකට වරදකරුවෙකු වේ. ඊට ලැඛෙන ද~ුවම අභියාචන අධිකරණයට අපහාස කිරීමේ වරදට ලැඛෙන ද~ුවම තරමට බරපතළ වේ. (13,14 වගන්ති) ඊට අමතරව මූලික අරමුණු අතරින් තුන්වැන්න වන්නේ 13 වැනි සංශෝධනය බලාත්මක කිරීම සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන කාර්යාල පනත යටතේ ඉදිරිපත් කරන ප්‍රතිපත්තිය මගින් නිර්දේශිත කාරණා ඉටු කිරීම සඳහා බලපෑම් කිරීමේ යාන්ත්‍රණය පිහිටුවීමය. සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ සහ ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන පනත යනු දකුණු අප්‍රිකාවේ මෙන් ඊනියා සත්‍ය සෙවීම සඳහා පමණක් පිහිටුවන ආයතනයක් නොවේ. ඊට ප්‍රතිසන්ධානය ද අයත් වන බැවින් ඒ යටතේ ඉහත සඳහන් කළ ආකාරයට වගවීම හෙවත් රණවිරුවන්ට යුද අපරාධ චෝදනා එල්ල කිරීම සහ ද~ුවම් කිරීම ද අයත් වේ. ඊට අමතරව ඒ යටතට වන්දි ගෙවීම සහ නැවත ගැටුම් ඇතිවීම වැළැක්වීම යන කාරණා ඇතුළත්වේ. ඒ අනුව ගැටුම් ඇතිවීම වැළැක්වීමේ නාමයෙන් 13 වැනි සංශෝධනය බලාත්මක කිරීම යන මූලික ඛෙදුම්වාදී උපාය මාර්ගික ප්‍රවේශයට අදාල බල කිරීම් විවිධ ආකාරයට සිදුකිරීමේ හැකියාව ලැබේ.

පනතට අදාළ හතරවැනි මූලික අරමුණ වන්නේ රටතුළ ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීමකට පාර කපා ගැනීමය. යුද ජයග්‍රහණයෙන් පසුව විවිධ ආකාරයට ඒ සඳහා උත්සාහ ගත්තද එම අවශ්‍යතාවය ඉටු කර ගැනීමට අවස්ථාව නොලැබි‚. නමුත් දැන් සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසම නාමයෙන් ඒ සඳහා නීතිමය බැඳීමක් සහිතව ප්‍රබල අවකාශයක් නිර්මාණය වී ඇත. පනත යටතේ පිහිටුවනු ලබන කොමිසමට හෝ අනු කමිටු වලට උපදෙස් හෝ තාක්ෂ‚ක සහාය ලබා ගැනීමේ නාමයෙන් විශේෂඥයින් ලෙස විදේශිකයින් සහ විදේශීය ආයතන කැඳවාගැනීමේ හැකියාව ඇත. (13:න-:ෂ- වගන්ති) ඊට අමතරව කොමිසමට උපදෙස් දීම සඳහා ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පත්කරනු ලබන උපදේශක මණ්ඩලයට විදේශිකයින් පත්කිරීමේ හැකියාව ඇත.
ඒ ආකාරයට රට තුළට කැඳවන විදේශීය පුද්ගලයින් ඇතුළු උපදේශකයින්ට ගෙවීම් කරනු ලබන්නේ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ උපදෙස් පරිදිය. මෙම උපදේශකයන්ට කොමිසමේ අතුරු වාර්තා, විශේෂිත වාර්තා සහ අවසන් වාර්තාව මෙන්ම වෙනත් ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය ලේඛන හෝ අභ්‍යන්තර පරිපාලන නියමයන් වෙනස් කිරීමේ බලය ලබාදී ඇත. ඔවුන්ගේ අනුමැතිය නොමැතිව අදාළ වාර්තා නිකුත් කළ නොහැක. ඒ ආකාරයට අවසානයේදී විදේශිකයන්ගේ අනුකම්පාවට යටත් කෙරෙන ආකාරයට වාර්තා සකස් කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලියක් පනත යටතේ හඳුන්වාදී ඇත. ඒ අනුව මෙම පනත යටතේ පිහිටුවනු ලබන කොමිසමට අසීමිත බලයක් ලබාදී ඇතත් එම බලය විදේශිකයන්ගේ ආධිපත්‍යයට යටත්කර ඇත. එය ඛෙදුම්වාදි මාර්ග සිතියමට අදාල මූලික උපාය මාර්ගික ප්‍රවේශයකි. පනත යටතේ කොමිසමේ අරමුදලට විදේශීය අරමුදල් ලබා ගැනීමේ බලය ලබාදී ඇති අතර එම අරමුදල් යොදා ගනිමින් සාක්ෂි ලබාදීම සඳහා පැමිණෙන ඩයස්පෝරා සාමාජිකයන්ට ගමන් වියදම් ගෙවීමේ හැකියාවද ඇත (13:ය- ල 22වගන්ති) ඒ අනුව අවසන් වාර්තාව මගින් ජාත්‍යන්තර අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගවලට අවශ්‍ය ආකාරයට සමූල ඝාතන චෝදනා තහවුරු කිරීම සඳහා ප්‍රභල ඉඩක් විවර වී ඇත.

ඊට අමතරව පනත මගින් කොමිසමට තම බලතල ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා පූර්ණ බලය ලබාදෙන අතර අධිකරණයට හෝ වෙනත් කිසිදු රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයක නිලධාරියෙකුට හෝ අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩලයට හෝ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඊට අදාළව බලපෑම් කිරීමේ හැකියාවක් නැත. (11 වගන්තිය) ඒ ආකාරයට අසීමිත බලයක් කොමිසමට ලබා දෙන්නේ කොමිසම මගින් අපේක්ෂිත අරමුණු ඉටු කර ගැනීමේදී පැන නැගිය හැකි විරෝධතා නොතකා ක්‍රියාවලිය ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාම සඳහා බව ඉතා පැහැදිලිය. එසේම පනත මගින් ආවරණය වන කාලය 2009 සිට 1983 දක්වා ආපස්සට ගමන් කරන බැවින් විවිධ ආකාරයට විවිධ චෝදනා ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම සහ ඒවා විභාග කිරීමට අවස්ථාව නිර්මාණය වේ. පනත මගින් රහසිගත ලේඛන පරීක්ෂා කිරීම, ස්ථාන පරීක්ෂා කිරීම සහ සමූහ මිනී වළවල් ලෙස හඳුනන්වන ස්ථානවල කැධෑම් කිරීම ආදී බහුවිධ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් සඳහා කොමිසමට බලය පවරා ඇත.
ඒ අනුව කිසිදු ආකාරයකට කොමිසම මගින් සිදුකෙරෙන වැරදි ක්‍රියා හෝ බලය අයුතු ලෙස යොදාගැනීමේ අවස්ථාවන් වැළැක්වීමට නීතිමය හැකියාවක් නැත. කොමිසම මගින් සිදු කරන ඕනෑම ක්‍රියාවකට බාධා කරන හෝ සහාය නොදෙන පුද්ගලයින්ට ද~ුවම් පැමිණවීමට පනත මගින් බලය පවරා ඇති බැවින් කොමිසම විසින් සිදුකරන අසාධාරණ ක්‍රියාවකට එරෙහිවීම වැළැක්වීම සඳහා මහජනයාට මානසික බාධක පැනවේ. එසේම කොමිසමේ සාමාජිකයන්ට සහ සාක්ෂි දෙන පුද්ගලයන්ට ලබා දෙන විශේෂ නීතිමය ආරක්ෂාව නිසා ඔවුන්ට අත්තනෝමතික ලෙස සහ පක්ෂපාති ලෙස ක්‍රියා කිරීමට බලපත්‍රයක් ලැබේ.

ඒ සියලූ බලතල එසේ ලබා දී තිබියදී කොමිසම පත් කිරීමට අදාළ ප්‍රතිපාදන මගින් ඉතා සූක්ෂම ලෙස ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ තනි කැමැත්ත සහ බලය ආරක්ෂා කර ඇත. ඒ සඳහා වන පනත තුළ අඩංගු වන පළමු උපක්‍රමය කොමිසමට අදාළව නිශ්චිත සාමාජිකයින් සංඛ්‍යාවක් පැනවීම වෙනුවට අවමය ලෙස 7 දෙනකු සහ උපරිමය ලෙස 21 දෙනෙකු නියම කිරීමය (3(1) වගන්තිය) කොමිසමට ඇතුල්වීමට කැමති පිරිස් වලට ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවට ඉල්ලූම් කළ හැකි අතර එම සභාව මගින් අනුමත කරන පුද්ගලයින් පත් කිරීම හෝ නොකිරීම ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ අභිමතයකි. ඊට අමතරව රටේ බහු වාර්ගිකත්වය කොමිසම තුළ නියෝජනය විය යුතු බවට ප්‍රතිපාදන පනවා ඇති බැවින් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට එම ප්‍රතිපාදන යොදා ගනිමින් ඛෙදුම්වාදයට පක්ෂපාතී ඊනියා විද්වතුන් හෝ රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන ප්‍රධානීන් පත් කිරීමේ හැකියාව ඇත. එසේම යම් සාමාජිකයකු ඉවත් වුවහොත් හෝ ඉවත් කළහොත් අනුප්‍රාප්තිකයින් පත් කිරීමේ බලය ජනාධිපතිවරයා සතු වේ.
ඊට අමතරව සත්‍ය සෙවීමේ කොමිසමේ අධ්‍යක්ෂක ජනරාල්වරයා පත් කරනු ලබන්නේද ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසිනි. ඒ මගින් ලේකම් කාර්යාලය හරහා ක්‍රියාත්මක වන කොමිසමේ ක්‍රියාකාරීත්වයට අදාළ ප්‍රායෝගික ක්‍රියාකාරකම් පිළිබඳ බලපෑම් කිරීමේ හැකියාව ලැබේ.

අවසානයේදී කොමිසමේ වාර්තාවට අනුව ඉදිරිපත් කරන නිර්දේශ සමස්තයක් ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය අධීක්ෂණය කිරීමේ බලය ලැඛෙන කමිටුවේ බහුතර බලය රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් බාහිර පුද්ගලයන්ට හිමි වේ. එම පුද්ගලයින් පත්කිරීමේ දී ද සුදුසුකම් වලට වඩා ඊනියා බහුවාර්ගිකත්වය සැලකිල්ලට ගනු ලැබේ. (40 (1):ඉ- වගන්තිය) ඒ අනුව ඛෙදුම්වාදී උවමනාවන්ට අනුව ප්‍රමුඛතා තීරණය කිරීමේ අවකාශය නිර්මාණය වන අතර එම ක්‍රියාවලිය ප්‍රතිසන්ධාන කාර්යාලය සමඟ ඒකාබද්ධව සිදු කෙරෙනු ඇත

මෙම පනත මගින් බාහිරින් පෙන්වනු ලබන සත්‍ය සෙවීම සහ වින්දිතයින්ට වන්දි ගෙවීම වැනි යුක්ති සහගත අභිලාංශයන්ට වඩා සැඟවුණු අරමුණු ඉතා දුෂ්ට බව ඉතා කෙටි කාලකයින් මහජනයා තේරුම් ගනු ඇත. නමුත් ඒ බව තේරුම් ගන්නා විට බොහෝ පමා වී වැඩි බව වන බවට කිසිදු සැකයක් නැත. අඩු තරමින් මෙම පනතේ දුෂ්ඨ අරමුණු පිළිබඳව පනත මගින් වින්දිතයින් බවට පත්වීමට නියමිත ආරක්ෂක හමුදා ප්‍රධානීන් හෝ තේරුම් ගතහොත් ජාතියේ ඉරණම වෙනස් විය හැක. එසේ නැතහොත් මෙම පනත ඒකීය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මිහිදන් කෙරෙන zzමිනී පෙට්ටියේZZ අවසන් ඇනය වන බවට කිසිදු සැකයක් නැත. මෙම පනත මගින් ඉතා පැහැදිලිව ඛෙදුම්වාදයෙන් රට ගලවා ගැනීම සඳහා දිවි පිදූ රණවිරුවන් 30,000ගේ සහ තුවාල ලැබූ ඊට සමාන විරුවන් පිරිසක අතරින් ආබාධිතව දිවි ගෙවන 14,000ක් රණවිරුවන්ගේ සියලූ කැපකිරීම් පාවාදීමක් සිදුවන අතර රට නැවත ඛෙදුම්වාදී මර උගුලට තල්ලූ කෙරෙන බවට කිසිදු සැකයක් නැත. මෙම දුෂ්ඨ පාවාදීමේ පනතට අත ඔසවන කිසිදු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකුට ඉතිහාසය විසින් සමාව ලබා නොදෙන බවටද සැකයක් නැත. ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ සහ ඛෙදුම්වාදීන්ගේ සිහින සැබෑ කිරීම සඳහා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසින් තම හිස දන්දිය යුතුද යන්න සිහිබුද්ධියෙන් යුතුව කල්පනා කළ යුතුය. වසර 14ක් නොකළ දේ දැන් සිදුකිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය කුමක්ද සහ ඒ මගින් වාසි සැළසෙන්නේ කාටද යන්න ඔවුන් විසින් කල්පනා කළ යුතුය. මෙම ක්‍රියාවලිය ආරම්භ වූ පසුව දේශීය සහ විදේශිය ජනමාධ්‍යවල උපරිම කාලයක් ලබාගනිමින් රණවිරුවන් පාවාදෙන පාපොච්චාරණ සංදර්ශන පැවැත්වෙන විට ඔවුනට තමා විසින් සිදුකළ පාවාදීමේ තරම වැටහෙනු ඇත.
වෛද්‍ය වසන්ත බණ්ඩාර

Geopolitical Economy Report

What is Yemen’s so-called “Houthi” movement, officially known as Ansarallah? Why are they blocking Israel-bound ships from entering the Red Sea? Ben Norton explains. || Geopolitical Economy Report ||

 අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

අස්වැසුම සුභ සාධක ප්‍රතිලාභ යෝජනා ක්‍රමය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම හා යථාවත් කිරීම පිළිබඳ විශේෂ සාකච්ඡාවක් අද (2024.01.08) අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේදී පැවැත්විණි.

2023 වසරේ සියලුම අස්වැසුම අභියාචනා ජනවාරි 31 වනදා වන විට විසඳා අවසන් කිරීමටත්, පෙබරවාරි මුල් සතිය වන විට දෙවන වටය සඳහා අලුතින් අස්වැසුම අයදුම්පත් කැඳවීමටත්, සෑම ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාසයකටම අස්වැසුම විශේෂ ඒකකයක් ඇති කිරීමටත් ග්‍රාමීය මට්ටමින්ඒ සඳහා නිළධාරියෙකු පත්කිරීමටත් මෙහිදී තීරණය කරනු ලැබීය.       

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා –

අස්වැසුම අහිමි වෙයි කියලා විශාල පිරිසකට සැකයක් සහ බියක් තිබුණා. දිසාපතිවරු ඇතුළු සියලු දෙනා ගැටලු රැසක් මධ්‍යයේ වුණත් අස්වැසුම හොඳින් ක්‍රියාත්මක කළා. දිස්ත්‍රික් සම්බන්ධීකරණ කමිටු සභාපතිවරුන් සහ ග්‍රාම නිලධාරීන් ඇතුළු සම්බන්ධිත නිලධාරීන් සියලු දෙනා ඊට සහයෝගය දැක්වූවා. තාක්ෂණික අඩුපාඩු තිබෙනවා. එය පැහැදිලි කර ගැනීමට අධ්‍යක්ෂ මණ්ඩලය කටයුතු කළා.

අස්වැසුම වැඩසටහනේදී ඉදිරියට අවස්ථා කිහිපයක් අභියාචනාවලට ඉඩ ලැබෙනවා. අභියාචනා විභාගයේදී දිසාපතිවරුන්, ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරුන් ඇතිවන ගැටලු නිරාකරණය කරනවා. තාක්ෂණික ගැටලුව මුල ඉඳන්ම ආවා. ධාරිතාවය මදි. දැන් අස්වැසුම වැඩසටහනට නිසි සැලැස්මක් තිබෙනවා. නිශ්චිත පියවරයන් තිබෙනවා. ඔක්තෝබර්, නොවැම්බර් මාස දෙකේදි ග්‍රාම නිලධාරීන් සියලුම ඡන්ද ලේඛන සකස්කර අවසන් කළා. ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළ යුතු දිනයක් තිබෙන නිසා ඊට අනුකූලව ඡන්ද ලේඛනවල සියලු වැඩ අවසන් කරමට ග්‍රාම නිලධාරීන් පියවර ගත්තා. අස්වැසුම වැඩසටහනටත් එවැනි සහයෝගයක් ලබා ගැනීම අවශ්‍යයි. මේ වන විටත් රජයේ දරිද්‍රතාවයෙන් මිදීමේ වැඩසටහන විශාල ප්‍රගතියක් අත්කරගෙන තිබෙනවා.

මුදල් රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ෂෙහාන් සේමසිංහ, අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලේකම් අනුර දිසානායක, ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව පිළිබඳ ජනාධිපති ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ උපදේශක හා ජනාධිපති කාර්ය මණ්ඩල ප්‍රධානි සාගල රත්නායක,  රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන අමාත්‍යාංශ ලේකම් ප්‍රදීප් යසරත්න, අස්වැසුම සුභසාධන ප්‍රතිලාභ මණ්ඩලයේ සභාපති ජයන්ත විජේරත්න, දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම්වරු, ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරු, සමෘද්ධි සංවර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරීන්, මෙම අවස්ථාවට සහභාගී වූහ.

 අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

Joint CSO Statement

This week the government will be taking up the ONUR bill for debate after which it will be enacted as law. The bill proposes to establish an Office for National Unity and Reconciliation in order to assure to every citizen equal opportunities in the economic, social, cultural and political spheres.  At the same time, the new institution will have the purpose of safeguarding identity and building an inclusive society in which diversity will be respected and all communities will coexist in harmony and unity.
 
The commendable objectives outlined in the ONUR bill, such as promoting national unity and peaceful coexistence, require dialogue and negotiation among representatives of diverse communities in Sri Lanka, both in civil and political societies. Unfortunately, the potential importance of this new institution appears to be under-estimated by the government, its policymakers and the law’s drafters as there has been little or no effort to engage in public discussion on it or to educate the general public about the need for it. 
 
We, the undersigned, have three major concerns which we outline.  First, we believe that the composition of the decision making board of ONUR will be crucial to the success of the institution and its work.  We note that Appointments to the ONUR Board would be appointments by the Minister under whose purview the institution comes.  The minister is empowered to recommend the appointment of 11 members who will have terms of 3 years, while the chairperson has no time limit, which is inadvisable.   We urge a more multi-partisan method of appointments to ensure that those appointed represent the diversity of ethnic and religious groups and socio-cultural interests.
 
Second, as ONUR is expected to play a central role in the national reconciliation process that brings together all the independent reconciliation mechanisms we propose that appointments to the ONUR board should include ex-officio representatives from the Office of Missing Persons, Office of Reparations, NGO Secretariat and the Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Commission which is soon to be established. This will ensure that all the reconciliation institutions share a common vision and are informed of the work that is being done by each of them. There is also a need to ensure representation from civil society to ensure that the perspectives of affected communities and victims are considered and acted upon.
 
Third, we are concerned about the role given to ONUR to be prescriptive vis a vis civil society by virtue of the power to guide and facilitate peace and reconciliation programmes conducted by local organisations including community based organisations.”  This authority to monitor and review the work of civil society raises concerns about the prospect of government heavy-handedness in the context of the possible politicization for narrow and partisan purposes of national reconciliation policy and actions.  The new law needs to be clear that the government will not direct civil society to follow its guidelines, but can assist and facilitate” them to do so.
 
National reconciliation cannot be enforced from the top down.  It needs to be a voluntary process involving all ethnic and religious communities.  There is a need to draw civil society and elected political representatives into the discussion about the new institution. Prior to the passage of the new law, we urge the government to engage with opposition political parties, particularly those representing minority ethnic and religious communities, as well as civil society, to establish a multi-partisan consensus, encompassing pluralistic values on the path to make this a true reconciliation process for national unity.
 

Signatories

Ihsaan A. Hameed, National President, All Ceylon YMMA Conference    

D M Nimal Dissanayake, Coordinator, Anuradhapura District Citizen Committee

Sachitha N Hewage, Chairman, ASIA LANKA Social Development Co-operation (ALSDC)

Visaka Dharmadasa, Chairperson, Association of War Affected Women (AWAW)

Dr Joe William, Director, Centre for Communication Training (CCT)

Mohamed Buhary, Executive Director, Eastern Social Development Foundation (ESDF)

Chaminda Piyasekara, Executive Director, Environment and Community Development Information Centre (ECDIC)

Amar Gunatilleke, Executive Vice Chairman, Marga Institute

G V D Tilakasiri, President, Free Trade Union Development Center (FTUDC)

Anthony Vinoth, Executive Director, Human Rights Hub

Fr Nandana Manatunga, Director, Human Rights Office (HRO)

Dr Rajni Gamage, Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore

Sakunthala Kadirgamar, Executive Director, Law & Society Trust (LST)

B.W.Gunasekara, National Ethnic Unity Foundation  (NEUF)

Dr Jehan Perera, Executive Director, National Peace Council (NPC)

Harindra B Dassanayake, Head of Research, One-Text Initiative.

Michael Joachim, Executive Director, Plantation Rural Education Development Organisation (PREDO)

Philip Dissanayake, Executive Director, Right to Life (R2L)

Niroshan Ekanayaka, Executive Director, SAMADANA

Nawaz Mohammed, Country Director, Search for Common Ground (SFCG)

Aashiq Alabdeen, Chief Executive Officer, Serving Humanity Foundation

Nadishani Perera, Executive Director, Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL)

Dr. A.M. Navaratna Bandara, Former Professor, University of Peradeniya

Nadesan Suresh, Executive Director, Uva Shakthi Foundation (USF)

Manusha Media

දුන්න පොරොන්දුව ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම ඉටු වෙයි – අලුත් අවුරුද්දේ දින හතක් ඇතුළට නුවඑරළියට විදේශ සේවා කාර්යාලයක්

ඊළග පරම්පරාව වැඩ කරන්නේ ඡන්ද බලාගෙන නෙමෙයි

පසුගිය වසරේ විදේශ ශ්‍රමිකයින් ඩොලර් බිලියන 6කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් එවලා – බිලියන 6 පසු කරන්න බැරිවුනේ මිලියන 30ක අඩුවක් නිසා

මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ නිලධාරීන් නිසා ඩොලර් ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට බාධා ඇතිවෙලා
විදේශ ගත ශ්‍රමිකියන්ට සහ ඔවුන්ගේ පවුල්වල සාමාජිකයින්ට සේවාවන් සැපයීම සදහා දෙමළ මාධ්‍යයෙන් කටයුතු කළ හැකි කාර්යාලයක් ලබාදෙන ලෙසට විදේශ ගත ශ්‍රමිකයින්ගේ දරුවන් ජාත්‍යන්තර සංක්‍රමණික දිනය යෙදී තිබුණ පසුගිය 18 වැනිදා කළ ඉල්ලීම අනුව 2024 වසර ආරම්භ කර දින 7ක් ඇතුළත නුවරටළියට ප්‍රාදේශීය කාර්යාලයක් ලබාදෙන බවට දුන් පොරොන්දුව ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම ඉටු කරමින්, කම්කරු හා විදේශ රැකියා අමාත්‍ය මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා අතින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා විදේශ සේවා නියුක්ති කාර්යාංශයේ ප්‍රාදේශීය කාර්යාලය ඊයේ (07) දින අමාත්‍යවරයා අතින් විවෘත කළේය.

සිය ඉල්ලීම් ඉටු කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් විදේශ ගත ශ්‍රමික පවුල්වල දරුවන් නාට්‍යයක් රග දක්වා අමාත්‍යවරයාට සිය කෘතඥතාවදය පළ කළේය.

නුවරඑළිය දිස්ත්‍රික් කාර්යාලය විවෘත කළ අමාත්‍යවරයා එම කාර්යාලයේ ලියාපදිංචිය ලැබ පළමුව විදේශ ගත වන ශ්‍රමිකයා සදහා කාර්යාංශයේ ලියාපදිංචියද එම අවස්ථාවේදීම ලබාදුන්නේය.

නුවරඑළියේ ජනතාවට, නුවරඑළියේ ඊළග පරම්පරාවට වැඩ කළ යුතු වන්නේ ඡන්ද බලාගෙන නොවන බවත්, ඔවුන්ගේ සැබෑ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් ඉටු කිරීම සදහා වන බවත් අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙහිදී සදහන් කළේය. ජාත්‍යන්තර සංකමණිකයින්ගේ දිනය යෙදී තිබුණ දෙසැම්බර් 18 වැනිදා පැවති උත්සවයකදී විදේශ ගත ශ්‍රමිකයින්ගේ දරුවන් කළ ඉල්ලීම් පහෙන් හතරක් ඉටු කර ඇති බවත්, නුවරඑළියට දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් කටයුතු කළ හැකි විදේශ සේවා නියුක්ති කාර්යාංශයේ දිස්ත්‍රික් කාර්යාලයක් ලබාදුන්නේ ඒ අනුව වන බවත් මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා සදහන් කළේය. තමන් දරුවන්ට දුන් පොරොන්දුව ඒ ආකාරයෙන්ම ඉටු කිරීම සදහා කැපවී කටයුතු කළ ශ්‍රී ලංකා විදේශ සේවා නියුක්ති කාර්යාංශයේ සභාපතිවරයා ඇතුළු නිලධාරීන්ට අමාත්‍යවරයා සිය ස්තුතිය පුද කළේය. ඔවුන්ගේ පස්වැනි ඉල්ලීම වන ඡන්ද අයිතිය ලබාදීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඉදිරියේදී කටයුතු කිරීමට හැකියාව ලැබෙනු ඇති බවද ඔහු විශ්වාසය පල කළේය.

නුවරඑළියට පැමිණි විට සිංහල හා දෙමළ භාෂා දෙකෙන්ම ජාතික ගීය ගායනා කළ බවද, යාපනයට ගිය විට දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් ජාතික ගීය ගායනා කළ බවද අමාත්‍යවරයා සිහිපත් කළේය. උත්සවයේ ප්‍රදර්ශනය කළ වීඩියෝ දර්ශනවලින් සියයට 95ක්ම දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් විකාශය කළ බවද සිංහල පමණක් දන්නා අයගෙන් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් සමාව ඉල්ලා සිටියේය. එහෙත් රටේ සිදුවන හැම දේම සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පමණක් කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් දෙමළ ජනතාවගෙන් කවදාවත් සමාව ඉල්ලා නොමැති බවද ඇමැතිවරයා සිහිපත් කළේය.

සිංහල රාජ්‍ය භාෂාව කරලා ජාතීන් බෙදා වෙන් කළ සියලුම දේශපාලඥයින්ට සාප වන බව පැවසූ මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා ඒ බෙදීම නිසා අද දිනයේදී තමන්ට දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් වචන කිහිපයක් කතා කිරීමට නොහැකිවී ඇති බවද කීවේය. දැන් ඉතිහාසයට චෝදනා කරමින් නොසිට අනාගතයේ සිටින පුංචි දරුවන් වෙනුවෙන් හෝ රට ගොඩ නැගිය යුතු බවද ඇමැතිවරයා සදහන් කළේය. දේශපාලඥයින් ගැනීමට අකමැති, ජනප්‍රිය නොවන තීන්දු වන බදු වැඩි කිරීම්, වැටුප් කප්පාදු කිරීම් කරමින් දැවැන්ත වෙනසක් මේ වන විට ඉටු කරමින් යන්නේ දරුවන්ගේ අනාගතය ගැන සිතමින් බවද ඔහු පැවසුවේය. අනාගතය දකින නායකයාගේ අඩි පාරේ යමින් තමන්ද නුවරඑළියට පැමිණ තීන්දු තීරණ ගත් බවද ඇමැතිවරයා කීවේය.

ඩොලර් මිලියන 500ක පංගුකාරයෙක් වන ලෙසට විදේශ ගත ශ්‍රමිකයින්ගෙන් කළ ඉල්ලීමට ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් නීත්‍යානුකූලව බැංකු ක්‍රමය හරහා මුදල් එවීමට කටයුතු කර ඇති බවද, පසුගිය වසරේදී රටට ගෙනා ඩොලර් ප්‍රමාණය ඩොලර් බිලියන 6කට ආසන්න වන බවද අමාත්‍යවරයා කීවේය. ඩොලර් බිලියන 6 සීමාව පසු කර යාමට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ තවත් ඩොර් මිලියන 30ක් පමණක් බවද, එම ඩොලර් මිලියන 30 ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට නොහැකිවූයේ මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති හදන නිලධාරීන් නිසා බවද අමාත්‍යවරයා කීය. මේ සදහා අවශ්‍ය ගැසට් නිවේදනය ජනාධිපතිතුමා විසින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කළත්, ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කටයුතු කරන ලෙස ජනාධිපතිතුමා ප්‍රකාශ කළත්, මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ, ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ පාලන කාලයේදීත් තීන්දු තීරණගත් නිලධාරීන් අදත් සිටිමින් ඩොලර් මිලියන හයෙන් නතර කළ බවද මනුෂ නානායක්කාර මහතා කීවේය. ඒ සදහා ඔවුන් වගකිව යුතු බවද අමාත්‍යවරයා අවධාරණය කළේය.

වතුකරයේ ජනතාවගේ වැටුප් වැඩි කිරීමට කටයුතු කරන ලෙසට ජනාධිපති ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ උපදේශක වඩිවෙල් සුරේෂ් මහතා කළ ඉල්ලීමට ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්වූ අමාත්‍යවරයා පැවසුවේ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් වන තීන්දුව ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් මේ මස අවසන් වීමට පෙර ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරනු ඇති බවයි.

ග්‍රාම නිලධාරී කාර්යාලයක්, ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාශයක් ආරම්භ කිරීමට මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් හත් අට දෙනෙක් එක්ව වසර පහලොවක් විස්සක් උත්සාහ කරන තත්වයක් තුළදී දින කිහිපයක් තුළදී නුවරඑළියට විදේශ සේවා නියුක්ති කාර්යාංශයේ කාර්යාලයක් ලබාදීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මනුෂ නානායක්කාර පිළිබද තමන් ආඩම්බර බවද මෙහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ ජනාධිපති ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ උපදේශක වඩිවෙල් සුරේෂ් මහතා පැවසුවේය.

නුවරඑළිය දිස්ත්‍රික් කාර්යාලය විවෘත කිරිමට සමගාමීව විගමනික ශ්‍රමිකයින්ගේ දරුවන්ට ශිෂ්‍යත්ව ලබාදීම, විගමණික ශ්‍රමිකයින් ව්‍යවසායකයින් බවට පත් කිරීම සදහා සහාය ලබාදීමේ වැඩසටහන්ද ක්‍රියාත්මක විය.

මේ අවස්ථාවට අමාත්‍යාංශයේ වැඩ බලන ලේකම් ලාල් සමරසේකර, නුවරඑළිය දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් ආර්. පී. කේ. නන්දන මහතා ඇතුලු මහජන නියෝජිතයෝද එක්ව සිටියහ.

By Rathindra Kuruwita Courtesy The Diplomat

Pressure from India and the U.S. on the docking of Chinese research vessels at its ports appears to have prompted Sri Lanka to impose a one-year moratorium on visits by foreign research vessels.

January 08, 2024

In recent months, Sri Lanka has found itself at the center of an escalating geopolitical storm, which seems to have prompted it to impose a one-year moratorium on foreign research vessels. Behind this seemingly local decision looms the intensifying tensions between China and the Quad, an alliance comprising the United States, India, Japan, and Australia.

The decision is expected to affect Chinese ships the most.

The Indian Ocean has been an arena of great power competition and conflict for centuries. In recent years, it has become a theater for strategic maneuvering, where China’s expanding influence is being countered by the Quad.

A coalition formed in response to China’s growing regional and global reach, the Quad seeks to curb Chinese initiatives, notably the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and assert its dominance in the Indo-Pacific region. This power struggle manifests in various forms, including increased scrutiny of Chinese activities in vital maritime routes.

For Sri Lanka, a nation that is strategically positioned in the heart of the Indian Ocean, this geopolitical tug-of-war poses significant challenges. The island nation has historically enjoyed relationships with multiple global powers, leveraging these ties for economic development and infrastructure projects. However, the recent decision to impose restrictions on foreign research vessels, largely impacting Chinese ships, underscores the complexities of maintaining this delicate balance amid mounting pressures.

It is evident that Sri Lanka’s decision to impose a one-year moratorium on foreign research vessels has come in response to relentless pressure from India and the United States to halt the growing frequency of Chinese research vessels docking at Sri Lankan ports.

Announcing the moratorium, Foreign Minister Ali Sabry claimed that Sri Lanka will spend the next year preparing guidelines on procedures to follow when a foreign research vessel arrives in the country. Sri Lanka currently lacks a comprehensive policy concerning these vessels, leading to a situation where various government institutions issue conflicting statements regarding the intentions and parameters of recent Chinese research vessels’ arrivals. This lack of coherence has significantly contributed to the confusion among all involved parties.

Uditha Devapriya, lead researcher for the Colombo-based international relations think tank, Factum, said two Chinese research vessels docked in Sri Lanka in 2022 and 2023, and this caused a lot of diplomatic tension for Sri Lanka. The Chinese have also asked permission for the research vessel Xiang Yang Hong 3 to dock in Sri Lanka in January 2024.

The proposed arrival could have sparked another significant diplomatic dispute for Sri Lanka,” Devapriya explained, pointing to likely objections from India and the U.S. With parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2024, the influence of China, India, and the U.S. could impact the election’s outcome. Clearly, President Ranil Wickremesinghe aims to steer clear of controversies in this crucial electoral year.”

Research vessels have been arriving in Sri Lanka for decades. The recent hyperbolic scrutiny of these ships by a section of the media, however, is new. The scrutiny for the most part comes from the Indian media. India is a close ally of the United States in its containment efforts of China.

China has developed rapidly in the last five decades and is on the verge of becoming a regional hegemon. International relations scholars of the realist school have insisted that this is not a development the United States, the only current regional hegemon, would readily accept. Once China becomes the undisputed power in Asia, it can intervene in other theaters, a privilege only the U.S. currently enjoys.

Sri Lankan attorney-at-law and expert in international security Indika Perera said that announcing a moratorium provides Sri Lanka temporary relief from Indian and American pressure.

Perera said that Sri Lanka has not clearly communicated the fact that it has banned research vessels from all countries. The prevailing impression in China is that Sri Lanka has prohibited only Chinese research vessels, while keeping its ports open for research vessels from other nations, Perera, who was in China recently, said.

My impression was that the Chinese media too had picked up on Indian reporting. A lot of people asked me why Sri Lanka has targeted Chinese vessels alone. They had not seen the official statement by our foreign minister,” Perera said. This is a major problem Sri Lanka is facing. It does not communicate its policies and its thoughts. If we clearly articulated our positions through the media and conveyed our stance through diplomatic channels, we could avoid a lot of confusion.”

Perera said that across Asia, the Quad has been trying to counter BRI initiatives and there is intense pressure on the smaller nations to pick a side. With the absence of a movement similar to the Non-Aligned Movement, which once allowed smaller nations to navigate international power politics without firmly aligning with one camp or the other, smaller Asian countries will be compelled to choose between China and the Quad.

Sri Lanka faces the daunting task of safeguarding its sovereignty and interests, while balancing relationships with major global players. It finds itself walking a tightrope, striving to avoid becoming collateral damage in the escalating Cold War tensions.

The scrutiny faced by Chinese research vessels in Sri Lanka serves as a poignant reminder of the intricate dance smaller nations must perform in a world dominated by geopolitical rivalries. As the storm clouds of this Cold War continue to gather, Sri Lanka stands as a testament to the complex realities faced by nations seeking to carve their path in a world overshadowed by power struggles.

by John Konrad (gCaptain)

INDIAN OCEAN (June 26, 2021) Sri Lanka Navy Advanced Offshore Patrol Vessel SLNS Gajabahu (P-626), right, and SLNS Sayurala (P-623) exercise divisional tactics alongside Independence-variant littoral combat ship USS Charleston (LCS 18), June 26. In its 27th year, the CARAT series is comprised of multinational exercises, designed to enhance U.S. and partner navies’ abilities to operate together in response to traditional and non-traditional maritime security challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Adam Butler)

In the Red Sea, Operation Prosperity Guardian (OPG) is witnessing a gradual increase in naval strength. Led by the United States, OPG warships from different nations are trickling into the Red Sea to counter maritime attacks from Yemen’s Houthi rebels. In the past few days United Kingdom, Greece, and Sri Lanka have all announced the addition of warships to this coalition. Additionally, India and Pakistan have increased their warship commitments, but not as part of OPG.

iNews UK reports that the Royal Navy is deploying a third ship, the HMS Richmond, to join ongoing efforts in the Red Sea. This decision showcases the UK’s commitment to the American coalition. Departing from Plymouth, the HMS Richmond will rendezvous with the HMS Diamond, a destroyer, and the HMS Lancaster, a frigate, both already stationed in the region.

While the HMS Lancaster has significant missile capabilities with its 32 Vertical Launch Cells for anti-air missiles, they are not as extensive as those of larger destroyers like the USS Carney, which can hold 90 missiles. The USS Carney recently demonstrated the effectiveness of its VLS system by shooting down 14 drones before returning to the US naval base in Bahrain for resupply.

Today, following the diplomatic efforts of U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in Turkey and Greece, the Greek Navy has decided to contribute a Hydra-class frigate equipped with 32 Vertical Launch System (VLS) missile cells to OPG. Greece says this strategic decision aims to strengthen the protection of merchant vessels sailing in the turbulent waters of the Red Sea.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka is taking steps to join the coalition, as reported by Barrons. President Ranil Wickremesinghe of Sri Lanka has expressed concerns about the rising freight costs and the negative impact on the country’s major exports, such as garments and tea, due to Houthi attacks on shipping. To address these challenges, Sri Lanka plans to deploy a 100-man warship, potentially an offshore patrol ship like the SLNS Sindurala, equipped with anti-air guns but lacking VLS cells. Wickramasuriya emphasized that a crew of over 100 personnel will be deployed.

Ten days ago Denmark announced plans to send a frigate to OPG but it’s not clear when that ship will arrive.

Non-Coalition Warships

While several nations are strengthening the OPG others, like France, are joining the OPG but prioritizing ships owned by their nations without submitting to US command. Some nations, such as India and Pakistan, are committed to protecting ships outside the OPG structure altogether.

India and Pakistan have also exhibited heightened naval activities in the Red Sea. However, they will focus on protecting their own ships rather than joining the US-led coalition. India’s Defense Ministry announced the deployment of a task force to provide escorts to Indian container ships in the high seas surrounding the Red Sea.

Following India’s announcement, the Pakistan Navy declared via a YouTube video their intention to send 2-3 ships to the Red Sea, signifying a notable increase in naval presence in these strategic waters.

The purpose is to protect Pakistan-bound and international shipping traversing through our area. In this regard, 2-3 ships are always patrolling the areas on which Pakistan-bound and international merchant ships are plying,” a spokesman said. In addition, extensive air surveillance is also being undertaken to ensure the safety of international sea lines of communications passing through our maritime area.”

Joint Statement

Amidst these developments, the United States, along with eleven other countries, recently issued a joint statement calling for an end to Houthi attacks in the Red Sea. This underscores the international community’s growing concern over maritime security in this vital region. Operation Prosperity Guardian continues to gain momentum, but progress appears to be slow and gradual.

Courtesy Adaderana

Japan restated the importance for early completion of signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Sri Lanka and creditor nations on debt restructuring, after an agreement was reached in principle late last year.

It also emphasised the need to ensure transparency and comparability in agreements with creditors outside the Official Creditor Committee (OCC), according to a statement dated Friday.

Japan, along with France and India, co-chair the committee of 15 creditor nations.

Battling its worst financial crisis since independence in 1948, the South Asian island nation is trying to restructure deals with creditors after soaring inflation, currency depreciation and low foreign reserves sent its economy into free fall, forcing it to default on foreign debt in May 2022.

Sri Lanka and its creditors said in November they reached an agreement in principle on debt restructuring that would cover approximately $5.9 billion of outstanding public debt and consisted of a mix of long-term maturity extension and reduction in interest rates.

China, Sri Lanka’s largest bilateral creditor, has struck its own deal with the island nation, but has not joined OCC as a formal member.

Sri Lanka’s total external debt is estimated at $36.4 billion, which includes $10.81 billion of bilateral debt, according to data released by its finance ministry in September.

Sri Lanka needs to secure debt restructuring agreements with both bilateral creditors and bondholders, possibly by March, to complete the second review of a $2.9 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund.

Source: Reuters
–Agencies

Courtesy Hiru News

Vidura Wickramanayake, Minister of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs of Sri Lanka, has announced that the Cabinet has formed a committee to investigate individuals leading movements that distort religious beliefs and contribute to societal discord.

The government aims to enact new legislation to curb and eliminate activities that misrepresent religious teachings, potentially leading to social tensions.

The minister highlighted the need for preventive measures following incidents where individuals distorted religious facts, resulting in tragic consequences such as suicides among their followers. The government is committed to creating an environment that allows everyone to practice their religion within the legal framework of the country

The newly appointed committee is expected to conduct thorough investigations into instances of religious distortion and recommend appropriate measures to address the issue

Courtesy Hiru News

President Ranil Wickremesinghe is set to travel to Switzerland this week to participate in the economic summit scheduled to begin in Davos on the 13th, as confirmed by the President’s Media Division.

Following the summit in Switzerland, the President will proceed to Uganda, in response to an official invitation from the country. The visit is expected to involve the participation of several ministers accompanying President Wickremesinghe

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 31 December 2023 – 06 January 2024

The President, in his imported New Year blue suit with fading blue tie, announces deploying a Sri Lankan Navy ship into the roiling Red Sea at a cost of Rs250million per fortnight. He hopes to thwart depreciation of the Rupee in case shipping companies hike their prices claiming diversion around the Cape of Tempests of South Africa (which last week took Israel – tho not their bloodier sponsors, the USA – to the International Court of Justice for genocide).

     The President’s announcement was reported first in his family newspapers – mouthpieces & mirrors for the embassy whites & their white-Blacks – to signal support for the US genocide in West Asia. Almost immediately, the SLNavy clarifies they are doing a ‘feasibility’ study on the matter.

     The President, desperately seeking allies outside of his fading blue alliance (hence the paling tie), announces this, just as the chair of Exxon-Rockefeller International – whose ‘Foundation’ plays godfather to all US NGOs behind the Aragalaya, also funding fake reconciliations – lands in the country to demand further opening up of labor laws, midst a lot of diabetic sugar coating about how wonderful Sri Lanka’s other prospects are.

     Astute observers note the public jettisoning of so-called nonalignment – let alone the open media-celebrated arrival of an oily Rockefeller agent – as further evidence of the extent of US infiltration of an ostensibly independent Sri Lankan state.

     The US wars in West Asia have aimed to cut off if not control South & East Asia’s access to energy sources. If Africa decides to intercept such ships, as they surely will one day, what will the President, & all his import-export-loving corporate sponsors, economists & other yipping poodles, do?

     The President bared his Red Sea revelation at the end of a speech at the National Handicrafts Exhibition, and at the BMICH, of all places! Handicrafts are a very quaint epitome of our colonial underdevelopment & stultification, as we are prevented from advancing to modern machine industry. The BMICH – an enduring construct of SL-China Friendship!

     A day later on 4 January, Air Force Commander Air Marshall Udeni Rajapksa is beckoned to meet US Ambassador & lost-Korean kurumitta Julie Chung, to discuss ‘Security Cooperation’ & ‘Maritime Security’. On 5 January, US-installed former President M Sirisena is also come-hithered to discuss ‘the political & economic landscape in the year to come.’ with Chung (see ee Sovereignty, ‘Helplessness & Confusion’ in the Coming Year – Thoradeniya).

     Imperialism plays all sides, so no matter who wins, they always have a friend. Of course, they actually have no friends – they only have interests. They aim to use the imminent turmoil they have provoked to prepare for the US military’s entrance to set up their new 8^th Fleet Base in Sri Lanka – joining their other ‘unsinkable aircraft carriers’: US-occupied Palestine (aka Israel), Bahrain (US Navy Central Command), & Hawaii (US Pacific Command base). – see ee Random Notes, 8^th Fleet

     A ‘Galle Concerto 2024’ is offering European literary & musical flatulence within Sri Lanka’s Ruhuna heartland, as soothing overtures to disaster. Let us recall that the post-1814 military-diplomatic ‘Concert of Europe’ was set up to unite the whites against the rest of the world, as well as undermine the Ottoman Empire (of which Israel is a white settler legatee). The 1815 soft-coup against the last redoubt of Sinhale (in the highlands) was their first prize (with the 1818 genocide soon after). This new ‘Concert of Europe’ (including all its settler states) awards prizes to literature as long as they sing the whites’ anti-Sinhala-Buddhist & anti-China baila.

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‘Do an unelected group of bureaucrats

staffing the Central Bank of a country

know better than the elected representatives

of the people and what is in their best interests?’

– Bram & Howard Nicholas (see ee Focus)

• Not Corruption But Capitalism! – Former USAID employee Dushni Weerakoon currently an Appointed Member of the Monetary Policy Board of the Central Bank & a Director of the Board of Investment (BOI), has joined the Cargills board as an Independent, Non-Executive Director. This is apparently not a conflict of interest or corruption. After all, recall that former Supreme Court Chief Justice K Siripavan joined the board of US World Bank-IFC-controlled Commercial Bank, ostensibly owned by John Keells Holdings (JKH). Weerakoon is also a director of this American Express-linked Nations Trust Bank (NTB) owned by JKH, Canada’s Fairfax’s HWIC Asia Fund, and Central Finance. She is also Executive Director of the Institute of Policy Studies of SL (IPS), whose studies are now thakata-thei with US thinktank Advocata (financed by US Atlas International, see ee Focus).

     Weerakoon accompanies Ganesan Ampalavanar, who was also made a Non-Independent, Non-Executive Director. A Malaysian citizen, Ganesan served Nestle Group, 3 times as CEO (Nestle Indonesia, Nestle Vietnam, Nestle SL). – see ee Finance, Cargills appoints Dushni & Ganesan to board

     The mushrooming of numerous Cargills Food City & Keells supermarkets (sometimes in the same vicinity) is causing the shuttering down of numerous neighbouring smaller kadays across the country. Not only shops, the government has provided these corporates with tons of import licenses and control over marketing & transport of goods. Switzerland’s Nestles is the dominant monopoly in dairy in Sri Lanka, behind the subversion & privatization of the National Milk Board.

     Retail companies like Keells & Cargills Food City, fronted by such Parsi-capitalists as Rusi & Soli Captain, and Chettiar capitalists like the Pages, guided by US Rockefeller’s Citibank, promote rotten Kentucky Fried Chicken, etc. They have made massive profits in Sri Lanka in the last few years, often outpacing the rate of inflation. These profits are sparking further inflation, mainly due to market concentration. The Annual Reports of these companies also provide fascinating reading (literature not highlighted at arts festivals!). The US government’s USAID is also financing Cargills electric vehicle charging stations. Cargills & Keells have also extended their tenacles into leasing, while pushing impoverished people into leasing only.

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     The US government’s demand for a new Central Bank Act has been fulfilled. This will bring Sri Lanka’s economy under further US control, just as all of Europe was first brought under US-military-occupied Germany’s Bundesbank, with Germany itself now under the Wall-Street-run US Federal Reserve. This is being blamed for the abandonment of all pretenses about Europe’s yearning for social democracy, which turns out to be the old muse for rising fascism (see ee Focus).

     It is therefore fitting that we look at the Communist Party of Sri Lanka’s Alternative Program for Finance & Banking & Digital Transformation. The CPSL notes that the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) supervises the 32 banks that own the majority of the assets in the financial sector of Sri Lanka; and how the People’s Bank & Bank of Ceylon meant to fulfil citizens’ investment needs have been hijacked to operate more like commercial banks, undermining those engaged in productive activities who need financial support.

     As for so-called corruption in high places, the US has inspired India’s Supreme Court to absolve the Indian PM Modi-Linked Adani Corporation recently charged for stock manipulation.  The USA’s International Development Finance Corporation has stamped their approval of the Adani Colombo port project, to apparently counterbalance ‘Chinese investment’, in Hambantota, etc. The blocking of Hambantota port as a hub for southern industrialization has also been at their behest. The Financial Times in October reviewed customs records to show how the Adani Group, which is India’s largest coal importer, used offshore middlemen in Taiwan, Singapore & Dubai, to import coal at highly inflated prices – at more than double the prevailing market rate.’

     Meanwhile, India is gaming the US-Russia divide, after Russia promised to support their initiative to ‘manufacture combat hardware under the Made in India program’.

     This ee News includes an interview with Russia’s Central Banker & ‘Anti-Sanctions Tsarina’, who should be contrasted to Sri Lanka’s central banker who has been exposed as a US agent. Elvira Nabiullina is seen as an example of a citizen who defends her country. She explains how Russia games several scenarios in order to protect its workers from monetary devaluation, etc.

      Meanwhile the US, facing defeat in the Ukraine as well as West Asia, wants the Group of 7 (G7) major industrialized nations to explore ways to confiscate $300billion worth of the assets they have frozen. Like other central banks, Russia’s Central Bank placed some of its gold & foreign exchange reserves in liquid assets, eg major currencies, gold, & government bonds. About half of those reserves were held in the white West. Central Bank Governor Nabiullina was criticized by nationalists for allowing such a large chunk of the bank’s reserves to be frozen… But Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov says ‘If something is confiscated from us, we will look at what we will confiscate,’ adding. ‘We will do this immediately.’ (see ee Economists)

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• Media reported the Colombo Tea Auction was suspended because ‘they have no idea as to how VAT would affect their operations’. There were rumors however that both Dilmah’s and Akbar’s tea offices were raided for tax-related fraud. Their imports (tea, packaging &other value addition inputs) are all VAT-deferred, cos importation is done under the premise of full re-export. But they only re-export a portion of it. Some of their goods are instead sold here. Some say we should thank the IMF for such housecleaning, but both companies were set to boycott the tea auction on Thursday, which could have temporarily crashed the tea market. Some suggest this may just drive up the price? But it’s the opposite. These 2 are the biggest buyers. So the tea could well sit in factories and rot. The factories won’t be able to sell their tea. Perhaps the President is trying to ensure his corporate vote bank does not stray, so let’s see how all this pans out. The bets are on: elections being postponed through some sort of extra-parliamentary jilmart… (see ee Agriculture, VAT impacts start of Colombo Tea Auction) Capitalist elections are the best democracy that dollars can buy, haha…

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All of the references in our introduction are backed up by our teeming ee News Compendium below. Please remember to note monopolistic agencies are usually behind any repetitive news….

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Contents:

අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), නීතීඥ සමායෝජක, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

වර්තමානයේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව 21 වතාවක් සංශෝධනය වී ඇති අතර එකී ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන වලින් ප්‍රයෝජන සළසා ගත්තේ සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව නොව ඉංග්‍රීසි පඬි නැට්ටන්‍ ය.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දැක්වෙන විධාන අනුව ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට නොපැමිණි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ද ඇතුලු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු 2/3 ක් සහ ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් ජනතාවද අනුමත කරන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් මගින් මිස කළ නොහැකිය. එහි වඩා වැදගත් වන්නේ ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට අදාලව යන්නය.

1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ගෙන ආ අවස්ථාවේ ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6ක්ව පැවති අතර වර්ෂ 2015 දී මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමයේ 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය මගින් එකී ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6 සිට වසර 5කට අඩු කරනු ලැබීය. ඒ ජනමතවිචාරණයක් මගින් නොව නොපැමිණි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ද ඇතුලු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු 2/3 ක් මගින් පමණි.

ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6කට වඩා වැඩි කිරීමට ජනමතවිචාරණයක් අවශ්‍ය බව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යව‍ස්ථාවේ 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාව දක්වා තිබුණද වසර 6 සිට වසර 5ක් කිරීමට හෝ දැන් පවතින වසර 5 නැවත වසර 6ක් කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධාන මගින් නියම කර නැත.

ඒ අනුව වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ධූර කාලය වසර 5ක් වුවද 22 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ගෙනවිත් එකී ධූර කාල මුල් තත්ත්වයට එනම්  වසර 6 දක්වා ගෙන ඒමට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නොපැමිණි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ද ඇතුලු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු 2/3 ක් මගින් පමණක් සිදු කළ හැකිය.

එවිට වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයාට 2025 නොවැම්බර් දක්වාත්, වත්මන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට 2026 දක්වාත් පැවතිය හැකිය.

වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා සහ වත්මන් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරු මෙයට ඇති කැමැත්ත කෙසේ වෙතත් ඉංග්‍රීසි පඬි නැට්ටන්ගේ පැවැත්ම වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපති සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තු ධූර කාලය වසර 6ක් කරන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 2/3 කින් සම්මත කළ හැකි 22වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය ගෙන ඒමේ වැඩි ඉඩක් මේ වන විට පවතී.

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අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන B.Sc(Col), PGDC(Col), නීතීඥ සමායෝජක, වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන දුරකථන 0712063394 (2024.01.06)