We are reproducing here an article published in mintpressnews.com regarding CIA plans for Indonesia. According to infromation from a friend of DDP from Indonesia the US Embassy in Jakarta had approached the PKS (islamist political party, opponent of Indonesian government)
Documents passed anonymously to MintPress News reveal the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a notorious CIA front, is laying the foundations for a color revolution in Indonesia.
In February 2024, citizens will elect their President, Vice President, and both legislative chambers. Current maverick leader Joko Widodo, widely beloved by Indonesians, is ineligible for a third term, and NED is preparing to seize power in the wake of his departure. This operation is conducted despite the leaks indicating Jakarta’s foremost intelligence agency has expressly warned U.S. officials to stay put.
The paper trail is a stunning insight into how NED operates behind the scenes, from which obvious inferences can be drawn about its activities elsewhere, past and present. By the organization’s own reckoning, it operates in over 100 countries and disperses in excess of 2,000 grants every year. In Indonesia, these sums have helped extend the Endowment’s tendrils into various NGOs, civil society groups, and, most crucially, political parties and candidates across the ideological spectrum.
This broad spread bet goes some way to ensuring U.S. assets, one way or another, will emerge victorious next February. However, a veritable army of NED operatives on the ground is also primed to challenge, if not overturn, the results should the wrong people win. Personal grants – in other words, bribes – from the Endowment have already secretly been distributed to Indonesians for staging anti-government protests.
What skullduggery NED has in store for election day isn’t certain, although sparks are assured to fly. At the very least, these documents amply reinforce what Endowment cofounder Allen Weinstein openly admitted in 1991:
A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.”
‘The Jokowi Effect’
Joko Widodo – popularly known as Jokowi – is something of a rockstar. The first Indonesian leader not drawn from the country’s established political or military elite since its hard-won independence from the Dutch in 1949, he was born and raised in a riverside slum in Surakarta. From there, he fought to become mayor of his hometown in 2005, then governor of Jakarta in 2012, then President two years later.
Every step of the way, Widodo has battled bureaucracy and corruption while pursuing programs to deliver universal healthcare, economic growth, radical infrastructure development, and material improvements to the lives of average citizens. Such is his domestic popularity that analysts routinely speak of the Jokowi Effect.” After the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle named him their presidential candidate in 2014, their vote share leaped 30% in that year’s legislative election.
Widodo’s candidacy also reportedly stimulated Indonesia’s stock market and Rupiah currency due to his sparkling political and economic record. One might think burnishing the country’s finances to such a degree through sheer force of personality would make him an ideal leader from Washington’s perspective. Yet, the President has also prioritized protecting Indonesia’s sovereignty” and limiting overseas influence in Jakarta. Moreover, he pursues an intensely independent foreign policy, much to the U.S. Empire’s chagrin.
Widodo has encouraged leaders of Muslim states to reconcile and pushed for Palestinian independence. His Foreign Minister visits Palestine but refuses to establish diplomatic relations with Israel. He has also distributed sizable aid to oppressed Muslims abroad. Most egregiously, since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, he flew to both countries and urged their leaders to seek peace. When Jakarta hosted the G20 Summit that year, he invited not only Zelensky but Putin to attend despite fierce Western criticism
In many ways, Widodo emulates the rule of Sukarno, Indonesia’s first President, from 1945 to 1967. His policies, domestically and internationally, were explicitly anti-imperialist. At home, he prevented Western exploitation of his country’s vast resource wealth while maintaining cordial relations with both East and West and personally championing the Non-Aligned Movement, members of which eschewed both power blocs to pursue an independent path.
Sukarno’s bold refusal to bow to imperial interests made him a thoroughly marked man. In 1965, he was ousted in a blood-spattered military coup sponsored by the CIA and MI6, ushering in 30 years of an iron-fisted military dictatorship led by General Suharto. Over one million people were killed through politically motivated massacres, executions, arbitrary imprisonment, and savage repression. Even the CIA describes his purge of leftists as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century.”
Widodo is now preparing to leave office, his constitutionally-mandated terms over, and personal approval ratings at all-time highs. His departure creates a clean political slate, which NED is eager to fill. Mercifully, a repeat of the intelligence agency-orchestrated slaughter that brought Suharto to power decades ago appears unlikely. But the leaked documents obtained by MintPress News make clear the U.S. Empire is preparing to pull off another coup in Jakarta under the aegis of democracy promotion.”
This has been NED’s raison d’etre since inception, in 1983. The organization was explicitly founded by senior CIA spooks and U.S. foreign policy apparatchiks to serve as a public mechanism for the Agency’s traditional clandestine support for opposition groups, activist movements and media outlets overseas, which engage in propaganda and political activism to disrupt, destabilize, and displace ‘enemy’ regimes.
NED’s malign meddling over the years is too lengthy to list here. But recently, this has included sponsoring a failed uprising in Cuba, funneling money to separatist protesters in Hong Kong, and attempting to topple the Belarusian government. Having floundered in these insurrectionary adventures is evidently no deterrent to trying again in Indonesia now.
‘Personal Branding Development’
The leaked files are weekly briefings dispatched from the Indonesian office of the International Republican Institute (IRI) back to headquarters in Washington during June, July and August 2023. IRI is a core component of NED, which typically works with another, the National Democratic Institute, on regime change operations abroad. The pair are innately linked to their respective namesake political parties at home.
These briefings provide updates on administrative issues, local political developments, staff activities, press clippings, and IRI’s progress on fulfilling the objectives of its NED grant in Indonesia to improve the capacity of emerging political party leaders to assume leadership positions within the parties and act as agents of change in support of increased internal party democracy, transparency, and responsiveness to citizens.” The last available Endowment grant records, from 2022, show the Institute was given $700,000 for this.
Every week, IRI reported its outreach” to emerging leaders” in the country – graduates of NED training programs, now prominent members of dozens of political parties, and local NGOs and civil society organizations. Many are running as candidates in 2024, having been taught campaigning and voter engagement strategies and to challenge results by the Endowment.
One of IRI’s emerging leaders” was recorded as carrying out internal party reform in his party” and always appearing” prominently in its ranks. He was recently trained in launching legal disputes over the forthcoming election’s results, which resulted in his being trusted as a candidate” by the party.
Another boasted to his IRI handlers that he continues to socialize himself to the public regarding his candidacy either in person or through social media” and had recently appeared on popular radio and T.V. shows. He credited training provided by the NED-funded Association for Election and Democracy (Perludem) for his personal branding development in politics” and ability to serve as public speaker and engage with media.”
Perludem publishes regular US AID-financed journals, which provide recommendations and references for improving electoral governance and democratic and political processes in the Asia and Pacific region.” It also convenes regular Emerging Leader Academy (ELA) events, where the individuals named in the IRI documents are groomed and learn message development,” among other electioneering skills.
One graduate told IRI she had started to share and disseminate information regarding her plans to run as a legislative candidate” and was now increasingly active on social media.” With tools she received from ELA, she hopes to attract more young voters, especially first-time voters.” Another was reported to have again strengthened his role in the party’s internal body” and be personally training prospective witnesses at polling stations” to monitor proceedings on election day.
Right down to the school level, youth political engagement was of evident significance to IRI and its cadre of political operatives. Accordingly, on July 1, Perdulem hosted an event, Make Election Great Again!, where attendees were taught the fine art of identifying the strategic role of students in the 2024 election.”
IRI’s vote-meddling capabilities were significantly enhanced on July 12, when its operatives attended an event hosted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies and Google. A panel featured two opposition politicians, journalists, and researchers, who warned dis/misinformation” could affect the 2024 election and, terrifyingly, result in a similar figure to Widodo becoming President. A local polling expert presented data from a recent survey conducted by his firm on how trust in political parties impacts voter preferences.
‘Achieved Milestone’
One of the leak’s most tantalizing excerpts is in a briefing note from June 28 this year. It records how IRI representatives met with high-ranking members of the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, including its Political Officer, Ted Meinhover. He conveyed U.S. concerns” about the 2024 elections, in particular how Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto’s electability” had increased dramatically,” meaning he stood the highest according to the polls.” Meanwhile, former Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan’s ratings were on the decline.”
Meinhover lamented how Indonesian law restricts parties with less than 20% of seats in parliament from fielding Presidential candidates. If that threshold” were removed, there will be more candidates in the election, and the U.S. will have more options,” he declared. Still, Washington needs to maintain friendly relations with all parties to safeguard U.S. interests in Indonesia, no matter how the election plays out.”
Meinhover added the Embassy had been active in outreaching” leaders of the local Labor party and Indonesia’s Trade Union Confederation to know about their plans to protest” a law on job creation recently signed by Widodo. Fearing the legislation will dampen foreign investor enthusiasm” in the country, the U.S. firmly supports activities opposed to it.”
Accordingly, the Embassy secretly suggested to Labor party chiefs they could exploit the opportunity” of Indonesia’s Independence Day on August 17 to launch protests” against the job creation law and Meinhover’s hated Presidential Threshold.” Strikingly, a U.S. diplomatic apparatchik present mentioned Jakarta’s State Intelligence Agency (BIN) had recently warned” the Embassy not to interfere” in the 2024 elections.
Meinhover said this had motivated the Embassy to continuously support” IRI’s cloak-and-dagger activities to further implement U.S. policies while avoiding Indonesian regulations.” So it was, a July 8 – 14 briefing noted, the Institute contacted Labor party leaders and a welter of Indonesian labor organizations – to which IRI continuously provide small grants” – and discussed plans to organize protests” against the job creation and Presidential threshold laws in late July or early August.”
Those protests went ahead on August 9 at Jakarta’s Constitutional Court and State Palace. Local media coverage of the events was duly recorded in an IRI briefing, which also noted that the Institute provided a third grant” of 1,000,000 Rupiah to the Pandeglang Labor party’s executive chair for the effort. They reportedly appreciated IRI’s support for their activities.” The briefing added, The protests went well and [were] brought to a successful close.”
A week later, Institute staffers again provided support” to the Labor Party’s Pandeglang chapter to successfully” protest against the two laws. The executive chair received a further personal grant of 5,000,000 Rupiahs for this achieved milestone.” While this amounts to $330, it can hardly be considered an insubstantial sum in local terms, given that 50% of Indonesia’s population earns less than $800 monthly.
Other briefings indicate several Indonesian organizations and individuals receive direct payments from IRI for achieving specific milestones,” Perludem among them. In a perverse irony, the February 2021 edition of the organization’s journal featured essays on topics including political financing and its impact on the quality of democracy,”; the urgency of preventing illicit political party fundraising,”; a disproportionately unequal playing field: challenges to and prospects for campaign finance law”; and accountability and transparency of political party financing” across Asia Pacific.
Eighteen months later, Perludem launched an app helping Indonesians understand how electoral boundaries are drawn” and allowing users to create their own versions of boundary delimitation or drawing/redrawing of electoral districts as they deem appropriate by universal standards and principles.” Who or what funded this seditious venture wasn’t stated.
‘Budgets are Tight’
One can only imagine the righteous furor that would erupt if documents revealing Chinese or Russian government agents, including Embassy staff, were secretly grooming politicians and civil society actors in foreign countries while covertly encouraging and bankrolling the activism of opposition parties and trade unions in conscious, deliberate contravention of national regulations.” However, such activity is par for the course for U.S. diplomatic missions everywhere – and indeed, NED.
It’s also worth noting that the Endowment’s outlay in Indonesia is relatively modest. One weekly briefing even mentions how budgets across IRI’s three projects” in the country are tight for the foreseeable future.” The Institute’s Indonesian party leader training operation aside, the nature of the two other ventures is unclear from the leaked documents. But, according to figures published on NED’s website, the organization spends less than $2 million in Jakarta annually.
Usually, the sums involved are vastly higher. For example, over the 12 months leading up to Ukraine’s 2014 Maidan Revolution, NED pumped around $20 million into the country. Still, Western journalists, politicians, and pundits aggressively rubbished all suggestions that insurrectionary upheaval was anything other than an expression of popular will, resulting from surging yearning for liberalism and democracy by the overwhelming majority of citizens. They have done so ever since.
This is despite contemporary polls never showing majority Ukrainian support for Maidan, or E.U. and NATO membership; President Viktor Yanukovych remaining the most popular politician in the country until his last day in office; every actor at the forefront of the protests, including the individual who started them, receiving NED or USAID funding; leaders of U.S.-financed organizations in the country openly declaring their desire to overthrow the government in the years prior; the Maidan demonstrations being riddled with hardcore nationalists.
One might still argue many Maidan protesters were animated by legitimate grievances. Yet, the leaked trove raises serious questions about the agency” of anyone in direct or even indirect receipt of NED funding. The papers amply show individuals and organizations on the ground anywhere can be stirred to activism at the local U.S. Embassy or Endowment chapter’s express behest at any time in return for even a small grant.”
It is wholly inconceivable Indonesian labor groups would otherwise have protested Widodo’s job creation law or restrictions on how many Presidential candidates can run were it not for the former potentially harming Western investors and financial interests in Jakarta and the latter limiting Washington’s choice of puppets in the country. How many other anti-government agitators around the world, be they protesters, trade unionists, journalists, or otherwise, are similarly acting to achieve milestones” agreed in secret with NED is anyone’s guess.
From Washington’s perspective, the importance of ensuring a pliant government is installed in Indonesia cannot be understated. With U.S. military chiefs openly discussing war with China in the very near future, the region must be populated with client states that can aid and abet that world-threatening effort. Similar initiatives are undoubtedly underway across the entire Asia Pacific. As such, it has never been more critical that NED’s activities everywhere are scrutinized, if not outright banned.
* Kit Klarenberg is an investigative journalist and MintPress News contributor exploring the role of intelligence services in shaping politics and perceptions. His work has previously appeared in The Cradle, Declassified U.K., and Grayzone. Follow him on Twitter @KitKlarenberg.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi broke new ground at the opening Day of the G20 Conference in Delhi yesterday when he greeted world leaders with a ‘Namaste’ and shook hands with them in front of a giant-sized Dharmachakra (also called Asoka Chakra) at the newly opened Bharat Mandapam.
It was a huge boost for Buddhism internationally, a theme constantly mooted by Modi and an idea close to his heart, as the Dharmachakra (also called the Dharma wheel) is the most potent symbol of Buddhism. It is a foundational concept in Buddhism that represents the “Wheel of Dharma” or the path to enlightenment.
It appears on a number of the Edicts of Ashoka the most prominent among which is the Lion Capital Pillar of Ashoka at Sarnath. The most visible use of the Ashoka Chakra today is at the center of the Flag of India (adopted on 22 July 1947).
India’s National Emblem is another version of Emperor Asoka’s Lion Capital Pillar(situated in Sarnath, Uttar Pradesh), and accepted as the National Emblem on 26th January 1950, the day the Indian Constitution came into force.
The Dharmachakra is represented in the form of a wheel to display the completeness of the Dharma. The eight spokes in the wheel are also Buddhist symbols showing how the steps of the Noble Eight-Fold Path are connected to each other as are the three jewels at the center.
Asoka was a Mauryan King. Hailed as a Chakrawarty King (Universal Monarch), according to Buddhist legend i.e., the greatest King among world rulers. Chakrawartin means in Sanskrit ‘ Wheel Turner’ i.e., one who upholds the Dharma and ‘he who turns the wheel (of Dharma)’. He is the secular representation of the Buddha.
The Buddha is renowned for having set the “wheel of dharma” in motion when he delivered his first sermon at Varnasi, which is named as the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta. This “turning of the wheel” portrays a great and revolutionary change with universal consequences, instituted by an exceptional human being – Gautama the Buddha.
Representative democracy is all about government through elected representatives. This is the only form of democracy in the world. Sadly, the top two elected representatives have been removed from their positions (and many other top vote winners too). The president and the prime minister currently serving have no mandate to rule the country. Elections must be called immediately.
Gotabaya was elected president with a large mandate in 2019 but is no more in politics. Incumbent president did not contest for the presidential election and did not win his seat at the parliamentary election either. He has absolutely no mandate to be the executive president.
Despite the lack of a mandate, he not only rules the island nation with executive powers but also makes irreversible and irresponsible decisions.
The parliament was elected in 2020. People’s preference can be reliably measured by the number of preference votes won by parliamentarians. 47 of them won over 100,000 preference votes. However, out of the 47 only 18 hold some form of minister post. The remaining 29 have been disregarded for shaping the policy of ministries despite public preference.
Therefore, the office of the president and the parliament do not represent voters.
It gets worse from there. Terms of Provincial Councils and Local Government bodies have long lapsed. They too have no mandate today.
All this means none of the governing bodies of Sri Lanka has any mandate to rule over the people but they still do so. This is not democracy.
Elections must be called, for all these starting from the very top (presidential election) as that is the most out-of-mandate governing body. It should be followed by parliamentary elections, provincial council elections and local government elections.
That is a move to distract attention from main threat to national security
Opposition utters rubbish in Parliament
Not ready to listen to narratives of Tamil leadership in north
Eastern Province should not be merged with north
In the wake of Channel 4 Dispatches, State Minister of Rural Road Development Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan, who faces allegations, responds to questions from Daily Mirror about his alleged involvement in atrocious acts. As one time Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, he also shares his views on the 13th Amendment. Excerpts:
QAzad Maulana, who worked as your party’s media spokesman, makes a whole lot of allegations regarding the Easter Sunday attacks. What is your response?
Azad Maulana was with us. He worked for us mainly when I was the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province. One and half years back, he had some family issues. He cited various other hardships and wanted to leave. That happened more than one year ago. Now, he is out of the country. What can one do to become rich overnight? The easy way out is to make false allegations in this manner. Unlike us, he was not with the LTTE. He only joined our party Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulihal (TMVP). He cannot talk about anything related to the LTTE. So, he has chosen to talk about the Easter Sunday attacks which is a controversial topic. What he now does is a work of drama. He plays the role of a drama actor nicely.
QYet, we cannot disregard these allegations because they reignite controversy. The Rajapaksas are implicated as those who worked out such a plot to get back to power. What is your response?
You are well aware of how political machinations, engineered by the Western world, work. Who is behind the expulsion of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa from power? The West is responsible for it. Nobody can say Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa came to power only because of the ground situation that turned favourable to him after the Easter Sunday attacks. His party Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) won the 2018 local government elections. That is way before the Eastern Sunday attacks. It means the ground situation in the Sinhala majority areas was in anyway in favour of him even before the Easter Sunday bombings. The foregone conclusion of the local elections was that the SLPP was bound to win the elections to follow. The West always wants its favourites installed in power here, though.
Such dramas like Channel 4 films are often staged ahead of the sessions of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). I think the Tamil Diaspora scattered around the world, along with other extremists, backed Channel 4 to produce this film. Such extremist elements approached Azad Maulana and used him. I feel sad about one thing. There are a number of youths brainwashed by Zahran Hashim who led the suicide bombings on 2019 Easter Sunday. There are many such people who pledged allegiance to his extremist movement. Today, no one talks about them. What is happening now is a distraction of attention from the main problem posing a threat to national security. Today, global ISIS terrorism is confined to small pockets in Syria and Iraq. It has almost been vanquished. What is now happening in Afghanistan and some parts of Africa?
The opposition politicians should not play politics. They should talk about the development and national security of this country. Instead, they utter rubbish in Parliament. They pinpointed me. At the time of the attack, I remained incarcerated. How can I plot a destructive attack like this from behind the bars? This is a joke. ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi was alive during the time of the Easter Sunday attacks. He claimed responsibility for the attack. ISIS news agency Amaq announced it. Still, some MPs talk like madmen. Theirs is an attempt to protect these banned religious extremist organizations. In Parliament, we should discuss how to protect our country from international terrorism. Channel 4 is funded by the Diaspora elements who despise the Rajapaksas. We should deal with extremist elements through legal means.
In a war, everyone – be it Sinhala, Tamil or Muslims- is affected. War is war. It is true that the members of the military, the LTTE and civilians died. If there are allegations, they should be cleared. That is what the government is doing now.”
QYou are a politician based in the Eastern Province. Did you notice religious extremism emerging there?
I know what Tamil history is. I know what Muslims are doing. I know what they do in terms of development. However, I never imagined acts of terrorism.
QWhat is your position, as one time Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, on President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s move for the implementation of the 13th Amendment?
Ours is a sovereign country. We introduced the 13th Amendment at the behest of India, consequent to the advent of Tamil militancy in the north and the east. It is normal that people living in our province should be allowed to look after their own affairs. When I was in the LTTE, I fought for a separate state. Yet I realized that it is impossible. The 13th Amendment is part of our constitution. That is to give powers to the Provincial Councils. That is a normal thing. That is not for the partition of the country. There is no need to partition this country.
QWill you contest to become the Chief Minister if there is an election to the Provincial Councils?
Let’s cross the bridge when we get to it! There are no such elections at the moment. There will be elections next year. As the leader of TMVP, I am ready to face any election.
QStill, some people believe in separatist ideology. What is your response to them?
It is wrong. Who is talking about such separatism? They are the ones living luxurious lives. We should not leave room for them to interfere in our matters. We, as people living in this country, should take our decisions. There are extremist elements both within the Sinhala and Tamil communities. We should not allow any of them to gain the upper hand. Today, you see how Singapore has developed. We have to think of ways and means to achieve such prosperity.
QWhat is your response to allegations of genocide being made in countries such as Canada?
Only our people have made way for it. We should share powers in our country and govern properly while protecting the national sovereignty. Canada is a country with a huge Tamil population. There are key businessmen among them. They are all at work. In Canada, we find vote bank politics being played out.
You are well aware of how political machinations, engineered by the Western world, work. Who is behind the expulsion of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa from power? The West is responsible for it.”
QIn the UNHRC resolution, there is a call for an investigation into the alleged human rights violation and accountability issues. You were also involved in the war. What is your response to allegations about such wartime happenings?
In a war, everyone – be it Sinhala, Tamil or Muslims- is affected. War is war. It is true that the members of the military, the LTTE and civilians died. If there are allegations, they should be cleared. That is what the government is doing now. The government has established various committees such as the Office of Missing Persons (OMP). Efforts are underway to set up the truth-seeking commission. These bodies should take decisions. If there are wrongdoers, they should be punished in terms of the law of the country. What is needed is a local reconciliation mechanism. It cannot be done from abroad.
QSome political party leaders in the north call for the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. You are a politician based in the East. What is your response?
Like some Sinhala leaders behaved in the past, certain Tamil leaders in the north also did wrongful things. In Jaffna, they tell people that it is difficult to cohabitate with the Sinhala people. Yet, the very same Tamil leaders live among Sinhala people in Colombo 7 in a luxurious way, keeping spacious gardens. How can they own such large lands in Colombo 7 area? Who are the children of Tamil leaders such as C.V. Wigneswaran and M.A. Sumanthiran married to? One should examine the parental background of Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP Shanakiyan Rasamanickam. These leaders have a different narrative to the ordinary Tamil people. We don’t listen to the narrative of the northern Tamil leadership. We have our own province. Ours is one of the nine provinces of Sri Lanka. Most of our people are Tamil-speaking. Religion-wise, there are Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Buddhists. I am for co-existence among all.
QThere are disputes over some Buddhist archaeological sites in the east. What is the solution to address them in your view?
This issue cannot be addressed through a politically motivated approach. Any high-handed approach is also not advisable. If there are archaeological sites, all should be united to protect them. Otherwise, people get scared when there is a sudden presence of Buddhist monks along with large fleets of vehicles near these sites. Ordinary people get panicked then. Instead, ordinary people should be convinced to look after archaeological sites on their own. They should have a sense of ownership of these sites as their heritage. Without doing that, it is difficult to solve problems through rhetorical acts by some Sinhala politicians.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe will visit China on October 16, 17 and 17 and hold talks with Chinese leaders including President Xi Jinping, Daily Mirror learns.
The visit comes at a time when Sri Lanka remains engaged with China on the restructuring of its bilateral debts. China is the largest bilateral creditor to Sri Lanka. Debt restructuring is part of the programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to tide over the economic crisis.
This is the first time the President has undertaken a tour of China after he assumed office last year. The President has already visited countries such as Japan and India on official levels.
Foreign Minister Ali Sabry said earlier that Sri Lanka hopes that China will assist the country in its bid to restructure the external debt in the ongoing negotiations on Monday.
Sabry said negotiations have been progressing well with the Chinese, as they are believed to hold over 50 per cent of Sri Lanka’s external debt.
Sri Lanka has had several rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities.
The Chinese are taking part as observers in the platform created by the Paris Club of Creditors along with India and Japan. (Kelum Bandara)
On behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka, the Ministry of Defence has categorically refuted the allegations by the UK’s Chanel 4 over the Easter Sunday attacks and reiterates the government’s unwavering commitment to the truth, justice, and the well-being of the nation, said a statement by Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Defence.
While respecting the freedom of expression and investigative journalism, the Ministry of Defence in a statement has asserted that Channel 4 will be held unequivocally accountable for any unforeseen actions or repercussions stemming from their unfounded, malevolent and poorly substantiated claims made in the documentary.
The Ministry’s statement underscores that Channel 4’s documentary, with its myopic and malevolent conduct, not only threatens the social fabric of Sri Lanka but also endangers the reputation and safety of those who have upheld their integrity and responsibility.
Fullstatement
In the face of a heinous and merciless assault that shook the world – the Easter Sunday Attack of 2019 – which claimed the lives of nearly 270 innocent souls, including children and foreigners, Sri Lanka and the International Community watched in horror. In the wake of this catastrophe, the Sri Lankan Government, its Law Enforcement Agencies, Security Forces and international investigation agencies launched exhaustive investigations. Over the years, these investigations, both local and international, have consistently pointed to ISIS-affiliated group members led by Zahran Hashim as the architects of this horrifying tragedy.
However, it is with unwavering resolution and an unyielding commitment to the truth that the Ministry of Defence wishes to respond to the recent documentary produced by British Channel 4 television cooperation on 5th September 2023. This documentary audaciously shifts the blame of the Easter Sunday Attack onto Military Intelligence and Major General Suresh Sallay, the present Director General of the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka.
The Ministry of Defence vehemently denounces the accusation of orchestrating the attack and assisting the bombers against a dedicated senior military officer who has served the nation for 36 years. Major General Suresh Sallay served at the Sri Lanka High Commission in Malaysia as Minister-Counsellor from December 2016 until December 2018. He left for India on 3rd January 2019 and returned to Sri Lanka on 30th November 2019 after completing the National Defence College Course in Delhi.
This officer was never in Sri Lanka during the period mentioned in the Channel 4 video documentary. Furthermore, during the said period (December 2016 to November 2019), this officer was not employed in the Intelligence and Security Apparatus of the country, nor did he hold any official responsibilities in those fields.
The Ministry of Defence also reiterates that no terrorists involved in the Easter Sunday attack have ever been on the government payroll. Therefore, the Ministry of Defence categorically refutes these outrageous allegations and expresses profound dismay at Channel 4 for promulgating such a malicious and unsubstantiated narrative. In the wake of the Easter Sunday Attack, successive Sri Lankan governments have demonstrated an unwavering commitment to uncovering the truth. They have done so by facilitating transparent investigations conducted by both local and international professional agencies.
These investigations including the meticulous work of the Criminal Investigation Department, Counter Terrorist Investigation Division and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI), have consistently corroborated the responsibility of the radical extremist group for the attack. Additionally, the Sectoral Oversight Committee on National Security has played a pivotal role in proposing measures to bolster national security.
Moreover, it is imperative to underline that the comprehensive investigation conducted by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the United States, along with the subsequent verdict rendered by the US Department of Justice, have reaffirmed the findings of local investigations. This resounding endorsement from an international investigative agency further substantiates the accuracy and integrity of the investigation. Despite unwavering and magnanimous endeavours, Channel 4’s myopic and malevolent conduct not only imperils the very fabric of Sri Lankan society by sowing seeds of discord but also shamelessly jeopardizes the reputation and safety of those who have resolutely upheld their integrity and responsibility.
While the Ministry of Defence respects the freedom of expression and upholds the significance of investigative journalism, the Ministry of Defence emphatically asserts that Channel 4 will be held unequivocally accountable for any unforeseen actions or repercussions stemming from their unfounded, malevolent, and poorly substantiated claims made in the video documentary. On behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka, the Ministry of Defence hereby categorically refutes these false allegations and reiterates the government’s unwavering commitment to the truth, justice and the well-being of the Nation.
While there’s no denying that the Rajapaksas gained politically from the atmosphere of fear following the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks, it’s crucial to emphasize that benefiting from such circumstances doesn’t automatically implicate them in planning or executing those attacks
The Channel 4 episode presents itself as an intricately created work of fiction, seemingly built upon the foundations of a poorly fabricated script
Sirisena, Wickremesinghe, and the Rajapaksas are seasoned, shrewd, and occasionally unscrupulous political figures, much like ALL other leaders in the political arena. They are well-informed through their official and private intelligence networks about the events unfolding around them. It is highly probable that all three above leaders were aware of the looming threat. In a somewhat ironic turn of events, reminiscent of the proverbial three monkeys who neither hear, see, nor speak of evil, these individuals adopted a conspicuously self-serving approach. They allowed the unfolding of events, seemingly calculating the potential advantages that each party could accrue over the others in the aftermath of such disasters.
The writer of this perspective holds deep reservations and expresses substantial concerns about the integrity and the questionable governance of the Rajapaksas. Questions have been raised about their handling of key issues, including human rights, freedom of the press, and the rule of law and corruption.
Nevertheless, it is vital to approach these allegations with caution and a discerning mindset, rather than accepting them unquestioningly. It is indeed baffling to hastily assume that nine Muslims, regardless of their beliefs, would willingly sacrifice their lives to support a figure like Gotabaya Rajapaksa, given his well-documented stance as an advocate of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, which has at times been perceived as antagonistic towards the Muslim community.
President Sirisena, was alleged to have offered the retiring Inspector General of Police (IGP) a bribe in the form of a foreign assignment after retirement. The aim was to persuade IGP Pujitha to take responsibility for negligence, possibly to protect Sirisena’s reputation or avoid consequences for himself. Indeed, if the three parties were aware of the numerous intelligence warnings [90 odd] from both local and Indian agents and chose not to act, it would raise serious questions about their integrity and responsibility. Admitting the above fact could paint them as unscrupulous individuals. On the other hand, if they deny knowledge of these warnings, it would call into question their competence in even managing a village Local Government Council, let alone the larger responsibilities they hold.
Utilization of Machiavellian Tactics to Sustain Political Power
The Number One,” who at the time had a personality clash with his number two, and former partner in a political conspiracy to oust Rajapaksa, took charge of Internal Law Enforcement in addition to the Defense portfolio. Following this, he embarked on a trip to Singapore under the pretext of a ‘Health’ excursion, which also included some family shopping. When questioned at the Presidential Commission about whether his family had accompanied him, the former Head of State conveniently answered a blatant lie, I cannot remember.” Sirisena, who was a former Health Minister continued his stay following the disaster under the excuse that he needed medical treatment at Mount Elizabeth. However, we can’t blame him for this; it’s worth noting that the then-incumbent Health Minister, [who severely criticized the current health services during a recent No-Confidence Motion in Parliament, also lacked confidence in his hospitals,] sought treatment at Mount Elizabeth, at the expense of poor taxpayers.
The Supreme Court has issued a ruling, directing former President Sirisena to provide compensation in the amount of Rs 100 million to the victims of the Attacks and the families of the deceased. This verdict is a consequence of his failure to prevent the attacks, despite having received advance intelligence information. In light of intelligence reports, it became apparent that the second-in-command, in conflict with the ‘boss,’ may have decided to stay quiet. This decision likely stemmed from the fact that the ‘number one’ had already removed him from his Law and Order responsibilities. As for the third party, the Rajapaksas, this situation presented a hidden opportunity. They saw it as a welcome turn of events, especially with a significant election on the horizon just months away. This unexpected development seemed to align with their political interests, and they were poised to capitalize on it.
Channel 4 episodes often raise doubts; they’ve done it before, and they’re still doing it. For some, it looks like a made-up story with a poorly written script that lacks evidence and is full of fabricated accusations. The notion of Pillayan organizing a Muslim suicide squad seems laughable and improbable. It’s evident that these individuals driven by extreme religious beliefs took drastic actions, making a solemn oath before Allah, and their act was captured in a widely circulated video. These individuals can be described as religious fanatics who were strongly motivated by their extreme beliefs, ultimately leading them to carry out this solemn pledge. The fact that Asad Moulana is seeking refuge raises suspicions on its own. His credibility is questionable, and it’s reasonable to suspect that he may have been motivated by other favours. Additionally, there are references to an undisclosed former public official and other individuals who may have their own hidden agendas in this situation.
Suresh Salay is a well-respected military officer who has shown unwavering dedication to serving our nation. His colleagues hold him in the highest regard, considering him an exemplary individual. On the other hand, Sarath Fonseka has a track record of making defamatory remarks, which casts doubt on the credibility of his recent statements. It becomes challenging to take his recent comments seriously in light of this history. While it is vital to approach any claim with scrutiny, it becomes particularly crucial when dealing with unsubstantiated allegations. While there’s no denying that the Rajapaksas gained politically from the atmosphere of fear following the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks, it’s crucial to emphasize that benefiting from such circumstances doesn’t automatically implicate them in planning or executing those attacks. Some individuals might have believed that the nation required a ‘war hero’ like Gotabaya Rajapaksa in response to what they feared could become an extended period of ‘Muslim terrorism,’ reminiscent of the challenges posed by the LTTE in the past. This perspective suggests that their political advantage could be a result of the perception of providing strong leadership in troubled times rather than direct involvement in the events themselves.
The idea of someone like Pillayan orchestrating a Muslim suicide squad verges on the preposterous and seems exceedingly improbable. The evidence strongly suggests that these individuals acted out of religious extremism, driven by a fervent commitment to their beliefs. The Channel 4 episode presents itself as an intricately created work of fiction, seemingly built upon the foundations of a poorly fabricated script. This script seems to be devoid of substantive evidence, and it is heavily loaded with claims and accusations that, at first glance, appear to lack a solid basis.
The Sri Lankan Parliament should decide on the nature of the probe into the allegations by the recent Channel 4 video on the Easter Sunday attacks, Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapaksha said today.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe proposed an international probe on the Easter Sunday attacks as soon as he was sworn in as the President of Sri Lanka last year. However, he had not received any favourable response from any party on this matter. Therefore, it is up to Parliament to decide on the nature of the probe,” the Minister who made a statement in Parliament said.
I predicted an extremist attack in Sri Lanka 29 weeks before the Easter Sunday attacks and I was heavily criticised by the Ministers and MPs of the government whom I belong to. The entire nation became a victim of the Easter Sunday attacks as a result of negligence,” he added.
The Minister then referred to a remark by TNA MP Shanakiyan Rasamanikkam who played an audio clip in the House on Thursday whilst alleging that there has been a manipulation of justice in releasing TMVP Leader Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan who was in prison. Rasamanikam claimed that the clip was given to him by Asath Mawlana whom Channel 4 identified as their whistle-blower.
MP Rasamanikkam seems to have more clips and information given to him by Mowlana. If so, he should produce them to the CID,” Minister Rajapaksha also stressed. (Yohan Perera and Ajith Sirwardana)
Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella has reportedly given approval for the commencement of operations of three private medical universities.
Speaking in this regard at a media briefing held in Kandy today (10 Sep.), Rambukwella stated that the relevant universities have already commenced operations.
Commenting on the recent controversies surrounding the provision of medial degrees at private universities, the Minister stated there are many children who are eligible to study medicine, but we have only 11 universities in our country, which is insufficient”.
Moreover, he emphasised on the global recognition medical degrees obtained from Sri Lankan universities hold, further explaining that the island nation should capitalize on this opportunity and produce more such students.
Instead of hindering this global recognition medical degrees from Sri Lanka receive, we need to maintain the same standards at both private and state universities. If we are able to produce outstanding students who would be of service to the world, we need to implement a system that would work parallel with this goal”, he said in this regard.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe has decided to appoint a committee, chaired by a retired Supreme Court judge, to investigate the allegations made by the UK’s Channel 4 regarding the Easter Sunday bombings.
The President’s Media Division said that the government plans to establish a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate the allegations made by a former Attorney General, who claims that there is a mastermind behind the Easter attack.
President Wickremesinghe has emphasized that once the two investigations into the Easter attacks are concluded, the reports from the Parliamentary Select Committee and the Presidential Commission on the Easter bomb attack will be presented to parliament before any final decisions are made.
The reports pertaining to the two investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks in 2019 will be presented to the parliament before any final decisions are made, President Ranil Wickremesinghe said.
Accordingly, upon completion of the two investigations into the series of bombings, the reports from the Parliamentary Select Committee and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry will be presented to parliament before any final decisions are made, the President’s Media Division (PMD) reported.
Meanwhile, the Head of State has decided to appoint a committee chaired by a retired Supreme Court judge to inquire into the recent allegations made by UK’s Channel 4 in their recent exposé on the Easter Sunday bombings.
The PMD further noted that the government also intends to appoint a Parliamentary Select Committee to investigate the allegation levelled by a former Attorney General, claiming that there is a mastermind behind the attacks.
Easter Sunday murders took place on 21 April 2019. 269 innocent people died & over 500 were left injured. Immediately following the attacks at least 6 countries came forward to assist Sri Lanka in investigations. Their foreign intel agencies arrived to help carry out investigations. The FBI, Australian Federal Police, UK’s Scotland Yard, New Zealand police, Danish Police Dutch Police, Japan police & Interpol. More than 23,000 charges have been filed against the suspects & 1215 witnesses have been called to testify. Those ignorantly calling for “international investigations” are either clueless that numerous foreign intel agencies landed to help investigations & have already concluded their reports & have concluded that the culprits were ISIS. Therefore, if Cardinal or anyone else wishes to believe anything to the contrary, they must write to these intel agencies and challenge their findings & produce counter evidence instead of paying an agency that airs paid documentaries & witnesses willing to say anyting to gain asylum.
INTERPOL even congratuatled former President Sirisena in August 2019
INTERPOL Secretary General Jurgen Stock praised steps taken by President Sirisena, the Minister of Defense, Sri Lanka Police, Intel services to apprehend the criminals responsible for Easter Sunday & presented President Sirisena an INTERPOL Medal at the President’s Office. In 2023, former President Sirisena had to pay Rs.100m compensation to the victims of Easter Sunday.
In May 2021, America’s FBI confirmed Maulavi Mohamed Naufer as mastermind of Sri Lanka’s 2019 Easter Sunday bombings claimed then Minister of Public Security Sarath Weerasekera in Parliament.
In September 2022 – Interim President Ranil sought assistance of Scotland Yard to review reports on the Easter Sunday to look into hidden hands in the killings.
The Australian Federal Police sent over 20 officers to Sri Lanka after the Easter Sunday bombings in what was said to be one of the largest overseas deployments. These officers included intelligence officers, technical specialists, forensic teams. AFP Deputy Commissioner National Security Leanne Close said during the course of their investigation the Sri Lankan National Police acquired about 70TB of data, the equivalent of hundreds of millions of photos.
“(We used) some of our technical expertise in how we uncover data, work with calls, who’s made calls to whom, looking at some of the financial transactions, linking people of interest who may have been integral to the conspiracy around the bomb-making and subsequently, and ultimately, the actual actions on the day,” Ms Close told The Australian.
When Sri Lankan lawyers, officers of the Court do not have access to police investigations except when police files reports of investigations in Courts, how can foreign police personnel look into files with police?
The legality of international investigators in local investigations emerged. Under Sri Lankan law it was illegal as foreign personnel are not accountable & not subject to the jurisdiction of Sri Lankan Courts. One of the reasons for the draft Counter Terrorism Act to be opposed was the provision for foreign interventions in local criminal investigations.
In May 2021, the FBI confirmed Maulavi Naufer as mastermind of Easter bombings.
https://www.state.gov/reports/country-reports-on-terrorism-2019/sri-lanka/ The US Country Report on Terrorism in Sri Lanka 2019 states “ISIS-inspired terrorists conducted a series of suicide attacks against churches and hotels across Sri Lanka on Easter Day, resulting in hundreds of casualties. Then ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi publicly praised the attacks”
On 8 January 2021, FBI charged 3 Sri Lankans with conspiring to provide material support to ISIS.
“The men were part of a group of ISIS supporters which called itself “ISIS in Sri Lanka.” That group is responsible for the 2019 Easter attacks in the South Asian nation of Sri Lanka, which killed 268 people, including five U.S. citizens”
“Two days after the attacks, ISIS claimed credit for the terrorist acts, attributing the murders to “Islamic State fighters.” In late April 2019, the then-leader of ISIS praised the attackers for what he called a retaliation against “the West” for defeating ISIS the prior month in Baghuz, Syria”
“ISIS’s Easter attacks in Sri Lanka killed 268 people, including five Americans, many while they worshiped,” said Assistant Attorney General for National Security John C. Demers. “Today, we charge these defendants with bearing their share of the responsibility for these deaths.”
The three defendants named in the criminal complaint, all of whom pledged allegiance to ISIS, are:
Mohamed Naufar, the “second emir” for the group of ISIS supporters that called itself “ISIS in Sri Lanka,” who allegedly led the group’s propaganda efforts, recruited others to join ISIS, and led a series of multi-day military-type trainings;
Mohamed Anwar Mohamed Riskan, who allegedly helped manufacture the IEDs used in the Easter Attacks; and
Ahamed Milhan Hayathu Moahmed, who allegedly executed a police officer in order to obtain the officer’s firearm, shot a suspected informant, and scouted a location for a separate terrorist attack.
So what is Cardinal & the Church upto in annually changing their slogans from international conspiracy, to political conspiracy, to great plot to grand plot. Clearly, international investigations have been done and reports already issued. If the Cardinal has anything else to produce he must present these as facts and not as bogus asylum seekers attempting breaking news through paid documentaries. Before that Cardinal must first present FBI and other intel reports as false.
The Sri Lankan Govt should not be foolish to dance to Cardinals tantrums and also realize that international intel agencies were present they were given or took vital evidence and they compiled their reports. If these reports do not fit into the version Cardinal wants to believe, too bad, he has to come up with facts not fiction.
The Sri Lankan Parliament should decide on the nature of the probe into the allegations by the recent Channel 4 video on the Easter Sunday attacks, Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapaksha said today.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe proposed an international probe on the Easter Sunday attacks as soon as he was sworn in as the President of Sri Lanka last year. However, he had not received any favourable response from any party on this matter. Therefore, it is up to Parliament to decide on the nature of the probe,” the Minister who made a statement in Parliament said.
I predicted an extremist attack in Sri Lanka 29 weeks before the Easter Sunday attacks and I was heavily criticised by the Ministers and MPs of the government whom I belong to. The entire nation became a victim of the Easter Sunday attacks as a result of negligence,” he added.
The Minister then referred to a remark by TNA MP Shanakiyan Rasamanikkam who played an audio clip in the House on Thursday whilst alleging that there has been a manipulation of justice in releasing TMVP Leader Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan who was in prison. Rasamanikam claimed that the clip was given to him by Asath Mawlana whom Channel 4 identified as their whistle-blower.
MP Rasamanikkam seems to have more clips and information given to him by Mowlana. If so, he should produce them to the CID,” Minister Rajapaksha also stressed. (Yohan Perera and Ajith Sirwardana)
Not only is Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith the opening batsman in the C4 documentary, he has also decided to be the night watchman having prepared a 3 page letter in English and even going the mile to translate it into Sinhala. The letter is dated 6thSeptember. Channel 4 program was aired on 5th September 2023 at 1105p.m (SL time 0335a.m.) which means he already had the letter prepared before it was aired). That, he was the first to appear on the program also proves the recording would have been done days in advance.
The Cardinal expresses “our” gratitude to the C4 implying that not only he but the entire Church is grateful to C4.
The Cardinal’s gratitude to C4 is for focusing attention to a ‘great plot’ associated with Easter Sunday.
The Cardinal claims to ‘yearn continuously for “Truth” and justice through a clear and transparent investigation’ and thanks C4 for its ‘project of inquiry’.
Does this mean that the findings of C4 establishes the truth, that Cardinal wants to hear? No reports can be framed to satisfy the version that Cardinal & the Church wants to hear.
What are the ‘facts’ spoken in the C4 program?
Has C4 established that Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley was in Sri Lanka in February 2018, that he visited a coconut estate in Puttalam, that he spoke to Hamsa, that he called a TMVP operative on 21 April 2019? Have those making the allegations got proof to present when Gen. Salley through his lawyers have confirmed he was overseas in 2018 & at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, while his call records, and records of Hamsa & others can also prove the truth.
C4 has not presented any of these facts except Hamsa making statements.
Is there a need for another Parliamentary Select Committee when all that is required is the immigration confirmation from Malaysia & Sri Lanka as well as call logs of both Salley & Hamsa & even the TMVP operative Hamsa has yet to name?
In establishing these real facts – the entire basis of this C4 program falls flat & the argument attempted to be presented as a ‘grand plot’ comes to naught. If so, Cardinal & his bandwagon must stop politicizing the issue as they have not been able to provide any evidence beyond the phrase ‘grand plot’ to prove such a grand plot existed over & above the plan to attack churches & hotels.
How can Cardinal claim no positive action, when the Supreme Court not only ordered former President Sirisena to pay compensation of Rs.100m but he actually made the payment. The present President is also to make similar payment upon the conclusion of his tenure as President.
The Cardinal has given 4 points
He wants a “free, impartial, just, transparent, broad based investigation’into Channel 4 revealed. The ‘grand plot’ behind the Easter Sunday is based on the evidence given by Hamsa claiming that Gen. Suresh Salley came to a coconut estate in Puttalam in Feb2018 & discussed the plot with Zaharan & Co. In establishing whether Suresh Salley was in Sri Lanka or not, that he came to the coconut estate or not and his call logs will DISMISS Hamsa’s story as well as Cardinal’s “grand plot” theory.
Investigation via an independent international investigation team – this is not required because asking Malaysian authorities to confirm if Suresh Salley left Malaysia in 2018 February will confirm or refute Hamsa’s story and end the grand plot conspiracy theory. This can be reaffirmed by Sri Lanka’s Foreign Ministry as well.
Cardinal is demanding who should comprise the investigation team, in particular he is asking that the team who were transferred to be included. Is this not a strange request. Cardinal is not the President or head of the Police to be dictating how an investigation should be held. Also we do not know for what reasons these officials were transferred. However, we are curious to know why the Cardinal wants a select group of officials to investigate!
Why should a Government believe Channel 4 that simply airs privately produced programs and is not bothered to verify the content before airing them? As per the letter sent by the lawyers of Gen. Suresh, it was categorically told to the C4 producers that Gen. Suresh was not in Sri Lanka on the date/month C4 star witness alleged and was also not in Sri Lanka during the Easter Sunday attacks. If C4 has aired the program without ascertaining these basic facts by checking with immigration/phone records etc then the onus is on C4 & Cardinal & Hamsa to prove that Gen. Suresh was in Sri Lanka – without that proof presented in the program, the story does not hold any water. The grand plot comes to nothing if Cardinal & C4 cannot prove that Gen. Suresh was in Sri Lanka or that he placed calls to Hamsa.
It is understandable that Cardinal may be a wee bit worried over former SIS head Nilantha Jayawardena’s testimony to the Presidential Commission as he claimed nearly 15,000 people would have known about the Easter Sunday attacks before they took place. This leaves the floor open to even wonder if the Church also knew and raises suspicions as to why no mass was held in St Anthony’s Church while no Church representatives were at the site on the day of the killings as well as why Mass was not cancelled to prevent worshippers entering the churches as by that time the names of the targets were made known by the Indian intel.
Listen to former defense secretary Hemasiri Fernando? How many who also knew thought like him and did nothing – do they also not shoulder complicity for negligence? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xPLopoYWJS8
No amount of “grand plot” mumbo jumbo theories can forgive the conscience of those who knew, who would have been informed just as a Ministers father told his son not to attend Church. More than those who planned & committed the crime, are those who knew about it but did nothing to prevent people getting killed. Therefore, the Church & Cardinal must first answer this one question – were they one of the 15,000 who knew about the attacks before the attacks. A separate investigation should look into this 15,000 who knew and saved their own skin & sacrificed 269 innocents. Shame on all of them.
Also, how much of state funds have been spent on Easter Sunday commissions simply because the Cardinal & Co are going on and on about a “grand plot” they present a notion that only Easter Sunday victims are the only victims in Sri Lanka – why have the murders by LTTE over 30 years gone uninvestigated, why has TNA links to LTTE not been investigated? Why has Church links to LTTE not been investigated? Would Church be open to such investigations? How many thousands died over 30 years because of LTTE as a result of the covert and overt help given by entities pretending to be paragons of virtue today. Do they have a moral right to be calling for any investigations?
Where are the documentaries about LTTE attacks on Sacred Sri Maha Bodhi temple, Dalada Maligawa, Kattankudy mosque, the Central Bank etc? Why doesn’t the Cardinal call for investigations into these LTTE crimes, why only those that are advantageous to the Church only?
In a June 2012 piece headlined Praying at the Church of St. Drone,” I wrote, Be assured of one thing: whichever candidate you choose at the polls in November, you aren’t just electing a president of the United States; you are also electing an assassin-in-chief.” At that time, President Barack Obama was overseeing what came to be known as terror Tuesday” weekly meetings in the White House Situation Room with more than 100 national security types, some by secure video teleconference,” gathering to discuss global assassination targets in America’s never-ending war on terror.
Unlike once upon a time, however, the assassins” to be dispatched were no longer human, but unmanned aerial aircraft,” or drones. And they struck across significant parts of the planet, sometimes killing al-Qaeda figures, but all too often, civilians and even children. Drone operators were, in fact, allowed to kill based on nothing more than what was called patterns of suspicious behavior” and their planes were roughly thirty times more likely to result in a civilian fatality than an airstrike by a manned aircraft.”
As I wrote then:
In the [New York] Times telling, the organization of robotic killing had become the administration’s idée fixe, a kind of cult of death within the Oval Office, with those involved in it being so many religious devotees. Of course, thought about another way, that ‘terror Tuesday’ scene might not be from a monastery or a church synod, but from a Mafia council directly out of a Mario Puzo novel, with the president as the Godfather, designating ‘hits’ in a rough-and-tumble world.
How far we’ve come in just two presidencies! Assassination as a way of life has been institutionalized in the Oval Office, thoroughly normalized, and is now being offered to the rest of us as a reasonable solution to American global problems and an issue on which to run a presidential campaign.”
Yes, foreign assassination attempts were hardly unknown in previous American history, but they were usually left tothe CIA and there was nothing machine-like about them. In this century, it’s been different indeed, whether the targets were unknown figures considered suspicious (from an automated distance) or, as in the case of Donald Trump, whose administration upped such strikes, all too well known, as with the drone assassination of Major General Qassem Suleimani, the leader of Iran’s elite Quds Force, on his arrival at Baghdad International Airport on a visit to Iraq.
As Maha Hilal, author of Innocent Until Proven Muslim: Islamophobia, the War on Terror, and the Muslim Experience Since 9/11, reports today, President Biden has, after a fashion, reined in the Trumpian version of drone assassination, but he, like the three presidents before him, still remains America’s assassin-in-chief. With that in mind, consider what such a world looks like to those potentially on the other side of a drone’s missiles. Tom
22 Years of Drone Warfare and No End in Sight
Biden’s Rules on Drone Warfare Mask Continued Violent Islamophobia
I no longer love blue skies. In fact, I now prefer gray skies. The drones do not fly when the skies are gray.”
That’s what a young Pakistani boy named Zubair told members of Congress at a hearing on drones in October 2013. That hearing was during the Obama years at a time when the government had barely even acknowledged that an American drone warfare program existed.
Two years earlier, however, a Muslim cleric, Anwar Al-Awlaki and his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, both American citizens, were killed by U.S. drone strikes in Yemen just weeks apart. Asked to comment on Abdulrahman’s killing, Obama campaign senior adviser Robert Gibbs said: I would suggest that you should have a far more responsible father if they are truly concerned about the well-being of their children. I don’t think becoming an al-Qaeda jihadist terrorist is the best way to go about doing your business.”
Those are two of all too many grim tales of the brutality with which the United States has carried out its drone warfare program. Post-9/11 reiterations by the government of the danger we now live in (because the U.S. was attacked), have made the collective responsibility of Muslims and the callous dismissal of their deaths a regular occurrence.
In 2023, this country’s drone warfare program has entered its third decade with no end in sight. Despite the fact that the 22nd anniversary of 9/11 is approaching, policymakers have demonstrated no evidence of reflecting on the failures of drone warfare and how to stop it. Instead, the focus continues to be on simply shifting drone policy in minor ways within an ongoing violent system.
The Inherent Dehumanization of Drone Warfare
In February 2013, White House Press Secretary Jay Carney justified drone strikes as a key tool of American foreign policy this way:
We have acknowledged, the United States, that sometimes we use remotely piloted aircraft to conduct targeted strikes against specific al-Qaeda terrorists in order to prevent attacks on the United States and to save American lives. We conduct those strikes because they are necessary to mitigate ongoing actual threats, to stop plots, prevent future attacks, and, again, save American lives… The U.S. government takes great care in deciding to pursue an al-Qaeda terrorist, to ensure precision and to avoid loss of innocent life.”
More aggressively endorsing the use of such drones, Georgetown Professor Daniel Byman, who has held government positions, emphasized the necessity of such warfare to protect American lives. Drones,” he wrote, have done their job remarkably well… And they have done so at little financial cost, at no risk to U.S. forces, and with fewer civilian casualties than many alternative methods would have caused.”
In reality, however, Washington’s war on terror has inflicted disproportionate violence on communities across the globe, while using this form of asymmetrical warfare to further expand the space between the value placed on American lives and those of Muslims. As the rhetoric on drone warfare suggests, the value of life and the need to protect it are, as far as Washington is concerned, reserved for Americans and their allies.
Since the war on terror was launched, the London-based watchdog group Airwars has estimated that American air strikes have killed at least 22,679 civilians and possibly up to 48,308 of them. Such killings have been carried out for the most part by desensitized killers, who have been primed towards the dehumanization of the targets of those murderous machines. In the words of criticSaleh Sharief, The detached nature of drone warfare has anonymized and dehumanized the enemy, greatly diminishing the necessary psychological barriers of killing.”
In his book On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, retired Army Lieutenant Colonel Dave Grossman focuses on the mechanical distancing” of modern warfare, thanks to the sterile Nintendo-game unreality of killing through a TV screen, a thermal sight, a sniper sight, or some other kind of mechanical bugger that permits the killer to deny the humanity of his victim.” Scholar Grégoire Chamayou describes this phenomenon in even starker terms. Thanks to the distance between the drone operator and the victim, One is never spattered by the adversary’s blood. No doubt the absence of any physical soiling corresponds to less of a sense of moral soiling… Above all, it ensures that the operator will never see his victim seeing him doing what he does to him.”
Needless to say, drone technology has rendered those in distant lands so much more disposable in the name of American national security. This is because such long-range techno-targeting has created a profound level of dehumanization that, ironically enough, has only made the repeated act of long-distance killing, of (not to mince words) slaughter, remarkably banal.
In these years of the war on terror, the legalities of drone warfare coupled with the way its technology capitalizes on an unfortunate aspect of human psychology has made the dehumanization of Muslims (and so violence against them) that much easier to carry out. It’s made their drone killing so much more of a given because it’s taken for granted that Muslims in target sites” or conflict zones must be terrorists whose removal should be beyond questioning — even after a posthumous determination of their civilian status.
Responsibility, Not Accountability
At a 2016 press conference, President Barack Obama finally responded to a question about the increasing numbers of drone strikes by admitting: There’s no doubt that civilians were killed that shouldn’t have been.” Then he added, In situations of war, you know, we have to take responsibility when we’re not acting appropriately.”
Rare as such admissions of responsibility” have been, however, they remain quite different from accountability. In Obama’s case, all that was offered to the survivors among those who shouldn’t have been” killed in such drone strikes was an utterly minimal acknowledgment that it was even happening.
While the use of drones in the war on terror began under President George W. Bush, it escalated dramatically under Obama. Then, in the Trump years, it rose yet again. Halfway through Trump’s presidency, drone strikes had already exceeded the total number in the Obama era. Though the use of drones in Joe Biden’s first year in office was lower than Trump’s, what has remained consistent is the lack of the slightest accountability for the slaughter of civilians.
In 2021, as the U.S. was withdrawing chaotically from its 20-year Afghan War disaster, its military surveilled a white car driving around Kabul, believed it to be carrying explosives, and launched its final drone strike of that conflict, slaughtering 10 Afghans. Two weeks later, after reporting by the New York Times revealed what really happened, the Pentagon finally admitted that only civilians had been killed, seven of them children (but penalized no one).
Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin later apologized to the families of those killed and offered compensation — one of the few times American officials had even bothered to acknowledge wrongdoing in Afghanistan in the last 20 years. True to form, however, the government’s pledge to compensate the impacted families has gone unfulfilled, a grim reminder that in none of those years has there been any semblance of justice for civilian survivors of such drone strikes.
A few weeks ago, thanks to a Freedom of Information Act request, the Biden administration was forced to release a redacted version of a presidential policy memorandum, signed in October 2022, that detailed the administration’s latest approach to drone warfare globally. At least some details about it were known prior to its release, however, thanks to an anonymous senior administration official.
The Washington Post editorial board, among others, celebrated the memo, arguing that the restrictions in place are smart rules of engagement” and a significant improvement over the Trump years when it comes to limiting civilian damage from drones. In reality, however, Biden’s memo is likely to do little to stem future drone warfare nightmares. In essence, the memo represents a return to Obama-era rules, including the supposed need to have near-certainty” that the target of a drone strike is a terrorist and near-certainty” that non-combatants won’t be injured or killed. The memo also includes other criteria that (at least theoretically) must be met before an individual is targeted, including an assessment that capture is not feasible.
In the case of Anwar Al-Awlaki, while the U.S. claimed his capture wasn’t possible, members of his family disputed this. In a Democracy Now interview, Al-Awlaki’s uncle Saleh bin Fareed stated, I am sure I could have handed him over — me and my family — but they never, ever asked us to do that.” Needless to say, the lack of transparency has made it impossible to know if such standards are being met before a strike takes place and, worse yet, there’s no method of accountability if they aren’t.
That Biden administration memo does ban signature strikes that target individuals whose identities are unknown based on behavior suggesting they might be involved in terrorist activity. Still, we shouldn’t mistake a modestly better policy for a truly legal, moral, and ethical one, especially since the drone strike mistakes” of the past haven’t led to any genuinely meaningful overhauls of the program.
Minimizing Civilian Deaths?
On September 20, 2001, nine days after the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush delivered a speech to a joint session of Congress in which he first used the phrase war on terror,” while announcing a domestic and global campaign to be fought without borders or time constraints. Previewing what, years later, would become known as this country’s forever wars,” he advised Americans that they should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes visible on TV and covert operations secret even in success.”
Cameroonian political theorist Achille Mbembe’s theory of necropolitics — that is, the politics of death – catches the essence of the war on terror Bush launched as a way of life (and death) — the capacity to define who matters and who does not, who is disposable and who is not.” With the invasion of Afghanistan and the designation of entire largely Muslim parts of the planet as the enemy, the Bush administration began a war” in which Muslim deaths were necessary for the protection and preservation of American ones. This set a precedent for the value of Muslim life when the act of killing them could be equated with the security of Americans and the protection of the homeland.”
Twenty-two years later, drones continue to be instruments of civilian slaughter and the language deployed by successive administrations to describe such slaughter has served to sanitize that fact. Whether it’s the use of target” or collateral damage,” both minimize the reality that human beings are being murdered. Taken together with a larger war-on-terror narrative in which Muslims have been strikingly demonized and criminalized, the result has been the production of killable bodies whose deaths elicit neither guilt, remorse, nor accountability.
In his 2014 State of the Union address, President Obama explained why he put prudent limits” on drone warfare, pointing out that Americans will not be safer if people abroad believe we strike within their countries without regard for the consequence.” And how right he was.
As yet, however, there have been zero consequences for the air-strike deaths of tens of thousands of civilians globally and, as Obama’s statement suggests, the only real concern this caused American officials was the fear that too many such killings might, in the end, harm Americans.
Grieving Muslim Lives
In Sana’a, Yemen, a wall with graffiti art shows a U.S. drone under which someone has written in blood-red paint, Why did you kill my family?” in English and Arabic. The relentless American drone campaign has indeed left all too many civilians in Muslim-majority countries asking the same question. The only answer offered in Washington over all these years is that such killings were unavoidable collateral damage.
But imagine, for a moment, what Americans might do if their family members were regularly being killed by drones because another government claimed near certainty” that they were terrorists? You know the answer, of course, given the response to the 9/11 attacks: this country would undoubtedly launch a catastrophic war of epic proportions with no conceivable end in sight. In contrast, Muslims targeted by American drones have been left to pick up the all-too-literal pieces of their loved ones, while risking the possibility of also being killed in a double- or triple-tap strike — a level of violence that should never be justified.
We should all reject a war on terror committed to the disposability of Muslims because no one (including Muslims) should have to mourn the killing of civilians the U.S. has targeted for far too long. Muslim lives have inherent value and their deaths are worth grieving, mourning, and above all valuing. Drone warfare will never change that fact.
More than 40 years after the mysterious shooting down of an Italian plane that carried 81 passengers, former two-time premier Giuliano Amato claims France was behind it
A former Italian head of government has accused France and the United States of being responsible for the deaths of 81 aircraft passengers in a mysterious crash more than 40 years ago, in a failed assassination attempt on former Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi.
On the evening of 27 June 1980, the Itavia flight 870, with 81 people on board, crashed near the island of Ustica (north of Sicily), resulting in the deaths of passengers and crew members. The incident is one of Italy’s worst air disasters in history.
In an explosive interview published on Saturday by the newspaper La Repubblica, former Prime Minister Giuliano Amato said he supported the claim that France, with the assistance of Washington, sought to eliminate Libyan leader Gaddafi, believing he was on board the targeted aircraft. The passenger plane was shot down by a missile fired by a French fighter jet, Amato alleged.
The most credible version is that of the responsibility of the French air force, with the complicity of the Americans,” he said, adding that it was done with the intention of ‘taking out Gaddafi’.”
The French government has yet to respond to the claims, but Paris and Washington have consistently denied any involvement in the tragedy.
According to Amato, the national secretary of the Italian Socialist party at the time, Bettino Craxi, who was known to be close to Colonel Gaddafi, had heard” of a danger to him if he entered Italian airspace and had warned him.
On Saturday, Craxi’s son wrote on the platform X, formerly known as Twitter, that his father had indeed warned Gaddafi but in 1986”, which was six years after the catastrophe, he specified.
In 2003, Gaddafi accused the US of attempting to assassinate him at that time.
Amato requested French President Emmanuel Macron to cleanse the shame that weighs on France”, either by demonstrating that this thesis is unfounded or, if confirmed, by offering the most sincere apologies to Italy and the victims’ families”.
A criminal trial against several high-ranking Italian military officials, suspected of concealing information in this case, concluded in 2007 with their acquittal by the Court of Cassation.
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has called on Amato to provide concrete evidence to support his accusations.
I ask Prime Minister Amato, in addition to his deductions, to let us know if he possesses any elements that could challenge the conclusions of the judiciary and parliament and make them available to the government,” she said.
Let us get to the bottom of this drama without engaging in any more sensational entertainment. The latest Channel 4 video opened with Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith talking about someone “above” Zaharan and Hamsa claiming to have met Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley in February 2018 & alleging discussing a plot to commit Easter Sunday.
If Channel 4 at the end of the video included that Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley was not in Sri Lanka, with what media ethics did Channel 4 proceed to air the documentary, even if it was paid by someone else? The Cardinal & their whistleblowers stand exposed the moment the truth comes to light. To ascertain the truth only a few simple steps are needed why is their no calls by them to adopt these procedures? Stop watching all the videos and sensational theories to simply seek answers to below questions.
Channel 4 star witness Hamsa alleges Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley came to a coconut estate in February 2018. Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley has written to C4 through his lawyers to say he was overseas on a diplomatic assignment since 2016 – confirming he was not in Sri Lanka in February 2018.
How do we check if Gen. Salley was in Sri Lanka in February 2018?
Check with Malaysian immigration to confirm Gen. Salley was in Malaysia & did not leave Malaysia in February 2018 or any period that year.
Check with Sri Lankan immigration to confirm Gen. Salley did not arrive from Malaysia in February 2018.
Check with Sri Lanka’s Foreign Ministry and obtain official letter from them as to Gen. Salley’s appointment as a diplomat & that he had not travelled officially or personally to Sri Lanka in February 2018 (even to travel personally leave has to be applied for & approval obtained from the Foreign Ministry)
Check airline passenger lists from Malaysia to Sri Lanka on that particular day to see if Gen. Salley travelled to Sri Lanka.
Hamsa alleges that he arranged Gen. Salley to meet Zaharan & team in a coconut estate in Puttalam. Presuming Gen. Salley was not in Sri Lanka as per the above data, the next step is to prove if Hamsa went to Puttalam
Can Hamsa prove where this coconut estate is (address) who does it belong to and that he went to this site on the day that he is alleging. The owner of the estate should also be able to verify.
If Hamsa is unable to prove above, then one of his key arguments falls flat.
Hamsa also alleges that Gen. Salley placed a call to a TMVP operative to travel to the Taj Hotel & pick up the phone of ‘someone’ (we presume it is the suicide bomber)
With advances in technology, Hamsa’s allegation of a call by Gen. Salley on Easter Sunday can also be easily proved.
Take call logs of Gen.Salley on 21st April 2019 to see if he made such a call at the time that Hamsa alleges.
If Gen. Salley was in Malaysia – it would be easy to obtain call logs from an international line
Check call logs of Hamsa on Easter Sunday 21 April 2019 as well as his whereabouts. How did Hamsa know what Gen. Salley told a TMVP operative, if Gen. Salley was in Malaysia?
Was Hamsa with the TMVP operative when the call came?
Who is this TMVP operative, where was he located on 21 April 2019 and check his call records too to see if he received a call from Gen. Salley.
Revealing Gen. Salley’s whereabouts in 2018 & 2019 as well as his phone records
Revealing Hamsa’s whereabouts in 2018 & 2019 as well as his phone records will seal the truth and negate all the allegations made by Hamsa, C4 & the Cardinal.
The Cardinal & his coterie of NGOs & spokespersons, Channel 4, the star witnesses even Geneva will all have to prepare their apologies to not only Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley but to the General Public for intentionally fabricating stories and attempting to fool the people of Sri Lanka.
This essay looks at Tamil colonization of Sinhala lands during British rule. (1815-1948).From the time they took control of the Udarata kingdom, the British wanted to bring the Sinhala population to heel, especially after the rebellions of 1818 and 1848.
They decided to replace the Sinhalese with Tamils from South India. This was a deliberate policy and carried out relentlessly, throughout the period of British rule. It was easy to move Tamils from Tamilnadu to Sri Lanka .Tamilnadu and Sri Lanka were both under the British.
The British policy of settling Tamils in Sinhala lands was not confined to the coastal north and east. Tamil settlers were brought inland into the ‘tank country’ as well. In 1857 the GA for Minneriya suggested colonizing Minneriya with people from south India. In 1867 the GA, Trincomalee said he wanted to start a Tamil colony at Kantale.
In 1886, it was reported that Tamils from Jaffna were coming into luppaikadavai, in Mannar district to make it a ‘flourishing Jaffnese tobacco growing colony’ (SP 8 of 1886 p 11) it was also hoped, said Denham in 1911, that settlers from Jaffna would come to the Vanni, using the railway and that large extents of paddy land under irrigation would be taken up by colonists from Jaffna.
Kalawewa colonization scheme was started in 1893. The colonists were exclusively Tamils. The GA was told to give preference to Tamils from the Jaffna peninsula. 14 families arrived from Jaffna, followed by another set later. They returned home as soon as possible. (SP 4 of 1893)
Government Agent R.W. Ievers complained that these settlers had never seen a forest before and that they wanted everything done for them. GA Ievers had to get the land cleared for them, employing Sinhala villagers. The settlers sowed some short term crops but soon returned to their villages in Jaffna. Ievers lamented that he had spent much state funds on these short lived settlers.
In 1886 Parker had pointed out that labor for restoring the NorthernProvince tanks would have to be got from South India or Jaffna. (SP 49, 1886) .The GA, Eastern Province reported in 1900 that ‘on this side of the. Island we can get no responsible Sinhalese worker for the salary we can offer’. (AR, Eastern Province 1900. p F12) This means that Tamils continued to come in as cheap labor as well
But the earlier settlers were no longer poor. From the 1880s Jaffna Tamils had gone in large numbers, to Malaya to work as clerks, supervisors and so on. Malaya was also under British rule and when the British administration there needed middle level workers, they got them from Jaffna.
Tambapillai Adigar in his report on Jaffna district said in 1911 that Tamils working elsewhere in Ceylon, also in Burma and especially in Malaysia, remitted money to Ceylon. Several lakhs of rupees are annually remitted to Jaffna by them. There is not a village in Jaffna which has not benefited by the employment of its persons abroad. As a result land has gone up in price in Jaffna too, he added.
Tamils were therefore able to buy out Sinhala landowners in the north. In 1886, irrigation engineer, Henry Parker, reported that the Sinhala villagers around Pavatkulam tank, Vavuniya were too poor to purchase the irrigable land which will soon become available but the GA had said that he was confident that purchasers will come from Jaffna. (SP 11 of 1886 p 7).
Regarding Mamaduwa tank, Vavuniya, Parker said, I know for a fact that some of the Tamil money lenders of the neighborhood are disposed to buying up much, if not all, of the reclaimed land over the heads of the Sinhalese settlers, if the lands are offered for sale. Parker hoped that that won’t happen. So did the Sinhalese. They had objected to Tamil settlers being brought in (Sp 8, 1886 p 8 and SP 46 of 1886) p 2)
In the 20th century too, the British rulers continued to colonize the island with Tamils from India .British Governor Henry McCallum informed the Tamil leaders in Jaffna peninsula at a meeting in 1911 that he had reserved the Tank Country and the East for the people of Jaffna. He would bring immigrants from south India, if the Tamils in Jaffna did not comply.
Ponnambalam Ramanathan had told the Governor at this same meeting in 1911 that Jaffna people had colonized the land up to Anuradhapura and wanted the government to open up the railways so that more Tamils could come south. (
Denham observed in 1911 that Jaffnese do not emigrate as pioneer cultivators and settlers but for jobs as educated persons. They are not interested in working to open up the country where they have to work for at least two years before they got a return.
Shantha Hennayake, whose doctoral thesis was on Tamil ethnonationalism in Sri Lanka” (1991), noted that in 1920 the Tamil population was at a high level and the Sinhala population was at a low level in the northern part of the island.
In Vavuniya, in 1921 of the four DRO divisions, Vavuniya south had a Sinhala majority but this is the smallest of the four divisions, said Hennayake. In Mannar, in 1921, there is not a single Village Headman/Grama sevaka area where the Sinhala were in a majority. Manner was mainly Tamils and Muslims, and in the southern part of the district, the concentration of Muslims was very high. Only three VH areas in Mannar district had a Sinhala population even above 10%. They were Talaimannar, Pesalai and Musali division. This pattern continued for the next 50 years. The VH/GS areas of the northern part of Mannar was overwhelmingly Tamil, with some Muslim concentrations, said Hennayake.
Hennayake said that in 1921, Anuradhapura district was largely Sinhala. All the AGA divisions of Anuradhapura have reported a Sinhala majority since the census started in 1871. Tamils were concentrated in Anuradhapura, Kekirawa and a few rural areas. Anuradhapura town has always had a relatively large Tamil population, they were largely engaged in business and related activities, said Hennayake. (Shantha Hennayake. Island 4.5.2009 p 10 )
There was some limited resistance from the Sinhala villagers. GA, Northern Province reported in 1873 that some of the Vanni pattus had several villages occupied by the Sinhalese who had migrated from Anuradhapura. When requested, Sinhalese headmen were appointed. ( AR 1873)
In 1886 Parker says that around 1876, some enterprising Sinhalese villagers settled at Chemamadu, but abandoned the settlement after four years.
Trincomalee and Batticaloa Districts of the Eastern Province, were a part of the Udarata kingdom during Dutch rule. Dutch governor Ryckloff van Goens stated in his Memoir of 26th December 1663 that ” The country between the river Waluwe and Trinquenemale is entirely inhabited by the [Udarata King’s ] people and therefore I have never been able to visit this district”.
The Eastern province came under British rule in 1815. The British colonized the districts of Trincomalee and Batticaloa with immigrants from Jaffna and south India. Roads were developed up and down the coast, linking Jaffna, Trincomalee and Batticaloa. In 1901 cultivators were brought into the Trincomalee district from Jaffna for tobacco cultivation. ( AR, Trincomalee 1901 p F17)
The British rulers blocked out land in the Eastern province and sold them. The main buyers of these lands were the Tamils. .(Administration Reports. 1868) . Tamil settlers also bought up the holdings of the Sinhala villagers. The Sinhala villages have been bought out by Tamils who now own all the paddy lands of some villages, said GA Trincomalee in 1898. ( GA, Trincomalee AR 1898 p F 16-17.)
The British restored irrigation works in the Eastern Province and gave the land that would be irrigated to Tamil colonists. The administration Report for 1867 of the AGA Trincomalee District states that ” I should like to form a large Jaffna colony and if liberal terms are offered, might succeed in the Kantalai tank area. ( AR 1867 P 106)
The Government Agent Jaffna was not successful in his attempt to send people to Gantalawa tank to colonize it, But AGA Trincomalee said in 1868 I have every reason to believe that we may set up a Tamil settlement there, with settlers from Tamilnadu, to cultivate the lands fed by this splendid tank .( Report of AGA Trincomalee 1868)
In Batticaloa the colonial British government spent 76,000 pounds on repairs to the ancient wewas and rendered 23,000 acres of forest land irrigable for rice cultivation. 500 acres were leased to a newly formed Tamil enterprise called the Jaffna – Batticaloa Agricultural Company. The plan to lease the entire 23,000 acres to this enterprise was frustrated when the company failed, said Gamini Iriyagolle.
Tamils therefore have acquired land in the east by the straightforward purchase of land allotments from the British rulers and also by buying out the Sinhala settlers who were there. By 1933 the Sinhalese villagers and their tanks in the Eastern Province had died out. ( AGA Diary for Trincomalee for 18.3.1933)
The diary of the AGA, Trincomalee, for July-August 1933 recorded that the migrant Sinhala fishermen, who came. Into Trincomalee, had had a conflict with the Tamil fisherman re use of the beach. The British GA had given the decision against the Sinhala fishermen. The Sinhala fishermen had appealed to the Fisheries department in Colombo. AGA refers to the continuous succession of interviews, the longest was with a Mr. Subramaniam ‘who is still advocating the cause of Tamil fishermen’ as he was writing in his diary.
A reader wrote to the “Island’ newspaper, saying that he can find Tamils and Muslims who can trace their ancestry to the North and Eastern province, but that he cannot find any Sinhalese who can do so.
Emil Van der Poorten (b.1939) said I have spent all my holidays since I was a child in Kuchchaveli area, where a maternal uncle was living. His Sinhala wife was to my recollection the only Sinhala speaker for miles around. Even the fishermen who came from Negombo spoke a mixture of Sinhala and Tamil. As an adult I was familiar with the east coast between Verugal and Batticaloa, Panchchankerni area in particular. There were very few Sinhalese there either.
Emil Van der Poorten says ‘there was never a significant concentration of Sinhala speakers in this part of the country.’ It is a gross misrepresentation of fact to rewrite history and settle Sinhalese in what was originally Tamil and Muslim country. (Sunday Leader.1.3.2009 p 15) continued)
The Tamils in Trincomalee District rose, from 30% of the population in 1871 to a peak of 60% in 1901. Trincomalee had become an urban center by 1879. Census reports indicate that from 1870 to 1900 Jaffna was the foremost source of migrants into Trincomalee town. The town itself was largely inhabited by Tamils, while the harbor area held both Tamils and Muslims. By 1899, the major population in Trincomalee were ‘residents of Jaffna and Batticaloa’ (AR Eastern Province 1899)
The Government Agent, Trincomalee pointed out in 1898 that it seems almost incredible that a visitor may spend a year in any part of Ceylon without ever seeing a Sinhalese man and yet this might happen to a visitor in Trincomalee. It seems incredible that there should be any town in Ceylon where you could not find thirty men speaking the national language, Sinhalese, yet this is true of Trincomalee.” (AR 1898 p F16)
However, from the 1920sthe population of Tamils in Trincomalee started declining. To 52.2 in 1921, 46.6% in 1931 and 33.8% in 1981. One reason for this would be the emergence of Trincomalee as a ‘ major commercial centre especially due to the utilization of the harbor during World War II in the 1940s .This brought many non Tamils into Trincomalee
In the early part of the 20th century Tamils and Muslims became dominant in the east. It was quite the reverse for the Sinhalese in the eastern Province, said analysts. Report on Forest Administration of Ceylon by F.D’A Vincent (Sessional paper XL11 of 1882) spoke of “the gradual spread of the Tamils down the coasts, especially the eastern coast. Where ever the Tamil or the Mahommedan comes to settle, the Sinhalese is driven back to the forest, where he earns a precarious existence by chena cultivation and by hunting.”
Caught by their traditional occupation rice cultivation and reluctant to move from their traditional Purana villages, the Eastern province Sinhalese of the late 19 century and early 20th century, simply wilted, said GH Peiris. The government records of the period show the retreat of these ‘purana’ villages, the depopulation through famines, epidemics, drought and finally, cultural assimilation by other ethnic groups.
It was found that while the Tamil and Muslim populations were thriving, Sinhala villages were dying out said S. O Kanajaratam, in his Monograph on the Batticaloa District, 1921.
The depopulation of Sinhalese from the east coast was widely reported by the administrators and officials working there, said Hennayake. AGA Trincomalee, 1867 and GA Nuwarakalawiya, 1870 reported a decrease in villages. The village land had gone to the Crown. In 1870 the Crown got, in this way, 65 villages. This depopulation was followed by the simultaneous infiltration of Tamils and Muslims from their enclaves along the eastern coast and also from Jaffna, said Hennayake.
The population around Kantale tank (Gantale) had been Sinhala In 1833 but the Sinhalese had disappeared by 1855. They had been replaced by Tamil settlers, noted Gamini Iriyagolle. A report by three British engineers submitted in 1855 states that a Malabar (i.e. Tamil) population had superseded the Sinhalese at Gantale. The hydraulic tradition relating to the Yoda Ela from Minneriya which was known to the Sinhalese, who were there in 1833 was totally unknown to these Malabars.
In 1921, S.O. Canagaretnam said with reference to Batticaloa District,’ one of the saddest features of the District is the decay of the Sinhalese population in the west and south of the Batticaloa District. At one time there were flourishing and populous Sinhalese villages, as evidenced by the ruins and remains dotted about this part of the country. Now most of the Sinhalese villages that are left are little better than names.” The Batticaloa District had very old stone inscriptions, such as the Nuweragala inscription dated 4 BC found in Bintenne, he observed.
The GA Trincomalee district C.M.Lushington was deeply concerned in 1898 about the fate of the Sinhalese villagers under his administration. .Lushington said Kaddukulam pattu was inhabited by Sinhalese villagers of Kandyan descent, and the community was rapidly dying out or becoming effaced. The._ villagers only need a little help to restore their village tanks. The villagers were willing to pay the cost in installments. (AR 1898) Kaddukulam Pattu had 15 Tamil and Muslims. Villages and 9 Sinhalese villages in 1867.
The most important assistance which can, and ought to, be rendered to these villagers would be the restoration of their village tanks. This would render them independent of the Tamils, and make them less likely to abandon their villages or to sell their lands to Tamils emphasized Lushington. (Administration Report on Trincomalee District for 1898 p. F18).[1]
In his dispatches, which I have read at the National Archives, Colombo, Lushington appealed over and over again for help in this matter. He said these Sinhala villages are dying simply because of the lack of water. All they needed was a little help to repair their tanks.” The government ignored this plea.
In 1901 Lushington notes that the Sinhala villages were steadily getting depopulated. ( AR 1901 p F17).In 1902 the annoyed and disappointed Lushington pointed out that while the appeals of the Kaddukullam pattu villagers were ignored, the government had pampered the villages in the Batticaloa district where just one tank had 8 sluices. ( AR 1902 p F17) Batticaloa had the greatest concentration of Tamils in the eastern province.
Therefore one reason for depopulation of Sinhalese villages in Eastern Provinces, was due to deliberate neglect by the British authorities. The Sinhala population in the Eastern province was allowed to die out.
Another way in which the Eastern province became Tamil was through Tamilisation. The Kaddukulam villagers are rapidly becoming Tamilized, which is a great pity., said GA Lushington (1898). They intermarry with Tamils, and many of them speak Tamil as well as they speak Sinhalese. The Government schoolmaster is Tamil, and only that language is taught in the only school.
The Sinhalese have even given up their patronymics and have adopted the Tamil custom of prefixing the father’s name instead of the usual patronymic, and even the names of the villagers are assuming a Tamil dress. This is perhaps not to be wondered at when the interpreters of the court and the Kachcheri, the petition-drawers, and all through whom the villagers have access to government officials can speak nothing but Tamil.[2] I must say I regard this as a great misfortune. I should like to see a strong Sinhalese headman acquainted with English appointed as Chief Headman of the district, and I should like to see the Tamil school abolished, concluded Lushington.[3]
P.A.T Gunasinghe said that that Tamil penetration was on the average only 8 to 16 miles into the interior, both on the East coast and also the West.’ G.H. Peiris, researching into the ethnic demography of the East coast, in the 19th and 20 the centuries, found that even in 1920, almost all the Tamil settlements were confined to a coastal strip barely extending 10 miles into the interior.
Tamil settlements of the 19th century were along the coastline. In Trincomalee district, the ancient Sinhalese villages continued in the interior jungles while old settlements like Kumburupitiya, (Kumburupitiya), Puhul Motai, (Pulmudai), and Giribandu (Tiriyaya) were taken over by Jaffna Tamils and Muslims., said DGB de Silva.
The 1981 census data indicates that even in 1981, the Tamil settlements in the East coast, hug the coastline, in small, separate fragments, interspersed with Sinhala and Muslim settlements. The interior is uniformly dominated by Sinhala settlements.
GH Pieris, researching into the ethnic demography of the East coast, in the 19th and 20th centuries, found that in Trincomalee districts, there were Sinhala settlements scattered in the interior. There were numerous abandoned village tanks in the uninhabited tracts, which bore Sinhala names ( Continued)
[1] Administration Report on Trincomalee District for 1898 p. F18 Lushington.
[2] Administration Report on Trincomalee District for 1898 p. F18 Lushington.
[3] Administration Report on Trincomalee District for 1898 p. F18 Lushington.
