Sri Lanka proposes to set up a group of Eminent Persons to galvanize greater political will to combat terrorist financing

November 21st, 2022

High Commission of Sri Lanka in New Delhi

Sri Lanka proposed to set up a group of Eminent Persons with a view to helping galvanize greater political will and to create further international awareness among states on the importance of combating terrorist financing, at the recently concluded 3rd No Money For Terror (NMFT) Ministerial Conference in New Delhi.

Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda, who led the delegation of Sri Lanka to the Ministerial Conference made this proposal in his statement to the Conference. The 3rd No Money For Terror Ministerial Conference on Counter-Terrorism Financing was held from 18-19 November 2022 in New Delhi, hosted by the Government of India.

The Conference, which was inaugurated by the Prime Minister of India Shri Narendra Modi on Friday saw the participation of delegations from ninety-three countries and multilateral organizations.

The Conference extensively discussed global trends in terrorism and terrorist financing, use of formal and informal channels of funds for terrorism, emerging technologies and terrorist financing and requisite international co-operation to address challenges in combating terrorist financing.

Delivering the country statement of Sri Lanka, High Commissioner Moragoda further stated that political will on the part of member states is the most significant component in international cooperation to address the multi-faceted challenges faced when combating terrorist financing. He said that though the objective of the Conference on No Money for Terror,” which is to sensitize the international community to the dangers of ignoring this issue, is commendable, there should be a mechanism to provide continuity to the work of the Conference.

In this context, High Commissioner Moragoda proposed that India, as the Chair of the present Conference, take the lead in creating a group of Eminent Persons selected from among the member states with a view to helping galvanize greater political will and to create further international awareness among states on the importance of combating terrorist financing.

The 1st and 2nd No Money For Terror Ministerial Conferences were held in Paris in 2018 and in Melbourne in 2019 respectively. The 3rd NMFT Conference was built on the progressive agenda of an integrated approach with collective involvement initiated in the first two Conferences. 

High Commission of Sri Lanka
New Delhi

Who sold urea plant? Wajira ducks Vasu’s question

November 21st, 2022

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

General Secretary of the Democratic Left Front (DLF) Vasudeva Nanayakkara, MP, yesterday (20) said that the UNP had sold the urea plant at Sapugaskanda to a foreign buyer who set it up in an Arab country.Having brought the machinery as scrap iron the buyer had re-installed the machinery and today Sri Lanka procured urea from that facility, Nanayakkara said.

The veteran politician called what the UNP had done a crime by the nation. The former minister said so when The Island sought an explanation from him about his brief exchange with UNP National List MP Wajira Abeywardena on Saturday (19) during the fifth day of the 2023 Budget debate.MP Nanayakkara said that those who had sold such a valuable national asset owed the country an apology as the hapless people struggled to cope up with the ever-worsning economic-political-social crisis.

When MP Abeywardena recalled the assassination of Industries Development Minister C. V. Gooneratne about a week after he informed Parliament of an agreement Sri Lankan entered into with a US firm to produce fertiliser here, Nanayakkara asid, Who sold the urea plant as scrap iron, please tell us?”

MP Abeywardena only said that Sri Lanka had a lot of scrap iron, which had to be disposed of. The UNPer refrained from responding to MP Nanayakkara’s query.An LTTE suicide bomber killed Minister Gooneratne along with 22 others, including his wife, at Ratmalana, on June 7, 2000.

Abeywardena entered Parliament in July this year, filling the vacancy created by Ranil Wickremesinghe’s election as the President to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksas’s five-year term.Nanayakkara alleged that Budget 2023, presented by President Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, on 14 Nov., had revealed that the latter’s strategies hadn’t changed. It was clear that the incumbent government was taking advantage of the current economic crisis and planning to dispose of many profit-making public sector ventures, the former minister in charge of water supply and drainage told The Island.

Lawmaker Nanayakkara quit the Cabinet after the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa sacked his Cabinet colleagues Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila in the first week of March this year over their opposition to the sale of 40 percent shares of the Yugadanavi power plant to US-based New Fortress Energy.Responding to another query, MP Nanayakkara, who represented the Uththara Lanka Sabhagaya, said that its members wouldn’t vote for the Budget. The outfit consists of lawmakers who entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket and National List MP Ven. Athuraliye Rathana of Our Power of People Party (OPPP).

At the onset of MP Abeywardena’s speech, he dealt with a spate political assassinations and attempted assassinations, beginning with grenade attack on the UNP group meeting in Parliament, chaired by the then President J.R. Jayewardena, in August 1987. Having referred to the 2019 April Easter Sunday carnage, lawmaker Abeywardena asked whether Sri Lanka’s economy was being controlled by external elements. The former minister stressed the responsibility on the part of the Central Bank to work in accordance with the policies of the government, whether they were right or wrong.

MP Nanayakkara questioned who benefited from the sale of the urea plant.Geologist Dulip Jayawardena, involved in the examination of the Sapugaskanda site, said that the plant had been built in the early 80s by British firm Kellogg Overseas Corporation. Jayawardena said that the plant built over a period of nearly four years was capable of producing 980 tons of urea a day.

The State Fertiliser Manufacturing Corporation (SFMC) had been established as a wholly-owned Government entity, under the State Industrial Corporation Act of 1973, and was expected to meet Sri Lanka’s demand, the former official said.

Jayawardena pointed out how the powers that be deprived urea plants of raw material naphtha by exporting the same. According to him, international bids were called in 1986 and the plant was sold to an Indian company. Jayawardena claimed that the selling price of the urea plant that had been in operation from 1982 to 1985 was never disclosed.

Economic crisis and the Blame Game

November 20th, 2022

Sugath Kulatunga

Rather than adopt export-led development and aim at a healthy balance of trade and payments and provide productive employment, all past governments resorted to devaluation and prolific borrowing as the remedy. The outcome of the multiple devaluations and IMF prescriptions has been negative as far as the trade balance is concerned. The LKR which was 8.83 in 1976 declined 15.56 to a US dollar after the 1977 devaluation and slumped to LKR 100 per dollar in 2005 and 135 to a dollar in 2015 and today it is frozen at 365 per one USD.

In 1977 before devaluation there was a positive balance of trade of 41 million US dollars which became a minus 680 $ in 1978, minus 3656 in 2007, and rocketed to 10,343$ million in 2018.

The panacea adopted to solve the trade deficit was to devalue the currency with a view to discourage imports and encourage exports. Devaluation has been a futile exercise in Sri Lanka where at the time of independence in 1948 the US dollar was only 3 rupees and now it is over 350 rupees. We continue to chase the dollar without focusing on the real problem of poor export performance. We were lulled into complacency with the increasing revenue received from the repatriation of income from foreign employment and returns from tourism. As usual, we did not realize how vulnerable they are to global conditions and unexpected health issues. When the covid hit the world and Sri Lanka both these sources dried up.

We are now in a dire strait and people are demanding to know who is responsible. Already a case is before the courts against the political leaders of the time and the Governors of the Central Bank. The culpability is not with a few individuals but with the prevailing system in making crucial decisions on monetary and fiscal policy. In the blame game of looking for the culprits of the present economic crisis, there are a few parties that are left out.

The Central Bank is considered the repository of knowledge in economics in the country. It is staffed with the cream of the intelligentsia of SL who are well-trained and well-paid. This august body is responsible for the national monetary policy. In addition, it has been the recent tradition that senior central bank officials are seconded to the Ministry of Finance to serve as the Secretary of Finance and as advisers and are directly involved in the formulation of the fiscal policy of the nation. Thus, it is the Central Bank that is responsible for both the monetary and fiscal policy of the country. In addition, they are often located in the Ministry of Planning too. Ministers of Finance and Planning may come and go but these panjandrums stick around like Tennyson’s Brook. These economists write in their annual reports on the status of the economy and produce volumes of statistics on the persistent adverse balance of trade and its impact on the balance of payment. But they have not offered a long-term solution.

A partner in the crime is the Constitutional malefactor the Parliament. Although at the national level the Parliament is vested with full control of public finance vide Article 148 of the Constitution this supreme body of our representatives ignored the chronic deficit in the current account balance over the years.

The opposition in Parliament has to bear the major share of the blame. It is their responsibility to expose glaring policy faux pas by the government and direct the government on the correct path. This was a problem with all oppositions as they were guilty of the same blunder. The only contribution of the Yahapalana government was to cry hora hora against MR while ransacking the Central Bank. The list (100 pages) of the beneficiaries of the scam is still concealed in the Archives and the GR regime was not keen to reveal it.

 It is noted (CBSL statistics) that for the last 71 years from 1950 to 2021 the current account was positive only in 8 years. The easy solution resorted to by our brilliant ministers of finance was to devalue the currency. At the time of Independence, the US dollar was only LKR 3 and now it is LKR 360. The country has gone to the IMF with the begging bowl 17 times and adopted structural adjustments and other IMF devices eagerly of which import liberalization was at the core. The other nostrum was to borrow. The nation has now to bite these two magic bullets.

Media too has to take a share of the blame as it too has not brought into focus the hard issues involved. In many other countries, the media plays a vital role in probing and identifying the real issues and creating public opinion to force political authorities to deal with the core problems of the economy.

The revolutionaries’ think tanks, Universities, and professionals have been blind to the fundamental issue. The solution was export-led development with industrialization. It is also the sensible answer to reduce unemployment.

The present crisis is the result of a national collective criminal negligence from generation to generation.

Sugath Kulatunga

Moving on with Hydrogen

November 20th, 2022

Aloysius Hettiarachchi

On today’s BBC World service (19.11.22) they showed buses and cars running on liquid Hydrogen. This appears to be a new innovation perhaps initiated by tech companies or universities of the UK and is very relevant to the day’s happenings. COP27 is taking place in Egypt and Qatar is showcasing its financial clout of ‘petro dollars’ in their controversial staging of the world cup with equally controversial alcohol and gay ban in the vicinity of the playing fields.

So, is this the end of fossil fuels, and whose innovation is it? I remember seeing a video that described a Sri Lankan scientist (or an engineer) predicting and then actually making that solid hydrogen about a year or so ago. If it is true should he not be given the Nobel Prize as it will put an end to the burning of fossil fuels that degenerate our environment? Multibillionaires like Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk talk about special attributes of our place and Sri Lankans these days. Why not find out details about our scientist/engineer and publish them as he appears to be an unsung hero? The Moratuwa engineer who developed a Google-like search engine which they seem to have bought before they became a force to be reckon with went unnoticed. Let the same not happen this time around.

IS A MANDATORY SCHOOL UNIFORM A BANE OR A BOON?

November 20th, 2022

Sasanka De Silva  Pannipitiya

Making it mandatory for children to come to school to get an education is a very outdated concept.

Allowing them to attend school in any attire is the way forward.

Some argue that the prescription is to make all children look equal, and class disparities will not matter then, but for how long?

Only for 8 hours, after which the rich go their separate ways and the less fortunate go their separate ways. 

To maintain balance in society, it is necessary for there to be good and bad, wealthy, and poor, but I am not here to discuss how that balance should be allocated.

Many kids will drop out of school if they don’t have a uniform to go to school, whether it be because of prior karma, God’s will, or whatever label one chooses based on their own views and convictions.

In a city setting, this condition might not be as obvious, but because most of the children come from wealthy or middle-class families, the problem is not brought to light and most people believe it does not exist.

However, this is fairly common in rural areas and presents a significant obstacle for many people who are less affluent.

By putting an early barrier in the form of a uniform, we are not aiding many deserving rural youngsters in their pursuit of a better life.

A good education is the most effective method to escape poverty and lead a happy life.

If it was a matter of quick identification, then instead of requiring them to attend school wearing a proper and required uniform, which many are unable to obtain mostly due to poverty, offer them an inexpensive, waterproof identification card with a lanyard.

I think we should enable children to acquire an education by attending school in whatever clothes they can afford and secure, rather than trying to change the makeup of society for a few hours by requiring that all children wear a predetermined uniform.

Sasanka De Silva

Pannipitiya.

Green Hydrogen by Green Man

November 20th, 2022

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

lanka C news | ධීවර බෝට්ටු සඳහා හරිත හයිඩ්‍රජන්…

Sorry to say this 

This is like LNG to be used as CNG to power cars like in many countries 

Why all of a sudden Green hydrogen?

Why cannot we develop Solar power on boats?

Green hydrogen may have to be stored in Fish collector vessels which should carry green hydrogen storage to replenish the fisherman’s boat hydrogen stock

So far no country has done this except In some Norwegian vessels where hydrogen is used

Good idea 

The question is who will implement it 

Attention to LNG to green hydrogen ?

Maybe green funds were promised at Cop27?

Can you imagine this

Our multi-day fishing boats of 45 to 55ft are equipped with Hyundai engines run with diesel or petrol with no generator to give power for 21 days depending on ice flakes taken with them no generator 

We are talking about gree hydrogen as fuel!

Engines to be converted to run on green hydrogen?

The best option is to deploy a few mother vessels in the deep sea which carry fuel water and ice plants to store the fish catches 

Help fishermen in that way

කාලාම සූත්‍රය තුල ප්‍රකටවන නාම-රෑප පරිච්ඡේදය

November 20th, 2022

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක 

භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලයේ ප්‍රතිබිම්භය පංචේන්ද්‍රියන්ගේ ප්‍රසාදනය වීමෙන් ‘ස්ඛන්ධ ක්‍රියාවලිය’ ආරම්භවන බවත් ඒ නිසාම සිතේ රෑප ලෝකය හටගන්නා බවත් අප දැන් දන්නෙමු. ඒ රෑප සංඥාව පෙර මතකය හා ගැලපීමෙන් (විතක්ක විචාර වීමෙන්) භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලයට අනූරෑප නාමය (අරෑප ලෝකය-world of labels) සිත තුල සංකාර වෙයි. විඤ්ඤාණයට හේතුවන මෙම සංකාරය භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලය පිළිබද සම්පූර්න දැනුම (නාමය) සිතට ලබාදෙයි (සංකාර පච්චයා විඤ්ඤාණ). 

උදාහරනක් ලෙස; දකින්නේ භාහිරයේ ඇති පුටුවක වර්ණරෑප හැඩතලයේ ප්‍රතිබිම්භය යයි සිතමු (චක්ඛු ප්‍රසාදය). එම වර්ණරෑපයේ ‘සංඥාව’ පෙර මතකය හා ගැලපීමෙන් සම්මුතියෙන් පනවාගත් (ප්‍රඥ්ප්ති) නාමය වන ‘පුටුව’ හා එහි සම්පූර්ණ ගුණ (characteristics) සිත තුල ‘සංකාර’වී පුටුව පිළිබඳ සම්පූර්ණ දැනුම ‘විඤ්ඤාණ’ වේ. විඤ්ඤාණය යනු භාහිරයේ හමුවන හැඩතලයේ සම්පූර්ණ රෑප (රෑපීය) දැනුමයි.

මෙසේ භාහිර රෑපය නිසා සිත තුල ඇතිවන සංකාරය (නාම රෑපය නැතහොත් අරෑපය) තෙයාකරය – වචී සංකාරය, කාය සංකාරය හා මනෝ සංකාරය වශයෙනි. වචී සංකාරය යනු භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලයේ ප්‍රතිබිම්භය සිත තුල වචනයට පෙරලීමයි. එසේම කාය (ක්‍රියා) සංකාරය යන තැන භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලයේ ප්‍රතිබිම්භය ලියන වචනය (ලේඛණය) ඇතුළු අනිකුත් ක්‍රියාවලට පෙරලේ. වචනය (භාෂාව) කතාකලත් ලියුවත් දෙයාකාර සංකාරයම නාම රෑපයකි.

සත්‍යය හමුවන්නේ අරමුණේ නාමය ඉවත්කල තැනයි. නාමය ඇතිවනවිට භාහිරය ආත්මීයවී ආස්වාදය හමුවේ. භාහිරය ආත්මීය නොවන විට ආදිනවය හා නිස්සරනය හමුවේ.

මහනෙනි, අර්ය මාර්ගය අවබෝධයට (දුක නැතිකිරීමට) කල යුත්නේ ‘ස්ඛන්ධයේ උදය-වය’ දැකීමම පමනකි. එනම් ස්ඛන්ධය (රෑප වෙදනා සංඥා සංකාර විඤ්ඤාණ) යේ ඇතිවීම හා නැතිවීම දැකීමය (දස්සනේන පහාතබ්භා). ස්ඛන්ධයේ ඇතිවන අන්තයේ ‘රෑප’යත් නැතිවන අන්තයේ ‘නාම’යත් නැතහොත් අරෑපයත් (විඤ්ඤාණයත්) පවතී. රෑපය හා අරෑපය එකතුවන තැන (විඤ්ඤාණ පච්චයා නාම රෑප) භාහිර රෑප හැඩතලය උපාදනයවී භව වීමෙන් භාහිරය ‘දෙයක්/යමක්’ ලෙස දැනෙන කාම ලෝකය සිත තුල සකස්වී දුක උපදින ගර්භය ඇතිවේ.

නාමය හා රෑපය එකතුවන තැන ඇත්තේ දුකමය. සිත තුල මෙසේ ඇතිවන ‘අයහපත්වූ’ නාමය සෑමවිටම උත්සාහ කරන්නේ රෑප ලෝකය හා එක්වී යමක්/දෙයක් ලෙස දැනෙන කාම ලෝකය සකස්කීරීමටයි. අවිද්‍යව යනු මෙම ක්‍රියාවලියයි.

කාලාම සූත්‍රය තතාගතයන් වහන්සේ දේශනාකලේ කේසපුත්‍තයේ වැසියන්ටය. කාලා – කෙලෙස්,  ම – තවන/නැතිකරන යන අර්ථය ගෙනේ.

එහි අන්තර්ගතයවන 

1 තෙපි අනුන් කියනු ඇසීමෙන් නොපිළිගනිව්. 

2 පරම්පරායෙහි ආ හෙයින් නොපිළිගනිව්. 

3 මෙය මෙසේ විය හැකියයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

4 පිටක පාළිය හා සමාන වේයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

5 තර්‍කානුකූලයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

6 න්‍යායට අනුකූලයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

7 මේ කාරණය යහපතැයි කල්පනා කිරීමෙන්ද නොපිළිගනිව්.

8 අප නුවණින් තීරණයකොට ගන්නාලද දෘෂ්ටියට සමානයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්.

9 මේ මහණ තෙමේ යහපත් කෙනෙකි, ඔහුගේ කීම පිළිගත යුතුයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

10 මේ ශ්‍රමණ තෙමේ අපගේ ගුරුයයිද නොපිළිගනිව්. 

යම් ධර්මයක් ක්ලේශන්ගේ ප්‍රහානයට හේතුවන්නේ යයි තමන්ම අවබෝධකරන්නේද දුක නැතිකීරීමට එයම ඉවහල් වන්නේය. කාලාම සූත්‍රයතුල අන්තර්ගතය මෙයයි.

තතාගතයන් වහන්සේ ඉහත සදහන් කරැනු දහයම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කලේ ඒ සියල්ලම පරිච්ඡේදකල යුතු නාම (අරෑපාවචර) ලෝකය ඇතිවීමටත් පැවතීමටත් ඉවහල්වල බැවිනි. මේ කරැනු දහයේම අන්තර්ගතය ‘සංකාර නාමයක්’ වන වචනයයි.

ක්ලේශයන්ගේ ප්‍රහානයට (කාලාම) භාහිරය යමක්/දෙයක් බවට පත්කෙරෙන නාම රෑප පරිච්ඡේදය කල යුතුබව මෙම දේශනයෙන්ද ගම්‍යවෙයි.

අනාගාමි මාර්ගයේ සිට අර්හත් මාර්ගයට පිවිසීමට රැක්ඛමූලගතෝ ශුන්‍යගාරගතෝ විය යුතුවන්නේ වචනයෙන් (දෙඩීමෙන් හා ඇසීමෙන්) නාම ලෝකය සකස්නොවීමටයි, නාම ලෝකයෙන් බැහැරවීමටයි. නාම ලෝකය (නාමය) මැකීයන තැන මතුවන්නේ සදාතනික නිවනයි.

සුභ පැතුම් 

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක 

2022 නොවැම්බර් මස 20 වනදා

සිංහල ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ලංකාවට ඩොලර් ගේන්නෙ නැත්තේ ඇයි? රජයේ දේපල දෙමළ ඩයස්ෆෝරාවේ අතට යන්නේ ඇයි?

November 20th, 2022

“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල”

(මෙම කෙටි ලිපිය කියවීමට පෙර ලෝකයේ සිංහල ජනතාව මිලියන 18ක් බවත් දෙමළ ජනතාව මිලියන 80ක් බවට අදාල දත්තය දක්වමි.)

සිංහල ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ගේ ලංකාවට එන්න තියෙන ඩොලර් ප්‍රමණය, මිලියන 80ක් වූ ලෝකය පුරා විසිරී ඉන්නා දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ ව්‍යාපාරවල ආයෝජනය කිරීම හේතුවෙන්, එකී ඩොලර් ලංකාවට එන්නේ නැත. මේ උපයන ඩොලර් ආයෝජනය කර ඇති රටවල් සහ ව්‍යාපාර පිළිබඳ විමර්ශනයකින් මේ බව පැහැදිලි වෙයි.

ඉංදියාවේ හිංදූන් මේ ආකාරයට ක්‍රියා කරන්නේ නැත. ඔවුන් විදේශවලින් උපයන සෑම ඩොලරයක්ම ඉංදියාවට ගෙන එයි. ඒ සඳහා නීති ඉංදියාවේ පැන වී ඇත. ඒ නිසා ඉංදියාවට ඩොලර් ප්‍රශ්නයක් නැත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙ එසේ නීති පැන වී නැත. එකී නීති පැනවීම වැළැක්වීමට දෙමළ ඩයස්ෆෝරාවේ නීති විශාරදයන් ඉඩ දෙන්නේද නැත.

එසේම සිංහල ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ලංකාවේ යම් ව්‍යාපාරයකට ඩොලර් ආයෝජනය කළ හොත් රාජ්‍ය ආයතන මගින් එකී ව්‍යාපාරයේ කටයුතු නතර කරවන ආකාරයද එකී ඩයස්ෆෝරා නීති විශාරදයන් දනී.

මේ සඳහා හොඳම උදාහරණය, විදෙස් නීති සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර ගිවිසුම් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නීති පද්ධතියට ඇතුළත් කිරීමට උත්සාහ කළ අලි සබ්‍රි අධිකරණ ඇමතිගේ කෝවිඩ් -19 පනත් කෙටුම්පත (මෙම උත්සාහය පරාජය කළ ආකාරය 2021 ජූලි 06 පාර්ලිමේන්තු හැන්සාඩ් වාර්තාවේ 1389-1459 පිටුවල ඇති SC/SD/24/2021 නඩුවේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ තීරණය බලන්න) සහ සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් නීති අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා දීම වැළැක්වූ 2020.12.30 අංක 2208/13 ගැසට් පත්‍රයයි.

මෙහි ප්‍රතිඵලය වන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ රජයේ දේපල ආයෝජන මුවාවෙන් දෙමළ ඩයස්ෆෝරාවේ අතට යාම ඉක්මන් වීමත් සිංහල භාෂාව රාජ්‍ය භාෂාවෙන්, නීති පැනවීමේ භාෂාවෙන් සහ අධිකරණ භාෂාවෙන් ඉවත් වීමත් ය.

“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල”
ෆීනික්ස් නීති සංග්‍රහය,
වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යයන වැඩසටහන.

Whither research (institutes)?

November 20th, 2022

Malinda Seneviratne

There are two questions. First, does research really matter or rather does research drive decisions when it comes to policy planning? Second, what is the role or research institutes or, put another way, do policy-makers understand the worth of such bodies?  

My friend Sugath Kulathunga raised an interesting point recently with regard to the fertiliser policy of President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa: ‘One is baffled why a risk analysis of the overnight, island-wide implementation of the decision on organic cultivation was not done.’

The truth is that such an analysis was done by the Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute (HARTI). The entire research team, immediately following the announcement, assessed all relevant social, economic, political and environmental factors. A document was produced within a month, detailing the issues, obstacles and strategies. This was followed by an 18-month roadmap which essentially listed the non-negotiable measures that need to be taken to rationalise the implementation of the policy. A preliminary audit of biomass availability was also done in view of the proposed shift to organic fertiliser.

The documents was duly forwarded to the policy-makers including the relevant ministers. In addition, on each and every occasion that a relevant minister requested information or sought an informed response to broad questions related to this issue, HARTI researchers responded promptly and comprehensively.

This is a problem that is not limited to a sudden policy decision which was to be immediately implemented. A perusal of all research reports, policy briefs and such produced by any of the many state-run research institutes would reveal at least two things: a) the enormous volume of knowledge-production, and b) a strange reluctance to incorporate such knowledge into the policy-making framework through a formal mechanism. 

Of course it must be mentioned that it is quite possible that policy-makers do make use of such information and knowledge. For example, a review of the draft national agriculture policy put together by a team of experts in 2021 revealed that the findings of research conducted by HARTI over several decades have not gone unnoticed. 

Consider the state universities, to add another dimension to this problem. There are thousands of dissertations and theses produced each year on a wide range of subjects. A significant portion of these have policy implications. However, there is no formal mechanism to ensure that the findings and recommendations reach the policy-making apparatus and that policy makers in turn are required to take into account the same. Instead, typically, policy makers depend on their own  and often ill-informed and poorly analysed understanding of the particular issue, confidantes/advisors whose principal qualification is personal acquaintance and who at best represent a limited and limiting version of things or the dictates of ‘experts’ from dodgy outfits such as the World Bank, IMF or USAID. 

Given that policy makers seldom seek information and knowledge produced by research institutes  the question arises whether such institutes serve any purpose. Indeed ministerial pundits often talk about shutting down research institutes, thereby demonstrating ignorance, arrogance and absolute idiocy. What is required is in fact a strengthening of research institutes coupled with a mechanism that compels policy-makers to take serious note of research findings.   

One of the biggest problems that plague research institutes that are part of the state apparatus is that of human resources. There was a time when research institutes attracted the most qualified graduates who preferred employment in these bodies over teaching posts in universities, partly due to better salaries and also because they accorded more attractive opportunities for academic advancement. 

The situation is reversed now. The salary scales of universities are considerably higher. Researchers in such institutes are therefore forced to consider a shift back to universities following acquisition of postgraduate certification. As the Sri Lanka Council for Agriculture Research Policy knows, the entire sector is plagued by numbers that fall scandalously short of the cadre requirement with regard to research expertise. The blanket freeze on recruitment imposed on account of the economic crisis has made things worse.  

Clearly the government needs to do a re-think on research and research institutes. The current thinking articulated by certain policy makers that research is useless needs to be called out for what it is: myopic, astigmatic, idiotic and indicative of a scandalous disregard for truth and its implications. Consequently, it is important to reconsider the entire structure of knowledge-production and its bearing upon policy making. The knowledge producers and knowledge producing institutions should be empowered. It is imperative, in this, to put research institutes on par with universities in terms of remuneration structures. In a country where ill-investment abounds, such a move would certainly be a much needed corrective that makes for more wholesome and effective policy formulation. 

Mechanisms set up so that policy recommendations obtained from findings are duly recognised and taken into account when decisions are made. This can be done. HARTI, for example, has signed MoUs with almost all state universities with regard to collaborative work. The potential to mobilise the best minds in the universities needs to be recognised. 

Sri Lanka is not poor when it comes to science and scientists. The problem is one of creating conduits and forums so that policy is a) not dependent on politically suspect ‘advice’ of external ‘experts’ with little or no knowledge of Sri Lankan realities and absolutely uninterested in furthering Sri Lankan interests, and b) not formulated on the whims and fancies of ill-informed politicians driven by self interest and little else. 

malindadocs@gmail.com

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Myanmar presents opportunities to a growing Bangladeshi medicine industry

November 20th, 2022

Sufian Siddique

New Horizons for Profitable Investments Manufacturing an essential adjunct to healthcare is important in any case. Because people’s lives are directly related to this wonderful product. Medicines play a direct or indirect role in ensuring the well-being and well-being of people by getting rid of human diseases and alleviating anxiety and restlessness. Therefore, medicine is one of the largest and most profitable industries in the world today. The pharmaceutical industry of Bangladesh is known as an emerging industry with great potential. Which is playing a major role in the country’s economy. Despite many crises, this industry has gained enough reputation for its healthy development and quality productivity, and has been able to achieve international standards. Bangladesh continues to thrive in expanding the life-saving industry. It is very important for this sector to play a significant role in strengthening the economic base of the country.

Currently, Bangladesh has gained the glory of an exporting country instead of an importing country in the pharmaceutical industry. Bangladesh is the only country which is becoming known as an exporting country after meeting its domestic needs. Currently, 97 percent of the country’s total demand for drugs is being produced in the country.

However, after independence, 96 percent of medicines had to be imported from abroad. Medicines are being exported to about 80 countries including Europe, America, Middle East, Central Asia. Currently, this industry is in the third position in terms of exports in Bangladesh. The day is not far when this industry will surpass the revenue of the garment industry.

In this era of globalization, the pharmaceutical industry is in a strong position in the context of our country. Therefore, the highest quality control of products is a prerequisite for exporting to join the international market of drugs across the borders of the country. Therefore, in product quality and meaning, Bangladesh will be at the forefront of promotion and expansion. To increase the acceptance of this country’s medicine abroad, its quality testing system must be made to international standards. Many developing countries including neighboring Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan still import most of the drugs.

A significant development in Bangladesh’s health sector is the National Drug Policy, a global indicator for measuring health human development. This policy, which came into effect in 1982, aims to remove harmful and unnecessary drugs from the market and ensure access to essential drugs at fair prices in all cases. As a result of this policy, the pharmaceutical industry of Bangladesh has flourished. Bangladesh Exports of pharmaceutical products to Myanmar was US$11.77 Million during 2015, according to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade.

 Medicines worth 188.7 million dollars or one thousand 982 million takas (Taka 105 per dollar) were exported from Bangladesh in the last financial year. Although this medicine is exported to 140 countries of the world, the largest shipment has gone to the neighboring country of Myanmar. The country exported drugs worth 2.76 million dollars or 289 million rupees in the last financial year, which is about 15 percent of the total drug exports. However, Bangladesh accounts for only 5 percent of Myanmar’s total demand for pharmaceuticals, which is almost entirely dependent on imports.

Bangladesh sent medicines and medical equipment worth one crore takas as relief to Myanmar flood victims in 2015.

We believe that there is a very good possibility of increasing Bangladesh’s share in Myanmar’s pharmaceutical sector if it gets government support.

Despite the Rohingya issue, crackdown on insurgents in the border areas under the junta government, drug exports to Myanmar increased by more than 24 percent compared to the previous fiscal year ($22.4 million). But Bangladesh’s share is only 5 percent compared to Myanmar’s demand for medicine every year. According to UN Comtrade data, Myanmar imported about $550 million worth of medicines in 2021. Of this, India imported 298.5 million dollars, which is about 55 percent of the total imports.

Analysis of data from Bangladesh Export Development Bureau (EPB) shows that 34 items of goods were exported from Bangladesh to the neighboring country Myanmar in the last financial year. The income from this product is three million 88 million dollars. Out of this, only medicine has been exported worth 27.6 million dollars, which is about 71 percent of the total exports to Myanmar.

Again, in the fiscal year 2021-22, medicines worth 188.7 million dollars have been exported from Bangladesh to 140 countries of the world. Among them, most of the medicines were exported to Myanmar. It is followed by Sri Lanka, the Philippines and the United States in terms of drug exports. In the last financial year, medicines were exported to the countries worth two crore 32 lakh, two crore 26 lakh and one crore 34 lakh dollars respectively. Myanmar was the top country in the export of drugs from Bangladesh in the previous financial year as well. During this time, drugs worth 2.2 million dollars were exported to the country.

However, Bangladesh is gradually increasing its share. Many export-oriented pharmaceutical companies are now establishing themselves in Myanmar. Chittagong’s Elbion Group is going to add a new name to the list of pharmaceutical exports to Myanmar. Chittagong’s ‘s only drug exporting company is going to export a 20-foot container of omeprazole group drugs to Myanmar next month, worth about 30,000 US dollars. But this is the beginning. According to the information of Elbion group, applications have been made to the Myanmar Medicines Administration for the registration of 40 drugs of different groups. Next month, a shipment of trial basis medicine will go to Myanmar.” The container will go directly to Yangon port in Myanmar via Chittagong sea port. Last June, 40 more drugs were applied for registration. It will take a year to get approval. Elbion will export large scale in the future to the potential market of Bangladeshi drugs if approved. However, in this case, the restrictions imposed by Myanmar’s junta government on foreign currency transactions last April are causing some obstacles.

However, the government should be proactive. In 2014, a 15-member delegation from Myanmar, mostly doctors or pharmacy-related, visited Bangladesh and visited several pharmaceutical factories. After the team returned to Myanmar, there was a positive impact on Bangladesh’s pharmaceutical exports there. In 2010, Myanmar’s domestic demand for medicine was about three billion dollars. Coming there in 2021, we exported medicine to the neighboring country only 27 to 28 million dollars, which is very less. The government should bring the first-line specialist doctors there, who will mainly prescribe the drugs, to Bangladesh and inspect several compliance drug factories here. Presenting the entire process of drug production to them. Then it will definitely have a positive impact.

This business leader believes that the restrictions imposed by the Myanmar junta on foreign exchange transactions will not cause much problem for Bangladeshi businessmen. Because eight countries including Bangladesh and Myanmar are members of the Asian Clearance Agency or ACUR, transactions in their own currency are possible.

Sufian Siddique

Ranil likely to go for presidential poll first – sources

November 20th, 2022

Courtesy The Island

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is likely to hold presidential election before any other polls after November 16 2023, three sources close to him said, as he seeks a $2.9 billion IMF loan to consolidate the economy which is on a slow recovery path from a crisis.

Wickremesinghe was elected as the president in the 225-member parliament on July 19, days after former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country fearing for his life following tens of thousands of protesters stormed into the presidential palace, demanding his resignation after his failed economic policies. He quit after reaching Singapore.

Sri Lanka’s opposition parties and many protestors who led the ousting of Rajapaksa are now demanding both local government and parliamentary polls citing that the current government has no mandate to be in power as its failed economic policies have forced the people to oust them.Presidency of Wickremesinghe, a six-time prime minister, has been criticized by the opposition and protestors as he was not elected by the public.

Wickremesinghe became the president when he entered the parliament through a national list after his center-right United National Party (UNP) failed to win a single parliament seat in the 2020 parliamentary polls.

The president is considering the presidential poll first and it will give him a legitimate mandate to push for reforms that are now formulated,” a source close to Wickremesinghe told EconomyNext.

He can be the president for two more years. But the reforms need more time to see the country economically recovered and is on a strong foot.”

Another source close to Wickremesinghe said there could be division among the current parliament composition if he goes for any other elections other than presidential.

We see a slight recovery though the worst is yet to come after the implementation of tax policies and IMF reforms. Doing party politics in the next one year will reverse all the reforms,” the second source said.

Focus is on crisis

The President’s office did not comment on a possible presidential poll before both local government and parliamentary elections. However, an official at the president’s office said Wickremesinghe has not been focusing on any election” now.

Election is not his priority right now. He has never said anything in any election so far. He is busy with the economic policies to get the country out of the current mess,” the source, a senior official at the presidential secretariat told EconomyNext.

He has categorically told internal officials that the country’s private sector, civil society organizations, all political parties, and the people should get together to face the current crisis and if we don’t unite, there won’t be a country to do politics after one year.”

The island nation’s political parties are now gearing up for an election. The former ruling center-left nationalist Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), and Marxist opposition Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna have already started campaigns at village level.The parliament election should be held after August 5, 2025, five years after it was held. But President Wickremesinghe can dissolve the parliament and call for an early election after February 2023,

The tenure of the current presidency ends in November 2024. However, the incumbent president can call for an early election if the leader wants. This means Wickremesinghe can call for early election after November 16, 2023.

රටේ ණය අර්බුදයට හේතුව ස්වෛරීත්ව බැඳුම්කර ණයයි – මහාචාර්‍ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන්

November 20th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

රට මුහුණ දී ඇති ණය අර්බුදයට ප්‍රධාන සාධකයක් වන්නේ ස්වෛරීත්ව බැඳුම්කර මත ලබාගත් ණය බව කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ආර්ථික විද්‍යා අධ්‍යයනාංශයේ මහාචාර්ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන් පවසනවා.

අර්බුදය, අයවැය සහ අනාගතය යන මැයෙන් මහවැලි කේන්ද්‍රයේ පැවති සම්මන්ත්‍රණයකට එක්වෙමින් ඔහු මේ අදහස් පළ කළා.

මෙම සම්මන්ත්‍රණය පැවැත්වුණේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේනගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන්.<br /><br />අර්බුදය, අයවැය සහ අනාගතය යන මැයෙන් මෙම සංවාදශීලී සම්මන්ත්‍රණය සංවිධානය කර තිබුණේ ශ්‍රි ලංකා වෘත්තීයවේදීන්ගේ සංවිධානය විසින්.

එම අවස්ථාවට එක් වූ මහාචාර්ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන් මහතා පැවසුවේ ස්වෛරීත්ව බැඳුම්කර මත අසීමාන්තික ලෙස ලබාගත් ණය හේතුවෙන් රට දැඩි අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දී ඇති බවයි.”මද්දුමබණ්ඩාරට ධුරය අහිමි වුණේ මේ නිසයි – බැසිල් – මෛත්‍රී කෝන්තරයට හේතුව හෙළිවෙයි –

“මෙන්න රටට වෙච්ච හරිය” “ඒ මිනිහාට තමයි ගහලා පන්න ගත්තේ” – මහාචාර්ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන්

November 20th, 2022
 

CID arrests two women for defrauding Rs. 120 million from Sri Lankan in Norway

November 20th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Two women have been arrested by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) for forging bank documents and defrauding Rs. 120 million from a Sri Lankan living in Norway. 

The suspects, who are sisters aged 30 and 34 years, have been arrested in Jaffna by the CID, police said.

They had allegedly defrauded the Sri Lankan by forging bank documents and using 23 bank accounts.

It has been uncovered during the investigations that the two women have defrauded the money from the concerned person through 23 bank accounts from time to time between January and June 2021, by claiming that the necessary activities were to be carried out for the legal release of gold and money they had deposited in their father’s name, who was a businessman.

The arrest has been carried out in line with the investigations conducted regarding a complaint made to the Financial Crimes Investigation Department by the concerned individual.

The two suspects have been ordered to be remanded in custody until December 01, after they were produced before the Jaffna Magistrate’s Court on November 18, following their arrest.

Sri Lanka to lift ban on Glyphosate after 07 years

November 20th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The gazette notification pertaining to the lifting of the ban imposed on the import of the herbicide Glyphosate has been sent to the Government Printer, says the Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture, Gunadasa Samarasinghe.

The Minister of Agriculture had decided to lift the ban on Glyphosate following inquiries made from various sectors including the representatives from farmers, agricultural experts, and agronomists as to whether the ban should be continued further or not, according to the Ministry of Agriculture.

Further continuation of the Glyphosate ban had become futile as some people had illegally imported substanded Glyphosate via sea routes and were sold across the country at exorbitant prices, the Ministry said.

Accordingly, steps were taken to lift the Glyphosate ban that had been in place for 07 years since 2015, since there was no alternative method for weed control in the agricultural sector, that situation also led to a decrease in harvests, the secretary of the Ministry emphasized.

 He said the gazette has been signed by the Minister of Agriculture Mahinda Amaraweera and sent to the Government Printer to be published. 

In September, the Cabinet of Ministers had approved a proposal to import Glyphosate for a period of 06 months for all agricultural activities during the 2022/23 Maha Season.

The government had said the decision to ban/restrict the importation of Glyphosate has affected all types of agricultural activities, leading to a decrease in agricultural production and a surge in prices of essential food items.

Taking into this account, permission is granted to import Glyphosate for a period of six months to allow farmers to carry out their agricultural activities more productively during 2022/23 Maha Season.

The relevant proposal had been tabled by President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Former President Maithripala Sirisena, in 2015, banned the importation of Glyphosate as some studies had linked the use of the agrochemical to the chronic kidney disease affecting Sri Lankan farmers. The imports and use of the herbicide was accordingly prohibited under the Import and Export (Control) Act, No. 01 of 1969.

The ban was imposed without introducing any alternative for the purpose of weed control.

However, in 2018, the import ban was temporarily lifted for tea and rubber sectors for a period of 36 months, and the move was subsequently green-lighted by the then-Cabinet of Ministers.

In November 2021, an Extraordinary Gazette was published by then-Registrar of Pesticides Dr. J. A. Sumith, revoking the gazette notification issued in 2014 prohibiting the use and sale of five agrochemicals including Glyphosate. Mr. Sumith was later removed from the post pending a disciplinary inquiry into the rescinding of the said gazette notification and it was announced that the ban on five agrochemicals was still in effect.

The following month, the then-government decided to allow the imports of organic and inorganic compounds, and phosphorous derivatives of fertilizers, however, the ban on importing Glyphosate remained effective.

REVISITING EDIRIWEERA SARACHCHANDRA’S ‘MANAME’ Pt 2

November 19th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

‘Maname made its first appearance, not in Peradeniya but at the Lionel Wendt Theatre in Colombo. ‘I selected Lionel Wendt as it had a good stage and auditorium, also the facilities needed for the actors.  Its chairman, Harold Pieris gave me the hall free and it was shown for four days running,’ Sarachchandra said in an interview.

 However, Sarachchandra had to be persuaded to present   Maname at the Lionel Wendt.  We insisted that Maname must be shown at the Lionel Wendt, Ralph Pieris told me. ‘Sarath was hesitant, but we insisted.’  That  was how it came to Colombo.

Sarachchandra  knew the Colombo audience and he  was not sure that this was a good move. He   wrote to Harold Pieris asking him to reserve the theatre for four nights but said he  had doubts whether people would come. Harold Pieris had replied that there was no reason why they should not come to see a Sinhala play and offered the hall for four nights charging only for two.

The Natya Mandalaya members and a host of volunteers went to Colombo to plaster the walls with posters announcing Maname.  The play was advertised in English as well as Sinhala and the posters were pasted side by side on walls. The English posters said that Maname was an operetta in traditional style. Slides were projected in cinema halls which were popular with   Sinhala film goers.  K.T Wimalasekera of Horana, a  well known photographer  did the slides.

 When the undergraduates went to sell ticket in the high society areas of Colombo 7 , they were told   by the residents  that they did not go to see  Sinhala plays and the students  were asked to go away.  Since the ticket sales were unsatisfactory, Sarachchandra again wrote to Harold Pieris, who wrote back offering the hall free for all four nights.

So the cast arrived at the Lionel Wendt theatre. Lionel Wendt authorities received us warmly recalled Shyamon and provided all facilities and freedom for the final rehearsals.  The women performers were accomodated  in the bungalow which is now the Medical clinic of the University of Colombo ,  the men at College House.

 Maname was first shown on 3rd  November 1956 at the Lionel Wendt Hall in Colombo. We paid two rupees for a ticket which was given in a nicely designed envelope. On opening night there were only about fifty, mostly invitees and press, said D.C Ranatunga. Sarath Amunugama was at the first performance of ‘Maname’ in Colombo. The Lionel Wendt was half empty[1]  he said, but those who saw the play liked it.

Ranjini Obeyesekera recalls the first night of ‘Maname’.  ‘As the curtain rose, the rich chant of the Potegura filled the auditorium in what seemed to me a theatrical miracle.  Here was something new and exciting, different from anything seen in Sinhala theatre before. Sarachchandra had created from a traditional source a sophisticated modern drama, breaking way from the western influenced fourth wall proscenium drama.’

Shyamon Jayasinghe as Potegura had contributed greatly to the impact of Maname in its first performance. He dazzled at the first performance, making a ‘near miraculous transformation’ of the role from humdrum narrator to an actor of extraordinary power. It was he who most captivated the audient on the first night and had it in his grip, said HL.

 As each   sequence tapered off, the audience waited eagerly for the appearance of the Potegura. He had not shown this ability at the rehearsals. But at the first performance Shyamon gave the role an animation beyond all expectations.  Shyamon confirmed this. He     said as Potegura I opened the performance on 3 Nov 1956. Until then I had no clue about my role but the power of the script, the music, and the audience stimulated me.  Sarachchandra later said that no narrator who came after Shyamon could excel him.

Before the performance Sarachchandra had told the cast that the press will attack the play and to be prepared and not to get discouraged. But the newspapers gave it rave reviews. The first performance of ‘Maname’ in Colombo was on a Saturday  and the first review was by Regie Siriwardene in Daily News on Monday.

Regi praised it extravagantly, writing in English.  His review appeared in the Ceylon Daily News on 5th November 1959.He said he had gone to most Sinhala plays hoping that someday something would turn up which could give him hope for Sinhala theatre and this was it. ‘Maname’ had a finish and style which raises it far above the traditional nadagama.

Maname was very impressive, continued Regi. There is song and stylized movement. the intelligent Sinhala playgoer who had been dissatisfied with nrutya hotch potch will find in Maname that Sinhala drama did have an indigenous dramatic form which as immensely superior to the hybrid which has be foisted on us as national art.  There was considerable dramatic variety, the formalized chant of potegura, the love duet, the veddah king.

The performance called for a most exacting combination of talent, singing, time movement and character acting. it was astonishing that a student cast should reach such a consistently high standard in all these aspects of drama   concluded Regi. Regi  observed that Charles Gurunanse had joined in the singing at the end of the play.

 Later, Regie Siriwardena recalled  in 2006 that when he first saw ‘Maname’, what struck him most forcefully was the breakthrough in theatrical form. This was the reaction of several other early critics of the play as well.

Regi’s review was followed by an equally laudatory Sinhala review by Charles Abeysekera, in  Dinamina. Never before had a Sinhala play been received so jubilantly by critics. These rhapsodic reviews gave the play an excellent boost, encouraging the upper class audience who read Regi, to go and see it, said HL

Gunasena Galappaththy    got pupils from nearby schools to come and fill up the hall for the  performances that followed at the Lionel Wendt theatre. J.B. Disanayake recalled that his teachers at Ananda took them to see the play. Maname had a second run at   the Wendt about three months later, tickets fared better word having got round that the Nadagama was worth seeing.

It was only after ‘Maname’ was shown at YMBA hall at Borella several months later,  that the other Sinhala newspapers responded.  Sri Chandraratne Manawasinghe, who regularly disparaged the work of the Sinhala department at Peradeniya, went out of his way to praise this new play in his popular Vaga Tuga column in Lankadipa.

He called it an abhiranganaya, a super drama.  He said the interpretation of characters in the play had given the Maname story a new robustness. One is encouraged to explore the events in a critical way rather than at face value. Other critics took notice said Sarachchandra.

When Maname played at YMBA, the men stayed where ever they could, but mostly at YMBA. For this they were  helped by YMBA residents, HM Gunasekera and Madawela Ratnayake who were friends of  Sarachchandra and Siri Gunasinghe. They  slept on the floor. They were treated to sumptuous dinners  by  friends  of Sarachchandra who supported his work. But there were times when they had to get by with much less. HL recalls sharing a thosay dinner with two orchestra members at    the exorbitant cost of ten cents each, which was all they could afford.

‘Maname’ expanded the audience for Sinhala theatre, in all directions. Firstly, it appealed to those in major towns, who were caught up in the resurgence of cultural nationalism.  Even Colombo 7 types who used to wait patiently for the annual Dramsoc offering now went to the Borella YMBA, said Amunugama..Others pointed out that Sarachchandra found his initial and most ardent support, in the western educated elite and it was this which enabled the play to make its first forceful impression in the public. But this support was confined to those who were bi-lingual and bi-cultural. However, Sarachchandra said that it was only when ‘Maname’ was shown at YMBA hall at Borella that ‘we got the audience that could actually appreciate the play’.

Another commentator said ‘from my impression of the audience at Borella, YMBA and Lumbini, I would say the new audience of 1956 and thereafter, was predominantly Sinhala speaking urban lower middle class.  Sinhala theatre was not able in those years to reach out to any group beyond the middle class. However the broadening of the theatre audience in 1956 was significant.

The real breakthrough was in the provinces, Amunugama said. The play went outstation, helped by young graduates who had fanned out into the country as school principals, DROs and social service officers. ‘Maname’ was taken to towns which had never seen ‘serious’ theatre before, with the local cinema hall or school hall used for the show. To accommodate the growing demand for the play from towns that could barely provide a school hall, the cyclorama  was abandoned. Siri Gunasinghe’s set which depicted a ‘nadagam maduwa’ was also abandoned as it was difficult to transport. Getting the cast, who were by now employed, together in some outlandish town was also difficult. 

‘Maname’ was taken over by Jana Ranga Sabha in 1957, they  took it round the Island. ‘Maname’ went everywhere, Ambalangoda,     Anuradhapura, Bandarawela,   Galle, Gampaha, Gampola, Kalutara, Kandy, Kegalle, Kurunegala, Matale, Matara. Moratuwa,   Panadura,   Ratnapura. Several towns were visited more than once. Ralph Pieris arranged for a performance at the Bogala Mines .He knew the owners. In Colombo ‘Maname’ played at YMBA, Lumbini and Lionel Wendt. 

Sarachchandra had expected ‘Maname’ to be followed by several plays in the same style. ‘Before long we would possess body of plays that would reflect our national genius like the Kabuki and Noh of Japan.’ A.J. Gunawardene (Jayadeva) said that though ‘Maname’ did not succeed in generating a new dramatic tradition as the dramatist had hoped, it had released trapped energies.

it was triumphantly asserted years later  that modern urban Sinhala theatre owed its very existence to Tamil culture, since the nadagama style on which it was based came from the Terukuttu performed in Jaffna by the Roman Catholics. This was brushed aside. The Sinhala play was no longer trying to modernize by imitation. It had passed that stage. ‘Maname’ was to be an experiment in form using the nadagama style. Critics also pointed out that some of  the melodies  used  were not original to nadagama  . Music of ‘premayen mana rangita’ is from a Christian hymn in Tamil and ‘lapa noma van sanda’ and ‘dula nethupula’ are North Indian. Admirers of Maname ignored this too. It was not considered important.

 ‘Maname’ is still very popular and much admired .Sarachchandra’s language and music, its sheer poetry still enthralls, said  Ranjini Obeyesekera (2014).   ‘Maname’ was shown years later at Peradeniya, to a packed audience, of students, teachers, monks, workers, villagers from the surrounding areas. When the actress started to sing ‘premayen’, a student voice spontaneously joined in and instantly the entire audience burst into song. It was an unforgettable magical moment, she said.

I intended ‘Maname’ originally to be an experiment in form but the fact that it has survived for thirty years when the form is no more a novelty must have some explanation other than its external attraction, said Sarachchandra. ‘Maname’ was an outstanding combination of theatrical craft, poetic sophistication and dramatic concentration, in which the folk theatrical tradition was [successfully] adapted to the modern stage, observed K.N.O. Dharmadasa (1992).  [2]Its success led to  Sinhabahu, which remains the high point of Sinhala urban theatre today. ( continued)  


[1]Sarath Amunugama.  Notes on Sinhala culture.Ist ed. 1980. P 43.

[2]KNO Dharmadasa.The Peradeniya School.In ‘More open than usual.’ 1992 p 129

REVISITING EDIRIWEERA SARACHCHANDRA’S ‘MANAME’. Part 1

November 19th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

This essay is a revised version of the earlier essay titled EDIRIWEERA SARACHCHANDRA’S ‘MANAME’ (2015)

‘Maname’ was a landmark event in   Sinhala theatre. But the events leading up to it have received little attention. The emergence of ‘Maname’ at Peradeniya was no accident. The Arts faculty of the University of Ceylon was exposed to a new atmosphere when they moved to Peradeniya in 1953. Peradeniya was secluded, residential and ‘outstation.’ it was safely   away from Colombo and Colombo’s preference for imitative, half-baked western culture. 

There was a change also in the undergraduate population. For the first time students drawn from rural schools were arriving in the university.[1] Many were bilingual. They were very enthusiastic about Sinhala theatre  and were determined to   make a contribution to   it, while in university.

 In Colombo, the university had formed a Ranga Sabhava which had   produced plays for Colombo.  In Peradeniya this Association   got   a new lease of life.  It abandoned its Indian sounding name and became   Sinhala Natya Mandalaya, a significant change of name.  This Sinhala Natya Mandalaya became a robust organization with P.E.E. Fernando, senior lecturer in Sinhala as patron and W. Arthur Silva, an undergraduate   as president, said H.L. Seneviratne.

When Sarachchandra returned in 1956 after a year abroad, studying theatre, the Natya Mandalaya embarked on a series of ‘play reading’ sessions but what they really wanted was a new play from Sarachchandra. Sarachchandra had meanwhile realized that naturalistic Sinhala theatre had not gone down well with audiences. Something else was needed.

H.L. Seneviratne says that at this time, Sarachchandra was influenced by the Noh plays he saw in Japan. Sarachchandra would surely have known about Noh theatre before he arrived in Japan. My guess is that in Japan he   found   that   that   the traditional Noh, resuscitated and probably heavily doctored to suit modern  taste, was   going down well with modern audiences. This would have encouraged him to look afresh at traditional theatre in Sri Lanka.

Sarachchandra inspected the local folk plays and decided ‘the most suitable for modern theater was the Nadagama. Kolam and Sokari could not be used’ he said in an interview. The advantage of Nadagama, though Sarachchandra did not say so, was that it could be manipulated for artistic entertainment without creating a mighty rumpus. It was alien anyway, and had no ritual implications.

It was the insistent persuasion of a small group of enthusiastic Natya Mandalaya members, led by its president W. Arthur Silva which led to Maname said H.L. Persuading Sarachchandra was no easy task,  he said. Sarachchandra was not keen on doing a new play since his previous plays had not met with public approval. The university authorities did not respond to his requests for assistance either.  He had known the bitter experience of repeatedly asking the university authorities for help with no response, said HL.  So   he   hesitated, but the students kept on pressing him  and   one day he said ‘api ehenam nadagamak natamu’.

In a ‘Nadagama ‘the story is told through song. There was also an element of dance, because each character had set movements which were performed on entry. Certain events were also depicted through stylized movement.[2]There was a narrator. The play was acted on a raised semi-circular platform adjacent to a shed, and the sloping roof of the shed became its roof as well.

‘I did not try to reproduce the old Nadagama style intact, but used its essence and certain aspects only ‘, said Sarachchandra.  He selected Chulla Dhanuddara Jatakaya for the story. This jataka had been performed as Maname’ in kolam and kavi nadagam[3]but not as a sindu nadagama. Sindu nadagama went on all night for about 7 days and the ‘Maname’ story had been too short for this. ‘But I realized that I could create a good dramatic presentation of ‘Maname’, said Sarachchandra. ’ He knew that he had got the right idea’, said HL Seneviratne

When creating ‘Maname’, Sarachchandra first wrote the songs. For this Sarachchandra obtained the services of Charles Silva Gunasinghe. Charles knew nadagama songs   including kavi nadagama  and he could sing them without a break.  He sang away, Sarachchandra listened, selected what he wanted and composed the lyrics. ‘I used the most musical nadagama tunes that Charles knew’. Sarachchandra had included nadagama songs earlier in ‘Pabavati’ too.

‘Maname’ adopted the nadagama style for movement as well. In a nadagama, characters come in dancing, as they are introduced. Each character had a different beat and different movement. They went round and round in a circle. ‘Maname’ performers did the same. Charles Silva Gunasinghe created the movements,   using the dance steps of nadagama, selecting those which suited each ‘Maname’ character. Vasanta Kumar created two highly original Veddah dances also the combat dance between Veddah king and ‘Maname’.[4] The orchestra consisted of harmonium, flute, esraj and violin with only one nadagama instrument, the Tamil maddala drum.

The greatest contribution in Maname was from Charles Silva Gunasinghe, who knew the nadagama tradition well. He knew Kolam and Tovil too. Charles was an outstanding performer, talented and versatile, he could sing, dance and play the maddala. Charles had provided the music for the two nadagama songs in ‘Pabavati’and had acted as Poteguru in it. Sarachchandra admired his singing which he considered far superior to any Sinhala singer he had ever heard.

‘Charles was with me at every stage of the writing of ‘Maname’,’ said Sarachchandra. He provided the music, he advised on dance and song movements and participated in discussions about the content of the play. Sarachchandra recalled, ‘when I started rehearsing the play Charles demonstrated the traditional nadagama style but was agreeable to changes.’ Charles also trained the performers .He was a good teacher, said Sarachchandra.

Sarachchandra was not sure whether the talent he needed for ‘Maname’ was available and whether the students had the necessary staying power. The public auditions were unsuccessful and the students had to find promising actors through personal contact and networks. This placed a heavy burden on    Arthur Silva and the other student enthusiasts of the Natya Sangamaya.

The actual process of recruiting candidates  was  laborious and time consuming, said HL. Candidates would be brought to Sarachchandra’s house,  where they sang and  were usually rejected. Many years later,  Natya Mandalay members  nostalgically  recalled how they had  dragged their  reluctant friends to audition.

The students persevered and eventually came up with a stellar cast. For Prince Maname they found Ben Sirimanne, a school teacher  who had come to do a two year diploma in Sinhala at the university . He had a rich and full throated voice, and a keen musical sense.

To play the princess they found two excellent candidates, Hemamali Goonasekera and Tricilia Abeykoon, where even one was rare. Tricilia had sung on radio in Lama Peetaya and had seen folk plays. She would have been an obvious choice. Trilicia continued to perform in Maname  over the years and the role of Maname   princess came to be associated  with her.

Hemamali  did  not  continue in Maname,  because her parents did not want her to perform outstation. Hemamali is forgotten now, but she should not be, said HL, for it was with her formidable acting talent and her powerful stage presence that the play opened to an enraptured audience on the night of Nov 3. 1956. She was only 18 then but was able rival her two world class male co-players.

The Veddha king was a problem. Every candidate brought for role of Veddha was rejected by Sarachchandra. Edmund Wijesinghewas discovered by the students during an undergraduate ‘sarong strike’ where he was heard singing songs during the  demonstration. Wijesinghe was a mature student who had been a school teacher before he entered university. He  vanished from the university  soon after the ‘Dhoby strike’ and could not be found. He was not living in a hall of residence.

Sometime later, Arthur Silva  and his friends had    gone to a  carnival at Bogambara, and had  found Wijinghe there, intoxicated. They  captured him,  and brought him to  Peradeniya . Arthur  kept him in his room at Arunachalam Hall and delivered him to Sarachchandra the next day. The delighted Sarachchandra, ‘accommodated the precious find’ in his own home, where Charles Gurunanse was also staying.

Maname needed music. Musicians were available and an orchestra  was formed. The entire orchestra   consisted of students from rural schools. The harmonium performer, Kitsiri Amaratunga and flautist Somaratne Edirisinghe were found without difficulty, both were  talented. A maddala drummer was needed. Arthur Silva  brought in his batch mate and fellow A” Hall resident, G.D. Hemapala  Wijayawardhana who  had studied  the  tabla and found the Maddala easy. L.R . Mudalihamy played the violin. He was a school teacher attending the Sinhala diploma course. The esraj was played by Ramya Tumpala. A horanava player could not be found.

We rehearsed  in the old military building   wih a  corrugated metal roof that housed the  Economics Department. We  moved the furniture and sat in a circle and practiced singing. When it came to rehearsals proper we  moved to the Junior Common Room where the play gradually took form,  said HL.

Charles Silva Gunasinghe trained the performers. He taught them to sing nadagama style. The early rehearsals were in fact singing classes. He then   trained     them in nadagama movement, how to go round and round in a circle, using specific   steps.   Tissa Kariyawasam observed that Tricilia did not exactly follow the style given to her by Charles. She made the steps gentler. Most of the performers, had not seen a nadagama and knew nothing about   them, but were very cooperative. Hemamali said it was a privilege to have been trained by Charles.

The stage set designed by Siri Gunasinghe  was a  significant piece of work in itself and one that could have contributed to the diversity of an emerging theatre . This was a stage set       that represented in abstract the  arena of the nadagama, which was its stage. The design primarily consisted of a triangular board representing the thatched roof that sheltered the ‘stage ‘ of the nadagama . It was an imaginative and colorful piece of décor but it was unwieldy and difficult to transport and setting it up demanded  much skill and labor.  It had to  be set up the day before in outstation. it had to be securely done to prevent it from falling on the heads of the actors.  It was soon abandoned as it was difficult to transport and set up.

The production side of ‘Maname’ was a ‘very primitive affair amateur affair’ which depended  a great deal on personal and small group contactsaid HL When the play was to be shown at YMBA, stage lights were needed and the only spotlights in the entire country were at the Lionel Wendt.    Prof MB Ariyapala knew Mahinda Dias, and Arthur Silva took him along to meet Mahinda at the Colombo Commercial Company office where Mahinda was employed as an electrical engineer. Dias agreed to loan the equipment not only for YMBA performances but  for outstation as well .  He also sent along  an assistant  who became a permanent member of the troupe.

Siri Gunasinghe  made a substantial contribution to ‘Maname’. Siri was the art director for ‘Maname’. He designed the stage set, giving it a triangular board representing the thatched roof that sheltered the stage of a real nadagama.  He designed the costumes as well. Their striking use of green and orange showed his exquisite color sense, said Sarath Amunugama. [5]The costumes were part of the total color scheme of the stage. This was an unprecedented visual integration of different components of the performance.[6]

Siri was a great support to Sarachchandra, said Amunugama. He was ‘constantly behind’ Sarachchandra, who consulted him on many matters. Siri  saw to the repairs to Sarachchandra’s Volkswagen car as well.

H.L.Seneviratne observed that Aileen Sarachchandra would also have made a contribution behind the scenes, to the success of ‘Maname and her contribution should be recognized. She was a talented actress and very musical. Aileen had made the costumes assisted by her niece, Indrani. The two had also done the striking make up.

Other dons in the Sinhala Department, such as Ananda Kulasuriya, and D.E. Hettiarachchi also showed interest. M.B. Ariyapala had  helped to solve the spotlight  problem. He had later sponsored ‘Maname’ performances in the south and ‘hosted us warmly and lavishly accommodating us in an estate mansion owned by his family’, recalled HL.

I am told that Ralph Pieris had also taken an interest in the production. ‘ Professor Pieris was also   there at the  rehearsals, encouraging us’ ,  I was told. He had  made his car available.  Ralph’s interest in the play, would   have come from his friendship with Sarachchandra. He   admired the costumes  designed by Siri Gunasinghe ( personal communication). I am sure that  other members of University would also have helped though their names are not  on record.

An American student at Peradeniya , Peter La Sha  was  staying at Ramanathan from where a substantial contingent of  the cast  came. He had shown great interest in Sinhala culture. Peter learnt Sinhala, and could sing the Maname songs with musical perfection, said HL.  

Peter knew  stage lighting and was easily persuaded to help. It was Peter  who managed the stage lighting in Colombo, said HL.  Mahinda Dias whose  name is given in the programme  was an absentee lighting expert.  La Sha is also mentioned  By Shyamon Jayasinghe, as one of the persons helping  in the Colombo performance.[7] Peter La Sha spoke Sinhala very well, he said.

HL is definite that the success of ‘Maname’ was due to the support given by the rural students. This group understood what Sarachchandra was trying to achieve. Many of the  performers, the orchestra, the helpers and organizers of ‘Maname’  as well as the office bearers of the Drama circle , who were responsible for the hard background and organization work that went into making ‘Maname’ into a  landmark play, were drawn from this new rural group. Dedicated and hard working   they assisted in creating the ‘new’ Sinhala theatre.  I think that  they would have enjoyed the experience as well.

These supporters  took on  multiple taslks. HL was prepared to play the esraj if needed and provided the calligraphy for the programme in addition to performing in the  original cast. Hemapala Ratnasuriya  was interested in painting and helped Siri with the art work. Hedesigned the program for the play’s  first   run at the Lionel Wendt. He was also stage manager.

HL  stated that without the backing and enthusiastic response of the Natya Sabhava led by its  President Arthur Silva, Sarachchandra  would not have launched ‘Maname’ at the time he did. If ‘Maname’ had appeared later, the impact may not have been the same.

HL makes special mention of W. Arthur Silva. ‘Maname’ owes much to W. Arthur Silva said HL. ‘Maname’ would not have become a reality if not for Silva’s relentless effort in dealing with the people involved, including    Sarachchandra, who demanded very high standards from not only the actors but all associated with the play, including punctuality. Shyamon Jayasinghe corroborates this. The stalwarts of the   Sinhala Drama Society deserve special mention said Shyamon Jayasinghe.  They were Arthur Silva,  KDP Perera and Wimal Nawagamuwa.

As the rehearsals progressed, the indications were that the play was going to be a success. The poetic excellence of the play, the allure of the songs, the music, the visual impact, the excellence of the acting, the perfection of its artistic unity, could be seen at the later       rehearsals, especially the final dress rehearsal. But no one anticipated the impact it would have on the first night audience as indeed it did on all later audiences, said HL. ( continued)


[1]  HL Seneviratne Towards a national art in  Home and world. Essays in honour of  Sarath Amunugama.

[2]Sarachchandra, the folk drama of Ceylon.

[3]T KuruwitaBandara and H Ranasinghe.Charles Silva Gurunanse.

[4]Island 12.12.11. p 9.

[5]SarathAmunugama. Island  Mid week review. 18.2.15 p 2 .

[6]  HL Seneviratne. Island Mid week rev. 18.2.15 p 1

[7] Applause at the Wendt

The National List and several other improper Parliamentary Electoral Systems must be abolished

November 19th, 2022

Chanaka Bandarage

One – person, One – vote is a cardinal principle of representative democracy. This means every citizen is entitled to elect their own representative. It personifies that all people are equal.

Casting the vote at an election is how the citizens participate in government. The MPs who get elected by the majority vote represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in the parliament.

The National List MPs are unelected. The voter has absolutely nothing to do with them.  Basically, they do not know them.

Prior to an election, the proposed National List Mps do not engage in any discourse with voters.

Universally, the most important criterion to become an MP is that they are elected at an election by the popular vote.  The National List MPs are unelected. Thus, they have no legitimacy to sit in the parliament claiming that they represent people.

The National List system is contrary to every democratic principle and value.

Put simply, currently there is nothing more undemocratic than the National List MP system.

Based on the number of votes obtained by a political party, they are allocated National List MP slots. This is contrary to the One – person, One – vote principle. This is why it is argued that the scheme is undemocratic.

Currently out of the 225 MPs in the parliament, 29 are National List MPs – about 13% of the total parliamentarians.

The political party that has secured a National List MP slot can appoint any ‘Tom, Dick and Harry’ as the National List MP. This is how the system has operated thus far. Since recently even defeated candidates (candidates that were rejected by the people at an election) have been brought in to the parliament thanks to the National List system. They are ‘back door entrants’.  The sad irony is that it is the JVP, who portray themselves as ‘saviours of democracy’ that introduced this in 2015.

Appointing defeated candidates as National List MPs is making the representative democracy a mockery.

Again, the party hierarchy has the absolute liberty and freedom to appoint anyone they wish as a National List MP. Mostly, they appoint persons whom they know that would fit-in well with the corrupt parliamentary culture and process.   

Because they are unelected, these National List MPs are not accountable to the people. They only show allegiance to their party leadership who handed them the position. It is rumored that a certain National List MP who was in the parliament only for few days collected a duty free car permit before leaving it. A car permit is worth millions of rupees. This loss must be borne by the taxpayer.

One noteworthy feature is that these National List MPs are often given plum cabinet positions.  They have held such high cabinet positions as Finance, Education, Foreign Affairs, Public Administration and Justice.

Sometimes National List positions are given to people who had spent lots of money for the party, personal friends of the party leader and media owners who freely promote the party. It is immaterial for the party leadership whether or not the National List nominees are people friendly or that they understand the pulse of the people.

The National List MP scheme was introduced by JR Jayawardane on 24 May 1988 when he was the President. He introduced the 14th Amendment to the Constitution in this regard.

On that occasion he elaborated that intellectuals, professionals, academics etc should be allowed to be brought into the parliament to run the government. He made a fine case to stress his point.

But, he failed to admit that what he was introducing was a totally undemocratic system.

By looking at those who have served as National List MPs since 1988 to date one cannot say that they have contributed to the betterment of the country. Some may have been well educated, but their contributions to the country’s development and prosperity have been dismal.

Some have been well known crooks. Even thugs, vagabonds and former terrorist leaders have sat in the parliament as National List MPs.

Like the elected 196 MPs, these 29 National List MPs have also contributed in taking Sri Lanka to its present position – we are a bankrupt country.

It is well known that an enormous amount of taxpayer funds are spent to maintain and upkeep the 225 parliamentarians. We do not need such a large number of MPs.  We are only 22 million of people. Australia has the same population; it is about 120 times bigger than us in size. Australia has only 151 elected MPs (true, they have a 71 member Senate, who are also elected).

India, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, UK, Canada are all Commonwealth countries; like Sri Lanka none of them have unelected representatives of the people in their parliaments. The situation in the USA is also the same.

Again, the National List is a useless concept. It has not served the country of any purpose. It is also a White Elephant.

Sri Lanka should be ashamed of having such an undemocratic, corrupt system in place.

It is high time that we abolish this system entirely. Keeping it further will not be in the best interests of the future generations.

More things that need to be abolished:

  1. The Manapaya System (Preferential Voting). 

Manapaya has made our electoral system very corrupt and violent.

This has caused serious conflicts between candidates within the same political party.

Enormous amounts of money are needed for a successful political campaign as candidates are required to canvass a whole district. Those who have the money and power always win ahead of the less wealthy and powerful. Thus, it is possible to argue that Manapaya is an undemocratic process.

  • The Proportional Representation System.

We must bring back the Westminster style election system where people elect an MP for their constituency.  This is the pre -1978 system. The UK, Australia, Canada, India and New Zealand still have it.

We have 160 parliamentary constituencies (electorates) in Sri Lanka. People should vote for their own MP. Then, the MP is also responsible and accountable to its electorate.

By this way, the One person – One vote concept is strictly adhered to.

It is thanks to this system that Mr AsenKhudoos won the Puttalam seat by a mere 103 votes in 1970.

It is due to this that independents like Mudiyanse Thennakoon (Nikaweratiya), RG Senanayake (Dambadeniya) and Wijayananda Dahanayake (Galle) were able to enter the parliament.

Today, it is impossible for an independent to contest an election alone and enter the parliament. This is contrary to the basic democratic principles.

In the UK, Australia and Canada swaths of people win elections and enter the parliament as Independents. This is real democracy.

In those countries sometimes it is the Independents who determine who will form a government.

  • MPs should not be allowed to switch political parties.

People call our MPs ‘frogs’ as often they jump from one party to another. Most of the time these cross-overs take place in exchange of very large sums of money – this is corruption at very high end.

There are some MPs in the current parliament who have done cross-overs 3/4 times during their sejour. It is rumored that some of them are gearing up for a leap yet again.

In India, Bangladesh and Maldives an MP can be removed (dismissed) from the parliament due to floor-crossing. 

  • Abolish the system of appointing the next in line person of that party’s preferential votes list in the event of an MP quits or dies.

We must re-introduce the old style by-election system. It is the best way to test the public will of the time.

It is the 1976 Jaela by- election where the UNP’s Joseph Michael Perera recorded a resounding win that sent the signal that Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike’s strong government was doomed to collapse.

In Mahara by election (1983) Vijaya Kumaranathunga lost by 45 votes. But, this loss enabled him to establish as a leading political figure of the country.

Keen To Solve Tamil Community Problems In Sri Lanka By Next Year: President Wickremesinghe

November 19th, 2022

Courtesy Outlook

Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe on Saturday said that he is keen to solve all issues, including land and housing, pertaining to the Tamil minority community in the country’s Northern Province by next year when the island nation celebrates its 75th anniversary of Independence.

Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe on Saturday said that he is keen to solve all issues, including land and housing, pertaining to the Tamil minority community in the country’s Northern Province by next year when the island nation celebrates its 75th anniversary of Independence.

Speaking in Vavuniya, a Tamil-dominated district in the Northern Province of Sri Lanka where he opened up the president office’s northern co-ordination sub-office, the president said the move would help in expeditiously dealing with the outstanding issues such as lands, housing, and agriculture-relating to the community.

First we must dispel the people’s mistrust. Once we all start working together this mistrust will fade away,” Wickremesinghe said, commenting on the conflict with a protracted history.

Wickremesinghe said that eight committees would be appointed at the provincial level to resolve the land issues, the Colombo Page reported.

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ran a military campaign for a separate Tamil homeland in the Northern and Eastern provinces for nearly 30 years before its collapse in 2009 after the Sri Lankan Army killed its supreme leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.

According to the Lankan government figures, over 20,000 people are missing due to various conflicts including the three-decade brutal war with Lankan Tamils in the north and east which claimed at least 100,000 lives.

International rights groups claim at least 40,000 ethnic Tamil civilians were killed in the final stages of the war, but the Sri Lankan government has disputed the figures.

During Saturday’s visit, Wickremesinghe said that the government must provide solutions to the problems caused by terrorism.

We must provide solutions to the problems caused by terrorism and the problems of the Northern people. Muslims too have questions about their rights in Sri Lankan society. The upcountry people also have various problems. There is a social opinion that all these problems should be solved. So this is the best time to solve all these problems,” he said, adding that the matter needs to be solved strategically.

These issues must be systematically resolved. I intend to discuss these matters with the Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim communities. I intend to provide solutions to resolve these issues without dividing the country,” Wickremesinghe added.

During the visit, special attention was focused on the housing problem of the people in the Northern Province, and the officials present with Wickremesinghe pointed out that the housing projects initiated to address the issue in the three districts have reached different stages of construction and an additional sum of Rs 3,000 million is required for its completion.

The president pointed out that many housing projects have commenced across the island and he expected to provide quick solutions to the housing problem of the people in the North.

Wickremesinghe said people who suffered due to war will get solace.

Recalling the anti-Tamil riots in 1983, Wickremesinghe said the country had moved on from that as well as from the time the military conflict ended in 2009.

We have come a long way since 1983. We have also come a long way since 2009. It brings to mind a line from the national anthem which states ‘living as children of one mother. My wish is that we can live as children of one mother at least by the 75th Independence Anniversary,” he said.

Sri Lanka’s efforts to solve the Tamil minority issue through negotiations had historically failed due to political opposition from the majority Sinhala community parties.

Wickremesinghe as prime minister of Sri Lanka between 2015 and 2019 tried a brand new Constitution to incorporate Tamil demands for political autonomy but met with resistance.

Recently, Wickremesinghe also announced the appointment of a committee to find ways to integrate Indian-origin workers in the plantation sector into society.

In 2019, the Sri Lankan government released about 90 percent of the military-acquired land belonging to the minority Tamil community held during the brutal civil war with the LTTE.

At the end of the military conflict 13 years ago, some 84,675 acres of Tamil civilian land were under military control and by the end of March 2019, some 71,178 acres of land were released, according to the Sri Lankan government.

(Inputs from PTI)

Battle of Pooneryn

November 19th, 2022

By Manohari Katugampala Courtesy Ceylon Today

Nothing is impossible for the brave warrior of the nation who was born to a heroic mother. Several heroic sons were born on this island to eradicate this menace from the ‘suppressed communities’ of terrorism. When the time where the country was passing ‘years of blue’, the region of Pooneryn was not prosperous with the fear of terrorism, which was instilled in every corner of the Northern area.

It was 14 November 1993 and the battle of Pooneryn took its fearsome form with its enemy. LTTE code-named ‘Operation Frog Leap’; was the battle between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Sri Lankan Military against this Pooneryn attack. The LTTE undertook a ‘surprise attack’ in the Pooneryn, invading the garrison and capturing military establishments. In the first phase of the operation, the Army and the Navy troops broadened their presence in the Pooneryn area establishing a permanent base in 1991 to counter LTTE movements across the Kilali lagoon from the Jaffna peninsula, which was under its control. At the time, the Army Camp in Pooneryn comprised troops from the 1st and 3rd Battalions of Sri Lanka Light Infantry, Gajaba Regiment, and 4th Armoured Corps. Due to this security circle, military bases in Pooneryn and Elephant Pass effectively obstructed LTTE movements between Wanni and Jaffna.

On 24 September 1993, the Army troops launched Operation Yal Devi and 108 soldiers were killed during the operation. Several weeks later, the LTTE launched Operation Frog Leap to destroy the isolated military base in Pooneryn. This was the time when the LTTE had begun to launch its brutal illicit activities, day by day. On 11 November 1993, the LTTE launched a massive ‘land attack’ by destroying the Nagathevanthurai naval detachment and the army defence lines in Pooneryn. The LTTE were able to capture the Pooneryn Camp letting the Army soldiers face an unexpected assault from the lagoon and all the defence lines thereby came under the control of the LTTE.

Not only this affected the Army troops but also the naval detachment and its installations, including a radar station, which were destroyed within hours by the brutal terrorists. Heavy fire from LTTE anti-aircraft guns prevented ‘air support’ dispatched by the Sri Lanka Air Force. Within another two or three hours, a vast area of the base was invaded. Due to heavy anti-aircraft fire from the LTTE, it was extremely difficult to provide ‘air support’. However, the destiny of the LTTE was not allowed to keep that ‘happiness’ for long. The Navy executed an amphibious landing on 14 November 1993 enclosing fire from fast gunboats with the support of the newly formed Special Boat Squadron.

Heroes never ‘wait as a mule’ before the threat. They are ready to exhibit heroism at any cost, no matter what. The LTTE withdrew by the evening of 14 November 1993 and the army re-established its base in Pooneryn once again. The military had to suffer heavy casualties. 8 Officers and 225 other ranks were killed, 17 officers and 545 soldiers were wounded, and 302 soldiers were ‘missing in action’ and since presumed dead.

Major T.T.R. De Silva of the 1st Sri Lanka Light Infantry was given a ‘field promotion’ for preventing the complete fall of the garrison. Two officers, Lt. A.W.M.N.M. De Silva of the 1st Sri Lanka Light Infantry and Lt. K. W. T. Nissanka of the 3rd Gajaba were posthumously awarded the Weera Wickrama Vibhushanaya, the second highest award for ‘combat bravery’, in 1996, Nissanka’s award was elevated to the Parama Weera Vibhushanaya, the ‘highest decoration’ awarded by the Sri Lankan military. Further, Lt. Nissanka, platoon Commander of the 3rd Battalion, Gajaba Regiment, which held the forward defence line till dawn, sacrificed himself.

At the time the country was hampered by terrorism that was spreading in every corner of the country taking several lives of innocents, many brave warriors had sacrificed their valuable lives for the sake of the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Patriotic sons who descended from the generation of heroes, bade farewell to the nation, but their sacrifices shall forever remain in our hearts.

Eight committees to be appointed at provincial level to resolve land issues

November 19th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has assured immediate solutions to land, housing, health, irrigation, and agriculture-related issues in the Northern Province, the President’s Media Division (PMD) says.

The Head of Stated also stated that 08 committees would be appointed at the provincial level to resolve the land issues.

He pointed out that all the land-related issues in the North and South of the country would be resolved accordingly.

President Wickremesinghe made these observations while participating in the District Development Committee meeting held at the Vavuniya District Secretariat this morning (Nov. 19).

The development committee meeting was called covering Vavuniya, Mannar, and Mullaitivu districts in the Northern Province.

The issues related to the lands, housing, health, irrigation, and agriculture in the province and solutions for them were discussed at length during the meeting.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe assured that all measures would be taken to improve the living conditions of the people by providing prompt solutions to the problems arising in various fields in the Northern Province and said that he expected the supportive hands of the parliamentarians of the Northern Province in this endeavor.

Pointing out that there are many unsolved problems in the North, the President further assured that he would resolve those issues by way of discussions with all parties.

Parliamentarian Charles Nirmalanathan drew the attention of the President to the fact that the Tamil people who settled in the Settikulam area in 1994 have still not been provided with land.

The President instructed the Vavuniya District Secretary to intervene to resolve the land issue in Settikulam within 03 months and added that he would inquire about the matter from the Ministry of Justice as well as the Ministry of Lands.

At the meeting, attention was also drawn to the problems arising due to the acquisition of certain farmlands in the Mullaitivu district by the Department of Archaeology.

Giving special attention to the housing problem of the people in the Northern Province, the officials pointed out that the housing projects initiated to address the issue in the three districts have reached different stages of construction and an additional sum of Rs. 3,000 million is required for its completion.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe pointed out that many housing projects have commenced across the island and he expected to provide quick solutions to the housing problem of the people in the North.

Parliamentarian Selvam Adekkalanathan highlighted the plight and the needs of the people living in the vicinity of Vavuniya Lake and Thirikkulam Lake and drew the attention of the President at the meeting.

The renovation of the tanks in the districts, solving the fertilizer problem, and streamlining the distribution activities also was the focal point at the meeting.

The President instructed the officials to take measures to provide the necessary solutions to the health sector-related problems and the shortage of doctors in the Northern Province paying special attention to them when the issues were raised during the meeting.

Parliamentarian Rishad Bathiudeen explained various irregularities that the fishermen in the Mannar district have to face in the supply of kerosene oil and the President instructed the officials to initiate an urgent inquiry into the matter.

Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda, Urban Development, and Housing State Minister Tenuka Vidanagamage, State Minister for Rural Development Kader Mastan, Northern Province Governor Jeevan Thiagarajah, Secretary to the President Saman Ekanayake and public officials including district secretaries were present on the occasion.

Initial steps taken through budget to strengthen economy under five-year plan: President

November 19th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe says the measures to strengthen the economy under a five-year plan are envisaged in the budget proposal for 2023 which has the potential to bring about a transformative economic change within the period between 2023 and 2027.

He made this observation during the District Development Progress Review Meeting held at the Vavuniya Town Hall today (Nov. 19).


The statement made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe is as follows:

It is clear to us that the government’s program for food security has been implemented in Vavuniya, Mannar, and Mullaitivu Districts. Four officers from each Divisional Secretariat have been appointed for the implementation of the food security program.

The liquid milk industry would be developed in the Northern Province under Indian aid. Particularly, you were called on this occasion to raise awareness of the food shortage in the country and to discuss the implementation of the food security program. We hope to address the imminent food shortage issue in the country. It is planned to continue this program until the end of 2023. We will consider later if this program is required to continue. A global food shortage may be imminent, and this food security program is important to protect Sri Lanka in the face of this imminent danger. Africa is already suffering from food shortages.

The country’s Maha season cultivation is successful and if other crops also achieved similar success, we can face the food shortage easily. Apart from that, we have to control malnutrition and protect the yield. We should take measures to minimize wastage during harvesting. We would strengthen the food storage process and supply them to customers. Vavuniya and Mannar Districts have a big responsibility in securing the available surplus food.

Several issues related to education and health in these districts were revealed during the discussions and we hope to provide solutions to address them soon. We have planned to work with the International Monetary Fund IMF) which would enable us to create considerable growth in the economy. We have to make massive changes in the export economy and move towards to a larger foreign exchange-earning economy.

I have presented proposals in the 2023 budget to achieve this end in which the North too have to play a pivotal role. One should remember not only Jaffna but Vanni too has a significant role in it.

We need to pay attention to a new energy economy of which the main region would be the Northern Province. We can earn a lot of foreign exchange through this project. There is an opportunity to earn foreign exchange by exporting food to the Middle East and Singapore. We would open opportunities for growing new crops including cinnamon.
Vanni has a great responsibility in animal husbandry which has a significant place in the five-year plan from 2023 to 2027.

We are studying the possibilities of transforming the Vavuniya Airport into an international airport and I require the support of the people of the North to realize it.”

The President also inquired from the Divisional Secretaries regarding the progress of the food security program in the Vavuniya District.

Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda, Urban Development and Housing State Minister Tenuka Vidanagamage, Rural Development State Minister Kader Masthan, Parliamentarians Selvam Adaikalanathan, Rishad Bathiudeen, Charles Nirmalanathan, Kulasingham Thileeban, Northern Province Governor Jeevan Jeevan Thiagarajah, Secretary to the President Saman Ekanayake, District secretaries to Vavuniya, Mullaitivu and Mannar districts and other government officials were present at the occasion.

Sri Lanka receives another rice donation from China

November 19th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

A new consignment of 1,000 metric tonnes (100,000 packs) of rice donated by China reached Colombo Port this morning (Nov. 19).

This rice consignment will be distributed to island-wide schools, the Chinese Embassy in Colombo said in a tweet.

According to the embassy, China has so far donated 7,000 metric tonnes of rice (700,000 packs) in total to Sri Lanka since June.

Finance State Minister’s clarification regarding CESS tax on stationery items

November 19th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The CESS tax proposed in the 2023 Budget is not applicable to stationery items and equipment used by schoolchildren, Finance State Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya says.

He mentioned this while delivering a special statement in the parliament this morning (Nov. 19). He addressed the concerns raised about the increase in the prices of stationery items following the CESS tax revision.

The state minister stressed that the prices of imported textbooks, notebooks, pencils, erasers and paper materials used to produce notebooks have not been revised due to the CESS tax revision which was made effective from November 15, 2022.

Accordingly, the prices of these items – locally-produced or imported – have not been subjected to any changes due to the amendments made to the CESS tax, he explained.

The state minister further stated that the CESS tax is imposed based on the import value, when substitutes for the imported items are produced locally.

Thereby, the CESS tax on imported ballpoint pens, shoes and bags was amended to reflect the USD exchange rate. As a result, the prices of these imported items are likely to see an increase, however, the prices of locally-produced stationery items have not been raised, Siyambalapitiya noted. 

Where is the Report of the Experts’ Committee on the new Constitution or the draft Constitution submitted by them to the President?

November 18th, 2022

Dr Sudath Gunasekara. Mahanuwara

A nine-member experts’ committee was appointed to draft a new constitution, on the 3rd of Sept 2020. according to a Cabinet spokesman.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva

President’s Counsel Manohara de Silva (the only Constitutional Lawyer in the Committee)

President’s Counsel Gamini Marapana

President’s Counsel Sanjeewa Jayawardena

President’s Counsel Samantha Ratwatte

Prof. Nadeema Kamurdeen

Prof. G. H. Peiris (only scholar on political and legal history, geopolitics, the culture of the country and the implications of a constitution from an impartial realistic view) 

Prof. Wasantha Seneviratne

Dr. Sarveshwara

It is reported that the Interim Report of the above Committee of experts was handed over recently to the President. The term of reference was to hand over the final report by end of 2021.  It also had been revealed that this Report has cost a staggering cost of Rs 158 million for the taxpayers of this country over two years and 5 months. This Committee was appointed by former President Gotabhaya in September 2020 and he expected the interim report by end of March 2021 and the final report which means the Draft New Constitution by the end of the year. As usual with Gotabaya’s all projects it also never saw the light of day.

Meanwhile, it is now reported that this Report had been handed over to the President 1 year after the due date. Just as what happened to Gotabhaya, it appears the Expert Report will also pass into oblivion having wasted RS 158 million. It was also reported that steps are been taken by the Present government to ignore it and put it into the dustbin of history. Meanwhile, President has declared that steps are been taken to address topics like ethnic reconciliation and the problems of the hill country Tamils, etc as national priories without a word on the recommendations of the Committee Report prepared by experts” on Constitution-making’ as Gotabhaya saw them, at such exorbitant cost. This lackadaisical attitude of the government evinces the fate of the 158 million wasted on this Commission.

Reliable sources have revealed that this report has recommended abolishing the Provincial Councils that have wasted billions of rupees and also have completely, disrupted, disorganized, and destroyed the time-tested district administration in this country headed by Government Agents, once acclaimed as one of the most efficient systems of administration in the whole British Empire. Since the abolition of the Provincial Councils Isn’t on the agenda, the present government also appears to soft-peddle with the 13th A and the Provincial Council to allow Tamils to live in hope of winning their aspirations including realizing their second dream Homeland on this land of the Sinhalese and also to keep India at bay. All in all, it is very unlikely the present government will take up the experts’ report seriously.

The acceptance of the recommendation to abolish the PCC by the committee is also reported to be the result of a long battle waged by Professor Gerald Peiris against all minority members of the Committee who have vehemently opposed his recommendations.  It is reliably known that only two members of the Committee, Manohara De Silva (the only Constitutional lawyer in the Committee) and Samatha Ratwatte have supported the stand taken by Professor Peiris.  Since I myself have not seen the full Report, I am unable to comment on its other recommendations. Prof Peiris is also said to have recommended setting up two new Provinces called North East and South East to make the democratic process more meaningful. This I think is a very good proposition to avert the separate State concept of the separatist Tamil politicians and the EElamists.

 Against this backdrop, I am afraid that this Expert Committee Report will be shelved and forgotten and dumped into the dustbin of history, enabling it to be consumed by silver ants, the logical fate of almost all Presidential Commissions Reports in this country.

This reminds me of a famous saying by a cynic Appointing a Commission or Committee is like going to the loo in the morning. First, there is a sitting, then there is, deliberations followed by reporting and finally the matter is dropped”. This, in short, is really what has happened to almost all presidential Commission Reports in the past.

Therefore, I would like to make a public call for all MPPs in Parliament and the general public at large to demand the Government to table this document in Parliament without further delay. Firstly, for the people of this country to know that this expert legal document they have produced is spending Rs 158 million of their hard-earned money taking such a long time – a period of 2 years and 4 months and secondly, to prevent hurriedly manipulated constitutional coups by self-seeking politicians for personal gain and thirdly, to find out whether there is any meaningful recommendation made therein that could be incorporated in the New Constitution that will be promulgated by a new government that is going to get elected on a future day with a mandate from the people to make such a Constitution in future.

Even though overall the committee was ill-constituted as I have said from the beginning, I understand that emeritus Professor like Gerald Peiris has made a valuable and meaningful recommendation to set up new Provinces namely, The North Eastern Province and the South Eastern Province. This is a novel idea presented since 1897 worth considering seriously as it offers a better political meaning in the context of the demographic and ethnic constitution of this area to make governance more democratic.

In Professor Peiris’s own words I suggest the bifurcation of the present Eastern Province so as to establish a ‘North-Eastern Province’ and a new ‘South-Eastern Province’, achieving thereby a measure of rationality from geographical, demographic and socioeconomic criteria in the demarcation of the units of development administration in the eastern lowlands of the island.” This to me is a very rational political proposal to counter the current claim for a separate State. And also, do away with alleged discrimination against certain people living in these areas.

Therefore, I call upon the government to table this report in Parliament without further delay.

Economic Update: Nomi Prins on the Distorted US Financial System

November 18th, 2022

Democracy At Work

In this week’s show, Prof. Wolff talks about a new Congress report on huge US wealth inequality; Angela Merkel on relying on Russian oil and gas, the irrationality of 20,000 immigrants dumped on NYC, and Harvard exploiting its tax-exempt status. In the second half of the show, Wolff interviews Dr. Nomi Prins, former Goldman Sachs director, on the distorted US financial system and its social effects.

NEW UK PRIME MINISTER – RISHI SUNAK

November 18th, 2022

By Dr Tilak S Fernando

Rishi Sunak became the first Asian Prime Minister in the UK on 7th November 2022, creating a world record in the history of politics. Liz Truss decided to give up the premiership due to the extreme pressure of the UK’s economic crisis, and she entered the history books as the shortest Prime Minister in the UK. Rishi Sunak was the Chancellor of the Exchequer before contesting for the Premier’s post. More surprising is how approximately over two hundred members of his party supported him to be the Prime Minister. Th Conservative party respects traditional values and shows the diversity and talent of the party.

Rishi Sunak was born in the UK, Southampton, to an Indian family. His father was a pharmacist, and his mother was a General Practitioner attached to the National Health Service (NHS). Rishi Sunak is the youngest Prime Minister in modern history. He entered parliament from the Richmond parliamentary seat. It was William Pitt the youngest premier in the UK age of 24 years old.

Indian Resentment.

Some Indians (Hindus) were critical about the new Prime Minister of UK ” eating beef.  The picture attached shows how Rishi Sunak participating in a Hindu ritual involved with a cow before becoming the UK’s Prime Minister. There is a powerful lobby in India stating, “should we celebrate his Indian origin or be incensed for giving up his Indian passport? “

Dr Manmohan Singh registered a note in his fan club stating: “I do not know why Indians are so excited about this beef-eating Prime Minister! His father was born in Kanya, and his mother in Tanzania. His paternal grandfather was born in Gujranwala (Pakistan), and his maternal grandfather was in Tanzania. He does not hold an Indian passport but still  calls himself  Indian.” He further says: “Should we celebrate his Indian origin or be angry with him for giving up an Indian passport! But now Rishi Sunak works for His Majesty, who oppressed our country for 195 years and stole our riches.”

But the fantastic factor is that most Britishers welcome an Asian (Indian) as their Prime Minister after 400 years! Most of the Tory (Conservative) Party voted for him as the most suitable candidate to be the Prime Minister. The attached picture shows how he is very much a Hindu by religion in participating in an Indian sacred ceremony where the cow is regarded (Hinduism) as holy (before he became the Prime Minister.

Family Background

Sunaks are a Punjabi Khatri family from Gujranwala. Khatri is a caste employed in commercial professions such as artisanal occupations and agriculture. They are found predominantly in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. According to A.R. Desai, Khartis, were traditionally tradesmen and government officials. “Ramdas Sunak worked for His Majesty, who oppressed our country for 195 years and stole our riches.” But the fantastic factor is that most Britishers welcome an Asian (Indian) as their Prime Minister after 400 years! The attached picture shows how Rishi Sunak  is very much a Hindu by participating in an Indian sacred ceremony where the cow is regarded (Hinduism) as holy (before he became the Prime Minister.) Most of the Tory (Conservative) Party voted for him as the suitable candidate to be the Prime Minister.

Family Background

Sunaks are a Punjabi Khatri family from Gujranwala in India. ‘Khatri’ is a caste employed in commercial professions such as artisanal occupations and agriculture. They are found predominantly in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. According to A.R. Desai (Rishi Sunak’s parents) had three sons and three daughters

Ramanlal states that Ramdas Sunak (Sunak Rishi’s paternal grandfather) left Gujranwala to work to be employed as a clerk in Nairobi in 1935. Gujranwala is the birthplace of the founder of the Sikh Empire, Maharajah Ranjith Singh. Akshay Ramanlal Desai’s move to Nairobi was linked to the deteriorating Hindu-Muslim relations. 

Parents

Rishi’s father, Yashveer Sunak, was born in 1949 in Nairobi. Yashveer  (his father) arrived in Liverpool in 1966 and went to study Medicine at the University of Liverpool. He now lives in Southampton.

Sunak Rishi’s maternal grandparents also hail from Panjab. His maternal grandfather, Raghubir Berry, also moved to Tanganyika as a Railway engineer. He married Tanganyikan-born Srakhsa. Their daughter, Srakasha, came to the UK in 1966 with a one-way ticket after selling her wedding jewellery. The Sunak’s brother, Berry, also arrived in the  the UK and worked for many years at the Inland Revenue Department. He became a Member of the British Empire (MBE) in 1988. The couple had three daughters, One of whom is Rishie’s mother, Usha. Rishi Sunak’s mother received a degree in Pharmacology from Aston University in 1972. Rishi’s parents ( Usha and Yashveer) met in the UK and married in Leicester in 1977. Rishi was born in1980 in Southampton and attended Winchester College to study study philosophy, politics and economics and also at Lincoln College at Oxford. He earned a MBA from Stanford University as a Fulbright Scholar. 

Comments on Rishi Sunak.

According to Nuwan Jude Liyanage: We are a nation that objected to the appointment of Lakshman Kadiragamar to the post of Prime Minister and are praising to galore for the selection of an Asian, Rishi Sunak, as the Prime Minister in the UK! “We will never espouse a gentleman akin to Lakshman Kadiragamar. Will Sri Lanka be able to find a politician like Lakshman Kadiragamar? Not as a Prime Minister but as a human being….? It is the greatest folly Sri Lanka did to ignore this noble man.

The writer accounts for the family history of the first Asian Prime Minister of the UK, appears anonymous on the internet. Instead, he says: “Be careful before you call Rishi Sunak as Indian because he is one hundred per cent coconut. He emphasises that ‘ coconut is black and as long as any Asian who conforms to European culture at the expense of his ancestral culture, is coconut, who is dark on the outside and white on the Inside.”

tilakfernando@gmail.com

භාහිරය අසත්‍යයක් බොරැවක් වන කල රෑප කොයින්ද?

November 18th, 2022

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක 

භාහිරය (ලෝකය) සම්මතයට අයත්ය. එයට ගහකොල සතාසිව්පාවා මෙන්ම විශ්වය හා ස්වාභාවදහමද අයත්වේ. සුලඟ, ආලෝකය, උනුසුම, පීඩනය ආදි ස්වාභාවික සංසිද්ධීන් සියල්ලම සම්මතයේ ඇති භාහිර ලෝකයට අයත්ය. භාහිරය අසත්‍යයක් බොරැවක්බව සමහර දේශකයන් පවසනවිට මේ ස්වාභාව දහමේ සංසිද්ධීන් සියල්ලම අසත්‍යබව ඉන් කියවේ. මෙය සිදුවිය නොහැක්කකි.

රහතන්වහන්සේ පිරිනිවන් මඤ්චකයට එළැබෙන තෙක්ම ස්වාභාවදහමේ ක්‍රියාවලියට ලක්වන සම්මත ලෝකයේ වැඩවසයි. සම්මතය අසත්‍යයක්, බොරැවක්වන විට රහතන් වහන්සේට වැඩසිටීමට භූමියක් සොයාගත නොහැකිවනවා ඇත. තතාගතයන් වහන්සේ තමන්වහන්සේ හමුවට පැමිනි රාහුලයන් ඇතුළු සියළු දෙනාම හදුනාගෙන ඒ ඒ අයට ගැලපෙන සේ ධර්මය දේසනා කලබව කියැවේ.  තතාගතයන් වහන්සේද සම්මත භාහිර ලෝකය පරිහරනය කල බව මෙයින් ගම්‍ය වෙයි. එසේ පරිහරනයට භාහිර ලෝකයක් තිබිය යුතුය.

රෑප හැඩතල වලින් පමනක් සමන්විත, ‘ආස්වාදයක්’ නැති, දෙයක්/යමක් සේ නොදැනෙන, ආත්මීය නොවන, නාමයක් නැති, අපෙන් ස්වායත්ත භාහිර ලෝකයක් පවතී. ඒගැන සැක සංකාවක් ඇතිකරගත යුතු නැත.

භාහිරය ආස්වාදයක්, දෙයක්/යමක් සේ දැනෙන ‘ආත්මීය’ ස්වාභාවයක් වන්නේ එය සම්මුතියෙන් පනවාගත් (ප්‍ර‍ඥප්ති) නාමය එනම් අරෑපය (අරෑප ලෝකය) හා ගැටගැසුන විටයි. මෙය විඤ්ඤාණ පච්චයා නාම රෑප වන අවස්ථාවේ අරමුණ තුල සිදුවේ. රෑපය අරෑපය (නාම) හා එක්ව සාදන චිත්ත රෑපය (නාමරෑපය) සලායතනවල ස්පර්ශට (දැනීමට හා විදීමට) ලක්වී බැසගන්නා ස්වාභාවය නිසා (උපාදාන) දෙයක්/යමක් සේ දැනී (භව) එය දකින/දැනෙන ‘මමෙක්’ සිටිනා (ජාති) ආත්මීය ස්වාභාවය ඇතිකරයි. මෙම ක්‍රියාවලිය අරමුණ තුල මායාවක් සේ දැනෙන ‘සක්කාය දෘෂ්ඨි’ යයි. 

භාහිර ලෝකය තවදුරටත් විග්‍රහ කරන්නේනම් එය අවස්ථා දෙකක පවති: ආපෝ, තේජෝ, වායු, පඨවි (මහා භූත) අවස්ථාව (quantum state) හා මහා භූත ඝණීභවනය වී පංචේන්ද්‍රියන් හා මනේන්ද්‍රියට ගෝචර (ප්‍රසාදවීමට සුදුසු) අවස්ථාවත් (physical state) වශයෙනි. මෙම අවස්ථා දෙකම සම්මතයේ පවතී. මහා භූත අවස්ථාව ප්‍රසාද නොවන අතර එය භාහිරයේ ප්‍රාථමික ස්වාභාවයයි.

බුද්ධ දර්ශනයේ මූලික සිද්ධාන්තය නාම රෑප පරිච්ඡේදයයි. චතුරාර්ය සත්‍ය දැන දැක අවබොධ කරගැනීමෙන් (තිපරිවට්ටය) සිදුවන්නේ නාම හා රෑප වෙන්වෙන්ව දැකීමයි එනම් ස්ඛන්ධයේ සමුදය හා අත්ථගමය (උදය-වය) දැකීමයි. භාහිර ලෝකය අසත්‍යයක් බොරැවක් වන තැන රෑප හටගන්නේ කෙසේද? ප්‍රසාද වන්නේ කිනම් රෑපයක ප්‍රතිබිම්භයක්ද?

අසත්‍යයක් වන්නේ භාහිර ලෝකය නොව ‘ආත්මීය’ භාහිර ලෝකයයි. දේශකයන් පැහැදිලිවම පෙන්වාදියයුතු වන්නේ ‘ආත්මීය’ භාහිර ලෝකයක් නොපවතින බවයි.

මෙය ඔබගේ තර්කයටයි, විමසුමටයි.

මේ ලිපිය පසුගිය නොවැම්බර් මස 03 වනදා සහ 16 වනදා 2022 lankaweb අන්තර්ජාලයේ පලවූ ‘බුදුදහමේ හමුවන භාහිර ලෝකය හා තුන් ලෝකය’ සහ ‘Q & A – බුදුදහමේ හමුවන භාහිර ලෝකය’ හා සම්බන්ධයි.

සුභ පැතුම් 

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක 

2022 නොවැම්බර් මස 18 වනදා

වගා කරන්න කියලා අපේ ආණ්ඩුව හදිසියේ නීති රීති  පනවන්නේ නැහැ. සියලු දෙනා  සාමූහිකව වගා කරන්න එකතු වෙන්න.. – අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන

November 18th, 2022

 අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

හදිසි නීති රීති පනවා වගා කිරීම සඳහා ආණ්ඩුව ජනතාවට බලපෑම් නෙකරන බවත් අර්බුදයෙන් ගොඩඒම සඳහා සියලු දෙනා  සාමූහිකව වගා කිරීමට එකතුවන ලෙස ඉල්ලන බවත් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා පවසයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා හදබිම අධිකාරිය විසින් සංවිධානය කළ ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවය පෝෂණය හා තිරසාර කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය සඳහා ජනතා සවිබල ගැන්වීමේ වැඩසටහන 2022.11.18 දින කොට්ටාව මාකුඹුර ප්‍රදේශයේදී පැවති  අවස්ථාවේදී අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය. ආර්ථිකයට බරපැනක් තිරසර ගෙවත්තක් යන මැයෙන් සංවිධානය කොට තිබූ මෙම වැඩසටහන යටතේ තිරසාර ගෙවතු වගාව ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා කෘෂි භාණ්ඩ බෙදාදීමක් සංවිධානය කොට තිබිණී.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක් වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය වරයා –

එකම මහ පොළොවක අපි මෙම ගෙවතු වගා වැඩසටහන එලෙස සංවිධානය කොට ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට සියලු දෙනා කටයුතු කළ යුතුයි. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් මහජන නියෝජිතයින්ට සහ රජයේ නිලධාරීන්ට අවශ්‍ය වැඩසටහනක් රජය ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියෙනවා. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් රජයේ නිලධාරීන් පස් දෙනෙක් යොදා තිබෙනවා.

අපේ රටත්, ලෝකයත් ආහාර අර්බුදයකට මුහුණ දෙනවා. මේ අර්බුදයෙන් ගොඩ එන්න නම් මේ මහ කන්නය අපි සාර්ථකම කන්නයක් කරගත යුතුයි. දරුවන් වෙනුවෙන් මේ අඩිය ඉදිරියට ඉදිරිය තියන්න සහයෝගයෙන් එකමුතුවෙන් වැඩ කරන්න ඕනේ.මේ මහපොළොවේ මොනවා වැව්වත් දවස් 60කදී 70දී ඵලදාව තියෙනවා.

ආදායමක් උපයා ගන්නට පුළුවන් සැලසුම් තමයි මේ ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නේ.  මෙය සරල වැඩපිළිවෙළක් මිස මහා පරිමාණ සමාගම් වැඩපිළිවෙළක් නොවේ. හැම තානාපතිවරයෙක්ම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන විශ්වාසයෙන් කතා කරනවා. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කොවිඩ් වසංගතයෙන් ආදර්ශමත් ලෙස ගොඩ ආ රටක්. මේ පවතින අර්බුදය ජය ගැනීමට රට පුරාම විවිධ වැඩසටහන් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරනවා. ඊට රටවැසියා දක්වන උනන්දුව තානාපතිවරුන් පැසසුමට ලක් කරනවා. අපේ රටේ ආර්ථික පුනර්ජීවනයේ වැඩකොටසක් ලෙස ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවය හඳුන්වන්න පුළුවන්. මේ ගැටලුව විසඳා ගැනීමට අපේ පළාතට  හදබිම අධිකාරියෙන් උදව් කිරීම ගැන මම ස්තුතිවන්ත වෙනවා.

ජනතාව කතිරේ ගහලා පාර්ලිමේන්තු යවපු මන්ත්‍රී කෙනෙක් හැටියට, මම මොන තනතුරු දැරුවත්,  ජනතාව සමග සිටිමින් බැඳියාව හා යුතුකම ඉටුකරනවා. තරුණයන් සහ තරුණියන් යම් යම් අලුත් ක්ෂේත්‍ර සඳහා පිවිසෙමින් සිටිනවා. ආහාර නිෂ්පාදන වැඩසටහන් වලට උනන්දුව දක්වන සැමට එම වැඩපිළිවෙළ සාර්ථක කර ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය සියලු සහයෝගයන් රජය ලබා දෙනවා. තරුණ තරුණියන්ට මම ආයාචනා කරනවා. ඔබ වෙනුවෙන් රජය හැකි සෑම පියවරක්ම ගන්නවා. මේක නිකං සල්ලි බෙදන ව්‍යාපෘතියක් නෙවේ. සල්ලි බෙදන ව්‍යාපෘති ඕනතරම් ක්‍රියාත්මක කෙරුනා. ආයෙමත් හැරිලා බලනකොට හිතෙනවා ඒවා හැම එකක්ම සාර්ථක වුණාද කියලා.

ගමේ පාසලේ ඔබේ අපේ දරුවෝ අහරින් ස්වයංපෝෂිත කළ යුතුයි. ගමේ නිෂ්පාදනය කරන දෙයින් පාසලේ එක ආහාර වේලක් ලබා දෙන්න පුළුවන් වෙන්න සියලු දෙනා සාමූහිකව එකතුවිය යුතුයි. ඒ කාලේ සුදු ආණ්ඩුව නියෝග කළේ හැම වත්තකම ගොවිපලක් තිබිය යුතු කියලයි.ඒ වගේම සත්ව ආහාර, කිරි නිෂ්පාදනය සඳහා ඔවුන් නීති ගෙනාවා. එම නීති තවම අවලංගු වෙලා නැහැ. ක්‍රියාත්මක නොකරන පරණ නීති රීති හුඟක් තියෙනවා කියලා ජනාධිපතිතුමා අයවැය ලේඛනයෙන් කිව්වා. ඒ නිසා අපි නීති සංශෝධනය කිරීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය කාරණයක්. ඒත් හදිසි නීති රීති  පනවලා වගා කරන්න කියලා අපේ ආණ්ඩුව කියන්නේ නැහැ. සාමූහිකව සියලු දෙනා  මේ මහ කන්නය වගා කරන්න එකතු වෙන්න කියලා මම ඉල්ලනවා.

අපි රුපියල් බිලියන ගානක් ඉදිකිරීම් සඳහා වැය කරන රටක්. ඒ ඉදිකිරීම්වලින් හරි ප්‍රයෝජනයක් ගන්නවද කියලා නැවත සලකා බැලිය යුතුයි. අද  මේ අර්බුදයත් එක්ක ඉදිකිරීම් සියල්ල නවත්වන්න සිදුවෙලා තියෙනවා. පොදු ප්‍රවාහනය දියුණු කිරීම යටතේ කැළණිවැලි දුම්රිය මාර්ගය උපරිම ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගතහැකි ආකාරයෙන් දියුණු කිරීමට අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. ඒ තුළින් අපට ඉන්ධන ඉතුරු කරගන්න පුළුවන්. ජනතාවට වෙලාව ඉතුරු වෙනවා. මේ අපිට හැමදේම ඉතුරු කරන්න පුළුවන් කාල පරිච්ඡේදයක්. හැමදේම ඉතුරු කළ යුතුයි. ඉතුරු කළ යුතුමයි.   

ශ්‍රී ලංකා හදබිම  අධිකාරියේ සභාපති සරත් විතාන, කොළඹ දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් ප්‍රදීප් යසරත්න, ජාතික භාෂා පුහුණු ආයතනයේ සභාපති ජයම්පති බණ්ඩාර, මහරගම ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් දිල්රුක්ෂි වල්පොල යන අය මෙම අවස්ථාවට සහභාගි වූහ.

 අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

ණයට අරගෙන සැපට කකා පෙරටම…

November 18th, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකිණීමට යෝජනා කරන,මෙවර අය – වැයට” විරුද්ධව ඡන්දය ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමට උත්තර ලංකා සභාගය නියෝජනය කරන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් තීරණය කර ඇතැයි එම සභාගයේ සභාපති, හිටපු අමාත්‍ය විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

ඒ මහතා මෙසේ පැවසුවේ බොරැල්ලේ පිහිටි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කොමිනියුස්ට් පක්ෂ ප්‍රධාන කාර්යාලයේදී පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදීය.

එහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක් වූ විමල් වීරවංශ හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙසේද සඳහන් කළේය.

‘පැරණි මාවතේ පැරණි ආකාරයටම’

අප කාගේත් ජීවිතවලට ඉතාමත් සෘණාත්මක ලෙස බලපා ඇති මේ ආර්ථික අර්බුදය ඇති වීමට ප්‍රධාන හේතුවක් තමයි ඉවක්බවක් නැතිව ණය අරගෙන, ඵලදායී නොවන ආකාරයට වියදම් කිරීම. එය එකම හේතුව නොවුණත් ප්‍රධානතම හේතුවක්. මීට අමතර හේතු ලෙස රාජ්‍ය කළමනාකරණයේ තිබුණු වැරදි, නායකත්වය තුළ තිබුණු වැරදි මෙන්ම ආර්ථික මොඩලය තුළ තිබුණු වැරදි අපට පෙන්වා දිය හැකියි. ‘ණයට අරගෙන – සැපට කකා’ ආපු ඒ නාස්තිකාරී ගමන දැන් දරුණු ලෙස ප්‍රශ්න කෙරී තිබෙනවා. එසේ තිබියදීත් ඒ පැරණි මාවතේ පැරණි ආකාරයටම යළි ඉදිරියට යෑමට සූදානම් වෙනවා නම් ඒක ඉතාම භයානක ඛේදවාචකයක්.

‘අර්බුදයට සරිලන නායකත්වයක් නොමැතිකම’

මෙවැනි අවස්ථාවක ඉදිරිපත් කරන අයවැයෙන් ඕනෑම රටවැසියකු බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා, ‘ණය බර තවදුරටත් වැඩි නොකරාවි’ කියා. ‘ණය ගෙවාගත නොහැක’ කියා මහ බැංකුව මගින් ණය හිමියන්ට නිල වශයෙන් දන්වා ඇති රටක, ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරීමට ඉල්ලා සිටින රටක අයවැය යෝජනා එන්නෙ තවදුරටත් ණය ගැනීමටයි. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ජනාධිපතිවරයා මුදල් අමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස ඉදිරිපත් කළ අයවැයෙන් විදේශීය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 560ක් සහ දේශීය ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 1844 ක් ලෙස සම්පූර්ණ ණය රුපියල් බිලියන 2404ක් ලබා ගැනීමට යෝජනා කර තිබෙනවා. මේ විදිහට තවත් රුපියල් බිලියන 2404කින් රටේ ණය බර වැඩි වුණාම, ලබන වසරේ ණය ගෙවීම සඳහා යම් හැකියාවක් ලැබුණත් එය අහිමි වෙනවා. මෙමගින් ඉතාම පැහැදිලියි අද මේ රටට ලැබෙන්නේ අර්බුදය පියමං කිරීමට සරිලන ප්‍රශස්ත නායකත්වයක් නොවෙයි, කියා. තවදුරටත් බලන්නේ මෙතෙක් ආපු පැරණි වැරදි සහගත මාවතේම ඉදිරියට යන්න.

‘ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණා දැමීම’

එක පැත්තකින් මේ අයවැයෙන් රුපියල් බිලියන 2404ක් අලුතින් ණය විදිහට ගන්න යෝජනා කරනවා. ඒ වගේම අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් මේ රටේ ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණාගෙන කන්න යෝජනා ගෙනල්ලා තිබෙනවා. ජනාධිපතිවරයා අයවැය කතාවේදී සඳහන් කළ ශ්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සේවය හැර, අන් සියලු ආයතන ලාභ ලබන ආයතන. දිගින් දිගටම පාඩු ලබන, ඒ පාඩුවේ බර මහජනයා වෙත පැටවෙන ආයතන පිළිබඳව පමණයි කවර හෝ පිරිසකගේ ‘කොළ එළි’ දැල්වී තිබුණේ ‘ඒවා විකුණා දැම්මාට කමක් නැහැ’ කියා. කිසිදු රටවැසියෙක් අපේක්ෂා කරන්නේ නැහැ, ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණා දැමීම. පාඩු ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන ගැන කතා කරමින් ඇවිල්ලා, දැන් කරන්න හදන්නේ ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන ටික විකුණා දමන්නයි. යම් රාජ්‍ය ආයතනයක් පාඩු ලබනවා නම් එය විකිණීම පිළියමක් නොවේ. ලාභ නොලැබීමට හේතු සෙවිය යුතුයි. නමුත් ‘පාඩු ලබනවා’ කීම උප්පරවැට්ටියක් ලෙස යොදාගන්තා. ඇතැම් ආයතන පාඩු ලබන තත්ත්වයට පත්කර ‘පාඩු ලබනවා’ කියා විකුණා දැම්මා. එක ආකාරයකට ‘පාඩු ලබනවා’ කියා විකුණා දැමීම, කන්න ඕනේ වුණාම කබරගොයා තලගොයා කර ගැනීමක්.

‘දෙපැත්ත කැපෙන ආයුධය’

රාජ්‍ය කළමනාකරණය යටතේ ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන පෞද්ගලික අංශයට දෙනවා කියන්නේ ඒවායින් අපේක්ෂා කරන මහජන සේවාවන් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නැති වෙනවා, කියන එක. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස පසුගිය කාලයේ අපි දන්නවා මාර්ගගත ක්‍රමය යටතේ පාසල් ගුරුවරුන් හා පෞද්ගලික පංතිවල ගුරුවරුන් උගන්වන විට ඒවා සමග සම්බන්ධ වීමට අවශ්‍ය දුරකථන සංඥා ලැබෙන ආකාරයට ඇතැම් දරුවන් ගස් උඩ නැංගා. බොහෝ රටවල එවැනි සම්බන්ධතා ලබා දෙන්නේ රජයෙන්. ඒ නිසා ගෙවල් 10ක් තිබෙන ගමටත් එම පහසුකම ලැබෙනවා. නමුත් පෞද්ගලික අංශය ගෙවල් වැඩිපුර රාශිභූත වෙලා තිබෙන ප්‍රදේශවලට විතරයි මෙවැනි සේවා පහසුකම් ලබාදීමට උනන්දු වෙන්නේ. තවත් නිදසුනක් ගත්තොත් විදුලිබල මණ්ඩලය ප්‍රධාන මාර්ගයේ සිට කිලෝමීටර් 03ක් පමණ ගිහිල්ලා ගෙවල් දෙක තුනක් තිබෙන තැන්වලටත් විදුලි සැපයුම ලබා දී තිබෙනවා. පෞද්ගලික අංශයට විදුලිය සැපයීම ලබා දුන්නොත් ඔවුන් එම පිරිවැය දරන්නේ නැහැ. දුෂ්කර ගම්මානවලට එහෙමනම් විදුලිය ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ. මේ ආකාරයට ‘දෙපැත්ත කැපෙන ආයුධයක්’ පාවිච්චි කරලා මෙතෙක් විකුණා ගැනීමට බැරි වුණු ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන ටික අර්බුදය අස්සේ විකුණා දමමින් යළි රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණන් කෑමේ ජාවාරම ඇරඹීමටයි රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහත්තයා එයාගේ පොහොට්ටු බලඇණිය සමඟ සූදානම් වන්නේ.

‘අපි අය – වැයට විරුද්ධයි’

මේ තත්ත්වය සැලකිල්ලට ගෙන අපි මේ අය-වැයට කිසිසේත්ම පක්ෂ වෙන්නේ නැහැ. උත්තර ලංකා සභාගය හැටියට ගොනු වෙලා ඉන්න අපේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සියලුදෙනා අයවැයට විරුද්ධව කරුණු දක්වලා, ඊට විරුද්ධව ඡන්දය දීමට තීරණය කරලා තිබෙනවා.

අලුතෙන් දුප්පතුන් ලක්ෂ 29ක්!

ලෝක ආහාර සංවිධානය පවසනවා, ‘ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ උද්ගත වී ඇති ආර්ථික අර්බුදය හේතුවෙන් අලුතෙන් දුප්පතුන් ලක්ෂ 29ක් නිර්මාණය වී තිබෙනවා’ කියා. වතුකරය තුළ අලුතෙන් ඇතිවූ දුප්පත්කම 52%ක් පමණ වන බවයි ඔවුන් පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ. ආණ්ඩුව නිෂ්පාදන අපනයනයට දිරි දෙනවා වෙනුවට අපනයනය කරන නිෂ්පාදනවලටත් බදු ගහන්නයි යන්නේ. අපනයනය කරනු ලබන නිෂ්පාදනවලට බදු ගැහුවාම ඒ නිෂ්පාදනවල මිල ඉහළ ගිහිල්ලා ඒවාට ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළඳපළ තුළ තරග කිරීමේ ඉඩකඩක් නැති වෙනවා. ලෝකයේ ඇතැම් රටවල් තම රටේ අපනයන නිෂ්පාදනවලට ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළෙඳපොළ තුළ තරග කිරීමේ හොඳ අවස්ථාවක් නිර්මාණය කර ගැනීම සඳහා පිරිවැයෙන් කොටසක් රජය විසින් දරනවා. නිදසුනක් ලෙස අපනයන නිෂ්පාදනයක පිරිවැය රුපියල් 100ක් නම් ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළෙඳපොළට එහි මිල නියම වන්නේ රුපියල් 120ට නම් ඒ මිලට ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළෙඳපොළ තුළ තරග කිරීමට නොහැකි නම් රජය ඒ නිෂ්පාදන පිරිවැයෙන් රුපියල් 50ක් දැරුවොත් එම නිෂ්පාදනයට ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළෙඳපොළ තුළ හොඳින් තරග කිරීමේ අවස්ථාවක් ලැබෙනවා. එවිට එම නිෂ්පාදනය හරහා රටට ඩොලර් ලැබෙන්න පටන් ගන්නවා. මේ විදිහට අපනයන නිෂ්පාදනවලටත් බදු ගැසීමෙන් ලැබෙන සොච්චම් අපනයන ආදායමත් අඩුවේවි. අලුත් දුප්පතුන් තවදුරටත් වැඩිවේවි. රට මානව ඛේදවාචකයක් කරා වේගයෙන් ඇදී යාවි.

‘කරව්! නැත්නම් පලයව්!!’

ඇතැමුන්ට රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා පිළිබඳව ධනාත්මක අදහසක් තිබෙනවා. ඇතමුන් ‘උන්නු හැටියට මළා මදැයි’ කියා සිතනවා. කොහොම නමුත් ඉතාමත් සද්භාවයෙන් අපට මේ අනතුරු ඇඟවීම සිදුකිරීමට වෙනවා. මේ යන්නේ යළි රුපියල් බිලියන 2404ක ණයක් ලබාගෙන ලාභ ලබන රාජ්‍ය ආයතන විකුණන් කන රජයේ නාස්තිකාර වියදම් එලෙසම පවත්වාගෙන යන පැරණි ගමනමයි. ඒ නිසා අපි උත්තර ලංකා සභාගය හැටියට ඒ ගමනට එරෙහිව නොවැම්බර් 19 වැනිදා දැවැන්ත මහජන සමුළුවක් සුගතදාස ගෘහස්ථ ක්‍රීඩාංගණයේදී පැවැත්වීමට තීරණය කර තිබෙනවා. ‘කරව්! නැත්නම් පලයව්!!’ යන සටන් පාඨය යටතේයි එම දැවැන්ත මහජන සමුළුව පවත්වන්නේ. ‘කරව්!’ කියන්නේ ‘කරනවානම් හරියට කරන්න!’ කියන ඒකයි. ‘එහෙම නොකරනවානම් වද නොදී යන්න’ කියලා කියන එකයි ‘නැත්නම් පලයව්!!’ කියන එකෙන් අර්ථවත් වෙන්නේ. හරියට කරන බවක් පෙනෙන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා අපට ඒ සඳහා බල කිරීමේ වගකීමක් තිබෙනවා. අපි ඒ මහජන සමුළුවේදී ‘අවම වැඩපිළිවෙළක්’ ඉදිරිපත් කරනවා, ‘අඩුම තරමින් මේ ටික කරපල්ලා. එහෙම කරනවානම් විතරයි නුඹලාට සදාචාරාත්මකව බලයේ රැඳෙන්න පුළුවන්’ කියා.

(අනුරුද්ධ බණ්ඩාර රණවාරණ)
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්,
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ


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