Courtesy Adaderana

Minister of Justice, President’s Counsel Ali Sabry has pledged to bring an end to the issue of child marriages.

He mentioned this while paying a courtesy call on the Chief Prelates of Asgiriya and Malwatta chapters today (29).

All Sri Lankans have a responsibility and a duty to nurture Buddhism according to the Constitution, the Justice Minister pointed out.

We have to guarantee that regardless of the race or religions,” he said further.

During his visit to Chief Prelate of Asgiriya Chapter, Most Venerable Medagama Dhammananda Thera, the focus of the discussion fell on the issue of child marriages.

The Justice Minister stated that delegations representing Muslim women have met with him to bring his attention to the issue.

Calling on the Deputy Chief Prelates of Malwatta and Asgiriya chapters, Minister Sabry noted that in all societies there are those who hold extremist views.

We are looking at ways to select such individuals and rehabilitate them,” he continued.

However, the majority wants desperately to live together as the best Sri Lankans possible, the Justice Minister said further.

Courtesy Hiru News

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa reiterates his intention of fulfilling public aspirations in such a manner that does not harm the environment.<

The president today (29) inspected the renovation of the Neluwa-Lankagama road and spoke to the stakeholders about allegations that the work is harming the Sinharaja forest.

Officials of the road development, wildlife, environment and other relevant ministries joined in the inspection.

On the occasion, president Rajapaksa said the long-standing requirement for a road for the villagers should be met while safeguarding the environment.

Lankagama is an ancient village that dates back to the reign of King Walagamba and the main livelihood of its inhabitants is tea cultivation.

They take their produce to Deniyaya and Neluwa via a road that is located close to the Sinharaja.

Also, patients going to hospitals and schoolchildren widely use this road.

The Army is renovating the 18 km long road under RDA supervision to make the present nearly four hour journey shortened to a mere 45 minutes.

A bus will play on the road between Neluwa and Deniyaya once work is completed within 90 days.

A suspension bridge at Lankagama will be replaced with a bridge 120-feet in length and six-feet wide.

The president also instructed that reforestation there be encouraged by providing each of the 700 families of Lankagama with three plants each free of charge.

Courtesy Hiru News

Former Member of Parliament Ruwan Wijewardena of the UNP reiterated that he would definitely contest for the leadership of the party.

He was participating in a party meeting held in Anuradhapura.

Former Member of Parliament Ashu Marasinghe was also present at the occasion.

By ASOKA BANDARAGE Courtesy Asia Times

On August 5, a new government was elected in Sri Lanka, bringing down the previous regime associated with the Central Bank bond scam, the Easter Sunday bomb attacks and controversial international agreements.

The new government has come into office with a two-thirds majority in parliament, promising to bring prosperity, security and communal harmony to the beleaguered country. Achieving these goals depends to a large extent on how neocolonialism and sovereignty are addressed.

Colonialism involves control of a less powerful country by a powerful country to exploit resources and increase its power and wealth. In essence, neocolonialism involves the same factors: militarism, external expropriation of natural resources, deception and manipulation, collusion with local elites, incitement of ethnic and religious differences (and other forms of balkanization and destabilization) and consequential local resistance to external aggression. 

Neocolonialism and geopolitical rivalry 

Today, strategically located in the ancient east-west Indian Ocean maritime trade route, Sri Lanka faces competition for control by China on one side and the US-led Asia-Pacific Quadrilateral Alliance (also including India, Japan and Australia) on the other.

The new Sri Lankan government says it will reconcile competing external interests. Speaking on behalf of Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the recently appointed foreign secretary, retired navy commander Jayanath Colombage, has stated: Sri Lanka should be a neutral country. Sri Lanka does not want to be caught up in the power game. Sri Lanka wants to develop friendly international ties with everybody. Sri Lanka should have Sri Lanka-first policy.”

Is Sri Lanka’s current foreign policy moving in this direction?

Chinese expansion        

Sri Lanka has been a participant in China’s US$4 trillion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since 2005. In January 2017, the previous government granted an 85% stake of the Hambantota Port, in the most strategic central point in the Indian Ocean, to the China Merchant Port Holding Company in a 99-year lease. 

China is Sri Lanka’s largest creditor and has provided generous support during the Covid-19 pandemic. Given local concerns over the Hambantota Port deal, President Rajapaksa has previously stated that, on election, he would revisit the lease agreement and renegotiate it. More recently, he has stated that his government is not planning to amend the commercial terms of the agreement, but wishes to amend agreements concerning port security.

While Sri Lankan activists have been protesting the environmental and social impact of expanding Chinese projects, the Quadrilateral Alliance is seeking to involve Sri Lanka in countering Chinese expansion in Asia, making the country a key battleground of geopolitical rivalry. 

Allaying the fears of India and the US that Hambantota Port could become a Chinese military base, the new Sri Lankan government has stated that the port should be limited to commercial activities only. It is zero for military purposes…. Sri Lanka will not afford any particular country to use Sri Lanka as a staging area to do anything against another country- especially so India.”

But how would the Quadrilateral Alliance respond if there were real or perceived military activity? It is not hard to imagine a dangerous military situation escalating far beyond Sri Lanka’s control. 

Indian expansion 

The policy of President Rajapaksa, as articulated by Foreign Secretary Colombage, is that as far as strategic security is concerned, Sri Lanka will always have an India-first approach. That means Sri Lanka will not do anything harmful to India’s strategic security interests. As far as economic development is concerned, we cannot depend on one country. We are open to anyone.”

However, India’s political and military involvement during the separatist war, especially its impositions of the 13th Amendment of the Sri Lankan constitution and the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) on Sri Lankan soil, have left fear and antipathy toward India.

The Indo-Lanka Accord that introduced these developments was hammered out in secrecy and signed without parliamentary consultation on July 29, 1987, during a 24-hour curfew. It faced massive resistance and ushered in one of the most violent and anarchic periods in the island’s modern history. 

Despite India’s failure to curb Tamil militancy and the failure of the provincial-council system, India wants Sri Lanka to maintain the 13th Amendment and the provincial councils that it introduced to appease Tamil separatist sentiments. However, the new Sri Lankan government is under increasing domestic pressure to abrogate the 13th Amendment and to assert Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and political independence from India.

Concerned about Chinese encroachment at Hambantota Port, India is pursuing control over Sri Lanka’s other strategic seaports and to develop the British-colonial-era Oil Tank Farm in the eastern seaport town of Trincomalee, through a subsidiary of the Indian Oil Corporation, despite protests by Sri Lanka’s petroleum trade unions. 

Port power

External powers are also keen to gain control over the Port of Colombo, one of the busiest in South Asia and an important transit hub in the region. Japan is keen for access given its high dependency on energy supplies via the Indian Ocean. There is now a push by the US and India to privatize the Colombo port’s Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) and hand it over to an Indian company. 

Rajapaksa remains committed to honor a memorandum of understanding signed in 2019 by Sri Lanka, India and Japan on the ECT. According to Colombage, the policy of the president was that no national asset would be given in total control to any country” and the MoU is being honored because it is an arrangement between the two countries. The only thing is that there is opposition to it from port workers.”

On July 31, 10,000 Colombo port workers resisting the privatization of state assets began a strike blocking all roads into and inside the port, completely paralyzing it. President Rajapaksa refused to talk to the unions.

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the president’s brother, did meet with union leaders and indicated that their key concern was to avoid antagonizing India. Is this an indication of further Sri Lankan subservience to external power, at the cost of local agency and sovereignty? 

US expansion

Given the history of US hegemony and foreign interventions, there is a justified fear in Sri Lanka of American interference in local governance and control of resources. Unsurprisingly, the country is experiencing intense pressure via multiple US military and economic-development treaties.

On November 6, 2019, 10 days before the election that brought Gotabaya Rajapaksa to power, the Government Medical Officers Association filed a Fundamental Rights Petition seeking to halt progress of three pending treaties with the US: the MCC (Millennium Challenge Corporation) Compact on infrastructure development, and two military treaties, the ongoing ACSA (Acquisition and Cross Service Agreement) and new SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement).

The petitioners stated that the MCC compact would violate fundamental Sri Lankan sovereignty and independence, clearly upheld by the constitution. There is also concern at the irreversible nature of such far-reaching treaties. 

Among other objectives, the MCC Compact seeks to privatize and commodify state land for investors, including foreign corporations. Gotabaya Rajapaksa promised to discard the MCC Compact during his election campaign, and after coming into office his government appointed the Gunaruwan Committee to study the issue.

Its final report in June raised serious issues on its implications to social, economic and security interests of the country. The Sri Lankan government plans to submit the report to the cabinet and then to the parliament for debate on a compromise, that is, as Colombage indicates, the government plans to go ahead with the MCC Compact in some form or other. 

There have also been clear reports that, whether or not the compact is signed, certain elements will proceed regardless. For example, the e-land registry, cadastral mapping, parcel fabric map, deed registry scanning and digitizing, state land information and valuation are being outsourced to multiple private parties selected by the US Embassy in Colombo.” Are external pressures so great that they will inevitably find a way to mold Sri Lanka’s future?

Military engagement with Sri Lanka is considered vital to US objectives in the region. The ACSA signed by the previous Sri Lankan government on August 4, 2017, provides the basis to set up a US logistic hub” in Sri Lanka to secure support, supplies and services at sea. 

Similarly, the proposed SOFA would allow US military personnel to operate in any part of Sri Lanka, without restriction. Sri Lankans fear that SOFA would make the whole island … a US-controlled super state operating above the Sri Lankan laws and state….”

A cabinet spokesman suggested on July 1 that the SOFA has already been signed but the new government has made no denial or retraction. Meanwhile the Sri Lankan public is left completely in the dark.

‘Sri Lanka first’

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa were voted in with the faith and respect of most Sri Lankans, not least for their roles in ending the 30-year war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Most do not doubt their devotion to the country. Their exemplary management of the Covid-19 pandemic has reinforced this respect.

However, there is a growing sense in the country that the overt and covert pressures from external powers, exemplified by these impending agreements, are so great that a path of neutrality will require deep resolve and conviction. It is, then, the democratic responsibility of Sri Lankans to stay informed, see through the bias of power, and exercise their freedom of expression nonviolently.

Our ancestors sacrificed their blood, sweat and tears to safeguard the sovereignty and independence of our country, and it has no price. A luta continua.

ASOKA BANDARAGE

Asoka Bandarage PhD is the author of Sustainability and Well-Being, The Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka, Women, Population and Global Crisis, Colonialism in Sri Lanka and many other publications. She serves on the boards of the Interfaith Moral Action on Climate and Critical Asian Studies and has taught at Yale, Brandeis, Mount Holyoke, Georgetown, American and other universities. More by Asoka Bandarage

C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.

Where is Lanka, a spot with lowest gravity on earth, located on these two maps of the ancient world?

Sinhala [language]’s s survival as a clearly Indo-Aryan language can be considered a minor miracle of linguistic and cultural history” –James W. Gair, Studies in South Asian Linguistics: Sinhala and other South Asian languages, 1998, Chapter 14: How Dravidanized was Sinhala phonology? Pages 185-199).

[Vigneswaran, is known for his unusual habit of uttering some sloka in Sanskrit, before he starts his prepared speeches aimed at audiences in the Sinhala South. Of course, no one, but he only understood, what it meant!  He deviated from this practice, in his maiden talk at the 2020 parliament. The strategy behind this change of behavior could be multiple. One, is to pick up a verbal fight with others in the parliament, so that he is ahead of others such as Abraham Sumanthiran or the Ponnambalam grandson, in competition for the Tamil genocide claim in Sri Lanka. And, this way, he could go home (not in Jaffna but in Colombo) to his two Sinhala daughters-in-law, and in turn using them as body guards, take a psychological revenge from his two sons for polluting his Tamil race, by their repetitive acts of love is blind. After all, his granddaughter wanted to be with her mother’s father and not with Vigs at the parliamentary party photo op!

As the proverbial, holding the tiger’s tail goes, Vig’s strategy is going to boomerang on him, because he will face a constant barrage of counter attacks, destroying him ideologically, the likes of which the island has not seen since Ponnambalam Arunachalam initiated Tamil separatist agenda in 1923/4. Vig is instrumental in introducing a new Great Panadura Debate (1873) into the well of the 2020 parliament, no matter what the black-white remnants and the dollar agents in it think. In this connection, I was able to uncover an essay, I wrote over a decade ago (which I know needs updating with the new ideas now propping up on Ravana and the island of Lanka), which is relevant to this Vigneswaran’s love-hate controversy]

PART-I

Introduction

In his opinion page letter (Island, 1/14/08), the American-living anthropology professor H. L. Seneviratne (HLS) stated that (1) Sinhalese are a variety” of Tamils and (2) that Sinhala language is Tamil, in its grammatical and syntactic structure, with a 20% Tamil vocabulary. On opinion number 2, no one denies Tamil influence on the Sinhala language. The traditional question has been the extent of this influence.

There are about 30 (?) Tamil words in Sinhala. This is not even half the number of Portuguese and Dutch words, respectively, in use in Sinhala. If 30 words are 20% then Sinhala has a total of how many words? Does borrowing words make the borrower the lender? Over 50% of English common words came from non-Anglo-Saxon stock (The mother tongue English and how it got that way, Bill Bryson, 1990).

The disunity and jealousies amongst the Kandy chiefs were the reasons to have a Tamil king in the first place. Just like Muttu Coomaraswamy’s dress impressed Queen Victoria, those Kandy chiefs must have taken Tamil tuition to impress their Tamil king and his queens. When Karawa and Govigama English-educated were fighting between them for the new Colombo seat, a Tamil got elected. I give these examples to show that as a professor HLS should not have cited such high-class behavior to support his theory. Could he give examples from folk songs or from Pal Kavi? Sinhala language belongs to villagers and not to feudal or Colombo chiefs.

In 1932, the late Theodore G. Perera (TGP) published a book titled, the Sinhalese Grammar” to dispel the theory in vogue at that time that the source of Sinhala language was Tamil. He presented evidence to show its Indo-Aryan origin. In more recent times, at least two American linguists studied Sinhala in depth and one of them, James Gair considered it a linguistic miracle that Sinhala language thrived despite a massive Tamil onslaught.

HLS’ opinion number 1 above, is too simplistic and provocatively Eelam-oriented. It goes beyond the usual India-based explanations on Sri Lankan history given by the English-educated, Western-oriented ruling elites in the colonial Ceylon. Thus, the late professor G. C. Mendis, a Christian, divided the pre-1505 history of Ceylon into four periods of North and South Indian history. Michael Roberts’ doctoral research-based book on the history of the Karawa caste in Ceylon showed how more recent South Indian migrants settled down on the western coastal areas subsequently became the Karawa and Durawa castes. When the last Tamil king of Kandy was captured in 1815, the two natives present at the scene happened to be ancestors of SWRD and JRJ who had non-Sinhala origins.

Sinhalese must have had a lot of Tamil and even Portuguese blood in them. The mother of either the king Vijayabaahu I or the Paraakramabaahu, the great, was a Tamil. The word urumaya” of JHU is a Tamil word. But a blanket extension of this Tamil influence to theorize without facts that the Sinhala-Buddhist heritage was actually a Sinhalized-Tamil heritage is unprofessional and unreasonable. England was populated by Germanic tribes (the Frisians, the Saxons, the Jutes and the Angles) beginning in the 5^th century A.D., but Englishmen today do not become Germans (map on page 6 in the Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language by David Crystal, 1995).

The purpose of this reply is to present to the reader information available out there which does not support HLS’ theory. In fact, the new information uncovered by researchers about the Sinhala language could provide a basis for a new paradigm. Instead of the blind belief that everything came from India to Sri Lanka” it is perhaps time to ask whether it was possible that Sinhala went from Sri Lanka to India or even to Asia/Europe?”  The origin of Sinhala could be Indo-European or older, and not Indo-Aryan. Such questions got buried under an anti-Mahavamsa movement deployed in the guise of a theory of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism as fodder for international consumption.

PART – II

Anti-Mahavamsa movement in Sri Lanka

The humiliation of native Sinhala-Buddhist culture began after1505, until a resistance movement slowly emerged by way of revival of Buddhism in the 1840s-1880s of which the Great Panadura Debate in 1873 was a climax event. An anthropology guru of HLS, Gananath Obeysekara, called this Protestant Buddhism.” The behavior of Christian colonial masters and their local supporters, the Christian-born/converted local elites, adversely affected the Sinhala-Buddhist heritage in the island, but one cannot say there was an organized anti-Mahavamsa movement in Ceylon at that time. White rulers and white archeologists did not have any reason to distort island’s history. But with the introduction of universal franchise and the territorial representation to the State Council in 1931, replacing communal representation which began in 1832, the majority Sinhala-Buddhists gained voting strength after 450 years of discrimination and oppression.

When the Legislative Council debated the motion presented by a Hindu Tamil (P. Ramanathan) to make Vesak a public holiday in the colonial Ceylon (1885), with the backing of an American Olcott, the Sinhala representative A. L. de Alwis, a Christian, opposed it. The Governor Gordon, who was for the motion said he was embarrassed by de Alwis’ behavior. Colombo ruling families opposed the grant of universal franchise, free education, labour rights and other welfare measures, but 1931 was the end of 100 years of communal governance. Those who held power under colonial patronage began to orient and emerge themselves as an anti-Mahavamsa movement in the soon-to-be-freed colony. The constitutional coup of the English-educated locals with the backing of governor Manning in 1923-24, and the Christian who reverted back to Hinduism, GG Ponnambalam’s demands, were the early tips of this iceberg. A long-awaited reaction to this arose in the 1960s as Buddhist National Force (BJB) spearheaded by the late L. H. Metthananda who focused on an official church document titled Catholic Action.” By the early 1970s, traces of a theory of Sinhala Buddhist Chauvinism began to appear, first in the writings of Mrs. Vishaakaa Kumaari Jayawardhana (daughter of an English mother). It spread like wildfire all over the world after the government blunder in1983 when the president of the country told the people to defend themselves. Thus, Prabakaran and his web sites could freely propagate against a Mahavamsa mentality.

Eelam politics and Boston-area professors

As a follower of HLS’ political anthropology works in print, I am not surprised by his new theory. HLS, his principal guru S. J. Tambiah, the late political science professor A. J. Wilson, history professors C. R. de Silva and Michael Roberts (Australia), (K. Indrapaala is a recent addition), could be grouped as a network of Boston area professors who suppressed” historical facts in their professorial public writings. For example, SJT in his Buddhism betrayed book mentioned in detail, the1967 Dodampe mudalali coup and 1968 Colvin-Leslie Kollupitiya march against the Tamil Language Reasonable Use Regulations, but ignored completely the real coup by the Chritian-Tamil police and navy officers in 1962 and the infamous Imbulgoda march by JRJ in 1958 against the Reasonable Use of Tamil Language Bill. To give another example, in his book the work of kings” (which he dedicated to his guru SJT) HLS alleged that the mess of ethnic clash in Sri Lanka was due to the actions of two solitary monks, Vens. Yakkaduwe Pragnaraama, and Walpola Raahula. HLS thanked WR for help given to him in writing his book, but WR died before his book was published, thus, losing an opportunity to respond. The Boston group was influential enough to convince the Massachusetts Legislature to pass a resolution against the government of Sri Lanka for allegedly oppressing the Tamils (Massachusetts House Journal for 1979, page 977 reads: … Resolution memorializing the President and the Congress to protest and utilize the powers of their offices to rectify the gross injustices which have been inhumanely inflicted on the Tamils of Sri Lanka”).

Colombo black-whites (coconuts – white inside, brown outside)

The most culpable conduct of these professors and their Colombo contacts was their hiding the fact that the problem in Sri Lanka was a problem of mismanagement by the Colombo ruling families, who created and later benefitted from a clash between the Tamil and Sinhala languages. If in India, Gandhi was for a unifying language despite Hindi was spoken by only 30-40% of the people, making Sinhala the unifying language could not be a disaster for Tamil-speaking people in the island. By 1948 there were two countries in Ceylon—the English-speaking Colombo country and the Sinhala-Tamil-speaking village country. The ruling elites and their officer agents made sure the continued existence of this division by converting English versus Swabhasa clash into a Sinhala-Tamil conflict. Ironically, Col. Karuna finally exposed this game by a simple demand—Give us what Colombo gets. He did not ask for a homeland. The late Kumar Ponnambalam, (a Christian?), on the other hand felt that Tamils have aspirations.” The destruction of Sri Lanka since 1948 could be explained not by a Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism paradigm but by a Colombo black-white paradigm. Because the professors, officers, peace mudalalis, UN agency officers, foreign ambassadors in Colombo and the human rights INGOs are predominantly, if not 100%, Christians they failed to understand that a Sinhala Buddhist cannot be a violator of human rights. Unlike faith-based Christian and Islam where human life is uni-directional (linear) in Buddhism life is cyclical and everything is impermanent (sabbe sankaara aniccaa). This was the basis for a harmony of different faiths at the Buddhist village level. This was why 50% of the Tamil population in Sri Lanka lives among Buddhists.

With the church organization run like a corporate business, and the last Pope’s desire to convert Asia into Christianity in the 21^st century,” I am only pointing out the bad behavior of Christian politicians, the powerful and the Colombo ruling families. I am not blaming in this essay the average Sinhala or Tamil Catholic or Christians who have suffered along with the Sinhala Buddhists in the Non-Colombo country of the island. For example, the Marxists brains at least from 1935 to 1964 were active in anti-Mahavamsa affairs irrespective of their ethnicity. A section of the JVP is still struggling to overcome its anti-Mahavamsa mind set.

PART – III

Types of evidence against HLS’ theory

1. Ven. Ellawala Medhananda’s research

The history of Sri Lanka and its North and East that Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thero has painstakingly constructed after forty years of archaeological field work (Our heritage of the North and East of Sri Lanka, 2003) is radically different from a Tamil rooted ethnic origin of its settlers. The scripts found on hundreds of rock caves that he was able to trace and record, did not support a Tamil theory. Some donors of these cave dwellings (to Buddhist priests) had Tamil names. If all donors at that time had a common Tamil origin, then all of them must have had Tamil-based names. These cave donations span from the 3^rd century B.C to 5^th century A.D.

The oldest Brahmi scripts were found in Anuradhapura (5^th century B.C.) which was not Tamil Brahmi. Recently, Brahmi scripts were found in Tamil Nad at Adichanallur near Tirunelveli (www.hindu.com/2004/05/26/stories). It would be interesting to see if they are older than what was found at Anuradhapura. The Indian archaeologists expect that the carbon-14 dating would take Adichanallur ruins to 7^th or 8^th century B.C. HLS’ theory may have to wait until these results are out and analyzed.

2. Theodore Perera and Sinhala (1932)

The second source is the Sinhala Grammar book written by Theodore G. Perera (TGP), published by M.D. Gunasena Co. Ltd. in 1932. This work was supported by Maha Mudaliyar J. P. Obeyesekere. In a chapter titled, History of the Sinhalese language” TGP summarized facts known by him at that time.

TGP mentioned the purpose of his book was to dispel the theories in vogue at that time that Sinhala was a derivative of Tamil. At that time no one dared to say that the Sinhalayas were former Tamils! While admitting the influence of Tamil on Sinhala, TGP provided evidence to show the dissimilar origins of Tamil and Sinhala. For example, he supplied a table with 16 Sinhala words comparing them with Sanskrit, Maagadhi (Pali), Greek, Latin and English (example: nama (Sinhala)-naaman (Sanskrit), naama (M), onoma (G), nomen (L), name (E), peyar (in Tamil). Only word that matched was ata (eight) which is ettu in Tamil. The archaeological commissioner of Ceylon at that time, Dr. Goldschmidt concluded Sinhalese is now proved to be a thorough Aryan dialect, having its nearest relations in some of the dialects used in Asoka’s inscriptions.” TGP felt that Sinhalese is decidedly an Aryan language not only on the side of its vocabulary, but in its orthography, grammar, rhetoric, and prosody. 

TGP thought that by the time of the arrival of Ven. Mahinda (son of King Ashoka) Sri Lanka had a language based on some north Indian language which he called Sinhala. This language was also taken to the Maldives and Lakadive Islands (the language of the Maldives Islands (Divehi) is a Sinhala dialect). TGP said that the commentaries to the Pali Tripitaka were first written in Sinhala at the time of Ven. Mahinda, which (commentaries) were later translated to into Pali by the Ven. Buddhaghosha.

TGP pointed out that the Thonigala inscription (B.C. 161-137 or B.C. 88-76) used the same Brahmi script found in the Ashoka inscriptions in India. He thought these Brahmi letters as well as the Devanaagari and other north Indian language letters were based on Semitic-Phoenician letters. If Tamil was the source language of Sinhala, then Sri Lankan inscriptions should have had Tamil scripts. For number of centuries, Sinhalese language did not seem to have had any connection whatever with Tamil.” Only after the eleventh century A.D. one could see the first traces of Tamil words appearing in Sinhala inscriptions or books. The first Sinhalese grammar written in the middle of the thirteenth century A.D. was mainly based on Pali and Sanskrit grammar. Therefore, under an Indo-Aryan language framework, similarities one finds between Sinhala and Tamil could possibly be due to the fact, that both languages borrowed them from Sanskrit.

TGP showed the evolution of the Sinhala hodiya using six rock inscriptions. (hodiya is a chart of phonemes, alphabet is a list of symbols for writing). He concluded that despite the fact that Sanskrit was in use from an earlier time and that Pali was introduced with Buddhism in 307 B.C., Sanskrit or Maagadhi (Pali) sounds were not used in the inscriptions written in 200 B.C. Until 100 A.D. they were not used with Sinhala. All this leads us to understand that Sinhala is a language first developed in the island.

3. James Gair and Sinhala

As the map reproduced on page 187 of Gair’s book indicates, Sinhala, Tamil, Persian and a few dialects found above the Telegu language region in India do not have an aspiration (mahappraana- eg., t as in ata (eight) versus th as in Gothaabaya) contrast. The rest of India has some form of aspiration recognition. Germanic languages also do not have an aspiration contrast but at least they have certain aspiration sounds as in the case of the difference between the two words pin and spin. In pin p is an aspiration. Sinhala has no aspiration whatsoever, in speech or writing (those like Gothaabaya are Sanskrit). Therefore, in pronouncing the English word pin as well as the Sinhala word piti we say it as in the word pitisara (rural). 

Gair also pointed out the overwhelming left-branching syntactic character, in particular, the exclusive or overwhelmingly dominant use of preposed relativized clause structures found in Sinhala and Tamil, not found in the rest of India.

Unlike Tamil which has only consonant p, since the 13^th century A.D., Sinhala has had p, b, d and g. Thus, in Tamil balla (dog) is valla and sudu (white) is suthu; sudda (a white man) is suththa. If Tamil was the source language how did this happen?     

On page 189 of his book Gair reproduced a list comparing Sinhala with Tamil and other Indo Aryan (IA) languages. Thus:

1. Sinhala has fewer phonemes (about 30) than in IA (though more than in Tamil)
2. In Sinhala, the volume of opposition of cerebrality (i.e., retroflexion) is less than in the rest of IA
3. The absence of dipthongs in Sinhala, unlike in eastern IA
4. The absence of nasalized vowel phonemes
5. The partial neutralization of s and h in Sinhala, because of the change s > h already at work in Sinhalese prakrit” (eg.,  handa > sanda (moon)
6. The opposition of long and short vowels, common in Tamil, less so in IA
7. The loss of aspiration in Sinhala commonly retained in IA

4. The Rigveda and Sinhala

The word vatura (water) is not only closely cognate to the Germanic words and Hittite water,” but it represents a form which is impossible to explain on the basis of Sanskrit or Indo-Aryan etymologies (The Rigveda,” a historical analysis by Shrikant. G. Talageri, 2000, New Delhi). This means that Sinhala could be an Indo-European language and not an Indo-Aryan one.

Talageri’s original purpose was to demonstrate that Indo-Aryan languages (Sanskrit and Paali etc.) evolved in India and went westward to Asia. Under the prevailing European-white-based scholarship, Sinhala came out of this I-A branch of parent I-E. But when Talageri stumbled on vatura  (or eliya (light) which Geiger dismissed as insignificant) and other unique Sinhala words such as oluva, bella, kalava and kakula, as an impartial scholar he had to adjust or re-examine his own thesis. The new question is was it possible that Sinhala was indigenous to Sri Lanka and went north (to western India) and west (to Iran, Asia Minor and Europe)?

As the paragraphs quoted verbatim below from Talageri indicates, Geiger could not come out of his western or Asia Minor (religious heartland called the Levant) thought box. Our own S. Paranavithana thought of a Sinhlala link with western India but he could not think that perhaps the direction could have been not from Punjaab or the Lata region (Gujarat) to Sri Lanka but from Sri Lanka to India.

The Sinhalese language of Sri Lanka is generally accepted as a regular, if long separated and isolated, member of the Indoaryan” branch of Indo-European languages; and no linguist studying Sinhalese appears, so far, to have suggested any other status for the language.

However, apart from the fact that Sinhalese has been heavily influenced not only by Sanskrit and (due to the predominance of Buddhism in Sri Lanka) Pali, but also by Dravidian and the near-extinct Vedda, the language contains many features which are not easily explainable on the basis of Indo-aryan.

Wilhelm Geiger, in his preface to his study of Sinhalese, points out that the phonology of the language is full of intricacies… We sometimes meet with a long vowel when we expect a short one and vice versa”, and, further: In morphology there are formations, chiefly in the verbal inflexion, which seem to be peculiar to Sinhalese and to have no parallels in other Indo-Aryan dialects… and I must frankly avow that I am unable to solve all the riddles arising out of the grammar of the Sinhalese language.”

However, not having any particular reason to suspect that Sinhalese could be anything but an Indoaryan” language descended from Sanskrit, Geiger does not carry out any detailed research to ascertain whether or not Sinhalese is indeed in a class with the other Indo-Aryan dialects.”  In fact, referring to an attempt by an earlier scholar, Gnana Prakasar, to connect the Sinhalese word eLi (light) with the Greek hElios (sun), Geiger rejects the suggestion as the old practice of comparing two or more words of the most distant languages merely on the basis of similar sounds, without any consideration for chronology, for phonological principles, or for the historical development of words and forms…”

However, there are words in Sinhalese, of which we can cite only one here, which cannot be so easily dismissed: the Sinhalese word watura, water”, is not only closely cognate to the Germanic words (which includes English water”) and Hittite water, but it represents a form which is impossible to explain on the basis of Sanskrit or Indoaryan etymologies. Geiger himself, elsewhere, rejects an attempt by an earlier scholar, Wickremasinghe, to derive the word from Sanskrit vartarUka as improbable”; and although he accepts the suggestion of another scholar, B. Gunasekara, that the original meaning is ‘spread, extension, flood’ (M. vithar)… Pk. vitthAra, Sk. vistAra,” he notes that vocalism a.u. in vatura is irregular, cf. vitura”.

M.W.S. de Silva, in his detailed study of Sinhalese, points out that Indo-Aryan (or Indic) research began with an effort devoted primarily to classifying Indian languages and tracing their phonological antecedents historically back to Vedic and Classical Sanskrit… Early Sinhalese studies have followed the same tradition.” However, Sinhalese presents a linguistic make-up which, for various reasons, distinguishes itself from the related languages in North India… there are features in Sinhalese which are not known in any other Indo-Aryan language, but these features, which make the story of Sinhalese all the more exciting, had not received much attention in the earlier studies.”

He also points out: Another area of uncertainty is the source of the small but high-frequency segment of the Sinhalese vocabulary, especially words for parts of the body and the like: eg. oluva ‘head’, bella ‘neck’, kakula ‘leg’, kalava ‘thigh’, etc. which are neither Sanskritic nor Tamil in origin.  The native grammarians of the past have recognized that there are three categories of words – (a) loanwords, (b) historically derived words and (c) indigenous words… No serious enquiry has been made into these so-called indigenous words”.

In his preface, de Silva notes that there is a growing awareness of the significance of Sinhalese as a test case for the prevailing linguistic theories; more than one linguist has commented on the oddities that Sinhalese presents and the fact… that Sinhalese is ‘unlike any language I have seen’.” Further, he quotes Geiger: It is extremely difficult, and perhaps impossible, to assign it a definite place among the modern Indo-Aryan dialects.”

But, it does not strike de Silva, any more than Geiger, that the reason for all this confusion among linguists could be their failure to recognize the possibility that Sinhalese is not an Indoaryan language (in the sense in which the term is used) at all, but a descendant of another branch of Indo-European languages.

From the historical point of view, a vast body of material has been gathered together by way of lithic and other records to portray the continuous history of Sinhalese from as early as the third century BC.”¹⁶³ in Sri Lanka, and attempts have been made to trace the origins of the earliest Sinhalese people and their language either to the eastern parts of North India or to the western parts”.

But de Silva quotes Geiger as well as S. Paranavitana, and agrees with their view that the band of immigrants who gave their name Simhala to the composite people, their language and the island, seems to have come from northwestern India… their original habitat was on the upper reaches of the Indus river… in what is now the borderland between Pakistan and Afghanistan”, and quotes Paranavitana’s summary of the evidence, and his conclusion: All this evidence goes to establish that the original Sinhalese migrated to Gujarat from the lands of the Upper Indus, and were settled in LATa for some time before they colonised Ceylon.”

A thorough examination, with an open mind, of the vocabulary and grammar of Sinhalese, will establish that Sinhalese represents a remnant of an archaic branch of Indo-European languages [not Indo-Aryan]”.

5. Jayantha Ahangama’s silent service

JA was working at his father’s printing press in the 1960s before he came to study computer science in America. Unlike the new generation of computer science Ph.Ds, JA was well versed in the Sinhala grammar. He found Sinhala Hodiya as a highly scientific sound system arranged according to the movement of lips and tongue from front to back in the mouth.

While working on a project to convert the Pali Tripitaka into Sinhala and English, in order to place it on the internet for analysis and research, JA uncovered some innocent errors that crept into the English transliteration pioneered by the late Rhys Davids in the early 1900s. Thus, in Rhys Davids English translation, Namo Thassa (as in tharu, stars) became Namo Tassa (as in takaran, tin sheet).  JA solved this problem by borrowing three letter sounds from Icelandic (language of Iceland, which is similar with Sinhala and the Old English). The sounds are tha (as in thana, grass), da (as in datha, tooth) and ae (as in  aeta in aetaya, seed). In the process he also made Sinhala language Internet compatible in the most efficient and effective manner.

With electricity replacing paper as the medium of writing and storing data (filing cabinets versus removable disks of the size of a finger), thirteen European languages including the Icelandic formulated an internet’s Brahmin club, placing them at the front end of the Unicode system (Latin -1). JA, invented a system called Romanized Sinhala to take Sinhala into this club as its 14^th member. The club uses Latin letters and because Sinhala is also using Latin letters borrowed from the Old English/Icelandic, for this purpose he named it Latin Sinhala.”

He has been doing this work single-handedly and without any support, encouragement or any appreciation by the Information and Communication Technology Agency of Sri Lanka (ICTA). On the Internet use of Sinhala, he is without doubt a modern-day Munidasa Cumaratunga, facing roadblocks from vested interests in the computer domain (please visit his website, www.Ahangama.com).

In English language, a letter is just a letter. This is why, a spelling bee contest is possible among the English-speaking. Thus, u is used in put and but with different sound effect. This is not so in Sinhala. This is why, school children play with English letters as if they are words! For them, the four English letters I-O-C-A, could convey the sound Ayyo Seeye (Oh! Grandfather, as if he narrowly escaped a hit by a fast-moving car when he was crossing the road carelessly). JA capitalized on this unique ability of native Sinhala speakers in inventing a Romanized Sinhala or Latin Sinhala.

JA used his American-living friends as a laboratory in perfecting his new invention. A Sinhalaya cannot pronounce the word bicycle” the way an Englishman pronounces it unless of course the Sinhalaya goes to a Colombo elocution class. The American companies using Indians for telephone customer services do this by giving them intensive accent training. The most revealing difference between Tamil and other Indian languages on the one hand and Sinhala on the other, is the inability of Sinhalayas to use retroflex consonant na” (as in tana kola (grass, not breast) and la” (as in mala (dead, not flower). Yes, they are in written Sinhala, but we cannot curl our tongue and say them as Indians do. As such, the ta vargaya in the hodiya is muurdhaja group in Indic. Thus, pronouncing the word bicycle the way an Englishman does is not a problem for a Tamil but impossible to the Sinhalese. Also, we do not use mahapparana (aspirants) at all while North Indians do it without any extra effort.

JA suggests an out-of-the-box thinking on Sinhala, and questions the west-worshipping thinking of English-educated professors. Encouraged by new discoveries by Talageri, and his own ‘field work’ JA proposes a new theory.  In his book Talageri suggests that Indo-European languages went from India to Asia Minor. Then he stumbled on to the word vatura in Sinhala and the other unusual words such as oluva (head), bella (neck), kakula (leg) and kalava (thigh). These words are not found in Sanskrit, Pali, Tamil or any other language. So, JA asks, is it not possible that a Sinhala language went north and west from ancient Sri Lanka? After all the Yavanas mentioned in the Mahavamsa are present-day Iranians. He disagrees with TGP’s suggestion in 1932 that Sinhala had more affinity with the Semitic and Phoenician script.  He says Semitic and Phoenician scripts which write from right to left does not have all the sounds that the Sinhala and Brahmi scripts shared in common. 

Malayalam is a new language, and the remarkable similarity between Sinhala and Malayalam letters makes one wonder if Sinhala letters influenced Malayalam letters. The reason for this is the possibility that Sinhala could be even older than Sanskrit or Pali. The Sinhala words vatura (water) and hakuru (jaggery) are found in Germanic languages and not in Indo-Aryan languages. Why?

If one looks at the oldest world maps available, in one map (Map 2 above, by Eratosthenes, 276-194 B. C.) the British Isles and Sri Lanka take a prominent place. So much detail of the latter is shown in Ptolemy’s map (Map 1, by Ptolemy, 150 A.D.). As a tropical resplendent island located on the path of seasonal Monsoon winds, compared to the dry and barren South India, people who lived in Lanka for example, during the Raavana time, could have had contacts with lands now known as Iran and Europe. Why would King Ashoka send both his son and daughter to Sri Lanka, unless it was the most important land outside India at that time? It is like who the president of Sri Lanka sends to Somaliya and USA as his ambassadors.

Denis Fernando in an essay Indian ocean should be named the Asiatic ocean,” (Island, 2/23/07) presents a post-colonial approach to world history and geography by a Sri Lankan researcher. Perhaps, HLS unintentionally contributed to this new way of thinking with his politically biased, Marxist theory of Sinhalized-Tamils. I hope this topic would generate research interest among both Sinhala and Tamil students/scholars.

Sarath Bulathsinghala

28 Aug 2020

From what we have heard so far down the grapevine, the power failure on 17^th August 2020 has happened due to a single act of carelessness by an operative of the CEB who accidentally ‘grounded’ a 220kV electrical system during routine maintenance work.

The interim report of the Independent Committee on the island wide power failure that occurred on 17 August 2020, which was handed over to Cabinet yesterday, has concluded that the Kerawalapitiya Grid Substation tripping was due to correct maintenance procedure not being followed by relevant officials, including the Electrical Superintendent.

In his note to Cabinet under Cabinet Memorandum 52/2020/PE, Minister of Power Dullas Alahapperuma has observed that it is a huge management lapse that there was no Maintenance Protocol at the Kerawalapitiya Grid Substation for the implementation of maintenance.

Usually these protocols are worked out subsequent to what are called HAZID (Hazard Identification) / HAZOP (Hazard and Operability) studies. The Hazard Identification Study is a process that breaks a project down into component parts for detailed analysis. This analysis helps identify hazards that could cause injury to personnel, asset damage or loss, environmental damage, loss of production, etc. A hazard and operability study (HAZOP) a structured and systematic examination of a planned or existing process or operation in order to identify and evaluate problems that may represent risks to personnel or equipment, or prevent efficient operation; it is carried out by a suitably experienced multi-disciplinary team (HAZOP team) during a set of meetings. HAZOP is a more detailed review technique than HAZID.

Either there was no protocol or if there was one it was inadvertently ignored. It looks more like a systemic failure to be more to the point! That is because this is a repeat of similar electrical failures that happened in March 2016 involving ‘exploding transformers’!

What is inexcusable in this case is that there are hundreds of thousands of similar installations throughout the world and proper protocols for such maintenance operations available freely to follow or emulate to suitably modify such a protocol to suit the local situation and set up a new protocol or a set of procedures. Literally we do not have to ‘reinvent the wheel’!

The CEB Association of Technical Engineers and Superintendents who also made written submissions of their observations on 22 August regarding the incident on the request of the Committee stated, Two generators have been installed at the Norochcholai power plant for continuous operation of the cooling systems in the event of a breakdown. Had these generators run at the time of the system crash, damage to the cooling systems in Units 2 and 3 during the 17 August crash could have been prevented.” It is these very same two UPS (Uninterrupted Power Supply Systems) which became an issue around March 2016 that are involved in this instance too.

Meanwhile, the independent committee in its interim report has strongly recommended a standard compliant, systematic, fool proof, safe procedures and maintenance protocols to be put in place in CEB during operation and maintenance. The committee understands that there is no operation and maintenance related risk management mechanism in place. Therefore, it is recommended to establish a risk management mechanism to determine the proper mix of preventive measures, mitigation levels, shift or retention of risks and consequent level of robustness of operation and maintenance protocols that would indicate the positive impact on the overall system,” the committee stated. 

Very powerful words indeed! What worries citizen Perera is whether all this will be forgotten as in March 2016 – four and half years earlier and another similar catastrophic event will eventuate in the not too distant future if left in the hands of the same management and the words – CEB Mafia will resonate once more on the lips of the consumer!

We are confident however that Gotabhaya Administration will put a stop to such mishandling of public assets in the future and those responsible will be disciplined.

Ignorance, bigotry, slanders, politics and Norochchalai!

Dilrook Kannangara

Another way to look at the MCC is to consider how USA helped Sri Lanka progress towards its development goals in the past 200 years of close relationship” between the two countries. Can anyone name a port, airport, any major road or bridge, conference hall, power station, a dam or irrigation scheme, boat shed, ship yard, vehicle plant or a refinery Sri Lanka received from USA?

None! Nothing!

This is the report card of US contribution to Sri Lanka’s development.

China, Japan, EU countries, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel and even South Africa have helped Sri Lanka built capability and infrastructure to support its development objectives. USA never did and never will. MCC is no exception. It is not for Sri Lanka’s benefit. It is solely for USA’s military expansion at the expense of Sri Lanka.

USA has spent money in Sri Lanka mostly doing useless and destructive work in pitting ethnic communities against each other, Americanization of Sri Lanka’s governance, dragging the island nation into US geopolitical conflicts and continuing slavery-based outdated industries like garments. Even the so-called US aid to import wheat was insufficient on one hand and destructive of local agriculture on the other.

Expecting any benefit to come from the MCC deal with USA is simply insane. It is not intended to benefit Sri Lanka any way.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය

දිවයිනේ සියලුම නගර සඳහා ව්‍යාපාරික හා නේවාසික ස්ථාන වෙන් වූ විධිමත් නාගරික සංවර්ධන සැළැස්මක් සකස් කරන්නැයි අග්‍රමාත්‍ය හා විෂය භාර අමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා  2020.08.28 දින පැවසීය.

බත්තරමුල්ල සුහුරුපායේ පිහිටි නාගරික සංවර්ධන හා නිවාස අමාත්‍යංශයේ පැවති ප්‍රගති සමාලෝචන රැස්වීමට සහභාගීවෙමින් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේය.

නාගරික ප්‍රදේශවල  ජනතාවට පදිංචිවීමට වෙන්කර තිබෙන නේවාසික ප්‍රදේශ කිසිවෙකුගේ බලපෑමකට ලක වී ව්‍යාපාරික ස්ථාන සඳහා වෙන් නොකිරීමට වගබලා ගන්නැයි අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා මෙහිදී නිලධාරීන්ට උපදෙස් දුන්නේය.

මුහුදට අපද්‍රව්‍ය එක්වීම වැළැක්වීමේ පියවරක් ලෙස, ගංගාවන්වලට කැළි කසළ එක්වීම වැළැක්වීමේ වැ‍ඩපිළිවෙළක් සකස් කිරීම පිළිබඳව ද අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා නිලධාරීන්ගේ අවධානය යොමු කළේය.

රජයේ සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘතිවලට අමතරව තරගකාරී බවින් යුතුව පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ සංවර්ධන ව්‍යපෘති සඳහා යොමුවීමේ වැදගත්කම රාජ්‍ය ඉංජිනේරු සංස්ථාවට අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා විසින් මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

පසුගිය ආණ්ඩුව අවසන් නොකළ ව්‍යාපෘති පිළිබඳව සොයා බලා ඒවා ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් අවසන් කරන්නැයි නියෝග කළ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා ඇතැම් නිවාස ව්‍යාපෘති කිසිඳු වගකීමකින් තොරව අලි වැට ඇතුළත පවා ඉදි කර තිබීම ගැන විමතිය පළ කළේය.

නාගරික සංවර්ධන හා නිවාස අමාත්‍යංශය ඉදිරි මාස 04 තුළ රුපියල් බිලියන 28 ක සංවර්ධන ව්‍යාපෘති ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමිතය.

පසුගිය ආණ්ඩු සමයේ අවිධිමත්ව කළ පත්වීම් සහ ක්‍රියාකාරීත්වය හේතුවෙන් පාඩු ලබන ආයතන බවට පත් වූ  සියලු ආයතන ලබන දෙසැම්බර් 31 වනදාට පෙර ලාභ ලබන ආයතන බවට පත් කරන බව නාගරික සංවර්ධන හා නිවාස අමාත්‍යංශය ලේකම් සිරිනිමල් පෙරේරා මහතා විශ්වාසය පළ කළේය.

රාජ්‍ය ඉඩම් සංස්ථාවේ මාසික ආදායම රුපියල් මිලියන 90ක් වුව ද, පසුගිය ආණ්ඩු සමයේ සිදු වූ අවිධිමත් පත්වීම් නිසා එහි මාසික වියදම රුපියල් මිලියන 166ක් තරම් ඉහළ අගයක් ගෙන ඇතැයි අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම්වරයා කියා සිටියේය.

නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය යටතේ පසුගිය අවුරුදු හතර හමාරක කාලය තුළ ඉදි වී තිබෙන මුළු නිවාස සංඛ්‍යාව 450ක් තරම් අඩු සංඛ්‍යාවක් බව මෙම ප්‍රගති සමාලෝචන රැස්වීමේදී හෙළිවිය.

ඉදිරියේදී ප්‍රධාන නගර ඉලක්ක කර ගනිමින් කොළඹ, මහනුවර, අනුරාධපුර, මාතර, කුරුණෑගල නගරවල රථ ගාල් ඉදි කිරීමට නියමිත බව නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ ජනරාල් ප්‍රසාද් රණවීර මහතා පැවසීය.

පළාත් පාලන ආයතන විසින් මේ වන විට එකතු කරන කැළි කසළ බැහැර කිරීමේ වගකීම නාගරික සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියට පවරා ඇතැයි කී ප්‍රසාද් රණවීර මහතා එම වගකීම වෙනුවෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් කමිටුවක් ද පත්කර ඇති බව සිහිපත් කළේය.

අඩු ආදායම්ලාභී, පහළ ආදායම්ලාභී, මධ්‍යම ප්‍රාන්තික, ඉහළ ආදායම්ලාභී හා රාජ්‍ය සේවකයින් ඉලක්ක කර ගනිමින් ඉදිරියේදී අමාත්‍යංශයේ මඟ පෙන්වීම යටතේ නිවාස ව්‍යාපෘති ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට නියමිතය.

පැල්පත් නිවාස ලාභීන්ට නොමිලේ ලබාදීමට තට්ටු නිවාස 1400ක් අලුතින් ඉදි කර ඇති අතර එම පැල්පත් නිවාස පැවති ස්ථානවලද නව නිවාස ව්‍යාපෘති ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන බව ප්‍රසාද් රණවීර මහතා කීවේය.

මෙයට අමතරව මධ්‍යම ප්‍රාන්තික නිවාස 608ක් රජයේ සේවකයින් වෙනුවෙන් ඉදි කර ඇති අතර තවත් නිවාස 800ක් රජයේ සේවකයින් වෙනුවෙන් 2021 වර්ෂයේදී ඉදි කර අවසන් කිරීමට නියමිතය.

මෙම නිවාස ව්‍යාපෘතිවලට අමතරව ඕනෑම පුද්ගලයෙකුට අයදුම් කොට මිලදී ලබා ගත හැකි නිවාස 3300ක් ව්‍යාපෘති 10ක් යටතේ ඉදිරියේදී ඉදි කෙරෙන බව ප්‍රසාද් රණවීර මහතා කියා සිටියේය.

ජාතික නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය මේ වන විට නිවාස 8701ක් ඉදි කර තිබෙන  බවත්, ලබන වසර තුළ නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ රුපියල් බිලියන 6ක ආදායමක් බලාපොරොත්තු වන බවත් ජාතික නිවාස සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ සභාපති රේණුක පෙරේරා මහතා පැවසීය.

සෙවණ නිවාස අරමුදල පසුගිය ආණ්ඩු සමයේ අවභාවිත කිරීම නිසා එම මුදල් නිවාස ඉදි කිරීමට පරිභාහිර කටයුතුවලට යොදා ගෙන ඇතැයි හෙළි වූ බව රේණුක පෙරේරා මහතා කියා සිටියේය.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට නාගරික සංවර්ධන, වෙරළ සංරක්‍ෂණ අපද්‍රව්‍ය බැහැරලීම හා ප්‍රජා පවිත්‍ර කටයුතු රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා මහතා, ග්‍රාමීය නිවාස හා ඉදිකිරීම් හා ගොඩනැගිලි ද්‍රව්‍ය කර්මාන්ත ප්‍රවර්ධන රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ඉන්දික අනුරුද්ධ මහතා, වතු නිවාස හා ප්‍රජා යටිතල පහසුතකම්  රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ජීවන් තොණ්ඩමන් මහතා ඇතුළු මැති ඇමතිවරුන්, අමාත්‍යංශ හා රාජ්‍ය ආයතන නිලධාරීන් රැසක්  එක්ව සිටියහ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය

ධීවර ක්ෂේත්‍රය, ශ්‍රී ලංකා – නෝර්වේ ද්විපාර්ශ්වික සම්බන්ධතාවල  වැදගත්  අංශයකි.  මෙම ක්ෂේත්‍රවල ව්‍යාපෘති ගණනාවක් ඔස්සේ එම සබඳතා තවදුරටත් ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට නෝර්වේ රාජ්‍ය උනන්දුවෙන් පසුවේ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා සමඟ 2020.08.27 දින අරලියගහ මන්දිරයේ පැවති සාකච්ඡාවේදී  ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ නෝර්වේ තානාපතිනිය  ට්‍රයින් ජෙරන්ලි එස්කෙඩාල්  මහත්මිය  මේ බව ප්‍රකාශ කළාය.

ධීවර කර්මාන්තය අපගේ ද්විපාර්ශ්වික සබඳතාවල මූලික පදනම” යැයි තානාපතිනි එස්කෙඩාල්  මහත්මිය පැවසුවාය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ධීවර ක්‍ෂේත්‍රයේ ඇති වැදගත්කම සඳහන්  කළ අගමැති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා සමුද්‍රීය පරිසරය විනාශ කරන ට්‍රෝලර් පන්නයේ මසුන් මැරීමේ ක්‍රමය පිළිබඳව පවතින ගැටලු මෙහිදී පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රමුඛතාවය මේ වන විට COVID-19 ට මුහුණ දෙමින් ආර්ථික සංවර්ධනය සඳහා යොමු වී ඇති බව සඳහන් කළ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා, ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් හා මහ මැතිවරණයෙන් පසුව  ආකර්ෂණීය ආයෝජන ඔස්සේ ඉතා විශ්වාසනීය ලෙස ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යාපාර කටයුතු පවත්වාගෙන යාමට හැකි පරිසරය උදා වී ඇති බව සඳහන් කළේය.

COVID-19 වසංගතය පාලනය කිරීමට වඩා යෝග්‍ය හා ක්ෂණික ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ගැනීම ගැන  තානාපතිනි එස්කෙඩාල් මහත්මිය රජයට ප්‍රශංසා කළාය.

නෝර්වීජියානු මැදිහත්වීම දැනට ක්‍රියාත්මක ව්‍යාපෘති හා ඉදිරියේදී ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට සැළසුම් කරමින් තිබෙන නව ව්‍යාපෘති කිහිපයක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් දෙරටේ දූත පිරිස සාකච්ඡාවක නිරත වූහ.

 අපට දැනටමත් හොඳ ද්විපාර්ශ්වික සබඳතා තිබෙනවා. අපට එය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට අවශ්‍යයි, ” ශ්‍රී ලංකාව කෙරෙහි අපගේ කැපවීම තහවුරු කිරීමට අපට අවශ්‍යයි.” යැයි ද තානාපතිනී එස්කෙඩාල් මහත්මිය පැවසුවාය. 

HON PRIME MINISTER’S MEDIA DIVISION

The fisheries sector has been an important part of the Sri Lanka — Norway bilateral relationship, and Norway is interested in further strengthening those ties through a number of projects in the fisheries and maritime sectors.

During a meeting with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa at Temple Trees yesterday (Aug. 27), Ambassador of Norway to Sri Lanka Trine Jøranli Eskedal spoke about the long-standing friendship between the two countries that started with cooperation in the fisheries sector.

Fisheries is the cornerstone of our bilateral relations,” Ambassador Eskedal said.

Noting the importance of the fisheries sector to Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Rajapaksa stressed the need to address the problem of bottom trawling that is destroying the marine environment.

Prime Minister Rajapaksa also conveyed to Ambassador Eskedal that the main priority for Sri Lanka now and during the post COVID-19 years will be economic development, with a specific focus on attracting investors who can now have more confidence in doing business in Sri Lanka following the stability achieved after the Presidential and General Elections.

Ambassador Eskedal commended the government for its swift and quick reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Congratulations on managing the election during COVID,” the Ambassador said. It was a very peaceful election and very well-managed with the challenges of COVID. Congratulations on your successful campaign.”

The two delegations further discussed a number of ongoing projects that has Norwegian involvement and several new projects that are being planned for future implementation.

We already have good bilateral relations; we want to strengthen that,” Ambassador Eskedal said. We want to confirm our commitment to Sri Lanka.”

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය

කොළඹ පෞද්ගලික රෝහලක  ප්‍රතිකාර ලබන ශ්‍රී ලංකා අමරපුර මහා නිකායේ උත්තරීතර මහ නායක අග්ගමහා පණ්ඩිත මහෝපාද්‍ය කොටුගොඩ ධම්මාවාස නාහිමියන් බැහැ දුටු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා 2020.08.26 දින උන්වහන්සේගේ සුව දුක් විමසා බැලුවේය.

අග්ගමහා පණ්ඩිත මහෝපාද්‍ය කොටුගොඩ ධම්මාවාස නාහිමියන්ට ඉක්මන් සුවය ප්‍රාර්ථනා කළ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යතුමා නාහිමියන්ගේ අත්‍යවශ්‍ය ප්‍රතිකාර පිළිබඳව සොයා බැලීමට නිලධාරීන්ට උපදෙස් ලබා දුන්නේය.

Courtesy MailOnlin

Plastic in Sri Lankan landfills has become a major killer of elephants

Sri Lanka will ban the import of most plastic products in a bid to protect wild elephants and deer that die eating the waste, the environment minister announced Friday.

Plastic in Sri Lankan landfills is a major killer of elephants, with autopsies showing kilos of it in the stomachs of animals who died after rummaging at dumps.

Environment minister Mahinda Amaraweera told parliament legislation was being drafted to stop imports of plastic goods, including polythene, that end up in landfills. Officials said it would be introduced within months.

“Plastics are doing untold damage to our wildlife — elephants, deer and other animals,” Amaraweera told AFP shortly after his announcement.

“We need to take immediate action to arrest this situation.”

Sri Lanka has already banned the manufacture or import of non-biodegradable plastic used for wrapping food and shopping bags since 2017.

Endangered wild elephants are protected in Sri Lanka by law although clashes with farmers are claiming a heavy toll on both sides.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has given wildlife officials two years to implement a plan to reduce human-elephant conflict that has claimed the lives of 607 elephants and 184 people since last year.

Amaraweera said the proposed import ban — that covers mainly toys and household utensils — will be extended to local manufacturing, but did not give a timeline.

Courtesy Adaderana

Another new positive case of COVID-19 has been detected today (28) increasing the total number of positive cases in the country to 2,989.

The novel coronavirus patients detected today are arrivals from the United Kingdom, the Department of Government Information confirmed.

Earlier this evening, two arrivals from the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait also tested positive for the virus.

The Epidemiology Unit says 135 active cases are currently under medical care at hospitals.

In the meantime, the number of recoveries from the disease in Sri Lanka moved up to 2,842 as 12 patients were discharged from the Welikanda and Minuwangoda base hospitals earlier today.

Sri Lanka has thus far witnessed 12 deaths due to the virus outbreak.

Courtesy Adaderana

The committee studying the recent island-wide power outage has stated in its Interim Report, that no proper maintenance procedures had been followed in the routine maintenance task that resulted in the breakdown.

It has recommended that a more detailed set of protocols be introduced when dealing with such high-risk procedures.

Members of the committee, holding a media briefing today (28) on its conclusions in the interim report, said they expect to submit a more detailed report.

However, that will take some time. But we have promised the minister that a detailed report will be submitted,” Secretary to the Ministry of Energy, Mr. K.H.D.K. Samarakoon said during the media briefing.

Professor Rahula Athalage meanwhile said, in parts 1 and 2 of the report of the committee’s conclusions, they have clearly noted that this incident occurred during routine maintenance.

Further, we have also stated that there is a set of protocols that must be followed when handling a high-risk task such as this in conventional, nuclear and chemical plants. The committee has not been able to uncover any evidence to determine if such protocols exist to be followed,” he added.

Responding to a question, General Manager of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) G.G. Aluthge said, The CEB has a set of maintenance procedures that include procedures detailing things such as which switches must be turned off and which ones must be turned on and such. However, it is very clear that those procedures were not followed. This is why the committee recommends that a better set of protocols must be introduced.”

The Media Secretary of the Ministry of Energy Sulakshana Jayawardena, speaking on the officer responsible for the incident, said the CEB has a disciplinary code, hence, there is a possibility of disciplinary action being taken against him.

The initial disciplinary inquiry will be concluded within three months,” he said noting that there is a process where the Head of the institution can decide if there is a need to suspend an employee based on recommendations.

The CEB General Manager, speaking further, stated that it was the employee himself who informed the system control that such a mistake was made by him. At that time, he was not aware that the entire country was without power. So he informed the system control that he had made a mistake and that power was down at the Kerawalapitiya Station. The Electrical Superintendent was brought before the committee and we spoke to him. He admitted at the time that such a mistake happened under his watch and that is its something that should not have happened.”

Courtesy Hiru News

Former senior members of the United National Party say that its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is responsible for the downfall of the party.

They point out that the party leadership should be handed over to former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and the United National Party and Samagi Jana Balawegaya should unite.

However, heated discussions are currently taking place between the two parties regarding the discussion that arose at the UNP Working Committee meeting regarding the party membership of former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

In a statement, former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya’s media unit had stated the day before yesterday, that with the announcement that Karu Jayasuriya was ready to take over the leadership of the party, absurd and ridiculous allegations were being leveled against him.

It was also stated that he had duly updated his party membership.

However, former UNP MP Sandith Samarasinghe said in a statement yesterday that according to Article 3.1 of the UNP constitution, former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya is not a life member.

It also stated that former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya has not contributed to the party fund since 2015.

Today the media unit of former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya had issued another statement in response to this , stating that several individuals responsible for the destruction of the UNP were making baseless allegations.

A copy of a Rs. 20 membership card obtained for the year 2020 and a copy of the Rs. 1000 membership card was also attached to the statement issued. 

Former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya also said that it would be more appropriate to address senior politicians to further confirm the life membership and that the views of political infants who have no understanding of the party’s path are not relevant to him.

Courtesy Hiru News

he former director of the State Intelligence Service told the Presidential Commission that the series of Easter attacks could have been prevented if all security forces worked togther and had arrested Saharan’s follower as a precautionary measure.

Courtesy Hiru News

Former Inspector of the Police Narcotics Bureau Neomal Rangajeewa has stated in the Colombo High Court that the places and times in the information book on the raids carried out by the Police Narcotics Bureau were changed with the intention of preventing drug traffickers from receiving prior information.

Our court correspondent stated that he revealed this before the three member bench of the High Court comprising Gihan Kulatunga, Pradeep Deep Hettiarachchi and Manjula Tilakaratne when the case pertaining to the Welikada prison clash was taken up for hearing.

Investigations have revealed that Wele Suda, a drug trafficker, had paid Rs. 150,000 a month to a police constable of the Narcotics Bureau to obtain information about raids planned by the Narcotics Bureau.

Accordingly, Inspector Neomal Rangajeewa stated that the relevant police constable who provided information to the drug dealer Wele Suda was arrested after conducting an extensive investigation into the incident.

Daily News 

Pearl Energy (Pvt) Ltd., signed an agreement with the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka to launch ‘Hambantota LNG Hub’ – a floating storage LNG trading facility at the Port of Hambantota, bringing LNG to the doorstep of Sri Lanka, with a primary aim of trading LNG in the region utilizing the strategic location of Hambantota.

The LNG Hub will become a landmark infrastructure development for the region paving the way to broader access to natural gas as a primary fuel in South Asia. Commencing commercial operations within 6 months, Pearl Energy will utilise a floating storage unit (FSU) with an initial capacity of 1 million tonnes per annum (MTPA).

The company will deploy small LNG Carriers to re-distribute LNG to South India &t he Maldives providing LNG as a clean and affordable alternative to the industries in these locations.

‘It is our pleasure to embark on this journey of bringing clean energy to the doorstep of Sri Lanka & the region. Taking the ‘early mover’ Advantage we will strive to place Sri Lanka as a future LNG Hub of the world. Factors including the strategic location of Hambantota, Newly established stable government & its investor friendly policies & the fast growing regional demand for LNG Encouraged our investors led by Omar Siraj of Saudi Arabia to place their confidence on this project despite the global economic downturn causedBy Covid-19 pandemic’, said Tania Siegertsz, Director, Pearl Energy.

‘Sri Lanka is extremely well equipped to meet the change in dynamics in the global LNG market and consolidate its position as a key player for the future. Though our project is launched targeting regional trade, the fact that a world class LNG hub will soon be within the Port of Hambantota, we are confident that Sri Lanka too will be encouraged to convert its power plants to LNG Thus saving millions of USD whilst also increasing the efficiency & producing more power to the national grid.”

The Port too could also commence using LNG for bunkering thereby making Hambantota Port & its industrial Zone as a ‘Clean Energy Zone’ of the future”, Tania stated.

Hambantota Port has the geographic advantage of being strategically located nearest to the world’s busiest shipping lane with the added benefit of a deep water coastline. This allows the port to be capable of handling the world’s largest container ships and super tankers making this port an ideal location for the transshipment of goods and natural resources moving across the subcontinent. Hambantota is also integrated into the global development strategy of the Chinese government, the Belt and road initiative (BRI), providing the opportunity for wider regional maritime connectivity.

Moreover, this port has the benefit of the vast expanse of land available in the Hambantota District for its expansion and has the potential to emerge as the most favoured International business hub.

The Project of Pearl Energy is poised to take advantage of these and will cater to the region’s thriving manufacturing clusters, providing natural gas to power plants, industrial and commercial customers within a 300 km radius. Pearl Energy’s investment is tipped to pave way for many more projects to follow suit, considering the availability of LNG for development of industries via reliable and affordable access to clean energy. Pearl Energy hopes to work closely with the recently established State Ministry of Solar, Wind & Grid Power Generation Projects Development by the new government in achieving its vision of converting all of Sri Lanka’s power installations to LNG, a reality within the very near future.

The MCC agreements binds Sri Lanka to make legislative changes before, during & after signing of its Compact. For a paltry $480m given to a private company that reports to US, is it worth it, is a question policy makers are evading answering. In so doing, this country is likely to land in a precarious situation, one that politicians have a record of placing the country in, resulting in Sri Lanka never reaching the heights of development it could. Warnings and likely outcomes given to decision makers have a habit of being ignored.

Below quotes exact clauses from the MCC Compact agreement

Section 2.6      Government Resources; Budget.

(a)       The Government shall provide all funds and other resources, and shall take all other actions that are necessary to carry out the Government’s responsibilities under this Compact.

(b)       The Government shalluse its best efforts to ensure that all MCC Fundingit receives or is projected to receive in each of its fiscal years is fully accounted forin its annual budgets for the duration of the Program.

(c)        The Government shall not reduce the normal and expected resourcesthat it would otherwise receive or budget from sources other than MCC for the activities contemplated under this Compact and the Program.

Section 2.7      Limitations on the Use of MCC Funding. 

The Government shall ensure that MCC Funding is not used for any purpose that would violate United States law or policy, as specified in this Compact or as further notified to the Government in writing, including but not limited tothe following purposes:

(a)       for assistance to, or training of, the military, police, militia, national guard, or other quasi-military organization or unit;

(b)       for any activity that is likely to cause a substantial loss of United States jobsor a substantial displacement of United States production;

(c)        to undertake, fund, or otherwise support any activitythat is likely to cause asignificant environmental, health, or safety hazard, as further described in MCC’s Environmental Guidelines and any guidance documents issued in connection with such guidelines (collectively, the iv/CC Environmental Guidelines”); or

(d)       to pay for the performance of abortions as a method of family planning, to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortions, to pay for the performance of involuntary sterilizations as a method of family planning, to coerce or provide any financial incentive to any person to undergo sterilizations, to pay for any biomedical research which relates, in whole or in part, to methods of, or the performance of, abortions or involuntary sterilization as a means of family planning.

Section 2.8 

(b)       The mechanisms that the Government shall useto implement the tax exemptionrequired by Section 2.8(a) for certain principal taxes are set forth in the Program Implementation Agreement.Such mechanisms may include exemptions from the payment of Taxes that have been granted in accordance with applicable law, refund, or reimbursement of Taxes by the Government to MCC, MCA-Sri Lanka, or to the taxpayer, or payment by the Government to MCA-Sri Lanka or MCC, for the benefit of the Program, of an agreed amount representing any collectible Taxes on the items described in Section 2.8(a).

© If a Tax has been paid contrary to the requirements of Section 2.8(a) or Annex V, the Government shall refund promptly to MCC(or to another party as designated by MCC) the amount of such Tax in United States Dollars or the currency of Sri Lanka within sixty (60) days(or such other period as may be agreed in writing by the Parties) after the Government is notified in writing (whether by MCC or MCA-Sri Lanka) that such Tax has been paid. Failure to refund such amount within the specified time shall result in interest accruing on the unpaid amount in accordance with Section 5.4.

IMPLEMENTATION: Section 3.1         Program Implementation Agreement.

The Parties shall enter into an agreement providing further detail on the implementation arrangements, fiscal accountability and disbursement, and use of MCC Funding, among other matters (the Program Implementation Agreement” or PIA”); and the Government shall implement the Program in accordance with this Compact, the PIA, any other Supplemental Agreement, and any Implementation Letter.

(b)       With the prior consent of MCC, the Government shall designate an entity, to be established as a company limited by guarantee under Sri Lanka’s Companies Act No. 7 of 2007, as the accountable entity to implement the Program and to exercise and perform the Government’s right and obligation to oversee, manage, and implement the Program, including without limitation, managing the implementation of the Projects and their Activities, allocating resources, and managing procurements.Such entity shall be referred to herein as MCA-Sri Lanka”and shall have the authority to act on behalf of the Government with regard to all Program activities. Any provision of this Compact obligating MCA-Sri Lanka to take any action or refrain from taking any action, as the case may be, means that the Government shall cause MCA-Sri Lanka to take such action or refrain from taking such action, as the case may be. The Government hereby also designates MCA-Sri Lanka to exercise and perform the Government’s right and obligation to oversee, manage, and implement the activities described in the Amended and Restated Grant and Implementation Agreement, dated June 18, 2018, as amended, between the Government and MCC (the CDF Agreement”). MCC hereby acknowledges and consents to the designation in this Section 3.2(b).

(c)        The Government shall ensure that any Program Assets or services funded in whole or in part (directly or indirectly) by MCC Funding are used solely in furtherance of this Compact and the Program, unless MCC agrees otherwise in writing.

(d)       The Government shall take all necessary or appropriate steps to achieve the Project Objectives during the Compact Term (including, without limiting Section 2.6 (a), funding all costs that exceed MCC Funding and are required to carry out the terms hereof and achieve such objectives, unless MCC agrees otherwise in writing).

(e)       The Government shall ensure that the Program is implemented with, and that the Government carries out its obligations hereunder with, due care, efficiency, and diligence in conformity with sound technical, financial, and management practices, and in conformity with this Compact, the Program Implementation Agreement, any other Supplemental Agreement, any Implementation Letter, and the Program Guidelines.

Section 3.3      Policy Performance.

In addition to undertaking the specific policy, legal, and regulatory reform commitments identified in Annex I, the Government shall seek to maintain and to improve its level of performance under the policy criteria identified in Section 607 of the MCA Act, and the selection criteria and methodology used by MCC.

Section 3.6      Procurement and Grants.

(a)       The Government shall ensure that the procurement of all goods, works, and services by the Government or any Provider to implement the Program shall be in accordance with MCC’s Program Procurement Guidelines(the 1l1CC Program Procurement Guidelines”). Accordingly, neither the Government Procurement Guidelines (2006), nor any other laws or regulations of Sri Lanka regarding procurements shall apply to procurements to implement the Program.

The MCC Program Procurement Guidelines include the following requirements, among others:

(b)       Unless MCC otherwise consents in writing, the Government shall ensure that any grant issued in furtherance of the Program (each, a Grant”) is awarded, implemented, and managed pursuant to open, fair, and competitive procedures administered in a transparent  manner acceptable to MCC.In furtherance of this requirement, and prior to the issuance of any Grant, the Government and MCC shall agree upon written procedures to govern the  identification of potential Grant recipients, including, without limitation, appropriate eligibility and selection criteria and award procedures. Such agreed procedures shall be posted on the MCA-Sri Lanka website.

Section 3.7      Records; Accounting; Covered Providers: Access.

(a)       Government Books and Records.

The Government shall maintain, and shall use its best efforts to ensure that all Covered Providers maintain, accounting books, records, documents, and other evidence relating to the Program adequate to show, to MCC’s satisfaction, the use of all MCC Funding and the implementation and results of the Program(Compact Records”).

In addition, the Government shall furnish or cause to be furnished to MCC, upon its request, originals or copies of such Compact Records.

(b)       Accounting.

The Government shall maintain, and shall use its best efforts to ensure that all Covered Providers maintain, Compact Records in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles prevailing in the United States, or at the Government’s option and with MCC’s prior written approval, other accounting principles, such as those (i) prescribed by the International Accounting Standards Board, or (ii) then prevailing in Sri Lanka. Compact Records must be maintained for at least five years after the end of the Compact Term or for such longer period, if any, required to resolve any litigation, claims, or audit findings or any

applicable legal requirements.

Section 3.8      Audits; Reviews.

(a)       Government Audits.

Except as the Parties may agree otherwise in writing, the Government shall, on at least a semi-annual basis, conduct, or cause to be conducted, financial audits of all disbursements of MCC Funding covering the period from signing of this Compact until the earlier of the following March 31 or September 30 and covering each six-month period thereafter ending March 31 or September 30, through the end of the Compact Term, as well as the one hundred twenty (120) day period following the expiration of the Compact Term. In addition, the Government shall ensure that such audits are conducted by an independent auditor approved by MCC and selected in accordance with MCC’s Guidelines for Financial Audits Contracted by the Millennium Challenge Corporation’s Accountable Entities(the Audit Guidelines”). Audits shall be performed in accordance with such Audit Guidelines, and/or other processes and procedures directed from time to time by MCC. Each audit must be completed and the audit report delivered to MCC no later than ninety (90) days after the applicable audit period, or such other period as the Parties may otherwise agree in writing. Any changes to the period to be audited shall be included in an audit plan developed and implemented by MCA-Sri Lanka in accordance with Audit Guidelines and Program Implementation Agreement and as approved by MCC (the Audit Plan”). nonprofit organization, on the other hand, state that the United States nonprofit organization is subject to the applicable audit requirements contained in the Uniform Administrative Requirements, Cost Principles, and Audit Requirements for Federal Awards, issued by the United States Office of Management and Budget; (ii) a United States for-profit Covered Provider, on the other hand, state that the United States for-profit organization is subject to audit by the applicable United States Government agency, unless the Government and MCC agree otherwise in writing; and (iii) a non-US Covered Provider (whether a for-profit or nonprofit organization), on the other hand, state that the non-US Covered Provider is subject to audit in accordance with the Audit Guidelines.

(c)        Corrective Actions.

The Government shall use its best efforts to ensure that each Covered Provider (i) takes, where necessary, appropriate, and timely, corrective actions in response to audits, (ii) considers whether the results of the Covered Provider’s audit necessitates adjustment of the Government’s records, and (iii) permits independent auditors to have access to its records and financial statements as necessary.

Section 4.2      Representatives.  

For all purposes relevant  to implementation  of this Compact, the Government shall be represented  by the individual holding the position  of, or acting as, the Minister of Finance, and MCC shall be represented  by the individual holding the position  of, or acting as, Vice President,  Compact Operations(each of the foregoing, a Principal Representative”).  Each Party, by written notice to the other Party, may designate one or more additional representatives of the Government or MCC, as appropriate (each, an Additional Representative”) for all purposes relevant to implementation  of this Compact except for amending this Compact pursuant  to Section 6.2(a).

MCC hereby designates the Deputy Vice President for Europe, Asia, Pacific, and Latin America and the Resident  Country Director  for Sri Lanka as Additional  Representatives  for MCC. A Party may change its Principal Representative to a new representative that holds a position of equal or higher authority upon written notice to the other Party.

Section 5.3      Refunds; Violation.

(a)       If any MCC Funding, any interest or earnings thereon, or any Program Asset is used for any purpose in violation of the terms of this Compact, then MCC may require the Government to repay to MCC in United States Dollars the value of the misused MCC Funding, interest, earnings, or asset, plus interest thereon in accordance with Section 5.4 within thirty (30) days after the Government’s receipt of MCC’s request for repayment. The Government shall not use MCC Funding, proceeds thereof, or Program Assets to make such payment.

Section 5 .4     Late Payment Interest. 

If the Government fails to pay any amount under this Compact or the Program Implementation Agreement when due (including amounts under Section 2.8(c) and 5.3(a)), the Government shall pay interest on such past due amount.Interest shall accrue on such amount at a rate equal to the then current U.S. Treasury Current Value of Funds Rate, calculated on a daily basis and a 360-day year from the due date of such payment until such amount is paid in full. Any such payment shall first be credited against interest due, and once the interest due amount is extinguished, then payments shall be credited against outstanding principal.

Section 6.8      MCC Status. 

MCC is a United States government corporation acting on behalf of the United States Government in the implementation of this Compact. MCC and the United States Government assume no liability for any claims or loss arising out of activities or omissions under this Compact. The Government waives any and all claims against MCC or the United States Government or any current or former officer or employee of MCC or the United States Government for all loss, damage, injury, or death arising out of activities or omissions under this Compact, and agrees that it shall not bring any claim or legal proceeding of any kind against any of the above entities or persons for any such loss, damage, injury, or death.

The Government agrees that MCC and the United States Government or any current or former officer or employee of MCC or the United States Government shall be immune from the jurisdiction of all courts and tribunals of Sri Lanka for any claim or loss arising out of activities or omissions under this Compact.

Section 7.1      Domestic Procedures. 

The Government shall proceed in a timely manner to complete all of its domestic requirements for this Compact and PIA to enter into force. The Parties understand that, consistent with Sri Lankan law, prior to the Government sending the letter described in Section 7.3, this Compact is to be submitted to and enacted by the Parliament of Sri Lanka.

ARTICLES.

ADDITIONAL GOVERNMENT COVENANTS

Section 8.1      Permitted Account. 

The Government shall ensure that MCA-Sri Lanka shall maintain the Permitted Account in a private commercial bank.

Section 8.2      Foreign Exchange Accounts. 

The Government shall ensure that MCA-Sri Lanka, any foreign personnel (individual consultants or personnel of firms), and any foreign company providing goods, works, or services under the Compact have the legal right to maintain a foreign currency bank account.

Section 8.3      Employment Requirements.

The Government shall arrange for any foreign personnel (individual consultants or personnel of firms) providing goods, works, or services under the Compact to be provided promptly with any necessary entry or work visas.

1. DESCRIPTION OF PROJECTS

Set forth below is a description of the Project and the specific activities (each, an Activity ) thatthe Government shall implement, or cause to be implemented, using MCC Funding to advance the Project Objective.

The Transport Projectfocuses on leveraging and creating synergies with other development partners. The WB is planning an urban transport program incorporating a bus modernization component that shall likely extend beyond the term of the Compact. The Government shall coordinate closely with the WB to integrate the Transport Project interventions with the WB’s investments in this sector.The Japan International Cooperation Agency is slated to begin construction of the country’s first light rail transit line, connecting central Colombo with one of its suburbs to which many Government ministries and departments have relocated. The BTSM Activity is expected to include feeder service to and from these stations as part of its route rationalization efforts. The Asian Development Bank is launching a program to improve rural roads (Class C, D, and E) throughout the country, some of which connect with the Class A and B roads improved under the CRRN Activity.

• The Government shall include a distinct budget category in the national budget for the ATMS Activity and allocate sufficient funds to cover the cost of staffing and O&M requirements at each stage of the ATMS implementation.
• To facilitate the development and implementation of the ATMS, including the TMC functions, the Government shall establish a steering committee composed of relevant stakeholders to develop, manage, maintain, and update the concept of operations for the traffic management system, as well as to facilitate maintenance and protection of traffic during construction.
• TheGovernment shall ensure and facilitate all necessary coordination with all stakeholders and inter-governmental ministries and agencies to allow the ATMS to function effectively.
• TheGovernment shall provide MCA-Sri Lanka with access to data that is relevant to monitor Project progress and evaluate the outcomes of the Transport Project.
• During the implementation of the BTSM Activity, the Government shall establish a revenue support fund to cover any possible revenue losses for bus operators during the transitional period.
• As part of the BTSM Activity, the Government shall work with provincial authorities to enforce performance standards and optimize bus route networks and schedules according to passenger demand forecasts.
• As part of the BTSM Activity, the Government shall facilitate the deployment and adoption of an automated fare card system and performance-based bus operations.
• For the CRRN Activity, the Government shall adopt a multi-year maintenance plan for Class A and B road’s developed through the project technical assistance, and commit to regular updates of the plan through a data-driven process.
• The Government shall fund any intervention s that require direct support to the Sri Lanka police during the implementation of the Transport Project.

(a)       Registration of Absolute Land Grants Sub-Activity.

MCC Funding shall support Government efforts to convert permits and grants in State Land to absolute land grants” that are expected to be registered as freehold rights in land.The sub­ activity would support the conversion of State Lands to the private domain, creating a marketable and bankable title to this land in the name of the land holder. 

The Government shall register the absolute land grants in the title registration system, allowing the use of land as collateral for loans and the free transfer of this land without excessive government restrictions.

The Land Special Provisions Act (LSPA”) is expected to define the process the Government shall use for this conversion of land rights.

The availability of MCC Funding for this Activity is dependent on the enactment of the LSPA that states that registration of absolute land grants is completed in the title registration system and creates a presumption of registration of rights to absolutelandgrantsjointlyin thenameof husbandandwifewithatime boundopt-outprocessthatisfree,fair,andwithoutcoercion

Land Research

MCC and the Government shall agree on the most appropriate location in government for the LPRG.

MCC Funding shall be made available for this Activity once the Government and MCC agree on the location for the LPRG and the body is established by a formal Government decision.

(c)        Gender and Social Inclusion.

To maximize the positive social impacts of the Land Project, the activities shall address cross­ cutting gender and social inclusion issues such as women’s equal access to and control over land rights. To ensure compliance with the MCC Gender Policy and Gender Integration Guidelines, the Government shall conduct relevant social and gender assessments, and shall: (i) develop a comprehensive Social and Gender Integration Plan, which, at a minimum, identifies approaches for regular, meaningful and inclusive consultations with women, the poor and other vulnerable groups, and sets forth strategies for incorporating findings of the consultations and social and gender analyses into final Project design; and (ii) ensure, through monitoring and coordination during implementation, that final Activity designs, consultancy and construction tender documents, and implementation plans are consistent with and incorporate the findings of the social and gender analyses and the Social and Gender Integration Plan. The Social and Gender Integration Plan shall include a Land Project-specific Social and Gender Integration Plan that includes a work plan for ensuring equal land tenure security for women and men.

(d)       Donor Coordination.

The WB prepared studies on the land sector in Sri Lanka that were used to inform the Land Project design. The Government shall ensure coordination with other donors active in this sector during the implementation of the Project.

MCC Funding may be used to develop a roadmap for work in the land sector.

(g)       Policy, Legal and Regulatory Reforms.

The Government shall address legislative gaps centering on decentralizing authority for the approval of absolute land grants, simplifying procedures, and ensuring gender equality in the issuance of absolute land grants, among other issues.

Gender issues– Permits and grants to State Lands are usually given to men as head of the household, and the eldest son inherits in accordance with the land law. As a result, women face barriers to have control over the State Lands for productive purposes, thus reducing their economic potential, which does not comply with MCC Gender Policy. This also places women and their children at risk when there is divorce, abandonment, death, or discord within the family.

To remedy this situation, the Government shall enact the LSPA that includes a presumption that registration of rights to absolute land grants shall be made jointly in the name of husband and wife with a time bound opt-out process that is free, fair, and without coercion.

Government shall implement amendments to the RTA that are necessary to allow for (i) joint ownership of land when a property owner conveys the rights to another party via grant, sale, or other transfer; (ii) titling of land using a general boundary survey that can later be upgraded to a cadastral survey; (iii) streamlining and decentralization of the approval for issuance of title certificate and registration of rights; and (iv) alternative dispute resolution mechanisms to resolve disputes and other problems that may prevent the titling and registration of rights in land.

In view of the above, implementation of the following reforms, in form and substance satisfactory to MCC, are necessary to ensure that the Land Project meets its Project Objective.

• The Government shall maintain the land info1mation technology (IT’) systems and to provide budget funding for the maintenance and updating of software and hardware in each year during the Compact Term;
• The Government shall maintain in place all legislation required to implement the Land Project in a timely and efficient manner;
• The Government shall make sufficient resources available to ensure that registration of land parcels occurs in a timely manner; and
• The Government shall provide data necessary to MCC for monitoring and evaluation of the outcomes of the Land Project.

1. IMPLEMENTATION FRAMEWORK

1. MCA-Sri Lanka.

(a)       Independence and Autonomy.

The Government shall establish an accountable entity, MCA-Sri Lanka, as a company limited by guarantee that shall be created under the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007.

MCA-Sri Lanka shall be the Government’s primary agent responsible for exercising the Government’s right and obligations to oversee, manage, and implement the Program and Projects.

1. Implementing Entities.

Subject to the terms and conditions of this Compact, the Program Implementation Agreement, and any other related agreement entered into in connection with this Compact, the Government may engage one or more entities of the Government to assist with implementing any Project or Activity (or a component thereof) (each, an Implementing Entity”).

The appointment of any Implementing Entity shall be subject to review and approval by MCC. The Government shall ensure that the roles and responsibilities of each Implementing Entity and other appropriate terms are set forth in an agreement, in form and substance satisfactory to MCC (each an Implementing Entity   Agreement”).

1. Fiscal Agent.

Unless MCC agrees otherwise in writing, the Government shall engage an individual or firm with expertise in fiscal management to serve as fiscal agent (the Fiscal Agent”), which shall be responsible for assisting the Government with its fiscal management and assuring appropriate fiscal accountability of MCC Funding.The duties of the Fiscal Agent shall include those set forth in the Program Implementation Agreement and an agreement, in form and substance satisfactory to MCC, between the Government and the Fiscal Agent.

1. Procurement Agent.

Unless MCC agrees otherwise in writing, the Government shall engage one or more procurement agents (the Procurement Agent”) to carry out and certify specified procurement activities in furtherance of this Compact. The roles and responsibilities of the Procurement Agent shall be set fo1ih in the Program Implementation Agreement or such agreement as the Government enters into with the Procurement Agent, which agreement shall be in form and substance satisfactory to MCC. The Procurement Agent shall adhere to the procurement standards set forth in the MCC Program Procurement Guidelines and ensure procurements are consistent with the Procurement Plan by the Government pursuant to the Program Implementation Agreement, unless MCC agrees otherwise in writing.

ANNEX II

MULTI-YEAR FINANCIAL PLAN SUMMARY

This Annex II sets forth a multi-year financial plan summary (Multi-Year Financial Plan Summary”) for the Program as Exhibit A hereto. By such time as specified in the Program Implementation Agreement, the Government shall adopt, subject to MCC approval, a multi-year financial plan that includes, in addition to the multi-year summary of estimated MCC Funding and any Government contribution of funds and resources, the annual and quarterly funding requirements for the Program (including administrative costs), which for each Project, shall be projected both on a commitment and cash requirement basis.

ATMS Activity:

(a)  The Government shall provide funds for operations and maintenance of the ATMS.

BTSM Activity:

(a)  Political Economy:

The Government shall commit to implement and enforce new reforms.

3.1       Goal, Outcome, Output, and Process Indicators

(a)       The M&E Plan shall establish baselines for every Indicator (each, a Baseline”). An Indicator’s Baseline should be established prior to the start of the corresponding Project, Activity and/or sub-activity. Baselines demonstrate that the problem can be specified in measurable terms and are thus a pre-requisite for adequate intervention design. The Government shall collect Baselines on the selected Indicators or verify already collected Baselines where applicable.

Potential evaluation questions include the following. MCC and the Government shall agree on the final evaluation questions based on the final Project design.

• Is the cost of transportation (time savings and volatile organic compound savings) reduced compared to a no build” scenario? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [Time of travel and delays; Vehicle operating cost savings]
• Has the flow rate of people and goods increased as a result of the Project? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [Kilometers of travel per passenger; Hours of travel per passenger; Average speed/travel time within the network; Kilometers of travel per vehicle, disaggregated by type of vehicle].
• Has bus ridership increased as a result of the Project? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [Number of riders; Number of passenger kilometers; Number of boarding’s].

Potential evaluation questions include the following. MCC and the Government shall agree on the final evaluation questions based on the final Project design.

• Have land transactions increased? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [Number of transactions].
• Has access to land for both government and private sector improved? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [TBD].
• Is more investment taking place on land as a result of MCC’s intervention? This question links to the following outcome Indicator: [Increased investment on land].

Shenali D Waduge

The People of Sri Lanka are supposed to feel elated that the US Government is giving a ‘gift’ of $480m across a period of 5 years. This gift comes with plenty of strings. Sri Lanka has to commit to a set of preconditions which include privatizing of all state land as well as agreeing to honor undisclosed notifications sent by MCC from time to time via letters. Only after signing MCC Compact, Sri Lanka is given $32,5m. The Compact enters into force only after domestic requirements are completed, Program Implementation Agreements are signed & AG’s signed legal opinion is sent to MCC. The remaining $447.5m is given across 5 years through a private bank to a private company reporting to US Govt/MCC, established after Sri Lanka’s Parliament passes the MCC and makes MCC into a domestic law (similar to 13a). While the land project is just $67million there are a host of costings that the GoSL has to incur.

Has the GoSL prepared a costing? Have Sri Lanka’s professional bodiesincluding accountants/auditors also done a costing? 

How MCC unfolded

January 2015 – regime change

September 2015 – Co-Sponsoring of UNHRC Resolution/lifting of ban on some LTTE fronts

December 2015 – MCC Board selects Sri Lanka to develop threshold program

November 2016 – Constraints Analysis Report released by Harvard University with local inputs claiming Transport & Land as constraints to economic growth

December 2016 – Threshold becomes Compact & MCC Team is deployed in PM’s Office

November 2017 – GoSL submits project proposals as part of its Vision 2020 plan

May 2018 – Finalizing MCC Compact

MCC Agreement says a portion of $32.5m will be used for Transport Feasibility study.

HOW MUCH IS THAT?

Only after signing the MCC Agreement, $32.5m Compact CDF is given to facilitate implementation of Compact.

GoSL has agreed that MCC will directly administer & manage a component of Compact CDF” (what component is not defined)

Only after entry into force that MCC will disburse $447 to implement the Program based on yearly disbursements. Each disbursement subject to various criteria allowing MCC to even withdraw/reduce amounts.

Entry into force takes place after MCC sends GoSL a letter confirming Sri Lanka has completed domestic requirements & conditions precedent to entry into force.

These domestic requirements are

• Signing PIA by MCC & GoSL
• Letter signed & dated by Principal Representative of Govt confirming GoSL has completed domestic requirements
• AG’s letter clearing MCC
• Certified copies of all decrees, legislation, regulations & other govt documents relating to GoSL’s domestic requirements necessary for Compact & PIA

Breakdown of disbursement of MCC Funding to a private bank & handled by a private company set up in Sri Lanka.

Year 1 – $82.8m

Year 2 – $120.9m

Year 3 – $97.7m

Year 4 – $89.1m

Year 5 – $57m

MCC Agreement says Sri Lanka has to procure computers, equipment etc according to US Govt procurement rules & regulations?

HOW MUCH IS THAT FOR SRI LANKA?

MCC Funding includes clauses relating to REFUNDS, REIMBURSEMENTS of PROGRAM FUNDING or COMPACT CDF paid by Govt to MCC –

HAS THE GOSL FACTORED THIS LIKELY COSTING TO BE BORNE BY SRI LANKA?

GoSL has to pay or transfer to MCC as per PIA any interest or other earnings that accrue on MCC Funding prior to funding being used for Program

IF THE MONEY SENT BY US/MCC IS TO GO TO A PRIVATE BANK – WHY SHOULD GOSL PAY DOLLAR INTEREST TO MCC?

GoSL has to provide funds & other resources & take all other actions necessary to carry out the Governments responsibilities”. The Agreement also binds GoSL to not reduce ‘normal & expected resources it would receive or budget from sources other than MCC for activities contemplated under Compact & Program.

Clause 2.6d says MCC Funding is ONLY in ADDITION to resources GoSL budgets for Compact/Program

HOW MUCH IS THIS LIKELY COST to SRI LANKA?

Section 2.8 declares MCC Funding free from payments or imposition of ‘existing, future taxes, duties, levies, contributions or similar charges’ at national, regional, local or other governmental or taxing authority in Sri Lanka.

This includes tariffs, customs duties, import taxes, export taxes, sales tax, value added tax, excise tax, PROPERTY TRANSFER TAX, taxes on OWNERSHIP, POSSESSION, charges on INCOME, PROFITS, social security applicable to ALL NATURAL or LEGAL PERSONS performing work in connection with MCC except Sri Lankan citizens.

GIVEN THAT THESE ACTIVITIES HAVE A COST – DOES THIS MEAN SRI LANKA HAS TO INDIRECTLY BEAR THAT COST. IF SO, HOW MUCH IS IT?

The MCC will not be paying any taxes, duties – what is the likely cost GoSL will have to incur as a loss of revenue as GoSL would be tasked to facilitate most of these project efforts.

GoSL has to follow US Procurement guidelines, rules & regulations.

WOULD THAT ENTAIL ANY ADDITIONAL COST TO THE GOVT. HOW MUCH?

The GoSL’s responsibilities are covered in the following sections

Section 5 – use of MCC Funding

Section 2.7 – Limitations to MCC Funding

Section 2.8 – Taxes

Section 3.7 – Records, Accounting, Covered Providers, Access

Section 3.8 – Audits Reviews

Section 3.9 – Intellectual Property

Section 5.2 – Consequences of Termination, Suspension or Expiration

Section 5.3 – Refunds & Violations

Section 5.4 – Late Payment interest

Section 6.4 –  Governing Law (International law)

MCC says it will remain until it is satisfied Sri Lanka has satisfactorily completed the Compact agreement. MCC also claims that over 20 years 11m are to benefit by its Compact (7m from Transport Project & 5m from Land Project).

DOES THIS MEAN MCC WILL REMAIN IN SRI LANKA FOR 20 YEARS?

MCA-Sri Lanka has to undertake measures to avoid adverse environmental & social impacts.

HOW MUCH WILL THIS COST THE GOSL?

Who is responsible for Land Acquisition & Resettlement?
WHAT IS THIS COST THAT GOSL WILL HAVE TO BEAR?

GoSL has to develop and implement a national campaign on female safety throughout Government transport system

WHAT IS THE COST TO THE GOSL FOR THIS CAMPAIGN & ROLL OUT?

GoSL has to conduct gender & social assessment analysis, a social & gender integration plan

WHAT IS THE COST TO THE GOSL FOR THIS?

GoSL has to include a ‘distinct budget category in the national budget for the ATMS Activity as well as allocate sufficient funds to cover cost of staffing & O&M requirements at each stage of ATMS implementation

HOW MUCH IS THIS GOING TO COST THE GOSL? 

GoSL has to establish a steering committee to develop, manage, maintain & update operations for traffic management system & facilitate maintenance & protection of traffic during construction

HOW MUCH WILL GOSL NEED TO ALLOCATE FOR THIS?

The Transport Project also requires GoSL to facilitate deployment & adoption of an automated fare card system & performance-based bus operations.

IS THIS COSTED INTO TRANSPORT PROJECT VIA MCC FUNDING OR IS IT A SEPARATE COST BORN BY GOSL – IF SO, HOW MUCH?

The MCC also requires GoSL to fund any intervention requiring direct support of Sri Lanka police during implementation of Transport Project (presumably this is if protests by public ensues)

IF SO, WHAT IS THE COST FOR THE GOSL IF BY POLICE INTERVENTION SRI LANKAN LIVES ARE LOST OR INJURED FOR LIFE?

Existing Electronic State Land Information Management System (eSLIMS)

Eland Registry System & Title Registration (known as Bim Saviya)

Land Valuation System by Valuation Department & ICTA are being incorporated into the MCC Land Project.

Have these proposals initiated by World Bank, USAID and other players who are part of MCC stake holders prepared the ground work by recommending proposals aheadof MCC? 

Are all these studies, recommendations and proposals together with funding part of a larger plan?

The Land Project includes a public outreach & communication campaign

WHO IS FUNDING THIS & HOW MUCH WILL IT COST?

Yahapalana Government outsourced cadastral mapping from Survey Dept to an American firm Trimble for a cost of $154m

IS THIS COVERED IN THE MCC OR IS IT A COSTING TO THE GOSL WHICH MEANS THIS WOULD BE AN ADDITIONAL COST TO ALL OF THE OTHER COSTS SRI LANKA HAS TO BEAR SIMPLY TO SIGN A ‘GIFT’ THAT IS $447M – IS THIS WORTHWHILE FOR SRI LANKA? 

MCC funding for Land Project is $67m and covers only 28% of land in 7 districts.

MCC claims the gift is for Sri Lanka but in reality its land project is covering 28% of land area in 7 districts (Anuradhapura,Kandy,Kegalle,Kurunegala,Matale,Polonnaruwa,andTrincomalee) while GoSL has to bear the rest of the cost. How viable is this for Sri Lanka?

MCC also claims that the State Land inventory system will enable GoSL to see who are ‘occupying state lands’ & determine their rights

is this another way of telling GoSL to evict citizens living on State land?

MCC Land Project $67m will fund the following as per agreement

Preparation of parcel fabric map in Targeted districts (is this not being done by Trimble under $154m cadastral mapping outsourced by yahapalana)

Inventory & mapping of State Land Parcels vested in State institutions in the 7 districts (is this also not being done by Trimble)

MCC MAY support preparation of parcel fabric map in geographical areas outside of targeted districts. (what is MCC implying by geographical areas — is it where our best mineral resources are hidden which MCC claims this lcovers 67% of land area – which makes up virtually all of Sri Lanka)

MCC – Deeds Registry – MCC will fund scanning digitizing paper records, land parcel identification to include in eland registry & then linked to digital parcel fabric map to facilitate real property transactions.

MCC will fund creation of digital folio for each land parcel

MCC will fund capacity building and training at land registry offices & upgrading of 10 deeds registry offices in the 7 targeted districts

IF MCC IS ONLY FUNDING ONLY 10 LAND REGISTRIES AND ONLY 7 DISTRICTS, THE GOSL WILL HAVE TO BEAR THE COST FOR THE REST.

HOW MUCH WILL THIS COST THE GOSL? WILL IT NOT BE MORE THAN THE $67M ALLOCATED FOR THE 10 LAND REGISTRIES IN 7 DISTRICTS BY MCC?

Why is there any requirement for MCC Funding to create a title registration system of not only private lands which was what Title Registration Act was originally meant to do but transfer State land also into title registration system?

When the apparatus for deed system already exists, why should GoSL make legislative changes to the Title Registration Act to incorporate what already exists under customary law & applied to deed system?

Why is MCC wanting everyone to have freehold title deeds with provision for easy sale & demanding GoSL remove restrictions for such sales?

Why does MCC want GoSL to pass the Land Special Provisions Act privatizing all state land before signing of MCC? MCC Funding will only come about after LSPA has been done. 

MCC acknowledges that Title Registration Act passed in 1998 commenced only in 2006 and has done only 600,000 title registrations out of 8m private properties.

The Commissioner of Titles also acknowledges the legal difficulties of transferring from deeds to title registration. The MCC answer is to change legislation every time legal issues crop up. This is not a solution & will only impact the land owners.

According to the Commissioner of Titles in 2018 Report – there are 12m blocks of land

GoSL has spent $2.5m per year to do less than 1million blocks. 

Based on this cost GoSL will take 240 years to do the remaining blocks & have to spend over $50m to do so. If these figures are wrong the GoSL must produce true costs.

MCC says 5million beneficiaries in 20 years.

WHO IS GOING TO FUND GOSL to transfer to title certificate from already existing deed simply because MCC wants to roll out its Compact in Sri Lanka?

GoSL must establish a Land Policy Research Group

HOW MUCH IS THIS TO COST THE GOSL?

The LPRG is to also conduct a mandatory study on scale and management of encroachment in nationally protected areas

WHO IS GOING TO FUND THIS? HOW MUCH WILL IT COST IF THE GOSL HAS TO BEAR THIS COST?

GoSL has to also maintain land information technology systems & provide budget funding for its maintenance & updating of software and hardware across 5 years.

HOW MUCH IS THIS GOING TO COST THE GOSL & HAS THE GOSL BUDGETED THIS COST NOT INCLUDING INTO MCC FUNDING?

GoSL has to also bear project costs & project-associated costs for O&M & any systems or data put in place

HOW MUCH IS THIS LIKELY TO BE & HAS THE GOSL COSTED THIS?

Where is the money for the Assurance Fund?

Under Title registration act, land owners defrauded of their lands cannot go to courts to regain their land – their only solace is the Assurance Fund which the GoSL must maintain.

In lieu of court action, the people are given only compensation for their lost land.

The Assurance Fund will also have to cover land lost from the 10 Lang Registries in 7 districts that MCC is Funding. 

Is this the ‘gift’ that Sri Lanka’s land owners are getting from MCC?

The Land Registry is now charging a fee for registration of title certificates. As there is no money in the Assurance Fund. This is like an insurance premium – money built up by charging us the land owners. This fee will be increasing as is happening in other countries.

After making legislative changes demanded by MCC

After getting AG to sign approval

After catering to all domestic requirements demanded by MCC

After passing MCC in Parliament – making MCC Agreement a domestic law

After passing MCC in Parliament by agreeing to apply only international law to a domestic enactment

After forming a private company to administer entire MCC program & funding

After appointing State officials to that private company as Board of Directors

After opening a private bank account to which MCC sends funds

After agreeing to take all responsibilities for actions of the private company reporting to MCC

After agreeing to pay an unknown amount of funds and obligations to US/MCC

MCC claims that  it consulted a plethora of individuals & organizations & sought their consent. Every public official, private sector, civil society & development partners. government ministries & agencies, CCC and AMCHAM Sri Lanka who okayed this agreement ignoring the implications to the country must be held accountable for putting Sri Lanka into a vulnerable situation.

WHAT EXACTLY IS SRI LANKA & ITS PEOPLE GETTING OUT OF THIS MCC????

Shenali D Waduge

Chandre Dharmawardana

“Wigneswaran …..Presumably hoping for a wider, protracted debate on that element. The Govt side very effectively scuttled his hopes by nixing any such debate during event.”

This sort of thing has gone on since the 1930s. In fact, the first Sinhala-Tamil riot in 1939 August occurred when G. G. Ponnambalam alluded to the ancient history of the Tamils in Sri lanka, while the condemning the Sinhalese as a “mongrel race” descended from the tamils. He claimed at a meeting in Nwalapitiya that Vijaya was Vijayan, and Kashyapa was Kasi-appan. The riot which began to spread widely was put down with force by the British Raj and it ended in a day, unlike the communal riots under Bandaranaike or JR Jayawardena..

In fact, just prior to Independence D. S. Senanayake followed the same tactic of NOT arguin with the Tamil leaders in front of the Soulbury commission. He forebade people like S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike who was the leading Sinhala nationalist and spokesman of the Sinhala Maha Sabha and all members of his party (nascent UNP) from making any presentations in front of the Soulbury commission.

G. G. Ponnambalam Senior talked and harangued for three days, claiming that

1. the Tamils are discriminated with respect to jobs.

2. The existence of the Buddhist Temporalities act and place given to Buddhism by  treaty discriminated against tamils.

3. There was no port in the North comparable to Colombo and discriminated against the tamils.

4.  There were no hospitals comparable to Colombo in the North.

5.  The British favoured the Sinhalese.

6.  The expatriate tamils who had been working in British colonies and had come back to Sri lanka because of the 1930s ecomomic depression should be given government employment in preference to the “uneducated” sinhalese.

7. Seananayak’s irrigation schemes favoured the Sinhalese
8. Etc, etc

9. The Tamils, although a small demographic must be given an equal number of seats in parliament (50 for Tamils and any minorities who join his party, and 50 for Sinhalese) – the  infamous  50-50 demand.

G. G. Ponnambalam talked for three days, making the same sort of wild assertions made by Wigneswarn today (but only for a very brief period given to him).

There was no rebuttal. It was implied and made known that GGP’s claims were so preposterous that no rebuttal was necessary.

The Muslim leaders like T. B. Jayah opposed GGP in brief presentations. Some Kandyan leaders wanted power to themselves.

But Soulbury ordered the Ceylon Civil Service heads  of various departments to research each of the claims. Many of the top civil servants were British and tamil, with very few sinhalese. However, the civil service brought out solid evidence showing the highly favourable position occupied by the Tamils in almost every sphere of public and commercial endevours in Sri lanka, debunking the claims of GGPonnambalam.

Meanwhile D. S. Senanayake and others, while publicly boycotting the Soulbury commission, feted and dined them in private and took them on trips in the country to show sights, irrigation works etc., and got them entirely into their pockets.

Soulbury wrote that G. G. Ponnambalam is trying to put justice and fairplay upside down, and rejected Ponnambalam so hard that Ponnambalam’s political future became in doubt.

Then, after letting GGP eat humbe pie for an year or so, DS Senanayake the master tactician asked GGP to join his Cabinet, and even help to draft the Indian citizenship act which denied citizenship to estate workers unless they had 7 years of continuous residence in the country. Vaitiyalingam, GGPonna etc, were involved in drafting that bill whicvh the Tamils mof today blame on D. S. Seanayake. In 1952 GGPonnambalam campaigned hard against the ITAK of SJV Chelvanayagam who pushed a Tamil Nationalist program. That is GGPonnambalam effectively rejected his old policies.

However, after DSSenanayake’s death, the ignorant and naive John Kotelawala

undid all this by going to Jaffna and telling ITAK agents who hosted him that he will make Tamil an official language [where as DS senanayake has said he will not make the official languages issue “a political football” and avoided the issue.

 He wanted to take it up later, “behind the curtain”. I do not know if that was a feasible tactic. Buddhist leaders like Mr. Mettanada, Ven Kalukondayawe  and others were very unhappy with the position taken by DSSeanayake, although Dr. Malalasekera, Baron Jayatilleke and others agreed (or vacillated) that the language question should not be brought out as an election issue.

But this most experienced and cunning politician who had the British rulers in his pocket died when he fell of a horse, and John Kothelawala became PM by accident. 

[The best account of all this is found in the book by the British Historian Dr. Jane Russell, Communal Politics under the Donoughmore commission, 1931-1948, published in 1982 or 1984 by Tissara Prakashakayo. You can also google it].

Today, the situation is different. Just as the Soulbury commission did, the government must give a dignified (non polemical) response to Wigneswaran so that Wigneswaran has no platform to put out his theater and become a Tamil Nationalist hero worth a tuppence.

Gotabhaya, in appointing the task force for the preservation of archaeological sites, is moving in the right direction.

The fact that what Wigneswaran said has got into the Hansaard is of no importance. there are already much worse things said there in the Hansard, from GGPonnambalam Sr in the state council, by SJV Chelvanayagam, EMV Naganathan,  Amirthalingam etc, in the Parliament.

Does any one (except a historian) know much about them?

So what Wigneswarn said is nothing in comparison – he is making sounds to be heard by his diaspora funding agents.

Chandre Dharmawardana

Malinda Seneviratne

On December 26, 2004, just two days after Sri Lanka was hit by the tsunami, an infant was found among the debris on the Kalmunai beach. Abhilash was his name, but no one knew it. He was given a number, 81. There were various people claiming parenthood. The matter was eventually resolved by court and DNA tests.   

Now in the Ummagga Jathaka, the pundit Mahoushada, not having the benefit of DNA tests, resolved a dispute over maternity by asking each claimant to grab the child and pull. It appeared to be a test of physical strength but the pundit was depending on the strength of the heart to resolve the dispute. The ‘mother’ who let go was given custody of the child.   

This is a fable that cuts across time and place with slight variations, for example in the Judgment of Solomon in the Hebrew Bible. Bertold Brecht used it in his well known play ‘The Caucasian Chalk Circle,’ but with a twist. A DNA test would have wrecked it and Azdak would have had to rule in favour of Natella, but Grusha, whose love for the child was true and unfettered by thoughts of estates and finance refuses to comply. She lost, technically, but won the judgment.   

It’s all about attachment. About true sentiments. And that’s the preamble to the matter at hand, that of the tussle for the solitary national list seat allocated to the Ape Jana Bala Pakshaya. In this case, there are three claimants, all of them bikkhus.   

There is Ven. Athureliye Rathana Thera, a veteran parliamentarian and a long-time activist on all kinds of issues including environment, chemical-free agriculture, countering terrorism and at times a Sinhala Buddhist nationalist. He played a key role in the regime change that occurred in 2015. There is Ven. Galabodaaththe Gnanasara Thera, the strident voice of the Bodu Bala Sena. Some would call both of them ‘extremists’ but one notes that the name-callers are loath to use the nomenclature when speaking of ardent advocates of terrorism and fundamentalism in other ethnic and religious communities. Then there is Ven. Vedinigama Wimalatissa Thera, the Secretary of the party, who is relatively unknown.   

Now we can have a discussion on whether bikkhus should be in Parliament. Well, they cannot be denied privileges that other citizens have if the Buddhist Order does not object. Anyway, if it’s alright for Eran Wickramaratne (a pastor) to be in Parliament, then it can’t be wrong for any of these bikkhus to be there; if there is a lay-clergy distinction that people want to have, it must be 
applied consistently.   

If it is alright for Pilleyan, it can’t be wrong for Ven Gnanasara. Pilleyan is a former terrorist, Ven Gnanasara has taken extreme stands and has infringed upon the law (and paid for it) but no one has accused him of forced conscription of children, deadly attacks on civilians and the like. If it’s alright for M.A. Sumanthiran and C.V. Wigneswaran, both with track records of either openly celebrating terrorists and terrorism or else being mouthpieces for the same, then it should be alright for anyone who speaks for his/her community, these three theras included. No, this can’t be about such things.   At first glance it sounds ridiculous. Parliament can be a place where  any ideology can be articulated or where the interests of any community  (ethnic, religious, ideological) can be represented, true. However, to  imagine that having the seat is crucial is downright silly  

This is not even about who has the legitimate claim. It is not about who has what it takes, legitimacy notwithstanding. It’s about the why and why-not, the how and how-not-to, as per the philosophy and truth-ascertaining in the stories mentioned above.   

What do these theras want? Well, the seat. What do they say they want it for? Why, to represent Sinhala Buddhist interests. It’s a parliamentary seat that is being treated like a baby called ‘Sinhala Buddhist Interests’ or ‘Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism.’

At first glance it sounds ridiculous. Parliament can be a place where any ideology can be articulated or where the interests of any community (ethnic, religious, ideological) can be represented, true. However, to imagine that having the seat is crucial is downright silly, as is the perception that one is the best articulator of the particular standpoint. I recall the film director and senior journalist at the Divaina, Jayantha Chandrasiri, making an interesting observation about 15 years ago: ‘Hela urumaya naaganiddith sinhala bauddha jaathika mathakaya issarahata yanava [even as the (Jathika) Hela Urumaya messes things up in style, Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism goes from strength to strength].’   

Now maybe the JHU did play a role, but it would be simplistic to reduce whatever gains of this particular political project to their efforts alone. It just does not happen that way. Indeed the Ape Jana Bala Pakshaya is politically very much weaker than the weakest the JHU has been. Furthermore, they cannot claim sole ownership of the Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism brand. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) makes no bones about being nationalist. The SLPP has in Parliament people like Sarath Weerasekera, Gevindu Kumaratunga and Anupa Pasqual (if you want to say that Mahinda Rajapaksa is a fake nationalist just like his most ardent followers in Parliament). The President of the country is a nationalist. The Leader of the Opposition, Sajith Premadasa and his party (Samagi Jana Balavegaya) have been badmouthed by those who have an axe to grind with anything Sinhala and Buddhist. Premadasa is by default a nationalist. None of them are anything like Ven Gnanasara Thera, but they all belong to the same school.   

The three theras are tugging (metaphorically) at a baby. They would like Sinhala Buddhists to believe that each of them is best suited to take care of the baby. They would like Sinhala Buddhists to believe that the baby is, indeed, ‘Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism.’ Well, it is hard to believe that Sinhala Buddhists would in the first place want to have an entire community reduced to a chair in a large hall. 

No, people and ideas, communities and identities have multiple addresses. These three theras are trying to make their loyalists believe that everything can be irrecoverably lost if the seat itself was lost. If they truly believe this, they are mistaken.   

In any event, at some level, this side of the Buddha’s advocacy of treating things with equanimity, it is ‘true concern’ that is being tested, then the truly concerned will take a step back. The seat will be lost, but the right to represent community will be regained.   

By Dr Palitha Kohona Courtesy Asian Tribune

What the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) succeeded in achieving was amazing. Covid19 wreaked havoc around the world but could not turn out the lights. The world continued to be lit up. But the CEB, either accidentally, due to an unmanageable cause or otherwise, succeeded in plunging the whole country into darkness just as a newly elected government was establishing itself in power and a new Minister with little experience in powering the nation was taking over. One begins to wonder why the plunge into darkness occurred just at this crucial juncture. Was it simply Karume?

Since lunchtime on 17th August 2020, the power supply to the entire country was cut off. The supply was restored in some parts of the country after about six hours and some parts remained cut off till much later. Intermittent power cuts continue. As such, it appears that the CEB Board which enjoys the monopoly for the supply of electricity has succeeded doing, what the Covid19 Pandemic failed to achieve, due to the heroic and selfless efforts of other segments of much less privileged but dedicated government officialdom.

The much-beleaguered spokesman at the Ministry of Power was heard to offer restoration of the supply within two hours. The brand-new Minister with all of four days of exposure to the responsibilities of this vital sector was less firm and, as it turned out, more than six hours were required for even the critical sections to be provided with power.

One cannot help but wonder, if this is the new normal we can expect from the electricity sector which the consumers will have to grit their teeth and bear in the future, not to mention the grave negative impacts on the national economy which is struggling to recover.

In the light of a similar event that occurred in the year 2016, with the breakdown of a major transformer at the Kotugoda Grid Substation, the rest of the network went down like a set of dominoes, resulting in an island-wide power loss. It was hoped that necessary corrective action would have been taken in the past years so that a single event of this nature could not result in a nationwide blackout. The fact is that not much seems to have changed in the interim as evidenced by the breakdown of a major transformer at Norochcholai via which all the wind power from the myriad of windmills is fed to the national grid. Wind power is only a small segment of CEB’s power supply.

The world, conscious of its commitments to itself and to future generations, is progressively embracing renewable energy while Sri Lanka’s monopoly utility is finding it difficult to shed its attachment to highly polluting fossil fuels. The new Minister, representing a Government which made a solemn campaign commitment to the electorate that the country would rely on renewables to meet 80% of its electricity needs by 2030, for the sake of the country and future generations, must urgently address this issue, which has given rise to a heated debate. It is now the sacred responsibility of the utility to deliver the Government’s policy commitment.

Fortunately, it did not result in a prolonged blackout but there are no signs that the situation would be rectified any time soon, losing this valuable renewable energy source of the country. No doubt the resulting shortfall in energy would be supplied by the oil-based power plants with the IPP owners grinning all the way to their offshore banks. Of course, the resulting additional loss to the CEB, which is already mired in debt, will be passed on to the general public. In many other democracies, there would have been hell to pay but not here.

It is acceptable that a complex power network would sometimes face technical problems and the failure of some elements is to be accepted. However, a well-designed and well-maintained network and equipment are required to ensure that such failures occur only rarely. This would mean the adoption of proper and timely preventive maintenance procedures and the diligent implementation of such procedures. In both cases mentioned at Kotugoda and Norochcholai , many searching questions have been asked if there were lapses on the part of the CEB.

It will be recalled that after the incident in 2016, the Minister in charge at the time appointed an expert committee to probe in to the matter and make recommendations for preventive action. But nothing is known of the outcome of the deliberations of that committee. Most certainly no one has been found liable for any dereliction of duty and appropriately penalized.

Does one more committee report appear to have ended in the bin?

Minster Alahaperuma too has instructed his Secretary to appoint yet another committee and demanded a report within a week. (The report was submitted this week). The general public has no faith in such committees which hitherto have proved to be a waste of time of some diligent experts and certainly of public funds too, with no tangible result.

However, the most pertinent question to be asked, which we hope that the proposed Expert Committee too would ask is, why should a single event, reportedly a technical problem yet to be satisfactorily explained at the Kerawalapitiya grid substation linking the West Coal Power plant, (The power plant executives have denied any fault with the power plant itself), and the transformer failure at the Kotugoda GSS in 2016, could result in an Island-wide power outage, without any preventive measures kicking in to prevent or minimize such catastrophe? Sri Lanka with a proud record of an island-wide electrical grid and decades of experience in the sector is still continuing to operate without such safeguards. One can only guess the potential damage, economic loss, and social disruptions, which the country at large and individual citizens had to endure under such circumstances.

Both the Minster and the Secretary would need the advice of truly independent experts to get to the bottom of this situation if the new government too is not to be mired in the barrage of arguments adding to popular disaffection, some mischievously inaccurate, disseminated by interested parties. This is already happening with attempts to attribute this failure to the solar power systems, the development of which the CEB has gone to great lengths to stifle. (Solar, incidentally, is a rapidly expanding source of electrical energy globally and is decreasing in cost with every passing year. In many countries it is cheaper than coal when all factors are taken into account). In Sri Lanka, the present contribution by solar to the national grid is less than 2% and is distributed throughout the country. It is ludicrous to believe that the small solar input could cause such a major instability when countries like Australia and Germany are already having over 20% solar integration and with more wind power being added as well. Obviously, the answer lies elsewhere and needs to be urgently probed and corrected.

The Minster is well-advised to call for the report submitted by the last committee and seek confidential advice from the experts who served on that committee on the outcome of their findings and recommendations.

This would certainly enable him to issue a well-considered and focused Terms of Reference to the new committees to enlarge on whatever the previous committee had determined.

In the meanwhile, the hapless consumers can only hope that the President’s Vision for a” Resplendent and Prosperous Nation” Saubhagye Dekma” does not get diluted, for which a vast improvement of the electricity sector is a most important ingredient.

Countries party to the Paris Accord of 2015, including Sri Lanka, made a solemn international legal commitment to reduce GHG emissions and to a low carbon future in order to keep global warming at 2 degrees Celsius above pre industrial levels. The ideal would be just1.5 degrees. It is quite likely that countries which do not comply with their commitments will increasingly come in for international criticism, and generate negative perceptions. Sri Lanka which has fared well internationally on environmental issues, at this stage, cannot afford to create yet another stick for its back.

In addition to the legal commitment, it makes eminent economic sense to migrate to renewables, in particular solar and wind power, as has been so convincingly demonstrated by a range of other countries. As of 2020, there are at least 37 countries around the world with a cumulative PV capacity of more than one thousand gigawatts (GW). By the end of 2019, a cumulative amount of 629 GW of solar power was installed throughout the world. By early 2020, the leading country for solar power generation was China with 208 GW, accounting for one-third of global installed solar capacity. China is also the biggest producer of solar panels. By the end of 2016, the cumulative photovoltaic capacity increased by more than 75 GW and reached at least 303 GW, sufficient to supply approximately 1.8 percent of the world’s total electricity consumption. The top installers of 2016 through 2019 were China, the United States, and India.

In Germany, renewables account for more than 46% of its electricity supply and Germany is a modern industrial country. Germany, despite being located in the global temperate zone, had the world’s largest photovoltaic installed capacity until 2014, and as of 2020 it has 49 GW. It is also the world’s third country by installed wind power capacity, at 59 GW in 2018, and second for offshore wind, with over 4 GW. Germany has been called “the world’s first major renewable energy economy”.

Solar energy is lauded as an inexhaustible fuel source that is pollution – and mostly noise-free. The technology is also versatile. For example, solar cells generate energy for far-out places like satellites in Earth orbit and cabins deep in the Rocky Mountains as easily as they can power downtown buildings and futuristic cars. Solar energy can power remote villages at a lower cost. Newly developed efficient batteries make solar a cost-effective option that avoids the need for long stretches of dangerous and unsightly cabling. The cost of batteries has been declining rapidly.

Wind power is also extensively relied upon as countries migrate to renewables. Anyone driving through Europe can not but help notice vast fields of wind farms dotting the countryside and also providing an additional income source to farmers. China has an installed capacity of 221 GW and is the leader in wind energy, with over a third of the world’s capacity. The US comes second with 96.4 GW of installed capacity. Germany, India Spain, the United Kingdom, France, and Brazil have embraced wind energy enthusiastically.

By 2018, several countries had achieved high levels of wind power penetration, 41% of stationary electricity production in Denmark, 28% in Ireland, 24% in Portugal, and 19% in Spain. These are countries whose industries depend on stable supplies of electricity.

Reflecting, the changing global attitudes, funding for fossil fuels is drying up and there is a lesson to be learned here. The European Union will stop funding oil, gas and coal projects by the end of 2021, cutting €2bn of yearly investments. The head of the World Bank’s private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation, has announced a bold” new policy, which would see it working with commercial banks, investment funds, and other financial institutions to shed coal from their investment portfolios. While the IFC does not directly finance coal-related activities, some of the institutions it invests in, do.

Between 2010 and 2016, the global weighted average cost of electricity from utility-scale solar PV plants commissioned in those years fell 69%, from USD 0.36 to USD 0.11/kWh. At the same time, the 1st and 99th percentile values fell from a range of USD 0.13 to USD 0.49/kWh to a range of USD 0.07 to USD 0.26/kWh.

The International Renewable Energy Agency’s REN2 report indicates that new solar photovoltaic (PV) and onshore wind power facilities cost less than keeping many existing coal plants in operation. With the factual evidence of the competitiveness of renewable energy staring at us, in fact, glaring at us, it is difficult to understand why the CEB remains wedded to polluting fossil fuels which will make Sri Lanka, which is unfairly endowed with renewable energy sources, an international outcast for yet another reason.

Minister Dulles Alahapperuma will be well advised to study the international trends and Sri Lanka’s own international commitments as he formulates his approach to the difficult question of sustainably managing our energy supply.

Dr. Palitha T. B. Kohona, a Sri Lankan born diplomat, was the former Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations (UN). Until August 2009 he was the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was the Former Secretary-General of the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process.

– Asian Tribune –

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

While congratulating the Lankan army for its role in COVID control, the DG Indian army medical corps stressed the need for international cooperation in pandemic control

Colombo, August 27 (newsin.asia): A virtual experts’ level interaction through webinar took place between the Indian Army and the Sri Lanka Army Medical Corps on August 27. The aim of the webinar was to discuss Standard Operating Procedures, best practices and issues concerning COVID management by both the armies with special focus on Force Protection and Preservation Measures”.

The webinar was inaugurated by Lt Gen A.K. Hooda, Director General of Medical Services (Indian Army) wherein he complimented the success achieved by the Sri Lanka Armed Forces in handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka. The DGMS (Indian Army) also brought out that to effectively deal with and contain the COVID-19 pandemic, it is essential that countries, especially in the neighbourhood, join hands.

The event was graced by the presence of Maj Gen (Dr) SH Munasinghe, Secretary of Health, Government of Sri Lanka. The Secretary in his address emphasised the importance of such platforms to share best practices and knowledge so as to tackle this global pandemic effectively. The Secretary also brought out that the spread of the pandemic has been kept under check in Sri Lanka owing to the foresight and proactive steps initiated by the Government under the guidance of the Sri Lankan President.

By P.K.Balachandran Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Dr.V.K.Valsan is to be Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner in South India, based in Chennai

Colombo, August 27 (newsin.asia): Asoka Milinda Moragoda better known Milinda Moragoda, is tipped to be Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in India, reliable sources said.

Dr.V.K.Valsan is to be Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner in South India, based in Chennai. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government is keen on strengthening ties with the four States of South India. Dr.Valsan had been Deputy High Commissioner in Chennai earlier during the Presidency of R.Premadasa and was subsequently Sri Lankan Ambassador in Sweden.

The President attaches great importance to relations with India as good relations with the giant neighbor is necessary for prosperity and peace in Sri Lanka. It is learnt that Moragoda, who belongs to the President’s inner circle, will continue to be of assistance to the President even as he functions as High Commissioner in New Delhi.

Moragoda is to appear before the High Posts Committee of the Sri Lankan parliament, the sanction of which is mandatory for posts of Ambassador’s rank.

A 1964-born politician and businessman, Moragoda has a fund of experience as an international negotiator and as a Cabinet Minister. He was a Member of Parliament from 2001 to 2010. He served as the Minister of Justice and Law Reform (2009-2010), Minister of Tourism (2007–2009); Minister for Economic Reform, Science and Technology and Deputy Minister for Plan Implementation and Development (2002–2004). His last political post was that of Opposition Leader in the Colombo Municipal Council and Senior Adviser to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

He was a key interlocutor during the Norway-facilitated Peace Process involving the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) between 2002 and 2004. He is the founder of Pathfinder Foundation, a Colombo-based think tank which is linked to leading think tanks in India, China and other countries.

Moragoda has served as a member of the Commission on Legal Empowerment of the Poor, which was co-chaired by Madeleine Albright and Hernando de Soto. He has founded a number of non-profit organizations. Among them is the Milinda Moragoda Institute for People’s Empowerment, under whose aegis operates a humanitarian de-mining program in the war-devastated North and East of Sri Lanka, and Apeksha, a free English Education Program for children of low income families.

The Order of Rio Branco was conferred on Moragoda by the Government of Brazil for services he rendered to Brazil as Honorary Consul for Brazil (1990–2004). In 1999 the World Economic Forum, based in Geneva, nominated Moragoda to serve as a Global Leader of Tomorrow (2000-2005). They again selected him to serve as a member of the newly created group of Young Global Leaders in 2005.

Forthright on matters of public policy Moragoda has written against the continuance of the Provincial Councils system which he feels has not delivered the goods. He is also for the strengthening of the Executive Presidency, as, in his view, a strong Presidency is key to rapid development.

Courtesy The Daily News

Kitul to be planted in landslide prone areas:Strict laws to stop felling Palmyra trees:Two million home gardens to receive 4 million Coconut saplings:

President plans to promote Kitul and Palmyra into main export crops- Time: 18:28 President Gotabaya Rajapaksa revealed his intention to develop Kitul(Fishtail Palms) and Palmyra Palms plantation into main export crops of Sri Lanka in order to open a new avenue of foreign exchange earning. President pointed out to the officials the requirement of an appropriate procedure to promote Kitul and Palmyra plantations and remove obstacles in the field in order to encourage production, stated the President’s Media Division.
 President advised the officials to take swift steps to establish a separate State Institute for Kitul and strictly enforce the laws prohibiting the cutting down of Palmyra trees. He made these recommendations during a discussion to review the future plans of the State Ministry of Coconut, Kitul, Palmyra and Rubber Product Promotion and Allied Industrial Production and Export Diversification at the Presidential Secretariat yesterday. President Rajapaksa highlighted the importance of this State Ministry as it is capable of bringing in a large sum of foreign exchange into the country. President advised the officials to devise short term plans for the new State Ministry. When the subject of Coconut plantation was first taken up for discussion it was noted that the annual coconut production in the country is at 3 billion nuts and 1.8 billion nuts are used for local consumption. President highlighted the requirement of developing coconut plantations with the aim of increasing exports. Instructions were given to expedite the plantation of coconut trees in identified lands in a number of areas including the Northern and Eastern provinces. Abandoned paddy lands identified by the Land Use Policy Planning Department will also be used for this purpose. Head of the Presidential Task Force for Economic Revival, Basil Rajapaksa stated that steps should be taken to plant 4 million coconut saplings in 2 million home gardens during September. The proposal to set a fixed price for Coconuts was also discussed at the meeting. The need for using hybrid seeds for a better production was also discussed. Annual income from rubber exportation is Rs 600 million and strategies have been made to raise the revenue to Rs. 2000 million in 2020. President also suggested to introduce rubber variants and plantation of rubber trees in the slope areas instead of Fines trees. Basil Rajapaksa highlighted the importance of restricting importation of rubber in order to encourage and strengthen the local rubber producers and rubber plantations. In addition, he also stressed the requirement of a procedure to import rubber only to meet the demand of the local manufacturers who are engaged in rubber-related products. The importance of ascertaining how the crape rubber exported from Sri Lanka is used in other countries for their production purposes was also stressed during the discussion Minister Ramesh Pathirana, State Minister Arundika Fernando, Secretary to the President, P.B. Jayasundera, officials attached to both the Ministry and State Ministry and several representatives from plantation and production institutes were present at the meeting.

by Melani Manel Perera Courtesy AsiaNews.it

Centrally located on the island, the Kandakadu Rehab Centre has become a COVID-19 cluster, with 629 people infected. About 50,000 Sri Lankans have lost their jobs abroad from lockdowns and plan to come home.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – The number of people infected with the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus continues to rise in Sri Lanka, especially at one rehab centre and from the growing number of Sri Lankan migrants coming home.

Overall, some 2,984 cases have been reported in the country with 12 deaths. The authorities yesterday added ten more cases at the Kandakadu Treatment and Rehabilitation Centre and two cases involving Sri Lankans returning from the Maldives.

The possible spread in correctional and other facilities is of great concern. The Kandakadu centre, which is centrally located, has become a COVID-19 cluster with 629 people.

Opened in 2010 to re-educate former Tamil Tigers terrorists and fighters, it was repurposed to treat drug and other addicts.

So far, at least 508 residents have tested positive for the SARS-CoV-2, plus 67 staff members, 5 teachers, 48 ​​relatives and associates, as well as a prisoner from Welikada prison.

At a press conference, the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army, General Shavendra Silva, noted that another source of contagion are Sri Lankans or foreigners coming from countries affected by COVID-19.

Because of lockdowns abroad, some 50,000 Sri Lankans have lost their jobs, especially in the Persian Gulf, and are trying to come home.

The government plans to repatriate them, but is now concerned that, in addition to its cost, the operation might see returnees spread the virus

For this reason, General Silva has urged Sri Lankans to remain alert and not let their guard down.

During the recent election campaign, many people failed to wear a mask and maintain social distancing.

In view of this, the general warned that Whilst the virus is not spreading among communities in Sri Lanka at the moment, the threat of that happening cannot be ruled out”.

Thameenah Razeek and Amani Nilar Courtesy Ceylon Today

The islandwide power outage that occurred on 17 August was found to be the result of a mistake made by the officer responsible for general maintenance at the Kerawalapitiya Grid Sub Station.

According to the Committee appointed by the Minister of Power, Dullas Alahapperuma to probe the power outage on 17 August, the oversight of an Electrical Superintendent was the cause of the nearly eight-hour blackout experienced islandwide. 

Cabinet Spokesperson, Keheliya Rabukkawella also stated today (27) that the cause for the total power outage because of a mistake occurred from an officer responsible for general maintenance by that time in the Kerawalapitiya Grid Substation,” and added that the Cabinet is leisurely” discussing what actions the Government should take against the officer.

Cabinet Co-Spokesman and Energy Minister, Udaya Gammanpila said there is no need to hastily take action against the officer responsible for the blackout, but that focus should instead be placed on the backup plans that need to be in place to prevent such a disruption.

When asked whether the Ministry of Power or the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) had placed too much responsibility on a single officer, Gammanpila said that the CEB and its operations are technically hard to understand.” He added the proper procedure regarding the officer and his duties would begin after tomorrow’s (28) press briefing regarding the technical side of the report.

He also noted that the blame could not be placed on Power Minister, Dullas Alahapperuma, as the blackout occurred just 96 hours after his assumption of duties.

The Committee’s report, tabled for the attention of the Cabinet of Ministers yesterday (26), listed 11 recommendations to this effect. It recognised the lack of a disaster management methodology to monitor and maintain constant power supply, and stressed that such a system should be in place to prevent such disasters from occurring again.

The Cabinet of Ministers, considering the information submitted by the Power Minister, will now take steps to estimate the costs of implementing such protocols.

Yoshitha Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Police Unit of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) probing the Easter Sunday attacks, today issued summons on a few more political figures to record their statements over the coordinated terror attacks.

Accordingly, former MP Sunil Handunnetti will appear before the Commission’s police unit tomorrow (28). UNP General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam will appear before the Police Unit on August 31.

Former MP Ashu Marasinghe and former Law and Order Minister Ranjith Maddumabandara will provide statements on September 2.

Former Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera and Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal Party Leader Sivanesathuri Chandrakanthan alias “Pillayan” will provide statements on September 3.

Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella will appear before the police unit on September 7 while State Minister Dilum Amunugama will provide a statement on September 8. 

Yoshitha Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Former State Intelligence Service (SIS) Director Nilantha Jayawardena today informed the PCoI probing Easter Sunday attacks that he has technical evidence to prove his innocence if any official was claiming that the SIS had not done its part properly with regard to the coordinated terror attacks.

Testifying before the Commission, SDIG Jayawardena said the SIS was well aware about of National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) and its Leader Zaharan Hashim’s extremist practices.

“Since 2016, the SIS had taken steps to inform issues related to Islamic extremism, specially to the National Security Council (NSC). It was a problematic situation if officials in these security agencies were not aware about Zaharan and his extremist practices,” he said.

Mr. Jayawardena further added that there were officers and gentlemen before the Easter Sunday attacks who served at these security agencies including the NSC but now there were only individuals.

Mr. Jayawardena said that the SIS had requested the NSC to deploy a special team to arrest Zaharan in 2018. “If the NSC had acted on the information provided, Zaharan and his group would have not been able to conduct a coordinated terror attack,” he said.