Sri Lanka is officially the best place to visit in 2019. Here are 15 photos that will make you want to book a flight there ASAP

January 13th, 2019
  • Lonely Planet named Sri Lanka the number one country in the world to visit in 2019.
  • Vast tea terraces, an abundance of wildlife, and stunning beaches (and much more) make Sri Lanka a truly unforgettable destination.
  • I had the pleasure of visiting Sri Lanka in 2018 and I can’t recommend it enough.
  • Here’s why you simply can’t miss it.

Travel guide company Lonely Planet recently named Sri Lanka the number one country in the world to visit in 2019.

The South Asian country was chosen because of a diversity of experiences, incredible food, and burgeoning tourism industry.

I had the pleasure of visiting this extraordinary country for two and a half weeks last year, and I honestly can’t recommend it enough.

During my stay, I was lucky enough to take part in multiple safari tours,travel through the country’s central highlands via one of the most beautiful train journeys in the world, and much, much more.

Scroll down for 15 stunning images and reasons why you can’t afford to leave Sri Lanka off your bucket list for much longer.

Nine Arches Bridge, Sri LankaNine Arches Bridge, Ella, Sri Lanka.

It has the highest density of elephants in Asia.

It has the highest density of elephants in Asia.
You have to watch out for elephants on the road.
 Tom Murray / INSIDER

Sri Lanka has around 5,800 wild elephants wandering around its national parks. One of the best places to witness these gentle giants is Udawalawe National Park, which is home to about 600 elephants that roam in herds of up to 50.

You may even see elephants on the roads, where they often interrupt traffic — it’s usually best to let them pass.

Be warned: There are a number of so-called elephant orphanages and sanctuaries that are very popular with tourists. However, some have been highlighted by PETA for animal abuse as the elephants are often chained up and controlled by a mahout wielding a bullhook.

Basically, anywhere that allows you to ride the elephants should be a no-go.

Views don’t get much better than sunrise over Adam’s Peak.

Views don't get much better than sunrise over Adam's Peak.
Sunrise over Adam’s Peak.
 danilovi / Getty Images

I defy you to find a better view than this — it’s not possible.

Adam’s Peak (Sri Pada) climbs 2,243 metres (7,359 feet) into the air and is known for its depression at the peak, which Buddhists believe to be the footprint of the Buddha.

The climb itself should take you around 2-4 hours depending on your level of fitness and is best done first thing for an incredible sunrise view.

This shot was taken from the monastery, which is located right on the top of the peak.

Historic Galle Fort is great for shopping and dining.

Historic Galle Fort is great for shopping and dining.
The best way to spend the evening in Galle Fort is to walk along its old streets and visit local cafe or restaurant.

While the city of Galle now stretches far beyond the ramparts, the fort itself (built up by the Dutch in the 17th century) has been painstakingly maintained and is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

There are plenty of historical monuments to visit, but its also a great place to peruse shops at leisure and stop off at cafés and restaurants for refreshments.

It is also home to some of the country’s best boutique hotels like Fort Bazaar and 41 Lighthouse Street.

It has a really cool rock.

It has a really cool rock.
That’s a big rock.

Sigiriya Rock Fortress is one of Sri Lanka’s most formidable attractions. The delights of the 660-foot summit require a vertigo-inducing stair climb to the top.

You’ll also have to walk through a colossal stone gate, carved in the likeness of lion’s paws — no wonder King Kasyapa (477 – 495 AD) didn’t get many visitors…

The train journeys are among the most scenic in the world.

The train journeys are among the most scenic in the world.
Nine Arches Bridge is one of the top things to see in Sri Lanka.
 Tom Murray / INSIDER

Sri Lanka is famous for its train journeys, which can take you pretty much anywhere in the country for the price of a coffee in the US or Europe.

Perhaps the best in terms of scenery, though, is the trip between Kandy and Ella through Sri Lanka’s central highlands.

During the journey, you’ll climb over 4,000 feet, and gaze over verdant tea terraces, vast valleys, tunnels, bridges and villages.

You may recognise the scene above — a train crossing over Nine Arches Bridge near Ella — from innumerable sepia-toned travel blogs.

Read more: I took a $3, 7-hour train ride through Sri Lanka’s hill country — and it was unlike any travel experience I’ve ever had

There are literally hundreds of amazing hotels.

There are literally hundreds of amazing hotels.
Gal Oya Lodge Sri Lanka.
 Gal Oya Lodge

Luxury hotels are opening in Sri Lanka at a rate of knots. From the chic boutiques in Galle Fort, to the sprawling resorts on the west coast — there’s a hotel for everyone on the island.

There’s also plenty of eco-luxury offerings like Gal Oya Lodge(pictured), which forgo the modern trappings of things like WiFi and flat-screen TVs to offer a truly elemental but relaxing experience.

It’s a great alternative to Africa for safari drives.

It's a great alternative to Africa for safari drives.
You’ll be really lucky to get a view like this.

While it doesn’t boast Africa’s famous Big Five, Sri Lanka’s Big Four (leopards, elephants, sloth bears, and blue whales) are becoming an increasing draw for nature tourists from around the world.

Most recent estimates put Sri Lanka’s leopard population at just 700-950, making it “vulnerable” in the IUCN Red List. However, if you go to one of the big parks like Yala or Kumana, the big cats are a little more accustomed to human contact and thus more likely to wander out in front of you.

We found that the best safari experience, though, was off the beaten track in Gal Oya, where the tourist-crammed Jeeps are few and far between.

It has stunning beaches too.

It has stunning beaches too.
Aerial panorama of the tropical beach in the town of Mirissa, Sri Lanka.

Believe it or not, this beach is not found in the Caribbean or Hawaii, it is in fact on the southern tip of Sri Lanka in the town of Mirissa.

Sri Lanka might not be known outright for its beach scene yet, but that will soon change. While Lonely Planet’s top recommendation is only likely to send a spike in visits to the island, tourism is still young enough in Sri Lanka that you can find that empty stretch of sandy beach, if you look hard enough.

The west coast, in particular, is being increasingly built up by resorts.

It has a sprawling ancient city.

It has a sprawling ancient city.
Exterior of the entrance to the Isurumuniya rock temple in Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka.

Anuradhapura, the capital city of Sri Lanka’s North Central Province, is a place of great archaeological and cultural significance.

Thought to be settled in the fourth century, it was Sri Lanka’s first capital and many of the relics of the ancient Sinhalese residents remain. It is now a UNESCO World Heritage site and a must-visit for anyone interested in religious history.

The country is obsessed with cricket.

The country is obsessed with cricket.
There are much worse stadiums than Galle International.
 Stu Forster / Getty Images

Sri Lanka is even more obsessed with cricket than the Brits are.

You’ll struggle to find a patch of grass that doesn’t have a bowling green lurking on it somewhere.

Even if you’re not into cricket, there are far worse ways to while away an afternoon than watching the sunset over the picturesque Galle International Stadium.

It has an ancient cave network full of Buddha statues.

It has an ancient cave network full of Buddha statues.
Dambulla Cave Temple has five caves under a vast overhanging rock and dates back to the first century BC.

Located in the island’s centre is Dambulla Cave Temple, Sri Lanka’s largest and best-preserved cave network.

Thought to date back to the first century BC, this cave monastery is a sacred pilgrimage site with five caves and 157 statues of the Buddha.

It has a trippy elephant festival

It has a trippy elephant festival
The Kandy Esala Perahera is one of the biggest dates in the Sri Lankan calendar.

If you’re visiting Sri Lanka between July and August then you might just be lucky enough to witness the Kandy Esala Perahera — AKA the Festival of the Tooth.

This Buddhist pageant pays homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic for which Kandy is famous and is notable for its elephants, which proceed through Kandy wearing lavish garments and lights.

The food — especially hoppers.

The food — especially hoppers.
Traditional Sri Lankan breakfast with egg hoppers.

Sri Lanka has what might just be the most versatile snack on the planet: the hopper.

Hoppers have been described by Indian Chef Madhur Jaffrey as the love child of a crêpe and a crumpet and can host anything from a baked egg to curries and spicy coconut relishes.

“They’re like a healthy burger – for those who don’t mind a bit of dribble,” Emily Dobbs, who serves the pancakes at her street food stall, Weligama, at London’s Druid Street market, told The Telegraph.

Oh, and don’t get me started on the curries…

There’s more tea than you can shake a stick at.

There's more tea than you can shake a stick at.
Tea factories are omnipresent in central Sri Lanka.

It’s hard to believe that the sweltering beaches of the east and the south are even part of the same country as the temperate climates of the island’s central highlands, which are dominated by verdant tea terraces.

Sri Lanka is one of the biggest tea exporters in the world — it accounts for 2% of the country’s GDP and employs around 5% of the population.

This means stunning views and plenty of tea factories, which you can visit, learn about tea and drink cup after delicious cup.


Surfer surfing at sunset at Mirissa Beach, South Coast, Sri Lanka
Matthew Williams-Ellis / robertharding

When you think of Sri Lanka, you might not think ‘surfer’s paradise’, but how wrong you are.

Arugam Bay on the east coast is positively awash with boarders who come for the waves, which are great for all abilities.

Even the likes of Red Bull have held events there in the past.

SEE ALSO: 12 things I wish I’d known before going on safari in Sri Lanka

13 November 2018  darkest day of Sri Lanka’s 2600 year history  when Supreme Court deprived people their right to change a repressive Regime.

January 12th, 2019

By Charles S. Perera

The 13th November, 2018 the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka,  against the advice of the Attorney General, issuing a stay order  for the dissolution of Parliament and calling for General elections by the President of Sri Lanka was the darkest day of Sri Lanka’s 2600 years old history.  Because that Supreme Courts stay order deprived the  people, who had suffered economically, socially and culturally for three and a half years,   the only occasion they had to change  the most  repressive government there ever was in Sri Lanka  dominated by Ranil Wickramasinghe and his UNP, supported by the Tamil National Alliance and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.

If the Supreme Court had not contributed to the disaster that followed their unwise decision, there would have been a General Election on the 5th January,2019 and the people would have  got rid of a repressive government and replaced it with a government of  their’ choice.

That would have avoided the Ranil Wickramasinghe- Sumandiran Government preparing a new Constitution and forcing  it to be passed in parliament to drive the final nail in the coffin, (where the 2600 year old Sri Lanka with its Buddhist culture that nurtured a nation, with  Theravada Buddhism- a beacon of  light  that could  save the world from falling into a dark age of  human suffering,  repression,  crime and savagery), which would be laid to rest.

With the end of Sri Lanka, Orumitta Nadu (in the internet Sri Lanak is already called Oruma Nadu) will replace it. A  new order would be organised by Tamil National Alliance building their Tamil Eelam State- the dream with which the terrorists perished in 2009.

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna would be the lackeys of the Capitalist UNP in the south making the people slaves living on the crumbs falling from the tables of these political criminals.

The Supreme Court  should not have  issued  the interim order  Staying the Gazette Notification for the dissolution of the Parliament,  as President Sirisena had acted in good faith in the interest of the country and the people. The President’s intention was  to find relief for the people from a repressive Government led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe who had politically  disabled the President with the introduction of the 19 th Amendment.

The Prime Minister  Ranil W  is a  double faced hypocrite, who duped the President right from the beginning robbing the Central  Bank, signing  contracts with other countries without any prior consultation with  the President or the  Parliament.  Ranil Wickramasinghe  had the 19th Amendment to the Constitution  prepared by his  Western allies who  had couched it  in terms hiding the true effect of the amendment. Thereafter it was convenient for Ranil W the Prime Minister to usurp the powers of the President for himself.

In this great betrayal of the people by the Ranil Wickramasinghe on the 26th October, 2018, when he was Constitutionally removed from the office of Prime Minister, he   illegally occupied the Temple Trees housing it with all his local  thugs and foreign supporters and rebelled against the President. President Sirisena  who had had enough of his misdeeds had been waiting for a chance  to rid of him. The chance came when the UPFA faction of the Yahapalanaya informed the Speaker that it was leaving the coalition. Hence, with the split of  the Yahapalanaya Cabinet,  the Prime Minister according to the relevant Article of the Constitution lost his office of Prime Minister.

It was then that the President Sirisena called  Mahinda Rajappakse- against whom he played  the key role to defeat him at the Presidential Elections in January,2015, to take over the Office of  Prime Minister,  as he knew Mahinda Rajapakse  was nevertheless an honest and a capable man to save the country from the precipice of disaster  Ranil Wickramasinhghe was trying to roll it over.

Everything had been in order according to the Constitution. But these facts had been ignored by the wise judges of the Supreme Court, when they examined the 13 FR applications against the gazette notification issued  by the Presidents for the  dissolution of Parliament and call for General Elections.

The People who had suffered for three and a half years under the heavy economic burdens put upon them by the Yahapalanaya Government came out spontaneously to rejoice the change and Mahinda Rajapakse they loved being appointed as the Prime Minister.

Under these circumstances one cannot still understand how it was that the Supreme Court ignored the Article 33 of the Constitution, as against Article 70. The 19th Amendment had not removed it, or  those who drafted the 19the Amendment did not see the importance of the article 33 ( or simply forgot to remove it), therefore the Article 33 remains legally in force to mitigate the effect of the article 70 which rules out the dissolution of the Parliament  for four and a half years, which is against all democratic parliamentary norms.  

Hence the President Sirisena  in using Article 33 as an emergency exit after having removed the Prime Minister to  dissolve the Parliament and call for  a General election was  acting  legally  and within his Constitutional right. That was why even the Attorney General correctly advised the Supreme Court to reject the 13 FR applications against the Presidents dissolution of the Parliament and calling of elections as unacceptable.

These are some of the reasons why even the people  begin to question whether, as much as  Ranil Wickramasinghe, his UNP and its allies, the TNA and the JVP were partners in this great betrayal to deny the people their democratic right of electing a new set of Parliamentarians at a General election, whether the Supreme Court too had a hand in it,  in issuing  an interim order against the  dissolution of Parliament by the President as illegal.

The courts take shelter under legal immunity and independence , to  allow the country to be destroyed by a government acting bereft of patriotism,  proved to have  other interests than the welfare of the people. The courts should be independent of the executive and the legislature but not independent from the people.

That is why the appeal court order which stopped the Prime Minister Mahinda  Rajapakse and his Cabinet of Ministers  from functioning on the ground  explained in  confusing verbiage, that they are irresponsible and they cannot be trusted to take irrevocable decisions, is not comprehensible.

Were the judges  really acting on their own or were they being influenced by unknown Divine”  forces to make them understand that  Mahinda Rajapakse is an irresponsible politician despite his saving the country from ruthless terrorism, and  that he cannot be trusted governing as  Prime Minister despite his having  been the President of Sri Lanka twice and remains loved and respected by a large majority of Sinhala Buddhists of the country ?

OPEN LETTER TO EDB AND MOD FROM AN INVESTOR ………….from Peter Hoffman of Germany

January 12th, 2019

By Sarath Obeysekera

Peter Hoffman’s Story

I Came to Sri Lanka all the way from Germany, fell in love with not only with a Sri Lanka Lass but also with this resplendent island with a clear blue ocean with ample space for leisure, relaxing and entertaining my friends .

So I bought a land facing the sea in Kalpitiya, built a house and a pier to reach the sea planning to build a Yacht by a boat building  accompany in Sri Lanka.

Encouraged my German fiends to do the same.

I manged to Built a beautiful Yacht by a Sri Lankan company run by a Norwegian planning to just sail from my house into the sea without knowing rough sea of bureaucracy to be faced in getting various approval from Sri Lankan Authorities.

Well,   it started with the Director Merchant Shipping who wants to register the yacht under Sri Lankan Flag and asked me to build under the supervision of Lloyds Register of shipping .I was surprised as the boat builder is quite experienced and promised to builds a safe, technically  sound boat  to carry about six passengers .It costed more but I adhered to the rule.

Importing two outboard engines from Germany was another task as Ministry of Defence has to give approval to import powerful engines .

Managed to jump the hurdle with help from some Sri Lankan friends who knew how to get things done and it took three months.

Ready to sail, but I am supposed to have VHF and radio equipment, which needs TRC (Telecommunication Regulatory Commission) approval. Again my good friend who knew people in TRC got it done  ( I am not sure how he could do it as I was told that it will take three months or more)

OK ,  now ready to sail on Christmas day from Kalpitiya to Galle via Beruwala and Mirissa with my German Friends.

Coast Guard asked me to get permission from MOD Ministry of Defence) thru the Navy .Sent my           Man-Friday to Colombo with all Lloyds approvals, and other details and  drawings etc. with a form  to MOD .

Navy consent went to MOD and they took a day to release the permission to sale with full of conditions.

Copy of the letter came to Kalpitiya Navy  Camp Chief Officer who was little glittery to allow to sail

Managed to sail again after involvement of the Director Operations in Navy and we sailed on Christmas day

After returning home  I wanted to sail again with some other friends .

Navy in Kalpitiya was against sailing requesting me to get same type of approval again from MOD.

It was the weekend and I dropped the idea as offices in Colombo are closed.Last week I sent a form seeking approval to sail. Letter went to Navy again and MOD and two days gone .My good friend called the Commander of the Navy and sought help who authorised sailing .

I took the letter to Kalipinya  Navy Commander who refused to allow me sail demanding that  copy of the letter should come to him direct from MOD .

He was demanding that I should get approval from Director Merchant shipping  as well and get the Yacht registered under a Sri Lankan Flag costing me over 3000 Dollars

I applied for the registration and Kalpitiya Navy Chief (name withheld) made ludicrous demand that I should get permission from Department of Wild Life to sail!!

I was dumfounded and irritated and asked him whether I am will be sailing to shoot leopards or deer?

He said that is the rule! He asked us whether we are taking any fishermen in the boat and do fishing.

I said that I may do game fishing on the way to Galle .He said that I have to get permission to do fishing !

My German friends who wanted to build summer houses in Sri Lanka and build Yachts in Sri Lanka decided not to get involved in this procedure.





I forgot to mention that Excise Boys raided me and confiscated all my booze which was Stored for Christmas claiming that I was going to sell them

Peter Hoffman


Health Canada concludes new review of Glyphosate Herbicide

January 12th, 2019

 Chandre Dharmawardana

Last summer when a California School Gardener was awarded damages by a Court, various militant anti-GMO groups in Canada demanded a new review of Glyphosate.

An independent panel of 20 scientists reviewed the latest material and their unanimous report has been released.

Note that this approval covers  NOT ONLY GLYPHOSATE, but ALSO THE INGREDIENTS (adjuvants) added to it, i.e.,  usually Tallowamine (or similar agents as used in common detergents and shampoos to act as wetting agents).

Health Canada stands by approval of ingredient in Roundup weed killer

Government scientists reject claims substance causes cancer
The Canadian Press · Posted: Jan 11, 2019 8:49 PM CT | Last Updated: January 11
Many canola farmers on the Prairies use the herbicide glyphosate on their crops. (Shutterstock)

Health Canada scientists say there is no reason to believe the scientific evidence they used to approve the continued use of glyphosate in weed killers was tainted.

On Friday they rejected, again, arguments that the ingredient in herbicides like Monsanto’s Roundup causes cancer if the substances are used as they’re supposed to be.

The department’s Pest Management Regulatory Agency is required to reassess herbicides every 15 years and after such a reassessment in 2017 it approved glyphosate for continued use in Canada with some additional labelling requirements. The review looked at more than 1,300 studies and concluded glyphosate products pose no risk to people or the environment as long as they are properly used and labelled.

Glyphosate is one of the most common herbicides used in the world, is in more than 130 products sold in Canada and has widespread use by farmers to keep weeds out of their crops.

After the decision, eight objections were filed, many of which said the evidence used to approve the product was tainted because Monsanto had influenced the results.

Their accusations were largely based on documents filed in a U.S. lawsuit in which a former groundskeeper was awarded a multimillion-dollar settlement after jurors decided his cancer was linked to glyphosate.



Bottles of Roundup herbicide, a product of Monsanto, are displayed on a store shelf iThe generc name is glysophate and it is one of the most widely used agricultural herbicides in the world. (Jeff Roberson/Associated Press)


No stone unturned

The groups, including Ecojustice, Environmental Defence and Canadian Physicians for the Environment, wanted Health Minister Ginette Petipas Taylor to order an independent review of the Health Canada decision.

Instead Health Canada assigned 20 scientists not part of the original review to look at the matter. Connie Moase, a director in the health-effects division of the Pest Management Regulatory Agency, said Friday the scientists “left no stone unturned” in reviewing the decision.

“The objections raised did not create doubt or concern regarding the scientific basis for the 2017 re-evaluation decision for glyphosate,” said Moase.

She said the documents, known as the Monsanto Papers, were mainly reviews of studies, not studies themselves, and that Health Canada’s approval was based on the actual studies.

Moase added that no pest regulatory management agency in the world says glyphosate causes cancer at current levels of exposure.

Bayer Canada pleased

Trish Jordan, the public-and-industry-affairs director for Bayer Canada’s crop-science division, said the company supported the additional review Health Canada launched and is also pleased with the result.

Monsanto has previously denied any attempt to influence scientific studies on glyphosate.

“We have an unwavering commitment to sound science, transparency and to producing valuable tools that will help farmers continue to feed a growing population in a sustainable manner,” Jordan said.

‘Troubling allegations’ prompt Health Canada review of studies used to approve popular weed-killer

Elaine MacDonald, head of healthy communities for Ecojustice, said the decision is a big disappointment.

“How can we trust the science if we can’t be sure that it’s independent?” she said.

Muhannad Malas, the toxics program manager at Environmental Defence, said there is no reason to trust Health Canada if it assigns its own scientists to review the work of their peers.

“We maintain that the public cannot be confident about the validity of the government’s decision to re-authorize glyphosate unless the health minister strikes an independent panel of experts who are not affiliated with Health Canada or industry,” he said.

Thierry Belair, spokesman for Petipas Taylor, said the government is very aware Canadians have concerns about pesticides and this review was done with the utmost of care.

“A team of 20 of our best scientists reviewed the evidence before coming to this decision,” he said. “As always, we have asked them to continue to monitor for new information related to this pesticide, and to take action if needed.”

Recent testing by Environmental Defence uncovered traces of glyphosate in a number of popular food products including doughnuts, cookies and cereals. However the amounts were well below the levels Health Canada says would be unsafe for human consumption.

Monsanto weedkiller ‘not statistically significantly associated with cancer’: study | CBC News


Monsanto weedkiller ‘not statistically significantly associated with ca…

A large long-term study on the use of the big-selling weedkiller glyphosate by agricultural workers in the Unite…



Destruction of UNESCO World Heritage Sinharaja MAB  Forest Reserve  .

January 12th, 2019

Keerthi Hewagoda 

Hereby we complain regarding the ongoing destruction in Sinharaja,  which is the last remanent virgin rain forest in Sri Lanka. With its high bio-diversity having a unique evolutionary history from the Gondwana assembly, particular bio-geographic features and with anthropological heritage; the Sinharaja offers  immense  scientific and cultural treasure for humanity. But the recent infrastructure development works and failure of Sri Lankan Government to manage the forest, posses  great threat to the entire Sinharaja eco-system, and  affect  the human population who directly or indirectly dependent on forest.

Continue plea by the environmentalists and public has been neglected  either by politicians or by government officers. The Commercialisation of Sinharaja under pretext of development is a master plan for ruthless exploitation of forest resources ranging from drinkable water to endemic genes. it is well known that the various nexus with interest of commercial profit are sponsoring the  projects like; Mini-Hydro electricity plants, bottled water plants, Eco tourist constructions and once also proposed a Genetic research laboratory inside the forest .

Jungle track from Pitadeniya to Sinhagala

A large section of Sinharaja was selectively logged in 1972- 1977 and now covered with secondary forest  highly degraded . Instead of good conservation policy of restoration and rehabilitation of this degraded forest, the Sri Lankan Government backed by the World Bank (ESCAMP project) has been involved in constructing of road infrastructures for commercial interests. The jungle trail from Potupitiya to Sinhagala ridge is not even a regular foot path but a jungle track which occationally used by the villagers. So constructing a tourist road will damage undisturbed statues of the primary Rain forest. I have explored this remote jungle section with a village tracker in December 2010

We propose that,

  • Halt immediately the ongoing illegal road constructions inside the Sinharaja forest.
  • Stop the World Bank and Government commercialisation of sinharaja forest.
  • Annex the surrounding forest fragments as proposed by the president orders cabinet paper No: PS/CS/26/2004 ( dated 22 July 2004), National Conservation Review (NCR), Sinharaja management plans and Execute the proper Forest Restoration programme in degraded forest areas and conserve the entire Sinharaja Range as a unit.

We have complained the international organisations UNESCO, WWF, IUCN, CAO in various occasions in past  and  will continue to give evidence of these unethical and ecologically destructive activities inside the Sinharaja forest while doing our utmost best to protect it . Under above circumstances, We are kindly requesting you to look into this matter and make preasure to stop the destruction of Sinharaja Rain Forest. Please find enclosed herewith photographic  evidence.

1 :-  The map of ESCAMP project plan with ongoing road construction between Kudawa and Pitadeniya conservation centers according to ESCAMP/FD/RATHNAPURA/SINHARAJA/3a-01 published by Forest Department

2:- The map of the Forest area selectively logged during the years 1972- 1977

Hereby I bear the responsibility of this complaint with truthfulness, rationalism and knowledge. Thank You.

Keerthi Hewagoda                                                                                                     Date 11.01.2019

The ‘black’ media and the neo-liberal mafia

January 12th, 2019

The UNP has recommenced its attacks on the media. Some time ago Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe threatened journalists and media organisations mentioning some by name and this included our sister paper Divaina. Since the restoration of the UNP government some weeks ago, these attacks have assumed a more sinister aspect. There has been a stoppage of advertising from government owned institutions to the two premier private TV stations in the country Hiru TV and Derana TV.

That was followed by demonstrations by masked protesters in front of Sirasa TV premises and the Maubima newspaper office and several other media organsiations including Derana. In April 2018, in the wake of PM Ranil Wickremesinghe defeating the no-confidence motion brought against him, there was a raucous demonstration outside the Sirasa TV premises by jubilant UNP activists and its was accompanied by the lighting of large quantities of fire crackers. The demonstration, in April, may perhaps be dismissed as a largely spontaneous outburst by drunken UNP loyalists. But the silent masked black clad demonstrators, last Thursday, portends something much more sinister than the louder and more visceral demonstration against Sirasa last April.


Deliberate planned actions should cause much more concern than the spontaneous actions of drunken party loyalists. When these deliberate planned actions are carried out by educated, English speaking middle class persons that should cause more concern than when some drunken political party hoi polloi are involved in protests.

When the educated, English speaking middle class persons carry out these actions are supporters of the ruling party, that is a cause for alarm bells to start ringing throughout the country. The persons demonstrating outside media organisations are mostly employees of NGOs funded by the very foreign countries that openly backed the move to block the holding of a general election and that is a reason for the entire nation to stand up and take notice.

Neo-liberals without borders

The whole country saw the manner in which diplomats of Western embassies in Colombo went to Parliament to express support for the move not to have a general election and even sat in the court rooms to ‘observe’ the proceedings. It is doubtful whether such scenes of open Western tutelage were seen in this country even in the colonial era after universal suffrage was introduced in 1931 and the Donoughmore reforms were implemented. Now, when people paid by the countries represented by those very western diplomats demonstrate in front of local media organisations what are we to understand from that? So far as we know Sirasa TV and the Maubima newspaper ad Derana TV and the institutions these demonstrations were held in front of are all entirely indigenous enterprises.

People may have differing views about the lines taken by these various media institutions, but at least any motives, aspirations, objectives they may have are rooted well within the borders of Sri Lanka. That cannot be said about the demonstrators outside those institutions. What this means is that Sri Lanka is now in the middle of a full scale neo-imperialist, neo-liberal invasion with a determined attempt being made to whip the local media into submission. It is a fact that after January 9, 2015, the media has been the only democratic institution still holding out. Until just days ago, both the government and the opposition were dominated by the same yahapalana group. The genuine opposition in the country, the Joint Opposition with 53 MPs had less time to speak in Parliament than the JVP which had only 6 MPs.

The JO was unable to fulfil its role as the legitimate opposition in the country for nearly four years. It was the media that enabled the voice of the real opposition to be heard by giving them coverage in the news bulletins. This was why the media, in general, has earned the wrath of the UNP and the foreign and local neo-liberal mafia supporting them. The protests being held outside the media organisations are obviously aimed at preventing criticism of the ruling party the UNP on their own account as media institutions or preventing the opposition from getting publicity. The NGOs and organisations that participated in the protest were the following: Sri Lankawe Kanthavo, Aluth Piyapath, Aluth Parapura, Maruthaye Handa, Didulana Hadawatha, Prajathanthrawadaya Sandaha vu Samanallu, Vuththeeya Web Madhyawedeenge Sangamaya, Sadhu Janarawa, Negee Sitimu Sri Lanka, Chitrapata Adhyakshakawarunge Sangamaya, Athurudanvuwange Pavul Ekathuwa, Prajathanthrawadaya Sandaha vu Neethignayin, Samabima Organization.

Among the prominent people seen in the midst of the protesters were the film director Vimukthi Jayasundera, actress Samanalee Fonseka, Brito Fernando and one Dhanushka who Sirasa TV identified as a JVP activist. Following a furious backlash from the media organisations, the UNP and JVP disassociated themselves from the protest but the JVP did not deny that Dhanushka was one of their activists. The most effective reaction to these protestors came from the staff of the Maubima newspaper, who came out of their office with placards of their own and held a counter demonisation charging that the demonstrators were from foreign funded NGOs. The Maubima staff also hooted and jeered as the protestors left.

Who was making a mistake?

The supreme irony in all this is the involvement of the Vurththeeya Web Madhyawedeenge Sangamaya (Professional Web-journalists Association) in this protest. A website is a versatile platform which can provide content in the printed word as well as in audio visual form. If the mainline TV stations and newspapers are making a mistake by being partial or biased, the web journalists should consider that a god send and their own ticket to success. That is what happened in the US – when the mainline media became either biased or tried to foist their own way of thinking on the public, people turned more and more towards alternative media. Even though the mainline TV stations and newspapers in the US supported Clinton, the reason why Trump won was because the alternative media had become so influential. So if the mainline TV stations and newspapers had been biased, that should have been welcomed by the Professional Web-journalists Association because that would make the people turn more and more towards the alternative media.

When your competitors are making a mistake, why try to correct it? The reason why the Professional Web-journalists Association and other protestors did what they did was not because the mainline media organisations were making a mistake, but because they did the right thing and earned the trust of the people and thereby helped mould public opinion. The mainline media by and large, taken as a whole with a perhaps few prominent exceptions, have been even handed in their coverage of the government and the opposition. Because the government has been making one mistake after another since taking power four years ago, they may have been getting the worst of it when it comes to public opinion but that is not the fault of the mainline media. One can see at a glance that public opinion regarding the government is closely paralleled by the plummeting economic indices in the past four years.

So, we see that any negative image that is present among the public is not the fault of the media but their own performance. Even politically, the yahapalana experiment has been a complete fiasco with the very president that the UNP got elected at their expense with their own votes turning against them before the lapse of four years. The mainline media cannot be blamed for the woes of the present government. As the ship slowly but surely sinks, the promoters of the yahapalana project are getting uneasy and resorting to desperate expedients to keep their project afloat. The demonstrations in front of media organisations is a symptom of that.

None of the mainline media organization subject to pressure by this group can be accused of having reported one sidedly during the political crisis following October 26, 2018. The press conferences held at Temple Trees were given wide coverage by all TV stations and newspapers. What has happened here is that since the mainline media taken as a whole is doing a good job of reporting on both the government and the opposition, there is no room for an alternative media to make headway except in the interstices of the media scene. What were these foreign funded yahapalana organisations expecting the mainline media to do? The letter that they handed over to the media organisations that they demonstrated in front of gives us some indication. The letter began with what was clearly a warning – “Owners of media organisations and Mediamen,

We are watching you!”

“What have you been doing as the owner of a media organization or as a mediaman? It has been made necessary to remind you of media ethics and social values because you flouted all social values and became a part of the anti-constitutional and anti-democratic coup of October 26. Your conduct after October 26 showed how unethical the media can be. By taking the side of a specific political group during the coup and justifying it, you flouted the expectation among the public that the media would conduct itself ethically. We wish to remind the electronic media especially that they are making profits from the frequencies that are public property and therefore the public has a right to question you.”

The letter took exception to the manner in which the media had reported the Supreme Court judgement against the dissolution of Parliament as the Supreme Court having ‘stopped the holding of a general election’. The argument being that this was a case of misrepresenting facts. This however is a debatable point. Under our present Constitution, Parliament can not simply be dissolved as a single act in isolation. Parliament can only be dissolved in order to hold a general election and any gazette dissolving parliament has to simultaneously announce not only the date for the next parliamentary election but even the date on which the new Parliament is to meet for the first time. Thus when the gazette dissolving parliament is stopped, that automatically stops the parliamentary election as well and the media did report it accurately.

The letter states that because of media ‘mudalalikaranaya’ the financial aspirations of the media organisations lies beyond the expectation that the media will be independent. Ironically, this accusation was being made by ‘NGO mudalalis’. The NGO letter accused the media of not reporting on both sides of the story. The letter also accuses the media of promoting jathiwadaya by which was meant Sinhala jathiwadaya – that accusation was levelled against media organisations owned by Tamils and non-Buddhists as well! The letter ends with the warning “We are watching you.”

From its contents, it can be seen that this letter was just an excuse to hold the demonstration in front of media organisations. The letter itself was not meant to convey anything significant except the point that the NGO protestors wanted the media to support the yahapalana side and report only that side without giving any coverage to the non-yahapalana side which has been gaining ground.

Jolly Somasundram’s brilliant summing up

The day after this protest took place in front of media organisations, the eminent former civil servant Jolly Somasunderam had a brilliant piece in The Island titled “An Orwellian Replay: As elections were not held, Democracy is saved!” which summed up very accurately why the western funded NGOs and the neo liberal mafia were getting so hot and bothered. Somasunderam states –

“Two days would be considered black in modern Sri Lanka, one, the horrible events which took place on 25th Friday, July 1983 and the second, a declared election not taking place on 5th January, Saturday, 2019, despite all proper conditions for the conduct of free and fair elections having been met by an independent National Elections Commission. Denying the People their right to exercise their franchise in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the denial having strong support from politicised civil society, marks the beginnings of an anti-democratic creep mimicking current trends in Europe and America. The next round may be that voters would not count but counters certainly would. The non-holding of the election is a precursor of what could happen, possibly ending by rescinding the electoral gains made since 1931.

“5th of January 2019, would be a day for ecstatic celebrations by politicised civil society- a catch all term for political scientists, unrepresentative self-appointed do-gooders and media journalists. Politicised civil society seem to have arrived at a faustian bargain with anti-democrats. It is not surprising that staunch democracies, like US, UK, Canada, who preach the virtues of elections the world over, are part of the anti-election movement in Sri Lanka. One is judged by the company one keeps. Never in the history of representative democracy has a declared election not been held or celebrated. 5th January is a day of mourning, for those deeply concerned with safeguarding their sovereign civic rights, the highest of it being the right to exercise their super-star right of franchise.

“The President is the only person in the country who is directly elected by the People and the only one who could dissolve Parliament. He takes necessary steps to stabilise the country. He is held responsible to Parliament and his electors. No other person, institution or agency could extract an accountability for actions of the president, even if there is a feeling that they are misguided: he has unfettered discretion….The new Parliament was scheduled to meet on 17th January, with a fresh cabinet in place….The elections did not take place, as the dissolution by the President was held to be inappropriate, since President Sirisena, had advanced the election date by 1 1/4 years. (Normally authoritarian Heads of the state wish to postpone elections). The People of the country have now to wait 1 1/4 further forlorn years, to cast their franchise. Far from being ones endowed with sovereignty, they have become political footballs, ready objects to be kicked around…”

“In 2018, Sri Lanka postponed a dissolution, shifting elections by 1 1/4 years. Politicised civil society, who claimed to be the embodiment of civic virtue, were delirious. They, possibly, would now let out an Orwellian cri de couer, “No elections: democracy is saved.”

Lanka struggles to repay record foreign debt : Sri Lanka’s prime minister

January 12th, 2019

Courtesy The Island

(AFP) Sri Lanka’s prime minister said the country was struggling to pay back its ballooning foreign debt, blaming a recent political crisis for dealing a “death blow” to the economy.

Ranil Wickremesinghe said his government was scrambling to raise $1.9 billion to help service a first debt payment of $2.6 billion, that is due on Monday.

Sri Lanka faces $5.9 billion in foreign debt repayments in 2019, a record for the cash-strapped island.

The country lost $1 billion in foreign reserves during a power struggle between Wickremesinghe and President Maithripala Sirisena in late 2018.

Sirisena sacked Wickremesinghe in October and later dissolved parliament to quell any opposition, but Sri Lanka’s courts deemed the move unconstitutional.

Wickremesinghe was reinstalled 51 days later but not without a cost, the prime minister said.

“We are yet to quantify the losses, but it was a death blow to an economy that was struggling to recover,” Wickremesinghe told parliament.

Three global ratings agencies downgraded Sri Lanka during the crisis, making it more expensive for the Indian Ocean nation to access foreign loans.

Sri Lanka hopes to raise $1 billion from the international debt market, another $500 million from China and Japan and a further $400 million from the Reserve Bank of India.

Wickremesinghe has dispatched his finance minister to Washington to try to revive a loan arrangement with the International Monetary Fund that was suspended during the chaos.

Sri Lanka narrowly averted defaulting on its sovereign debt after Wickremesinghe’s reformed administration introduced a plan late last month to meet urgent spending obligations for the first four months of 2019.

Sirisena came to power in 2015 with the help of Wickremesinghe’s United National Party but personal and political clashes came to a head before the October sacking.

New Constitution – Govt. has no legitimacy to do so: MR

January 12th, 2019

Ajith Siriwardana and Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa said today the government did not have the legitimacy to introduce a new constitution and urged it to go for a parliamentary election so that people’s approval could be obtained for such a move.

“There should be legitimacy prior to introducing a new constitution. We doubt if the present government has that legitimacy. They lost the local government elections and is delaying the provincial council elections. It even went to court to prevent a parliamentary election,” he told the Constitutional Assembly.

He proposed both parties should present their draft constitutions to the people at the next parliamentary election for approval by the people.

Mr. Rajapaksa said the government should consider all shades of opinions and make public what they were going to do.

“One community cannot suppress another community. All communities should arrive at a consensus,” he said.

Opposition accuses govt of deceiving Tamil people through new Constitution (English)

January 12th, 2019


IGP summoned to Govt Analyst’s Dept. over VIP assassination plot

January 12th, 2019

Courtesy Adaderana

Inspector General of Police Pujith Jayasundara has been summoned to the Government Analyst’s Department with regard to the alleged VIP assassination plan.

Accordingly, IGP Jayasundara has been informed to be present at the department on Monday (Jan 14) at 9.30 am.

Reportedly, this is the first time that the Inspector General of Police has been called in to the Government Analyst’s Department.

Director General of the Government Analyst’s Department, Ariyananda Welianga, stated that the IGP is summoned to inspect whether his voice can be heard in the voice recordings produced by Namal Kumara with regard to the assassination allegations. Department will be obtaining voice samples of the IGP for this purpose, he further said.

The Director (Operations) of the Anti-Corruption Force, Namal Kumara, on September 2018, had uncovered the alleged telephone conversations between himself and DIG of the Terrorism Investigation Department (TID) Nalaka de Silva, regarding a conspiracy to assassinate President Maithripala Sirisena and former Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The CID subsequently commenced investigations regarding the alleged conspiracy and has recorded statements from both Namal Kumara and the former DIG on multiple occasions.

Lanka’s draft constitution abolishes Executive Presidency

January 12th, 2019

Colombo, January 12: The Constitutional Expert Committee’s report, which was tabled in the Sri Lankan parliament on Friday abolishes the powerful Executive Presidency and replaces it by a Westminster style parliamentary system with a powerful Prime Minister and a ceremonial President.

As per the report which can be described as the draft constitution”, the President will cease to be directly elected by the people and will instead be jointly elected by a bi-cameral legislature comprising a 233 member Parliament” and a 55 member Second Chamber”. The President will be elected by a majority of the whole membership of the two Houses.

Lanka’s draft constitution abolishes Executive Presidency

This will make a huge difference to the moral authority of the President. Presently, the President enjoys an enormous sense of power because he is the only occupant of a high Sri Lankan office who is elected directly by the entire voting population of Sri Lanka. Others come through smaller constituencies (and also through parliament as in the case of the Prime Minister).

Thus, a directly elected President can legitimately claim that he is the quintessential repository of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. An indirectly elected President can make no such claims.

Under the new draft constitution, the President loses his power to choose the Prime Minister and his Council of Ministers. He has to appoint as Prime Minister, not anyone who he imagines may have majority support in parliament, but one who indubitably enjoys it. The President will have to appoint ministers only on the Prime Minister’s advice. He will lose the power to allocate departments to ministries without the Prime Minister’s assent.

Unlike now, the President will not be Head of Government, take Ministerial portfolios, and chair the cabinet. He will only be Head of State and the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. But every action of his as C-in-C, will be subject to the advice of the PM.

The President will lose the right to dissolve parliament on his own volition. Parliament can be dissolved before its five year term only when the House itself passes a resolution seeking dissolution with a two-third majority of its entire membership.

The Prime Minister and his Council of Ministers cannot be dismissed at will. The PM and cabinet will go only when they lose the confidence of the House in a Vote of No Confidence or when the annual budget gets defeated in the third attempt in the first two years, and in two attempts after two years.

The President will cease to have discretion over the grant of pardon. This function will be exercised by the Prime Minister and a judicial committee and the President will only be rubber-stamping the decisions.

The President can be removed for mental and physical disability by a committee comprising the Speaker, the Prime Minister and the Leader of Opposition. He can be removed also by a parliamentary resolution backed by a two-thirds majority in both the Houses.

After the election, the President is expected to sever all links with any political party and function in a non-partisan manner. This is a major departure from the present constitution under which the President can be chairman of his party.

To meet the demand for provincial autonomy, the new constitution vests power over State Land in both the central and the provincial governments with the condition that land use is carried out as per the rules of the National Land Commission. But the commission’s policies should be shaped in consultation with all provincial councils.

The provinces will also have their own police forces headed by officers of the rank of Deputy Inspector General. There will be separate National and Provincial Police Commissions to make appointments, transfers and promotions at the national and at the provincial levels.

The new constitution introduces a Second Chamber to the national legislature. The lower and larger chamber called parliament” will have 233 members elected for a five-year term. Out of these, 140 will be elected from single-member constituencies and the rest will be elected on a provincial basis.

There will be a Second Chamber of 55 members, for which members will be elected by parliament and the provincial councils. The Second Chamber will be there not to block bills passed by parliament, but to have a second look and give suggestions for improvement. In drafting bills, parliament will be expected to give due consideration to the view expressed by the Second Chamber.

The draft constitution has described Sri Lanka as Ekiya Rajya” in Sinhala and Orumittha Nadu” in Tamil which mean a United Country”. The experts had avoided labeling the constitution as either unitary” or federal” given the strong feelings for and against these two concepts.

It has retained the foremost place” given to Buddhism in the country while guaranteeing freedom to practice other religions. In a departure from other constitutions, it guarantees individual and family privacy and has stated that gender and sexual orientations will not be a bar to public employment.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe told parliament while tabling the draft constitution, that what has been made available is only a draft. Members have also been given summaries of all the views expressed in the six sub-committees, he pointed out. He appealed to the members to study the drafts and the views expressed and come to a consensus on each and every aspect of the constitution.

The constitution has a long way to go. It has to be passed by parliament with a two-thirds majority and also put through a referendum.

But opposition to it has already become manifest and loud, with the opposition Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) headed by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa openly saying that it is meant to divide Sri Lanka into nine semi-independent units.” He wanted the draft to be taken up for debate in the forthcoming Presidential and parliamentary elections to know the peoples’ view. Rajapaksa also wanted to know why the ruling United National Party (UNP) is keeping its view a secret.

It is no secret that Rajapaksa is a votary of the Executive Presidency as he believes that it was only because Sri Lanka had an Executive Presidency that his government was able to defeat the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009 begin massive infrastructural development in 2010.

Although President Sirisana has not spoken on the issue, his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is against the abolition of the Executive Presidency and any further devolution of power to the provinces especially to the Tamil-speaking Northern and Eastern Provinces. The draft constitution has been put forward at a time when Sirisena is attempting to fully exploit his position as Executive President to curb the power and influence of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe.

Only the Tamil National Alliance and the other Tamil parties are for devolution and have been clamoring for it. The others had kept promising to amend the constitution to get the votes of Tamils and liberals, but never fulfilled the promise. This has been the case since the 1980s and is likely to be so for the foreseeable future.

Power hungry politicians like a system based on the concentration of power and not diffusion of power. And no Sri Lankan political party depending on the majority Sinhala vote really wants to share power with the minorities on a territorial basis because it sees the seeds of separatism in such a distribution of power.

It is generally agreed that with provincial, Presidential and parliamentary elections due in 2019-2020, no Sinhala-majority political party will want to be associated with the just presented draft constitution. The government of Ranil Wickremesinghe will, in all likelihood, make a pretense of discussing a new constitution and abandon the effort as the first available opportunity.

(The featured image at the top is that of Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe)

Sri Lanka to use reserves to repay $1 bln loan

January 12th, 2019

COLOMBO, Jan 10 (Reuters) – Sri Lanka has arranged $1 billion to repay a five-year sovereign bond maturing next week partly from its declining reserves, sources from both the central bank and finance ministry said on Friday.

Originally the island nation’s three state banks were to borrow up to $1 billion from foreign sources before the end of 2018 to pay off the loan.

We could not raise the whole $1 billion through state banks. So the reserves also will be used to fill the gap,” a government official who is aware of the repayment details told Reuters, asking not to be identified.

He declined to comment on how much of the reserves would be used for the repayment.

Sri Lanka plans to import hybrid buses from China

January 12th, 2019

Courtesy The  Gulf Today

COLOMBO: Sri Lanka is in talks with China to import hybrid buses to upgrade the island’s public transport sector. State Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation Ashoka Abeysinghe said that he was in discussions with Chinese companies which manufacture hydrogen powered buses and hybrid buses and the procurement plan to purchase the buses had been finalised.

The minister said he hopes to open the tenders in the coming 28 weeks. I went to China a couple of months ago and visited the Chinese companies. We are looking at hybrid buses as we do not have enough charging stations for electric buses,” Abeysinghe added.

ෆ්‍රී කියන්නේ මොකක්ද බටර්ෆ්ලයි නංගියේ…

January 12th, 2019

උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

‘පොං අයියේ කවුද බං අර හතරගාතෙන් පාරේ දුවන තට්ට පොර…?’

‘යකඩෝ…. නිර්වස්ත්‍රයෙන්ම වගේ හුරේ දාගෙන දුවන කුරයෙක් වගේ…?’
‘බලමු අහලා …..හෝව්… හෝව්… ලොක්කා කොහෙද මේ දුවන්නේ….? කෝ රෙදි…?’
‘රෙදි නෝල්, රෙදි නෝ වෙලා, නෝණ්ඩිම වුණා බං…!’
‘අහෝ… ඒ මක්කැයි…?’
‘මැඩම්ස් බිබීගේ තේඩා ගිලලා…!’
‘ඇයි ගිල්ලේ…?’
‘ඕං….රීං… කට්ටු කට්ටු… වෙට්ටු දාලා පැනපිය… මට්ටු මට්ටු… ඕං…හොං… බේ‍රා්ස්…. රිං රිං…..තුර්… පා… කියලා මන්තරයක් දැම්මා කට්ටිය කඩාගන්න….!’
‘යකඩෝ… ඕක අලි එළවන මන්තරයක්නේ…?’
‘ඒක තමයි බං අපිට කෙළවුණේ…’

මට මැඩම්ස් දීලා තියෙන්නේ 2003දී කිං පරා ප්‍රමුඛ අලි නඩේ
එළවන්ඩ පාවිච්චි කරපු අලි මන්තරේ…!
‘ඉතින් මොනාද මන්තරේ කැරකිලා මට වැදුණා පුටුවෙන් විසිවෙන්නම….!’
‘ඉතින් ඔය දුවන්නේ කොහේද…?’
‘එදා ඇස් බිසා කිව්ව විදියට මැඩම්ස් වෙනුවට මම දුවනවා පාර දිගේ..!’
එහෙම කියපු රෙදි නෝ කෙළගෙන ගියා අත්තනගලු ඔයට’
‘බුදු සත්තෝ…. කවුද බං පොං අයියේ අර කළු ඇඳලා පාරට බැහැලා තියෙන්නේ…?’
‘අප්පා… හොල්මන් වගේ.. බලමු අහලා… කවුද බොලේ ඇලිස්…?’
‘ඇලිස් නොවේ බොල අපි ඩොලර්ස්…!’
‘ඒ කිව්වේ….?’
‘දේශ සීමා රහිතව ආපු බටර්ෆ්ලයිස්…!’
‘ආ…? ඉතින් මූණු වහගෙන…?’
‘ඇරගෙන කොහොමද ඕයි මුහුණ දෙන්නේ… අපි මාට්ටු වෙනවානේ…!’
‘මොනවටැයි ආවේ…?’
‘මේ දවස්වල නෝ ටෙලිඩ්‍රාමා නෝ ෆිල්ම්ස් නඩුත් නැහැ බඩුත් නැහැ… නන්නත්තාර වෙලා ඉන්නේ…!’
‘ඉතින් ඇයි ආවේ…?’
‘ෆ්‍රීඩියා.. ෆ්‍රී මීඩියා… බැලන්ස් කොරගන්න නොවැ…!’
‘ෆ්‍රී කියන්නේ මොකක්ද බටර්ෆ්ලයි නංගියේ…?’
‘ඇඳුම් ඇන්දත් ඇඳුම් නැතිව මේ අපි වගේ ඉන්නවාට නොවැ…!’
‘ගොඩක් දුර ඉඳලා වෙන්ඩ ඇති ආවේ…?’
‘අනේ නැහැ… කට්ටියක් ගේම් බි්‍රජය පැත්තේ ඉඳලා… තව කට්ටියක් අරලිය මල් නෙළ නෙළා ටී්‍රය පැත්තෙන්…!’
‘මොකද එන්න හිතුණේ…?’
‘රොජා වාහිනියට පැන්නා… ඉතින් අපි මෙහාට පැන්නා…!’
‘මී හරක්.. මී හරක්…! එහෙම කියපු බටර්ෆ්ලයි නඟා තටුත් කඩාගෙන වොක්ස් වැගන් කාරයක් ගන්න කුරුණෑගලට ගියා.
‘මොකද පොං අයියේ අපේ අලි පාටියේ කිරි මුජී පොට්ටනියකුත් කර ගහගෙන යන්නේ..?’
‘කිරි පැකට්ටුවක්ද දන්නැහැ… බලමු අහලා.. මුජී.. ඉස්ලාම් මලෙක්කම් ඉදි එන්නා අප්පා…? ඉදි පාල්…?’
‘නෙහි බබුජි… නෙහි… ඉදි ක්ලොත්.. රෙදි… රෙදි…!’
‘අෑ… ඒ මොනවද…?’
‘මේක තමයි මට හම්බ වුණේ නොන් ගැබිනට් ඩිපියුටි පට්ටම…!’
‘ලාබෙට රෙදි සේදීම…!’
‘ෂැක්… කාගේ රෙදිද…?’
‘බැරි බැරි ගාතේ යන අලියි, මහ අලියි, එක එකාට ඇරගන්න අලියි, මෙලෝ රහක් නැති අලියි, සබන් නොගා නාගන්න අලින්ගෙයි කිළිටි රෙදියි, මඩ රෙදියි…!’
‘අම්මට හුඩු තනියම ඔය තරම් රෙදි කන්දරාවක්…?’
‘නැහැ.. සහායට ඩැනීලා වගේ බදුලු විජේසිරියා, ගාලු හෙට්ටියා, අප්පුවා හේසානයා, මරිග්ගාර් වගේ පොරවලුත් ඉන්නවා…!’
‘සෑහෙන කාලයක් සෝදන්න වෙයි නේද…?’
‘අපෝ.. නැහැ මාස තුනයි….!’
‘අෑ… අෑ…? ඒ මොකෝ…?’
‘මේ යන විදියට
කෙළවගන්නවානේ…!’ එහෙම කියාපු මුජි පොට්ටනියත් අරගෙන ළිඳට ගියා.

රටට හොඳ නැති පනත් සම්මත කරගන්න ආණ්ඩුවෙන් යටිකූට්ටු වැඩක්

January 12th, 2019

ඩබ්ලිව්.කේ. ප්‍රසාද් මංජු උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ කලහකාරි ලෙස හැසිරුණු බවට චෝදනා ගොනුකරමින් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් 21 දෙනකුට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව මාසයක කාලයකට තහනම් කර අය _ වැය සහ රට අහිතකර අණපනත් කිහිපයක් සම්මත කරගැනීමේ සැලසුමක් ආණ්ඩුව විසින් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට සූදානමින් සිටින බවට තොරතුරු වාර්තා වී තිබෙන බව එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ ප්‍රබලයෝ කීපදෙනෙක්ම ‘ඉරිදා මව්බිම’ට පැවැසූහ.

පසුගිය දිනවල පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඇති වූ සිද්ධිවලදී කලහකාරී ලෙස හැසිරුණු බවට චෝදනා කරමින් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් 21 දෙනකු සහ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් දෙතුන් දෙනකුගේ පමණක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පැමිණීම මාසයක කාලයකට තහනම් කිරීමේ සූදානමක් පවතින බවත් මෙම පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන්ගේ නාම ලේඛනය නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක ආනන්ද කුමාරසිරි මහතා විසින් ලබන සතියේදී කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය මහතා වෙත ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නියමිත බව සන්ධානයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි රංජිත් ද සොයිසා මහතා ‘ඉරිදා මව්බිම’ට පැවැසීය.

මැතිසබය තුළ කලහකාරී සිද්ධි සම්බන්ධයෙන් පරීක්ෂණ සිදුකෙරෙනවා නම් මුලින්ම පරීක්ෂණ පැවැත්විය යුත්තේ අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ, කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය මහත්වරුන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් බව රංජිත් ද සොයිසා මන්ත්‍රිවරයා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ කලහකාරි තත්ත්වයක් ඇතිවීම සඳහා ප්‍රථමයෙන්ම වගකිවයුත්තේ අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය යන මහත්වරුන් බවද මැතිසබය තුළට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් දෙදෙනකු පිහි රැගෙන ඒම සම්බන්ධයෙන් කථානායක ජයසූරිය මහතා නිසි ක්‍රියාමාර්ග නොගත් බවත් ඒ ගැන දැනටමත් කථානායකවරයාට එරෙහිව අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට (රහස් පොලිසියට) පැමිණිල්ලක් ඉදිරිපත් වී ඇති බවත් ඒ මහතා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඇති වූ කලහකාරි සිද්ධි සම්බන්ධයෙන් සකස් කරන ලද වාර්තා 2ක් ලබන සතියේදී කථානායක වෙත භාරදීමට නියමිතය.

එක් වාර්තාවක් සකස් කර තිබෙන්නේ නියෝජ්‍ය කථානායක ආනන්ද කුමාරසිරි මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් යුත් කමිටුවකින් වන අතර අනෙක් වාර්තාව සකස් කර තිබෙන්නේ අපරාධ පරීක්ෂණ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව (රහස් පොලිසිය) මඟිනි.

එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් 21 දෙනකුට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ රැස්වීම්වලට සහභාගි වීම මසකට තහනම් කිරීමට තීරණයක් ගතහොත් විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් දැවැන්ත විරෝධතාවක් ගෙන යෑමට තීරණයක් ගෙන තිබෙන බවද රංජිත් සොයිසා මන්ත්‍රිවරයා වැඩිදුරටත් පැවැසීය.

ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිත්වය නතර කළ යුතුයි

January 12th, 2019

අනුරාධා හේරත් උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිත්වය නතර කළ යුතු බව ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රි අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක පවසයි. ජවිපෙ නායකයා ඉරිදා “මව්බිම”ට ප්‍රකාශ කළේ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීම හා සම්මත කිරීමට වත්මන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ ප්‍රයත්න දැරීම ප්‍රතිඵල රහිත ක්‍රියාවක් බවය.

ඒ අනුව වඩා සාධනීය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සහිත ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ලෙස ගෙන ආ යුතු බවද මන්ත්‍රිවරයා පෙන්වා දෙන්නේය. ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීම සඳහා පිහිටුවන ලද ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය විසින් පත් කළ මෙහෙයුම් කමිටුවේදී විධායක ජනපති ධුරය, ඡන්ද ක්‍රමය, බලය බෙදාහැරීම යන කරුණු ගැන කිසිදු පොදු එඟතාවකට ඒමට නොහැකි වී ඇති බැවින් එකී තත්ත්වය තුළ තවදුරටත් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය පවත්වාගෙන යෑම කිසිදු ඵලක් නැති බවද ඔහු වැඩිදුරටත් පැවැසීය.

A Proposal for poltical stability and good gvernance in this country in Future?

January 11th, 2019

Dr Sudath Gunasekara (SLAS) Retired Ministry Secretary



We all know that there is no Government in this counrtry at the moment. It is total anarchy that reign all over the country. In fact having started in  Jan 2015 today it has reached its climax.In my view this is the cumulative end product of the political gambling by political parties that had been in operation since 1948, the year we are supposed to have got the so-called Independence from the British. The Soulbury Constitution  that was a ‘made in Great Briton Constituion’, is a classic British colonial fraud and conspiracy to keep Sri Lanka under their controll for ever.

The prevaling system of Government in this country today is so corrupt, so disorganized, so messy and so distanced from the exalted  purpose of the State and now that it has gone far  far beyond any conceivable boundereis of reparation, I do not wish to talk  of any possibilities  of returning  to  normalcy within the on going political culture, as I foresee an imminant head on crash of this system in no time.

Therefore in this essay I propose to outline a new system of Government to salvage our motherland by restoring political stability and good governace in this country at least in future, for the benefit of posterity, if there is one going to be left behind in this country?

Under this proposal I will outline two systems of alternative Governments.

That is

1)  A system of  Government without Political Parties


2 A second system of Government with two Political Parties namely,

              1) Sinhalaye Bhoomiputra Pakshaya

            11) Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Paksaya

What is envisaged under 1 is a system of Government witout poitical parties and the one under 11 there will be only national political parties open to people of all ethnic roups. All ethnic politicians and ethnic groups  have to join either Prty1 or 11 and there is no other option. Both these Parties will have one national policy, on subjects like the name of the country, the name  of the nationality, law, language and religion that will never change, what ever the Government that comes to power. They should be non negotiable and inalienable.So that there will always be a strong government at the center and good governance will prevail for the prosperity and  happynes of its subjects.Under this proposal all Political Parties named after ethnic, religious, regional or divisive basis like Federal etc, will be banned by law The most fundamental feature of this sytem is that it will be a government   for the benefit of the people and the country and not for the sole benefit oftheir families and cronies as it has come to satay today.

This essay marked as Part 1 deals with the first alternativeThat is “A system of Government Without Political Parties.” It will be followed by Part 11A System of Government with Two National Political Parties “

Part 1

A system of Government Without Political Parties: A Key to a new political culture in Sri Lanka

(This is a revised memo first posted in Lankaweb, September 28th, 2016)

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara (SLAS) Retired Permanent Secretary to Prime Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike

10.1 2019.


Towards a Government without Political Parties, corruption, waste and extravagance. This is expected to  replace the pressent system of kleptocratic Government, with good governance or Mahasammatha Government and  install a system of government of the people, for the people and by the people in this country. Selection and election of politicians as well as the selection and appointments of Public Officials under this system will be based on the cardinal principles ultimate public good and meritocracy in the seats of Government . Both politicians and public oficials under this system will be only servants of the people and they will cease to be masters any more.

Begining of the tragedy

After establishing their hegemony through conspiracy and intriegue in 1815, the British for 133 years, directly destroyed and then plundered the resources of this Island nation. This was more conspicuous in the central hill country, where 600,000 acrers of virgin forest were removed for Tea plantations. It was purely done for the enrichment of their Empire. Simultaneously they also destroyed and destabilized the native political, socio-economic and cultural systems in the whole Island.  The native social fabric was completely destroyed through a vicious mechanism of divide and rule policy. When they left in 1948 they left behind their own political, administrative and legal mechanisms  through a British made Constitutions  replacing the native systems. This enabled them to tighten the colonial grip in order to perpetuate their hegemony and exploitation  by retaining the vital reins in their own hands. Westminster political systean dpolitical Party system that was completely alien to the natives was the main instrument through which they manipulated and controlled all ex-colonies with the assistance of a new generation of rulers they have nursed and bred over the years. This new generation who were subservient and servile to the colonial masters acted as their accredited local agents and continue to do so even today as Her Majesty’s obedient servants. As such none of the countries that were under them in fact is fully  free, sovereign or Independent although they are said to be so.

Sri Lanka provides a glaring example as a victim of this colonial intrigue than any. After 70 years of so-called Independenec,  they are supposed to have given in 1948, even today it is virtually run by Britain and its allies.  The irony is that before 1948 it was only Britain that ruled this country but today it is run by a consortium of neo-colonial powers both directly and indirectly through their own so-called International Agencies like the UNO, World Bank, UNICEF, ADB and USAID. There is unanimous agreement that the political party system alien to this country, among many other colonial leverages as given above, introduced by the British in 1948 has become the main  bane of this vicious circle. It has ruined this country, almost beyond recovery, leading to  political, economic, social and cultural disintegration. The crust of the problem as I see is nothing but the civilization clash betweeen the Weast and the East.

This sad legacy is common to all the countries they conquered. Therefore no country that was subjected to their depredation can ever be free, either politically, economically, culturally or otherwise, until and unless these alien elements are completely eradicated and replaced with indigenous instituions of their own past civilizations. They provide a wealth of experience and knowledge the natives have gained over the centuries through trial and error and have come to stay as the most appropriate  knowledge base for their environmnets.

It should also be noted here that we, were a great nation in the world for 2500 years, before the westerners came here to ‘civilize’ us as they say. It is true that we never had either a written constitution or political parties in this country from the inception of history as we ruled under a different system.  But we had  royal decrees written on stone  pillars and rock slabs that laid down rules and regulations of state craft. Besids we also had a very rich code of customs, traditions and comventions of good governnace enriched by Buddhist teachings that have shaped this country as a wonder in the East even in medieval times,  long before UK,USA or any of their so called modern countries  were yet to see any form of civilization. They were written on ola, and Tamba sannas. The fact that Italian explorers like Marcopolo and Morignolli who visited this country in the 14th century have described it as a paradise and Moringnolli  went to the extent of saying ‘Paradise is seen on the earth itself. It is situated in the mountains of Ceylan’ proves what it had been like in the past

Begining of Colonial rule and repression

System of Colonial rule accompanied by repression started almost immediately after their occupation  in  1815 and gradually tightened what was called political reforms step by step, starting with Brown Wrigg’s Royal Proclamation of November 1st 1818 which abrogated the Kandyan Convention of 2nd March exparte.  They left in 1948 after laying a permanent trap in the Soulbury Constitution after introducing the first political party, the ‘United National Party’ (UNP) by which the British introduced the concept of many nations to Lankan to this country under sec 29 of the Soulbury Constitution for the first time in its 2500 year history. Ever since we remain trapped and caught in this vicious cycle of party politics that has almost ruined this country beyond redemption.

Debate on the political party system

Many a people have debated about the need for a change in this disatrous system. But no one has so far found any practical and feasible solution for this vexed national problem. What I put down here is the result of my search for a workable solution to that all important problem. I do not claim this to be a perfect answer. But I have an inner feeling that, if we implement this proposal, it will mark a turning point in the country’s political history, in our joint search for a satisfactory answer for this no return situation. It is a new idea that came to my mind, capable of generating a live debate on this subject, that would finally bring about political solace to our motherland.

Two people have inspired me in this noble mission. The first is my good friend and colleague late U.B. Wijekoon,  a senior Civil Servant and an uncommon politician who presented me a copy of a book called ‘Paksha Desapalanaya Ratata Sapaya’. written by him in (2010), highlighting the need to change this curse; making a request appealing to me to think about a solution for this cancerous social disaster. Ironically he had not offered a solution in his book.  Dr Gunadasa Amarasekara, having inspired by  the ‘Civilization State, written by Martin Jacques,  who wrote a book recently (2016) titled Sabbyatva Rajya” calling for a new system of government based on our own civilization is the other person who accelerated my search on this subject. I thank both of them sincerely for their inspiration.  Though this venture is  not an easy job I descided to take up this challenge

However, at the very outset, I must modestly admit that this is not the result of an in depth research, on this subject. It is only a note prepared based on my thirty five years of experience and understanding of our political system, past and present, to be presented at a discussion organized by my colleague and friend Dr Nath Amarakoon at Navinna, Kotte on 15th  October 2015..

I wish and hope this note will inspire you all patriots to search for the answer we all need very badly to rescue our motherland and the nation from the imminent threats snarling at us, both from external and internal sources.

The Philosophy and Mission

1 Balachackram hi nisrāya Dharmachakram Pravartatē” (The Wheel of Power Revolves on the Wheel of Dhamma)

2 Bahujana Hitāya Bahujana Sukhāya”  Lord Buddha. (For the Good of the many; For the Happiness of the many)


To replace

The system of Government we have in this country today, what I call a Government by the Politicians, for the Politicians and of the Politicians” that has got reduced to ‘virtual tyranny of the politicians”


A Home grown system of Government of our own A Government by the People, for the People and of the People,”

Based on the Dasaraja Dhamma, Pansil, Satara Sangraha Vattu and the Mahasammatha concept of state craft that had made this country a Proud Land of plenty, prosperity, peace and just governance for centuries in the past.


To set up a new form of Government similar to what Martin Jacques calls the ‘Civilization State,” based on our own indigenous political philosophy, institutions and systems, traditions and social values enshrined in Budddhist teachings, that formed the  foundation of that heritage, to liberate this country from the Maciavellian model of Governance and the shackles and clutches of Western colonial hegemony and exploitation. It is also an attempt to fully free our people from their mental servility to Western forms of Government, alien and utterly inappropriate to the East; to inspire people of this country to understand the value and relevance of their age old and time tested native systems as the golden key to the portals of our future prosperity and pride. My final aim here is to call upon you all to ‘wake up’ from hibernation and to come forward to save the Motherland and lift it up once again to lofty heights as a strong, vibrant and a prosperous nation from the depths in to which it had been put by the colonial plunderers and their accredited local agents who took over governance from them. Making Sri Lanka the ‘ Wonder of Asia”should be our final goal in  this mission.

Political parties the curse of the Nation

Of all legacies left behind by the British, political party system, has been identified as the most disastrous and baneful factor that has divided and ruined this country and the Sinhala/Sri Lankan nation, more particularly the Sinhalese, ever since 1948. It has not only set the Tamils and Muslims the Sinhalese but it has also divided the native Sinhalese in to different opposing  camps like Kandyans and Low country Sinhalese and again on relgion and caste. It is now widely accepted by everybody as the most fatal cancer that has spread all over the body politic in this country,  killing the political stability and the unity of this Island nation, as it has continued to promote the divide and rule policy of the British even after Independence. Therefore the crying need for an immediate solution to put back this great nation once again on its own feet.

We did not get any Independence in 1948

I begin on the assumption that we have not got any independence in 1948. I challenge any one who says we have got any independence other than a Parliament to make legislation and govern  the way set down in the British made Soulbury Constitution.  The way how the West and India run this country even today, with the assistance of their allies  is sufficient proof of this pathetic situation. Have we won independence over our motherland, our language, religion, political institution, social system or our heritage and values as India or Mianma did in 1947? I posit, we are still not an Independent nation. Do we have at least a homemade Constitution after 70 years of ‘Independence’? Isn’t this country not run by the Britain even today, orchestrated by the UN and the so-called International Community and India to suit their agendas. So in this backdrop how can one say we are an independent nation. Apart from being an idependent nation, have we at least restored the name of this country, defined what our nation is and restored our language and relgion that were here in 1815.

The following model is proposed to make this country once again a free and an Independent and sovereign country.

 Proposed model of Government

The proposed Model envisages replacing the existing so-called modern Western democratic system of government imposed on us by force and intrigue by the colonial invaders, with a novel native system, sans the political parties, administrative and legal systems and social values imposed on us by them. Going back to our roots in search of a permanent remedy to these ugly colonial legacies of political, legal,social, economic and mental maladies handed down to us by the West, to disrupt, disorganize and destroy our country to achieve their diabolical strategic, military and economic goals, is the aim of this effort.

Main features of the Government Machinery

1  Uttaritara Jatika Rajya Purohita Sabha (UJRPS) A  Supreme  National Advisory Council at the    Centre ( S N A C)

Its constitution

  1. a) The Mahanayaka Theros of Malwatta, Asgiriya, Amarapura and Ramanna Nikaya         4
  2. b) MahanayakaTheras of Kotte ,Ruhunu, RangiriDambulu,UvaWanavasi Sects            4
    c) Two eminent scholarly monks nominated by the 8 Mahanayaka Theras                 2
  3. d) The three Religious leaders of Catholic, Hindu and Islam                                              3
  4. e) Speaker Rajya Sabh                                                                                                                   1
  5. f) Attorney General                                                                                                                       1
  6. g) Head of the Publicservice                                                                                                        1
  7. h) Secretary to the Treasury)*                                                                                                   1

Total                                                                                                                                                          17

*(The Secretary to the Treasury, like in the Civil Service days, should be the most senior and competent Public Servant from the Sri Lanka State Administrative Service. SLSAS should also be fully upgraded and reorganized to the level of the unchallengeable Premier Public Service and the steel frame of the machinery of the State)

+ Except c all others be ex-Officio. President can appoint them on a letter from the 8 Makanayaka Theras

This will be a non-political Supreme National Advisory Council that stands above all political and state institutions and individuals in the country. It is an independent National Institution set up primarily and solely to protect and safeguard national interest and welfare of the people. It is expected that this Council will act as the guardian god to protect this country and the nation.  This Council to be formally appointed by the President of the Republic.

There shall be a Secretary to this council, who should be of the highest rank from the SLAS.

eg Sec. to the President, Prime Minister and Treasury or even higher.

It is also suggested that a new Secretaries Service like in the old Civil Service days be created again from among the most senior and competent memebers of the SLA Service. Ministry Secretaries should be appointed only from this Service in order to maintain the highest standards and recognition.

Powers and functions of the Jatika Rajya Purohita Sabha  (UJRPS)

1 Advising the government on all matters on national planning and agreements with foreign countries and all foreign agencies. No such agreement should be entered upon without the concurrence of the JRPS

2Vesting all powers presently exercised by the Parliamentary Committee on the selection of officers for local and Diplomatic posts should be vested with the UJRPS as the present Parliamentary Committee has now become a big fast as political considerations have overtaken its legal consideration.

3 All decisions and appointments taken and made without the concurrence of the UJRPS shall be declared unconstitutional and illegal

A fully eqipped National Secretariat for the UJRPS should be set up under a senior Secretary of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service of the rank of the Secretary to the President or Prime Minister. The CPC building complex at Pallekele Mahanuwara District could be used for this purpose as the Provincial councils will be abolished under the new system.

2  Supreme National Planning Council (SNPC) Uttaritara Jatika Selesum Mandalaya (UJSM)

It is also proposed that we set up a Permanent Supreme National Planning Council consisting of 10 or 15 eminent persons in fields like Economics, Finance Agriculture, Environment, Industry Education, Trade and Commerce, History and Culture of this country etc, to prepare the overall National Plan so that politicians will have only to implement national policies after they get elected.

This will be appointed by the President of the Republic on the approval of the Jatika Rajya Sabha and the concurrence of the Supreme National Advisory Council UJRPS.

Every plan prepared by this Council has to be formally approved by the legislature and the President of the Republic in consultation with the Supreme National Advisory Council UJRPS

3 A Strong Central Government 

1  President (to be called Lakisuru)  

The President of the Republic of Sinhale shall be elected by the people or by an electoral college as given below. He will be the Head of the State, the Government and the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces

He shall be elected on a non-party basis by an Electoral College consisting of

Members of

  1. a) Jatika Rajya Sabha (JRS) National level
  2. b) Uttara MAntri Sabhava National level

3             Ratasabha                                        Rata level

  1. c) Disa Sabha (DS) District level
  2. d) Upadisa Sabha (US)                 Divisional level
  3. e)  Gamsabha                                Village level

6           e)  Grama Sabha    (GS)                  village level

(as proposed to be newly set up)

7 Or directly by the people of the whole country

It is proposed that TWO or THREE names of outstanding personalities over 40 years shall be nominated as candidates by the Supreme National Advisory council to the Election Commission so that people also could have a wider choice. Selection could be made on public nomination or self -application submitted to the UJRPS/SNAC The UJRPS in sessions can deliberate an dselect the three names on their own or from public nominations

After nomination is made and the approval of the Supreme National Advisory Council is given, the Election Commission will arrange for three Public debates over the TV to enable the people to select the best person

The aggregate of all votes received by a candidate should exceed 50 percent of the valid votes poled for him to be declared elected as the President.

Persons nominated for the post of President should be of unblemished character, over 40 years of age and who has rendered a distinguished service to the country in any field like Law, Politics, Administration, Academia, Science, Finance, Agriculture and Industry, Trade and Commerce and Culture or any other professional field. He should be a proven National Figure acceptable to all at Home and who  could command the respect of the International community. .

Only a Sinhalese Buddhist shall be nominated for this position. That was the inalienable tradition in this country throughout history for the past 2500 yers

His term of office shall be 6 years. He should not run for office for more than two consecutive terms unless the whole country wants him back.

He cannot be removed from office during his tenure wihtout referendum among the electors as the case may be.

2  Prime Minister ( Agramatya)

An Electoral College consisting of the 18 Chairmen of the 18 Executive Committees  (JRS 15+ UMS 3) as stated below will elect the most suitable person among them as the Prime Minister. He shall be formally appointed as the Prime Minister by the President of the Republic thereafter, with the concurrence of the Supreme National Advisory Council. The Prime Minister shall be in charge of the subjects of National Security, External Affairs and Buddha Sasana. However the Prime minister shall always be elected from the JRS.

The President will preside over the Amatya Mandalaya (Cabinet) but he shall not be incharge of any Ministry

This will enable reducing the present scale of the President Office and Staff there by reducing the present mega vote unnecessarily spent on the President keepin to the bare minimum needed to maintain the dignity and security of thr President.

3 The Jatika Rajya Sabha (JRS)

(Ratika Rajya Sabha (Parliament) shall consists of The President, Pahala Mantrana Sabha  (PMS) and  Uttara Mantrana Sabha (UMS)

Rajya Sabha consisting of the two Houses shall be the supreme Legislative body in the country. Its legislative power is in-alienable.

4  The  Pahala Mantarna Sabha (PMS)

It will have 168 Members elected to represent the 28 Districts at 6 Members per District The 28 Districts to be set up under the Tun Rata Sabha system as given below).Each District shall be demarcated  in to 6 Eelctorates to enable the JRS Memebers to be elected

The Jatika Rajya Sabha  will get the Sabhanayaka (Speaker), Niyojya Sabhanayaka (Deputy) and Karaka Sabha Sabhapathi (Chairman Committes) elected at its first meeting. It will also  elect the 15 Executive Committes at this meeting.

When these three members gets elected as above, the balance 165 will form in to 15 Executive Committees  at 11 members each.. Each Committee will then elect one member as its Chairman and another as Deputy Chairman.

Where a Committee is unable to elect its Chairman the President, in consultation with the Sabhanayaka (Speaker) of the House will appoint a Member from among the members of that Committees to be Chairman

5 Uttara Mantrana Sabha,UMS (Senate)

There shall be a Senate of 36 members; 28 elected representing the 28 districts, and 8  nominated to represent eminent persons who have rendered a distinguished service to the nation  in different fields  such as Politics, Administration, Finance,, Science, Education, Arts and Literature, Business & Commerce and Agriculture or any other field..

The 28 Senators be elected by each District at the General Election conducted for the election of Rajya Sabha Members by introducing a separate ballet paper giving three names for each District to be elected as Senators enablling the people to have a wider choice.

The nomination for the Senate should be for the whole District and not for an electorate as in the case of a JRS Member.Three names shoul be nominated for UMS. The one who gets the highest number of votes will be declared the Senator for that District as there is only one place for a District in the senate

Qualifications for one to be nominated and the process of selection and election will be the same as for a Member of the Jatika Rajya Sabha or Rata Sabha except that acandidate for the UMS should be over 40 years.

The UMS will also elect its Sabhanayaka and Niyojya Sabhanayaka at its first meeting  and thereafter it will form in to 3 Committees and elect the Chairmen of the Committes.

The President will appoint the Chairmen of the Executive Committees of the Jatika Raj Sabha as Ministers. (PMS 15 & UMS 3). Minister of justice shall be from the UMS.  He will also appoint 15 Deputy Ministers from the PMS and 3 Deputy Ministers  from the UMS. But he cannot remove any Minister or Deputy  unless the Committe Concerened makes such formal request in writing from him for reasons such as misconduct, insolvency, failure to perform his duties due to illness, misbehavior, breach of trust or finding guilty by a court of law etc

This will remove the arbitrary powers of the President in appointing and removing Ministers and Deputies at his will to suit his private agenda like a despot, as it is done today and make the process more democratic and also allow the Ministers to work independently as representatives of the people answerable to them instead of the President. (Under the present system not only the Ministers and Deputies but all MPP and even the organizers have become virtual hostages in the hands of the President or Party Leader. So much so it has boiled down to a one man show- a virtual dictatorship. The proposed arrangement is expected to restore democracy and Yahapalanaya in its true sense once again in this country unlike ).

Thereafter at a Joint meeting of the Chairmen of the 18 Executive Committees (JRS 15+UMS 3) will elect the Chairman of the National Executive Committee who shall be the nomminee for the post of Prime Minister. Therafter the Presddent shall appoint the Prime MInnister after getting the concurrence of the UJRPS

Term of office of Jatka Rajya Sabha as well as UMS shall be 5 years starting on 1st of May immediately following the General Election

6 The Amatya Mandalaya (Cabinet)

There shall be an Amatya Mandalaya of 19 including the President of the Republic. All the Chairmen of the Executive Committees will function as the Cabinet presided over by the President but he  should not hold any MInistry. Of the 18 Ministers 15 shall be from the PMS and  and 3 from UMS and one of them shall be the Minister of Justice. The 15 Committees in the PMS and the 3 Committes in the UMS will be named on a functional basis like Agriculture, Industries, Finance & Public Administration & Home Affairs, Justice, Health and social Service, Education, Lands and Irrigation, Trade and commerce, Public Works, Cultural Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Defense, Shipping and Aviation, Telecommunications, Information & Media etc. Only functionally related subjects should be allocated to each ministry.

4 Machinery of Governance

The present system of Government Ministries, Departments,  Corporations and Statutory Bodies will continue to function after scrapping all superficial and redundant ones to maintain economy of governance. Number of these institutions  should be kep to the bare minimum required for economy.

5 Sovereignty

Sovereignty of the people will rest with the people and it will be exercised by The President, Rajya Sabha and the Judiciary, and by the People at a referendum. The legislative powers of the Rajya Sabha shall be in-alienable

Government will execute its policies and Programmes at different levels through central government Ministries, Departments, Disa Lekam Karyala (District Secretariats), Upadisapathi Karyala (Divisional Secretariats) and Grampathi Karyala  and Rata Sabhas, Disa Sabhas, Upadisa Sabhas and Grama Sabha and Nagara Sabhas  at each level dealing with Governance and developments.

The Central government Officials at each level will function as the ex-officio Secretaries of the pheripharal government institutions. For example the District Secretary of a District will be the Secretary of the District Council. Same principle will apply at Divisional, and Village level as well, ending up with the Gampathi/Grama Lekam becoming the Secretary to the Grama Sabha at the village level.

6 The Head of the District Secretariat

The Head of the Ditrict Seretariat should be named as District Secretary and Disapathi. The anachronistic colonial term GA should be scrapped immediately as they have ceased to be the Agents of any government long ago and today they are only Public Servants of the people of this country, and as it also carries the stigma of colonial administration. Similarly the designation of the GS should also be changed as Gampathi/Grama Lekam

All these Government Institutions and Councils must be administered by professional Public Servants recruited through open competitive examinations only where meritocracy shall be the hallmark. No appointment   in public Service both in th epublic sector and the corporate sector  should be given on patronage outside the approved Schemes of recruitment. aThe prevailing pract ice of appointing of defeated ccadiddate to public service shold be immediately done away with.

The Sabhas should be headed by elected representatives as Chairmen. At the District level it should be chaired by the U M S member of the District and at the Divisional level by the MP/Minister as the case may be of the Division. This arrangement will enhance the sovereignty of the people while at the Same time strengthening independence and quality and efficiency of delivery of services by State officers at the same time.

However powers and functions of each of these officers and Chairmen should be clearly defined and laid down to avoid clash of interests and ensure smoothness in fairness and impartiality in Public Service.

Appointments to Public Service shoulsd be done strictly according to the ethnic ratio to avoid discrimination against the majority sinhalese.

7 Election of Members to UMS, Jatika Rajya Sabha, Disa Sabhas, Upa disa Sabha, Grama Sabhas. (The present Palath Sabha and Pradesiya Sabha system which ha sexponentially increased the number of politicians in this country will be scrapped with this reorganization and the normous amounts spent on them and those institutions with no gain to the country could be then spent on development)

This will be done on an electoral basis as decided by the Election Commissioner General who will also function as the Chairman of the National Election Commission.

8 Qualifications to run for political office

The selection as well as election of persons under this system will depend solely on the overall quality such as education, character and proven capacity, ability and commitment to serve the people.  Minimum 5 years permanent residence within the electorate should be made compulsary for a candidate to qualify to be nominated for that seat.All those who aspire to get in to politics should clearly understand that politics is not a job to make money but it is only a chance to serve the people. Minimum educational qualifications should be laid down for candidate at each level Eg UMS and JRS minimum a University degree or above.

9 Selection and Election of Members to the Jatika Rajya Sabha and other Sabhas

Candidates at different levels shall be first selected by the respective Councils on public consensus by Nomination or application, from among qualified and distinguished persons permanently resident within such electorates. (They also can hold a primary election to select the). They will be elected on a non-party basis as there will be no parties in this system, on the first past post basis on and electoral basis thereafter. The simple criterion for selection shall be all-round suitability to hold public position.  This system will see the real Mahasammatha principle in practice. (

Since Elections to JRS, UMS  are conducted at District levels for the purpose of electing them, the District Council will submit two separate lists

One with the 3 or 2 names for each electorate, for the JRS candidates from among  whom the voters of the respective electorate will elect 1 for the JRS

The other list of 2/3 names for the UMS for the whole Disava so that voters will have a wider choice. The one who gets then hihgest will get elected to the UMS

Only persons with permanent residence within the electorate/District as the case may be are qualified to be nominated for any given electorate.

The persons who come first in each electorate will go to the Jatika Rajya Sabhava.

In the case of the UMS list the one who gets the highest number of votes get elected tot he UMS. .

At the conclusion of the Election the Commissioner of Election will announce the list of Jatika Rajya Sabha. UMS Members accordingly.

The timing of elections should be logically arranged in a sequential manner to ensure there is no disruption of public life in the country and smooth governance is maintained through out

 10 Local Government

This will be a Five- tiered structure

1 Grama Sabha –     Grama Seva Level ;voluntay like Grama sanvardhana samiti

2 Korala Sabha Village Councils with Judicial powers as in the past

3 Upanagara Sabha

4 Nagara Sabha

5 Mahanagara Sabha

(details of functions of these institutions has to be worked ou)t

*Referring to Sinhalese Village Council system even J. F. Dixon, one of the most renowned British Civil Servants, GA of CP in his Annual Administrative Report of 1872 has described the Village Council system that was there before 1815 in this country as ‘a remarkable system of self government which under native rule was so strikingly developed in the Village Communities of the East’ He said so after reintroducing the system in the Central Province, they abolished in the wake of 1818 Independent Struggle. Korale level we can have the old Gamsabha for the purpose of deciding petty disputes at village level under the M/Justice to replace present Sama Mandala).

I strongly recommend we should review  and re-establish this system at the grass root level as early as possible as a mechanism to effectively deal with village level problems.  The only difference between thenand now will be: they were appointed by the  King or his subordinates instead under the present sytem  they will be elcted. (Setting up of people’s committees consisting of 5 village elders including the village monk, GS, village School master and three other elders is suggested to deal with petty village disputes to promote harmony and  peace at each village level. I have experimented this system very successfully in 1966-1971 at Uda Dumbara when I was DRO and it proved a wonderful success in solving village level problems with no cost to poor villagers and also saving their time and money, to engage in their day to day work without resorting to cumbersome litigations

11 Election of Members of Disa Sabha (District Councils), Upadisa Sabha (Divisional Councils) Grama Sabha  to be conducted as follows.

We start here with the Grama Sabha

Grama Sabha at GS Divisions Level

There will be a Grama Sabha for each GS Division consisting of all above 18 years in the village who are qualified for membership and it will function as a voluntary association of the village like a Grama Sanwardhana Samitiya. A Grama sabha   will have an elected Council of 15 members elected by the residents of the Gramaseva Division. The Council will elect a Chairman for the Grama Sbah. There shall be one Grama Sabha for each Gampathi division.

A separate Committee under each councilor, comprising all villagers over 18 years of age will be set up at this level as well. Each such Committee will be directly linked to the 18 Executive committees at the centre (JRS 15+UMS 3) and the periphery.

The Grama Sabha  will be elected for a period of five years by the voters of the Grama Seva Division at a Grama Sabha  meeting summoned and presided over by the Gampathi.

The Gampathi while holding Office will also function as the Secretary of the Sabha as well.

The Village Monk, and the Village School Master will function in an advisory capacity while all village level public officers like the Cultivation officer, Cooperative Inspector, Public Health Officer an others of similar capacity will function as ex-officio members of the Grama Sabha. But they will have no voting rihgts.

The out   going Grama Sabha at its last meeting at the expiry of its term of office   should select the list of candidates for the next Sabha at its last meeting by consensus and submit to the Grama Sabha  for approval for the next election. The term of office may be limited to two or three terms.

At the conclusion of the election the Council at its first meeting presided over by the GS   they will elect the Chairmen of the 18 Committees and then elect one of them as the Sabhapathi/Chairman of the Grama Sabha.

For this Council to function smoothly with authority and in line with the national system the name GS should be replaced with the new term Gampathi/ Grama Lekam. The GS system has to be fully reorganized and re-structured   (including the scheme of recruitment, educational qualifications and salaries etc) to meet the demands of this new situation.

The Chairman of the Grama Sabha will represent the Grama Seva Division at the  Upa Disa Sabha

Upa Disa Sabha

The Upa Disa Sabha (Divisional Council) will consist of the MP of the Electorate, (Chairman)Upadisapathi, Ex-Oficio Secretary, Chairmen of the Village Councils and Grama Sabhas. (Village Councils to be set up at Korala level), and all Upadisa level Publlic Offocers. The Upadisapathi presides over the meetings as Ex-Officio Sabhapathi, and the OA/Chief Clerk of the Upadisapathi Office will function as the Lekam and he will keep the records of the meeting. The Sabhapathi  of the Upa Disa Sabha (Divisional Councils) will represent the Upadisa Sabha at the Disa Sabha. Upa Disa should be co-terminus with the  as far as possibe. For large eelctorate we may have more than one Upa Disava.

 Disa Sabha

All the UMS, JRS Members of the respective Disava and the Disa Lekam/ and all District level Heads of Departments and Government Instituions, Upa Disa Sabha (Divisional Councils) Chairmen, Mayors and Chairmen of TCs and Village Council nominated by the Commissioner of Local governemnt in the District will go to form the  Disa sabha. The UMS Member will preside over the Disa Saba and the Disa Lekan will function as th Ex-Officio Secretary of the Sabha. Main functions of the Disa Sabhava will be coordination and supervision of Govt work at the District level. If necessary you can have subcommittees at this level for each area such as Agriculture, Irrigation, Industry, Education, Religious and Cultural affairs and other development work

Rata Sabhas

The Chairmen and Secretaries of the nine (9) Disa Sabhas in each Disava (District) will also represent their Districts at the Rata Sabha,  In addition to this the representatives of the Mahanagara and Nagara Sabha will also represent their Sabhas in the respective  Rata Sabhas  (Rata Sabhava 3 has to be worked out) The most senior Senator  will presdie over the meetings of the RATA Sabha and the most senior Secretary of the Rata will act as the S ecretary of the RATA Sabha

This scheme is expected to drastically reduce the number of parasitic politicians, excess public servants and enormous public expenditure and improve coordination and efficiency of delivery of services to people. The Government Officials like the Disapathi, Upa Disapathi and Gampathi will represent the interest of the Central Government and the elected Chairmen at the District and RATA levels will represent the people’s interest at these respective levels. Both politicians and Public Officers will work together as a team to deliver the services to the people and carry out development withhin their respective Ratas, Disavas abd Upa disava.but at the same time each will   act as a device of check and balance on the other to ensure the best service to the people.

(Details of powers and functions of each of these Sabhas, their officials, inter Sabha relations etc have to be worked out in detail as the above is only an outline of the proposal)

Note: Establishment of Rata sabhas may be dropped for the moment and reconsidered at a future date. But the RATA boundaries should be demarcated and established on ground to defeat separatism to re-establish the historical concept of the TUN RATA  in the minds of people and also to erace the colonial legacy of Provinces from the minds of the people.

11 Elections

Elections to all Positions at all levels except for the post of President of the Republic shall be conducted as follows according to a fixed time schedule to avoid overlapping and ensure and sustain smooth operation of the Sabhas and not to minterupt the delivery of services to people.

1) Day one

Grama Sabha, Nagara Sabha and Mahanagara Sabha Elections

2) Day Two  within one week after the day one

Village councils at Korale level  Elections

3) Day Three within one week after the day Two

Upadisa Sabha  NO Elections only forming

4)  Day four within one week after day three

Disa Sabha, NO Elections only forming  the Sabha

5) Rata   only forming the sabha No elections

5) Presidetial election : Either under 3 (1 or 7)  Details to be worked out

6) General Elections    For the JRS and UMS as set out under 4 & 5

The election process described here will have no opposing propaganda meetings, no posters and cut outs or banners, no demonstrations, no murders, no bribes, no public demonstrations, no wastage of time and money, no disruption of public Services or any other Service and the cost will also  be minimum, perhaps the country want even feel.

However in case of UMS, JRS and Village Councils after selection the selected candidates can have a maximum of 3 public joint  meetings to enable the electors to have the best choice. As an alternative they also can have three TV debates instead of public meetingd. I would prefer this mrthod. This will further reduce cost and people’s productive hours could be saved as well. All candidates will speak on the same platform explaning their development programmes . There will also be no soliciting, back biting, bribing and infighting and above all politics in this country will, once and for all, cease to be a plundering business and get transformed in to a sacred mission  of service to man, I hope.

Finally, I appeal you all Patriotic people to go back to the following traditional Geopolitical system to achieve our targets of building a stable, strong, peaceful and prosperous country.

12 The Tun Rata: Ruhunu, Pihiti and Maya (Tun Hele)

Devolution and decentralization of power to the periphery

The whole Island and its territorial waters will be divided in to three Regions (RATA)  as Ruhunu, Pihiti and Maya keeping with the age old tradition that had been there in this country from 427 BC to 1815 AD. (no other country in the world has had an uninterrupted geopolitical system for such a long time like this)

This is how Mahavamsa narrates the demarcation of village boundaries by Pandukabhaya in 427 BC.

Dasavassabhisitto so – gamasiima nivesayi

Lakadeepamhi sakale – Lankindo Pandukabhayo’    (MV.X.103).

(King Pandukabhaya attained the throne in 437 BC).

(This demarcation of village boundaries was later incorporated in to the Tun-Sinhale map which continued until 1815 with minor boundary changes, the last being the Udarata Rajadhaniya (Kandyan Kingdom) with its capital in Senkadagala Pura (Kandy) extending up to the sea right round the Island including the Rjarata, part of Malaya Rata and Ruhun Rata excepting a narrow coastal belts occupied by the Portuguese, Dutch and British successively, more particularly in the South Western littorals).

It must be noted with precision that the Sinhale or Ceylon as the British called it, when it was handed over to us to be governed as a dominion under the Ceylon Independence Act 1947 within the British Commonwealth of Nations (10th Dec 1947) included the whole Island. The only part of the ancient Sinhale territory that was not handed back to us was the Maldives Islands, which the British retained as one of their protectorates under clause 2 Part 1 of the said order until 26th July 1965 and declared it as a separate country. Besides failing to claim for Maldives our politicians could not get restored even the very name of this country-Sinhale” ceded to them in 1815. They also failed to send out nearly 1 million South Indian coolies like what Burma did in 1947. Today they occupy nearly 13 lahks acres of our Motherland on the hills right at the centre of the country where the present government of RW has now taken steps to establish  a Malayanadu for these Indian Tamils thereby not only betraying the sons of the soil, who owned it from the dawn of history but also hading over the heartland of our motherland permanently to India.

It is in this backdrop the following proposal is made with the best of intentions with a view to rescuing the country from the present tragic situation by bringing all communities together as one nation. In order to achieve this noble goal, it is suggested that we go back to the re-establishment of the ancient Thri-Sinhale with boundaries as shown in this map. This division will ensure equitable distribution of resources, both physical and human, among the three units (land, water, coast line and even people), restore ethnic reconciliation and firmly establish a permanent geopolitical framework that will, once and for all, put an end to the present political and ethnic crisis and lay the foundation for re-building a strong and vibrant nation state.

Above all it will enable us to get rid of the curse of the British Provincial System imposed on us in 1833 along with the Huniyama that is Palalth Sabha thrust on us by force by India in 1987 and also the Taml Homeland in the north and East given by JR under his July 29th 1987 Accord with Rajiv.

This, I am confident will provide the golden key to ethnic integration and national, Regional and village level development in this country.

The following map shows the proposed Tun Rata Divisions, 27 Districts and the Capital District.

Map  1

Sudath Sudath Gunasekara 2004

The 3 Ratas on ground shall be re-established accordingly. I have used Mahaweli, Walawe and Deduru Oya as their boundaries. But boundary changes could be altered after factors like population; area and ethnicity are carefully studied in detail before we finally decide on the boundaries to avoid future ethnic segregation. The need to not to disturb the overall historic ethnic composition, needed to avoid communal segregation, as a safeguard to territorial integrity etc to be born in mind, when demarcating these boundaries has to be stressed.  The boundaries of the proposed geopolitical division will extend from top to the sea coast.

I do not propose to have have separate elected bodies for these 3 Rata at the moment The bounderies will will replace the Provincial Bounderies  with many Provinces coming together. The Rata Bounderies will serve only as Sub-Administrative areas where the Districts will be brought together. They will serve only as geopolitical units for the purpose of cordinating the activities and implementing the development programes of the Central government in the Regions.

Each Rata will be divided in to nine Districts totaling to twenty seven (27) for the whole country. The 28th District where the Capital will be located shall be named as a special District (Capital District- This could be Mahanuwara or Anuradhapura) with special arrangements to represent it in the Jatika Rajya Sabha and the Uttara Mantrana Sabha. Within this geopolitical demarcation one has to give up all divisive dreams like Tamil or Muslim autonomy. Everybody has to think in terms of one nation and one country.

Each District will be demarcated in to six electorates using population and area as the criteria making provision for 6 MPP for the JRS, There will be only I UMS  Member  for 1 District. vize totaling 28 elected UMS Members for the whole country

13 Members to Jatika Rajaya Sabha and UMS

Other than the President of the Republic all other elected Members should be permanent residents of the electorate for which he/she seeks election or appointment to qualify to be elected or appointed to such posts. No person from an outside shall be appointed or nomination given.

But any person resident in any part of the country could be nominated for the post of President provided he has the necessary qualifications stipulated in the Constitution.

Abolish the Provincial Councils and Pradesiya Sabhas

This will  save more than Rs 600 Billion annually currently wasted just to upkeep Provincial Councilors, their kith and kin and this monstrous and wasteful system for nothing (absolutely brings no benefit to the country) that takes the country and the nation down the Gadarene slope for total disaster and bankruptcy, that could be gainfully used for the development of the country,?

All development work at each level will be done jointly  by the respective Sabhas and Government Departments. But intra-Divisional and Intra District and Intra-Rata project will be handled by the central Government. But no local work should be done by outsiders without the concurrence of the respective Sabhas. The central Government in this case will only facilitate the work with funds, technical knowhow etc. This will ensure self rule for the local people.

.Planning for the grass root level under this system will start at the Grama Sabha, Korala Sabha (Village Council) and it will be cordinated at Divisional, District and RATA level by implementing agencies.

No politician or public servant, either directly or indirectly shall be allowed to engage in contracts with the Government at any level.

The Provinces, Provincial Councils, and the existing Pradesiya Sabha will be scrapped and abolished under this system immediately.

The proposed Tun Rata Model will benefit the country in the following manner.

14  The proposal will,             

1 Remove the Provinces introduced by the British in 1832 to divide and rule and destroy this country and the Sinhala Buddhist civilization in this country, the JR/Rajiv Accord of July 29 1987 together with the 13th Amendment that followed and created the Provincial Council System to the North and East first for his servival and later adpopted by him for the rest of the ountry for dirty political manouring.

2 Firmly establish a sound, strong and sustainable geopolitical framework that will consolidate the political map of the Island that conforms to geographical, regional, and cultural variations and lay the foundation for re-building a strong and vibrant Nation State. Here I propose the age old and time tested Tun Rata model as given in Map 1 with suitable adjustments.

3 Provide a framework for maximum decentralization  of administrative powers to the within astrong Central Government that will bring about better democracy to the people and ensure balanced and contented development in the regions. The Distric, Division and the village model is the best decentralization unit I propose  for this.

4 Stop ethnic segregation and polarization and promote ethnic and regional harmony and reconciliation that leads finally to national integration. It will also put an end to all agitations for separate and independent Tamil and Muslim political entities and induce them to think and behave as full citizens of this country without having allegiance to India, and Arab world or in the alternative leave for any Land of Promise of their own without grab parts of this country, the Home of the Sinhala nation.

5 Result in the drastic reduction in expenditure on Governance as the Provincial Councils and Pradesiya Sabhas  white elephants will be abolished and the number of politicians and superficial politico-administrative institutions and so-called public  Polirico-Administrative machenary will also be reduced

6 Drastically cut down the Government expenditure and make available more funds for national development that will improve the standards of living of the common people.

7 Put an end to colonial administrative and political legacies that nurtured ethnic polarization and colonial servility, their divide and rule policy that seriously hampered the forward march of the post-independent Sri Lanka and open up new vistas for a united and prosperous new Lanka.

8   Ensure fair and equitable distribution of resources both natural and human among the regions and promote maximum and balanced regional development.

9 Provides a political framework where all people will begin to think firstly, as members of a Rata (Ruhunu, Pihiti or Maya), and secondly, as one nation instead of the present tendency of thinking as Sinhalese (Low country and Kandyans), Tamils or Muslims etc.

10 Restore the lost core historical, political, cultural and economic heritage of the people of this Island nation and lay the foundation for future political stability and socio-economic prosperity as one nation

11 Put an end to the curse of provinces that were designed by the British to divide and dis-integrate this country on ethnic grounds and the Provinces and Provincial Councils forced on us by British and India to achieve their sinister private objectives of creating a Tamilnadu within this country.

12 Prevent the formation of the Malayanadu dream in Central Sri Lanka as it will get divided between the Tun Rata and EELAM in the North and East as it will get divided between Rajarata and Ruhuna

13 This system will do away with political rivalries and wastage of time, money and election related crimes and bring about a system of government of our own keeping with the age old traditions of the country.

14 Drastically reduce political and administrative positions and Institutions and overheads.  Therefore it will result in drastic reduction of Government expenditure on salaries, vehicles, buildings and Elections etc

15 Remove dictatorial powers and immunity of the President and empower people with decision making power down to the very grass root level and make their sovereignty meaningful.

16 Will result in the devolution of power to the grass root level and people will share the power of governance making it fully democratic.

17 The number of Ministers and Ministries at the centre will get reduced to nineteen

18 Party politics will disappear from Trade Unions, Universities and government offices thereby millions of man hours lost per day on demonstration etc could be used for productive nation building.

19 It will mark the formation of a government by the people, for the people and of the people. Every citizen under this system will feel proud that he is also a and parcel of the Government.

20 It will mark the dawn of new era in democracy in practice and might become a model for all countries that have become victims of colonial exploitation and western systems of government utterly inappropriate to their local environments.

21 This will end the present system of Government by the politicians, for the politicians and of the politicians, their families and cronies” and instead we will have a Home grown system of self Government by the people, for the people and of the people”

22 This system of government is expected to guarantee governance in accordance with Dasarajadharma and enthrone the principle of ‘Bahujana sukhaya Bahujana hitaya” preached by the Buddha.

23 The new system of Government will also be based on the principle where the Wheel of Power will revolve on the Wheel of Dhamma and where Dhamma will form the solid Foundation of Governance.

24 It will mark the dawn of an era of new political culture leading the way to a ‘civilization State’ as Martin Jaque has described in his book ‘When China Rules the world’’.

25 Finally the whole country will begin to move forward with one national policy

26 There will a closer and harmornious relationship between the representatives and voters

27 No politician will be able to run away from responsibility firstly, as they have become local people who have amoral obligation to the people and secondly, as they could be recalled by the people

28 All institutions will have politicians and professional public servants who are compelled to do what the people want and none will be able to deceive and rob the people and do what they want.

29 The word political victimization will never be heard in this country thereafter as there are no political parties

30 There want be any claim for devolution as maximum power will be decentralized up to the village level under this system for people to take their decisions within the framework of broad National Policies.

31 With an Independent and strong Judiciary and Public   Service completely free from political intereference;  a New Political Culture in Sri Lanka and a new approach to Good Governance, all this you can expect under this system

32 Finally political, socio-economic, ethnic and regional conflicts will hopefully come to an end with ethnic and relgious reconciliation within an environment of integration in place of disintegration.

15 Proposed action Plan

It is suggested that first we appoint a panel of experts to finalize this document. It would be very useful to have public sittings on a District wise basis to get public participation before the preparation of the final Report on which we should base the Mahanuwara Charter 2019; Towards a New Political Culture in Tun Sinhale” to be released very soon. Under this system the people will prepare their election manifesto and get the politicians to agree to implement it instead of the present practice of politicians preparing their own manifestoes and get the people to vote for it.

Thereafter we invite party leaders for a joint meeting and present our document. The group who accept our proposals and gives a definite written undertaking to implement our programme to the letter after they win the election, we will organize the whole country to support them. Just like what the Sinhala Buddhist patriotic people did in 1956, but with a difference, that is they cannot go back  on their promises like how they have been doing ever since 1948, with impunity. Besides acceding to our above requests  they also have to agree to accommodate 28 candidates recommended by us to represent the 28 Districts and agree to reserve a minimum of five important ministry positions and five Deputy Ministry positions to our movement.

After coming to power under the present Constitution they have to agree to promulgate the new Constitution as agreed within six months and dissolve the Government. Thereafter new Elections have to be held under the new Constitution and immediately begin to implement the new Constitution

Overall these are only some random thoughts that came to my mind. Details have to be worked out jointly by a panel of patriotic experts in each field like eminent persons well versed in Local Government, Constitutional Law,  Systems of government including our own traditional Sinhala system that was there from ancient times.

Dr. Sudath Gunasekara

21.Gemunu Mawatha, Hanthana Pedesa 10. 1. 2019.

Mahanuwara. 081 2232744—071 8075326

ඉදිරි ඕනෑම මැතිවරණයක් පොහොට්ටුව ළකුණින්

January 11th, 2019

ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ පළාත් සභා සංසදය

ඉදිරියේදි පැවැත්වෙන ඕනෑම මැතිවරණයක් පොහොට්ටුව ළකුණින් තර`ග කිරීමට තම පක්ෂය සූදානම් බවත් ඕනෑම පක්ෂයකට පොහොට්ටුවේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙන් ගොඩනැෙ`ගන සන්ධානයට එකතු වීමේ බාධාවක් නැති බවත් ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර සංසදය පවසයි.
අද බත්තරමුල්ලේ නෙලූම්මාවතේ පිහිටි ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ මුලස්ථානයේ පැවැති ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරුනේ පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍රවරුන්ගේ සංසදයේ රැස්වීමේදී මෙම තීිරණයට එළැඹි අතර සියලූ මන්තී්‍රවරුන්ගේ ඡන්දයෙන් එම තීරණය සම්මත විය.
මෙහිදි මාධ්‍ය වෙත අදහස් දැක්වූ ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරුමනේ පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍ර සංසදයේ සභාපති සබරගමු පළාත්සභාවේ හිටපු සභාපති කාංචන ජයරත්න මහතා මාධ්‍යයට අදහස් දක්වමින්
—ඉදිරි පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය අපි පොහොට්ටුවෙන් තර`ග කරනවා. ඒකට කවුද එකතු වෙන්නේ කවුද එකතු වෙන්නේ නැත්තේ කියන එක අපිට අදාල නැහැ. අපි පක්ෂයක් විදියට ශක්තිමත්. පහුගිය පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේදී කෙටි කාලයක් තුල මුලූ රටේම විශ්වාසය දිනාගත්ත පක්ෂයක් බව තහවුරු වුනා. මේ ආණAඩුව පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පවත්වන්න සූදානමක් නැහැ. නමුත් අපි පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය දිනාගන්න පාරට බහින්න සූදානම්. තානාපති කාර්යාලවලටත් මැතිවරණ කොමිෂමටත් බලපෑම් කරන්න සුදානම්. යමම්විදියකින් පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වෙන්නේ නම් අපි ඉදිරිපත් වෙන්නේ පොහොට්ටුව සලකුණින් පමණයි. වෙනත් පක්ෂ කුමන ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කළත් මේ වසර අවසානයේ පැවැත්වෙන ජනාධීපතිවරණයටත් පොහොට්ටුවේ අපේක්ෂකයෙක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම අනිවාර්යයි.˜
බස්නාහිර පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර, සංසදයේ ලේකම් ලලිත් එල්ලාවල මහතා
උපි පැහැදිලිවම ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස්පක්ෂයට කියනවා ජනතාවගේ බලය තියෙන්නේ ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනටයි කියලා. අපි ආරාධනා කරනවා අපිත් එක්ක එකතු වෙලා මේ ගමන යන්න කියලා. මහින්ද සමරසිංහ මන්තී්‍රවරයා කියනවා ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයෙන් ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා තෝරන්න කියලා. මම කලූතර දිස්ති්‍රක්කයේ කෙනෙක්. කලූතර දිස්තී්‍රක්කයේ එකම කොට්ඨාශයක්වත් ශී්‍රලනීපයට දිනන්න බැරිවුනා. රටම තියෙන්නේ එවැන් තත්ත්වයත. ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුනෙන් ජනාධිපති අපෙක්ෂකයා පත් වෙන්න ඕනේ. අපි පළාත් සභාව විදියටත් සන්සදය විදියටත් පොහොට්ටුවෙන් තරග කරන්නතීරණය කරලා නැහැ.
ඌව පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර තිස්ස කුට්ටිආරච්චි
මම එජාපයේ හිටපු එජපයේ එජාපයේ ඡන්දවලින් තේරුණු මන්තී්‍රවරයෙක්. රටේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ගැන කතා කරපු එජාපය දැන් අවුරුදු දෙකහමාරක් කල් දාපු මැතිවරණය ගේන්නේ නැහැ. රටේ වැදගත් ප්‍රශ්නය රටේ ජනමතයයි. මේ වෙලාවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය අනුව දිය යුතු මැතිවරණය පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණයයි. රටේම මැතිවරණය තියන්න. නිමල් සිරිපාලද සිල්වා කියනවා ජනාධීපති අපෙක්ෂකයා ගැන. ජනාධිපති අපෙක්ෂකයා තෝරන කොට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා ප්‍රධානයි. රටේ අරාජික වුනු නායකායෝ දාගෙන රට ඉදිරියට ගෙනියන්න බැරි නිසානේ දවස් 51 ආණAඩුව කාලේ මහින්ද රාජප්කෂ මහත්තයාට අගමැතිකම දුන්නේ. චරිතයක් හිටියා නම් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයාට අගමැතිකම දෙන්නේ නැහැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා තිරණය කරයි රට කරන්න පුලූවන් නායකයා.
බස්නාහිර පළාත්සභා මන්තී්‍ර ආනන්ද හරිස්චන්ද්‍ර
මුහුදට ඇල දොල ගංතා යනවා මිසක් ඇල දොල ගංවලට මුහුද එන්නේ නැහැනේ. අද ප්‍රධානම පක්ෂය පොහොට්ටුව. මන්තී්‍රකම්වලට අිප බය නැහැ. මන්තී්‍රකම් අත අරන්න බලාගෙන අපි නුගේගොඩ රැස්වීමට නැග්ගේ. හෙටත් අපි එහෙමයි.
බස්නාහිර පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර රජිත හපුආරච්චි
ලබන වසරේ පැවැත්වෙන ජනාධීපතිවරණයේ අපේක්ෂකයා සම්බන්ධයෙන් අද රටේ මතයක් නිර්මාණය කරමින් පවතිනවා. ලබන වසරේ පැවැත්වෙන අපෙක්ෂකයා කවුද කියන එක සාකච්ඡා කරන්න අපි ඉක්මන් වෙනවා. නමුත් අද රටේ කුමන්ත්‍රණයක් කි්‍රයාත්මක වෙනවා. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය, ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ ඇතැම් කණ්ඩායම් අල්ලාගෙන මේ කුමන්තී්‍රණය දියත් කරන්න උත්සාහ කරමින් සිටින්නේ. අපේක්ෂකයා කවුද කියන කාරණය ඉදිරියට දාලා ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය හා පොහොට්ටුව එකතු වෙලා ඉදිරියට යන්න තියෙන ගමන, පොහොට්ටුව ළකුණින් තර`ග කරලා ඉදිරියේදී ජයගන්න තියෙන ගමන අඩාල කරන්නයි මේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය දියත් වෙන්නේ.
වයඹ පළාතේ හිටපු සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍ය ටී. බි. හේරත් මහතා
පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය නියත වශයෙන්ම ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ පොහොට්ටුව ලකුනින් තරග කළ යුතු බව තීරණය කළා. 44.6 බලයක් තියෙන පක්ෂයට රටේ විධායකය දෙනවා මිසක් 13% තියන පක්ෂයකට රටේ විධායක බලය ඉල්ලන්න අයිතයක් නැහැ. මෑත භාගයේ ශී්‍රලනීපය ජනාධීපති අපේකෂකයා ගැන තීන්දු ගන්නවා අපි දැක්කා. යම්පක්ෂ දෙකක් සන්දානගත වෙනවා නම් එහි තීන්දු ගන්න ඕනේ බහුතර ජනමතයක් තියෙන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ආශීර්වාදය ලබපු පොදුජන පෙරමුණ.

ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාව

January 11th, 2019

ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ

අද  දින මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවට සහභාගි වූ නියෝජිතයින්
• පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ජානක වක්කුඹුර මහතා
• පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර කාංචන විජේසේකර මහතා
• පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ඉන්දික අනුරුද්ධ මහතා
• දකුණු පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර ප්‍රමිත බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා
• නැගෙනහිර පලාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර ඩබ්. ඩී. විරසිංහ මහතා

• මාධ්‍යයට කළ නින්ජා තර්ජනය හෙළා දකිනවා.
• මාධ්‍යයෙන් ටෙලිනාට්‍ය පෙන්වපු නිසයි මේ නින්ජා නිලියෝ ප්‍රසිද්ධ වුනේ.
• තෙල්මිල සූත්‍රයක් නැති බව අපි අදත් කියනවා.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍රී ජානක වක්කුඹුර මහතා
නින්ජා විදියට මාධය ආයතන ඉදිරියට ඇවිත් තර්ජනය කළ පිරිසක් අපි දැක්කා. අපි එය හෙළා දකිනවා. අගමැතිතුමා පහුගිය 21 වැනිදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී කිව්වා මේ රටේ තියෙන කලූ මාධ්‍යයක් ගැන. ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ බිමල් රත්නායක මහතාත් ජනවාරි 8 වැනිදා කලූ මාධයයක් ගැන කිව්වා. ඒ දෙගොල්ලෝ කියපු දේ තමයි නින්ජාවරු මාධ්‍ය ඉස්සරහට ගිහින් කලේ. සමහරු මේ කට්ටිය යවලත් හෙළා දකිනවා. අපේ කාලයේ වුනු සමහර දේවල් සම්බන්ධයෙන් අපි රජයක් ලෙස සමාව ගත්තත් අපිට ගහනවා. මේ අගමැතිවරයා පළවෙනි වතාවට මාධ්‍යයට තර්ජනය කළා නෙවෙයි. අපි දැක්කා විශAවාසභංග යෝජනාව පැරදුනු වෙලාවේ සිරස මාධ්‍ය ආයතනය ඉදිරියට ගිහින් පැය ගානක් රතිඤ්ඤා ගැහුවා. අපිට කොයි මාධ්‍යයත් එක හා සමානයි. ආණAඩුවක් කරද්දි ආණ්ඩුවේ හො`ද විතරක්ම මාධ්‍යයෙන් අහන්න ලැඛෙන්නේ නැහැ. කිසියම් වැරදි දෙයක් වෙනවා නම් එය ජනතාවට දැනගන්න අයිතියක් තියෙනවා.
ටෙලි නාට්‍යවල ලොකු චරිතවත් නොවන අය අපි දැක්කා මාධ්‍යයට තර්ජනය කරන්න ඇවිත් ඉන්නවා. මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ටික නොතිබුණා නම් ඔය ටෙලි නාට්‍ය පෙන්වන්න තැනක් නැහැ. ඔබේ නාලිකාවලින් ප්‍රසිද්ධ වුනු අය තමයි දැන් මාධ්‍යයට ගහන්න ඇවිත් ඉන්නේ. අපි වුනත් තරුණ මන්තී්‍රවරු විදියට යම් ප්‍රසිද්ධියක් ලැබුවා නම් ඒ ප්‍රසිද්ධිය ලැබුනේ මාධ්‍යයයෙන්. මාධ්‍ය මේ වගේ නැති කාලෙක අපිට ප්‍රසිද්ධියක් ලැබුනේ නැහැ. අපි ආණAඩු බලයේ හිටපු දින 51 දි මහ ලොකුවට ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය, මාධ්‍ය නිදහස ගැන කතා කළා. අරලිය ගහ මන්දිරයට මාධ්‍යකරුවන්ට එන්න කියලා අඩලා අපේ ඒවා දාන්න කිව්වා. දැන් තමන්ට අවස්ථාව දුන්න අයට ගහන්න අරන්.
රටේ ආර්ථීක ප්‍රශ්නය ඇති වුනේ දින 51 ආණAඩුවෙන් කියලා අගමැතිතුමා කියනවා. ඒ අය අවුරුදු තුනහමාරක් ආණAඩු කරද්දිත් ඇඩුවා. දැන් දින 51 අල්ලගෙන අ`ඩනවා. බැදුම්කරෙන් රටට වුනු හානිය ගැන එක වචනයක්වත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදි කිව්වේ නැහැ. ආනA`ඩුවට දුවන්න බැරි නිසා ආයෙත් අපිට බනින්න අරන්. පහුගිය 20 වැනිදා ලෝක වෙලෙ`දපොලේ බොරතෙල් මිල වැඩිවුනා. මේ අය කියන තෙල්මිල සූත්‍රයට අනුව නම් බොරතෙල් මිලවැඩිවුනාම තෙල් මිල වැඩි වෙන්න ඕනේ. එහෙම නම් මේ අය තෙල් මිල අඩු කලේ කොහොමද? ඒ කියන්නේ පහුගිය පාර තෙල්මිල අඩු කලේ මිල සුත්‍රයකින් නෙවෙයි. අපි කිව්වා තෙල්මිල සූත්‍රයක් නැති බව. මේ අය මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහත්තයා තෙල්මිල අඩුකළ නිසා තෙල්මිල අඩු කිරීමයි කරන්නේ. රටේ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් හදපු මිල සුත්‍රයක් නැති බව අපි දැනුත් කියනවා.
පාර්ලිමේන්තුව කඩිමුඩියේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවදායක මණ්ඩලයක් කරගත්තා. හරිනම් දින තුනකට කළින් දැනුම් දෙන්න ඕනේ. නියෝජ්‍ය කතානායක කිව්වා ඒක අපි තීන්දු කළාලූ. ඒ අයට හිතෙන හිතෙන විදියට හැමදේම කරන්නේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත්කරගන්න දෙමළ සන්ධානයට දුන්න පොරොන්දු ඉෂAඨ කරන්නයි. අගමැතිතුමා තමන්ගේ යටතට උතුරු සංවර්ධනය භාරගත්තේ දෙමළ සන්දානයේ මන්තී්‍රවරු තමන්ගේ පැත්තේ සංවර්ධනය අපිම කරගන්නවා කියපු නිසයි. දැන් අගමැතිතුමා ඒ සල්ලි ටික දෙමළ සන්ධානයට දෙනවා ඔයාලට ඕනේ විදියට වැඩකරගන්න කියලා. ආණ්ඩුව ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් නෙවෙයි මේ මහන්සි වෙන්නේ. තව මාස 10කින් ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් එනවා. දැනුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් හදනවා කියලා රටට මතයක් ගෙනියනවා. සියලූ ආගමික නායකයෝ මේ රට ඛෙදන වැඩපිළීවෙලට කැමැති නැහැ. මන්තී්‍රවරුන්ට ජනතාව ඉදිරියට යන්න වෙනවා. රට ඛෙදන ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අත ඔසවලා ජනතාව ඉදිරියට යන්න ආයෙත් ඒ අයට බැහැ.

• මාධ්‍යට අත තියන්නේ ආණAඩුවක අවසානය ආවම.
• ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් කියන්නේ අද හදලා හෙට වෙනස් කරන්න පුලූවන් දෙයක් නෙවෙයි.
• මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ජනතාව දුන් ජනවරම අහෝසි වෙලා
• ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපේක්ෂකයා පිළිඛෙද කෙරෙන යෝජනා පොළොවේ යථාර්ථයක් එක්ක ගැලපෙන්නත් ඕනේ
• එජාප විරෝධී සටනේ ප්‍රමුඛයා පොදුජන පෙරමුණයි.
• ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපෙක්ෂකයා තෝරා ගැනීමේ දි පාක්ෂිකයින්ගේ මතය අනුව විය යුතු බව අපි අපේ නායකයින්ටත් අවධාරනය කර සිටිනවා.
පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර කාංචන විජේසේකර මහතා
මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ඉදිරිපිටට එජාපයේ හා ජවිපේ මෙන්ම රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන කරපු තර්ජනය අපි හෙළා දකිනවා. මේ තර්ජනය කිරීමට වටපිටාව හැදුවේ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ නැවත වතාවක් දිවුරුම් දීලා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කළ පළවෙනි කතාවෙන්. මාධ්‍ය ආයතන හිමිකරුවන්ට චෙක්පත් ලෑස්ති කර ගන්න කිව්වා. අනුර කුමාර, බිමල් රත්නායක වගේ ජවිපේ අයත් මාධයට විවිධ දේ කිව්වා. ඊයේ තර්ජනය කිරීම්වලට මුල්වුනේ සමාජවෙබ් අඩවි හරහා මඩ ගහපු දැන් මාධ්‍ය අයිතිකරුවන් වී සිටින පිරිස්. අපේ ආණAඩු කාලයේ වැරදිවෙලා තියෙනවා. මාධ්‍යට අත තබන්නේ ආණAඩුවක අවසානය ආවම.
ව්‍යවස්ථාව පිළීබද කතිකාවත් ඇති වෙලා තියෙනවා. අපි මේ ගැන ප්‍රශ්න කළාම කිව්වේ මේ ගැන අනියම් බියක් ජනතාව තුළ ඇති කරන්න එපා කියලයි. ඒ වුනාට අද දවසේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු න්‍යාය පත්‍රය වෙනස් කරලා අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විශේෂඥ කමිටුවේ කරුණු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරනවා.
දෙමළ ජාතික සන්ධානය ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන දේ පැහැදිලිය සුමන්දිරම් මන්තී්‍රවරයා පවසා තිඛෙනවා. ඒ විශෙAෂඥ කමිටුවේ අයත් පෙනි හිටියේ ඛෙදුම්වාදය වෙනුවෙන්. රටක ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගොඩනැගෙන්න ඕනේ සංවාදයකින්. ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් කියන්නේ අද හ`දලා හෙට වෙනස් කරන්න පුලූවන් දෙයක් නෙවෙයි. 78 ව්‍යවස්ථාවට එරෙහිව මොන තරම් මිනිස්සු එළියට බැස්සත් අද වෙනතුරු බැරිවෙලා තියෙනවා වෙනස් කරගන්න. අපි පොදුජන පෙරමුණ විදියට විශAවාස කරන්නේ මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ජනතාව දුන් ජන වරම අහෝසි වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. එජාපයේ මන්තී්‍රවරුන්ම චෝදනා කළා මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විකිණෙන මන්තී්‍රවරු ඉන්න බවට. අපිට බරපතල සැකයක් තියෙනවා මොවුන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාව සදහා තානාපති සංවිධාන හා නොයෙකුත් ක්‍රමවේද ඔස්සේ මුදල් ලබා දීමේ හැකියාව තියෙනවා නම් ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්මත කර ගැනීමේ හැකියාව තියෙනවාද කියන සැකය අපිට තියනවා. අලූත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගේනවා නම් නව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් පත්කරලා ඒ දේ කරගන්න කියලා අපි ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.
මීළග ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා පිලිබද නිරන්තරයෙන් ප්‍රශ්න නැගෙනවා. පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේදි ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයට 14% ජනවරමක් ලැබිලා තියෙනවා. ඒ 14% ජනවරම නියෝජනය කරමින් මීළ`ග ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස මෛතී්‍රපාල සිරිසේන මහතා පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ සහායෙන් පත්විය යුතු බව මහින්ද සමරසිංහ ප්‍රකාශයක් කළා. කල්පනා කරලා බැලූවම විවිධ අදහස් තියෙන්න පුලූවන්. ශී්‍රලනීපයට වගේම පොදුජන පෙරමුණටත් ඒ වගේ යෝජනා තියෙන්න පුලූවන්. සන්ධානයක් නිර්මාණය වෙනවා නම් ඒ සන්ධානයේ පක්ෂවලට යෝජනා තියෙන්න පුලූවන්. පොලොවේ යථාර්තයක් එක්ක ඒ යෝජනා ගැන සිතිය යුතුයි. ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස ්පක්ෂය 14% ගන්න වෙලාවේ හිටපු කීදෙනෙක් දැන් ශී්‍රලනිපයත් එක්ක ඉන්නවාද කියලා හිතලා බල්ලනත් ඕනේ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතායි මේ රටේ මිනිස්සු ඉල්ලන නායකයා. මේ රටේ බහුතර ජනතාව නියෝජකය කරන මතය අපෙක්ෂකයා තෝරා ගැනීමේදි සැලකිල්ලට ගත යුතු බවයි අපි විශAවාස කරන්නේ. ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ අපේක්ෂකයා විදියට 2015 ජනවාරි 08 වැනිදා මැතිවරණයට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ නම යෝජනා කරපු අයම විපක්ෂයේ අපේක්ෂකයා වුනා. ඒ නිසා මේ නම් යෝජනා කරන අය ඊළගට විපක්ෂයේ බලකනු වෙන්න පුලූවන් කියන සැකය අපිට තියෙනවා. පොදුජන පෙරමුණයි එජාප විරෝධී සටනේ ප්‍රධාන පක්ෂය විදියට කටයුතු කලේ. ඒ පක්ෂයේ මතය තරුණයින්ගේ මතය නියෝජනය විය යුතුයි. ඒ නිසා අපි අපේ පක්ෂයේ නායකයින්ටත් අනතුරු හ`ගවනවා. එහෙම නොවුනොත් ඡන්ද පෙටිටයේ ඡන්ද ගණන් කරද්දි එක දෙක අතර කරට කර ඡන්දයක් තියෙයි. අපි මේ ගැන සාකච්ඡා කළ යුතුයි. පොලොවේ යථාර්තය එක්ක අපේක්ෂකයා තේරිය යුතුයි.

• හෙට වෙද්දි මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ආරක්ෂා කර ගන්න ජනතාව ඉදිරියට එනවා
• අද දේශපාලනය ටිකක් හරි සදාචාරවෙලා තියෙන්නේ මාධ්‍ය නිසයි.
• මේ ආණ්ඩුව නංගි පෙන්නලා අක්කා දෙන නිසා ව්‍යවස්ථාව ගැන ජනතාවට කියන දේවල් ඇත්ත නෙවෙයි.
• මැතිවරණ දිනපොතේ පෙරලිලා තියෙන්නේ පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණයයි.
• ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපෙක්ෂකයා ලෙස මහින්ද මෛතී්‍ර ජනපතිවරු දෙපළ තීරණයක් ගනියි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ඉන්දික අනුරුද්ධ මහතා
මාධ්‍යයට තර්ජනය කිරීම පිළිකුල් සහගත කි්‍රයාවක්. හෙට මොන මාධ්‍ය ආයතනයට එයිද කියලා දන්නේ නැහැ. හෙට වෙද්දි මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ආරක්ෂා කර ගන්න ජනතාව ඉදිරියට එනවා. බැදුම්කර වංචාව එළියට ගත්තේ මාධ්‍යයි. මේ වංචාව වහගන්නයි ඕනේ. අගමැතිතුමා කලූ ාධ්‍ය කියන කොට මලික්ගේ පන්තියට යන ජේ. වි. පි කට්ටියත් කලූ මාධ්‍ය කියනවා. ලසන්ත වික්‍රමතුංග කරපු දේමයි රිචඩ් ද සොයිසා මාධ්‍යවේදියාත් කලේ. එතුමාව මරලා මුහුදට දැම්මා.
පාලිත තෙවරප්පරෙැමගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කළා නම් කියයි පහුගිය කාලේ මාධ්‍යවේදින්ට වුනු දේවල්. අද දේශපාලනය ටිකක් හරි සදාචාරවෙලා තියෙන්නේ මාධ්‍ය නිසයි. දිනපතා මාධ්‍ය හමු තියලා ජනතාව දැනුවත් කරන අය විදියට අපි මාධ්‍ය වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිරිපත් වෙනවා. අපේ මාධ්‍ය සුරකින හමුදාව ගෙනාවොත් මුහුණු වහගෙන ආපු අයට මොනා වෙයිද?
බුද්ධාගම වෙනුවෙන් වෙනත් යෝජනාවක් ගෙනාවොත් කළින්ම විරුද්ධ වෙන්නේ මරික්කාර්ලූ. මේ ආණ්ඩුව නංගි පෙන්නලා අක්කා දෙන අය කියලා අපි දන්නවා. කුරුණෑගල පොල් කඩපු අය ගෙනිහින් පාසල් කම්කරු සේවය දැම්මා. ඒ අයගෙන් වැඩේ කෙරෙන්නේ නැති නිසයි දෙමල ජනතාවට සැකයක් තියෙන්නේ. ආණAඩුව කරන්න ඕනේ ජනතාවගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් ඉටු කරන එකයි. උතුරේ තරුණයාට දෙන්න ඕනේ රැකියාව දකුනේ තරුණයාට දුන්නාම වෛරයක් ඇති වෙනවා.නැගෙනහිර සංවර්ධනය කරන්න ඕනේ කිව්වාම අරක්කු හදන කර්මාන්තශාලාවක් දැම්මා.
මේ අගමැතිවරයා ගේන කෙටුම්පත් යෝජනාවලින් මොනවා කරයිද දන්නේ නැහැ. රසායනික අවි සම්බන්ධ පනතට යෝජනා ගේන වෙලාවේ ශී්‍රදරන් මන්තී්‍රවරයා කිව්වා අපේ හමුදාව රසායනික අවි භෘවිතා කලාලූ. ඇටි කෙහෙල් කාපු උඩගුවෝ වගේ ආණAඩුවෙව්කට්ටිය හිටියා. දෙමළ සන්දණාය කියන්නේ අද ආණAඩුවේම පාර්ශAවයක්. තව කල් තියෙනවා. තවත් ප්‍රමාද නැහැ.මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් කටයුතු කරන අයට පුලූවන් අපේ හමුදාවන් එහෙම දෙයක් කලේ නැහැ කියන්න. මේ කතා කරන්නේ ජාත්‍යන්තරයට. මේ කතා කරන්නේ ඩොලර්වලට. ඒ රටවලට දරුවන්ව අධ්‍යාපනයට යවන්න.
ඒ අතරේ දැන් අපේක්ෂකයෝ හොයනවා.පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණය පවත්වන්න කල් තියෙනවා කිව්වා නම් දැන් මැතිවරණ දිනපොතේ පෙරලිලා තියෙන්නේ පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණයයි. අපි තවමත් අපෙක්්ෂකයා හෝ පාට ලකුණක් ගැන කතා කරලා නැහැ. මේ රටේපක්ෂයක් වෙනුවෙන් තින්දු තිරණ ගන්න පුලූවන් අවසාන මැතිවරණයේ ජයට මූලිකත්වය දුන්න නායකයා මේ කි්‍රයාවලියට නායකත්වය ගන්න ඕනේ. ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා තෝරා ගැනීමේදි ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ විශේෂ වෙනවා. ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපෙක්ෂකයා ලෙස මහින්ද මෛතී්‍ර ජනපතිවරු දෙපළ තීරණයක් ගනියි. අපිට කණ්ඩායම් රැස්වීමේදී පැහැදිලිවම මෛතී්‍රපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා සදහන්කළා නැවත ජනාධිපතිවරණයට එන්නේ නැති බව.

• පොදුජන පෙරමුනේ පළාත්සභා සන්සදය ඉදිරි මැතිවරණය තර`ග කිරිම සම්බන්ධයෙන් තීරණයක් ගන්නවා.
• එක එක මැතිවරණ ලකුණුවලින් මැතිවරණයට එන්න අපි සූදානම් නැහැ.
• අපිත් එක්ක සංවාදයක් නැතිව ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපේක්ෂකයා ගැන අදහස් දක්වන්න එපා කියලා ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

දකුණු පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර ප්‍රමිත බණ්ඩාර තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා
මාධ්‍ය ආයතන ඉදිරිපිට කරපු තර්ජනය හෙළා දකිනවා. ආණAඩුව ඉදිරියේදි මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනය සදහා මීට වැඩි කි්‍රයාමාර්ග ගනියි කියලා අපි හිතනවා.ඒගැන අපේ අප්‍රසාදය ප්‍රකාශ කරනවා. පොදු ජන පෙරමුනේ පළාත්සභා සන්සදය ඉදිරි මැතිවරණය තරග කිරිම සම්බන්ධයෙන් තීරණයක් ගන්නවා. අපි පරිනත වැඩපිළීවෙලක් තියෙන දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක්. එක එක මැතිවරණ ළකුණුවලින් මැතිවරණයට එන්න අපි සූදානම් නැහැ. පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය ඓතිහාසික ජයක් ගත්තේ පොහොට්ටුවෙන් තරග කරලයි. අපි අපේ පක්ෂයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨයින්ට ගරු කරනවා. අපේ මතයට කන් දෙන්න කියලත් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා. ශී්‍ර ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය ශී්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ ගැට ගහගෙන ඉදිරි ජනාධීපතිවරණ අපේක්ෂකයා ගැන විවිධ අදහස් දක්වනවා. අපෙත් එක්ක සන්වාදයක් නැතිව මෙවැනි බොළ`ද ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමෙන් වළකින්න කියලත් අපි ශී්‍රලනීපයෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.
අද වෙද්දි පළාත් සභා හයක් අකී්‍රයයි. පළෘත් සභා විෂ්යය්න්ට මුදල් වෙන් කිරීමේදී අයවැය හරහා පමණයි. අවුරුද්දකුක් මාස හතරක් පළාත් සභා හයක ධූරකාලය අවසන් වෙලා නිසා සංවර්ධන කටයුතු වගේම පඩු නඩි ගෙවීමත් ව්‍යවස්ථා නිරෝධීයි. නීති විරෝධීයි. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය නිතිය යහපාලනය ගැන නම් කතා කරනවා. නැත්නම් 13 ව්‍යවස්ථාව සුදු අලියෙක් කියලයි අපිටත් කියන්න සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ. රටේ බලය ඛෙදීමෙනුත් සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ මෙවැනිම දෙයක්.

• පහුගිය කාලයේ ඇති වුනු සිද්ධි එක්ක පොදුජන පෙරමුණ වැටිලා කියලා හිතනවා නම් ඒක වැරදියි.
• අපේ පක්ෂ නායකයින්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා අපේ ජයග්‍රහණය ආපස්සට හරවා ගන්නේ නැතිව පොදුජන පෙරමුණ විදියට තර`ග කරමු කියලා.

නැගෙනහිර පළාත් සභා හිටපු මන්තී්‍ර ඩබ්.ඩී. වීරසිංහ මහතා
ආණAඩුව මැතිවරණ සිතියම හකුළලා. පුලූවන්නම් ජනාධිපතිවරණයක් ගේන්නලූ. මේ රටේ පළාත් සභා හයක් විසුරුවලා. පළාත් වල ප්‍රශ්න විසදගන්න විදියක් මිනිස්සුන්ට නැහැ. ගමේ මිනිහාගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී අයිතිවාසකිම් උදුරාගෙන තියෙන මේ වෙලාවේ කයිවාරු නොගහ අගමැතිවරයාට පුලූවන් රටේ ප්‍රජාත්නත්ත්‍රවාදය ආරක්ෂා කරලා මැතිවරණය තියන්න. පළාත් පාලන ආයතන වැඩිම ගණනක් අපි දිනුවේ ආණAඩු බලය නැතිවයි. පහුගිය කාලයේ ඇති වුනු සිද්ධි එක්ක පොදුජන පෙරමුණ වැටිලා කියලා හිතනවා නම් ඒක වැරදියි. අපේ පක්ෂ නායකයින්ගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා අපේ ජයග්‍රහණය ආපස්සට හරවා ගන්නේ නැතිව පොදුජන පෙරමුණ විදියට තරග කරමු කියලා.
අද ඩොලර්වලට යටවෙලා මාධ්‍යට තර්ජනය කරන්න නලූ නිලියෝ ලෑස්තියි. මහ බැංකු හොරකම වරාය විකිනීම ගැන කතා කරපු මාධ්‍යට තර්ජනය කරනවා නම් ආන්ඩුවේ දේවලූත් විවේඡනය කරන්න. අපි දැඩිව පිළිකුල් සහගතව ඒ කි්‍රයාව හෙළ දකිනවා. තමන්ට ඩොලර් ලැබීම වෙනුවෙන් පෙනි නොසිට ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් පෙනි සිටින්න. රගපාලා කියක් හරි හොයාගත්තාට කමක් නැහැ.

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති නඩු තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් වන පරිවර්තන ඉල්ලා සිටීම අසාර්ථක වුවහොත් විශාල නඩු ගාස්තුවක් සහ නීතිඥ වෘත්තියෙන් ඉවත් කිරීම සිදු විය හැකියි…..!

January 11th, 2019

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරු ප්‍රියන්ත ජයවර්ධන පෙත්සම්කරුට විවෘත අධිකරණයේදී කියයි.

2018 නොවැම්බර් මස 09 වන දිනැති අංක 2096/70 දරන අතිවිශේෂ ගැසට් පත්‍රය මගින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීමට අදාලව ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් නිකුත් කළ ගැසට් නිවේදනය 2018.12.13  දින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය විසින් අවලංගුකරමින් තීන්දු ලබා දී ඇත. එකී තීන්දු ජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය බලය සහ ඒ සමග කියවනු ලබන ජනතාවගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදාය, අධිකරණ සහ ඡන්ද බලය සම්බන්ධව ඉතා වැදගත් තීන්දු වන බැවින් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ නඩු කටයුතු සදහා සහභාගීවීමට එම තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් වන පරිවර්තන රජය මගින් ලබා ගැනීම සදහා නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන විසින් ගොනු කළ මෝසමේ කරුණු දැක්වීමට 2019 ජනවාරි 10 වන දින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේදී ප්‍රියන්ත ජයවර්ධන, විජිත් මලල්ගොඩ සහ මෘදු ප්‍රනාන්දු යන විනිසුරුවරු ඉදිරියේ කැදවන ලදී.

නඩුව කැදවූ අවස්ථාවේදී නඩු තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් වන පරිවර්තන ඉල්ලීමේ කරුණු දැක්වීම අසාර්ථක වුවහොත් විශාල නඩු ගාස්තුවක් සහ නීතිඥ වෘත්තියෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමටත් තීරණය කරන බව විනිසුරු ප්‍රියන්ත ජයවර්ධන ප්‍රකාශ කරන ලදී.

ඒ අවස්ථාවේ පෙත්සම්කරු ඇමතූ විනිසුරු විජිත මලල්ගොඩ දක්වා සිටියේ තමන් අභියාචනාධිකරණයේ සභාපතිව සිටියදී ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් වන නඩු තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තන ලබා ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කළද ඒවා අසාර්ථක වී ඇති බවත් මෙවැනි ඉල්ලීම් මගින් අධිකරණ කටයුතු අවුල්වන බවත් දෙමළ ජනතාවද මේ ආකාරයට ඉල්ලීම් කිරීමෙන් ප්‍රශ්න ඇති වන බවත් ය. 

ඒ අවස්ථාවේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ඇමතූ පෙත්සම්කරු දක්වා සිටියේ තමන්ට විදින්නට වන අමිහිරි තත්ත්වය නොව නීතිය නොදැනීම සමාවට කරුණක් නොවී තිබියදී කිහිප දෙනෙකුට පමණක් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ නඩු කටයුතුවලට සහභාගීවිය හැකි ආකාරයට ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පමණක් නඩු තීන්දු ලබා දීම නිවැරදි නොවන බවත් අවම තරමේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ලබා දෙන තින්දු වල පරිවර්තන රාජ්‍ය භාෂාවෙන්, ජාතික භාෂාවෙන්, නීති පැනවීමේ භාෂවෙන් සහ අධිකරණ භාෂාවෙන් ලබාදීම කළ යුතු බවත් එසේ නොදීම මගින් පුරවැසියන්ගේ මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් උල්ලංඝනය වන බවත් සිතීමේ නිදහස, හෘදය සාක්ෂියේ නිදහස, කිසිම පුරවැසියකු භාෂාව මත වෙනස්කමකට ලක් නොවිය යුතු වීම,  භාෂණයේ නිදහසට සහ ප්‍රකාශනය ඇතුළු අදහස් පළ කිරීමේ නිදහස සමාගමයේ නිදහස එකලාව හෝ අන් අය හා සමග හෝ ස්වකීය සංස්කෘතිය භුක්ති විදීමේ හා වැඩි දියුණු කිරීමේ නිදහස ස්වකීය භාෂාව භාවිත කිරීමේ නිදහස ඇතුළු මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් අහිමි කිරීමක් බවත් ඒ අනුව තමන්ට මෙම ඉල්ලීම මගින් තමන්ට පුද්ගලිකව අවාසි සහගත තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වුවත් මෙම ඉල්ලීමේ නීත්‍යානුකූලත්වය සහ අවශ්‍යතාවය සම්බන්ධව කරුණු තහවුරු කිරිමට අදහස් කරන බවත් ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පමණක් කටයුතු කරන අයගේ පමණක් මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් ආරක්ෂා කරන ආකාරයට ක්‍රියා කිරීම සුදුසු නොවන බවත් පෙත්සම්කරු ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අවධානයට යොමු කරන ලදී.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීමට එරෙහිව පෙත්සම්කරු විසින් 2018.11.12 දින පෙත්සමක් ගොනු කර තිබූ අතර එම පෙත්සමට සමගාමීව තවත් පෙත්සම් කිහිපයක්ද ගොනු කර තිබූ අතර ඒ සියලු පෙත්සම් විනිසුරුවරු 07 දෙනෙකුගේ විනිශ්චය පීඨයක් ඉදිරියේ කැදවා තිබූ අතර එම පෙත්සම්වල තීරණය දීමට පෙර ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ ස්වාධීනත්වය බිදවැටෙන ආකාරයට කථානායකවරයා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට අපහාස කර ඇති බවටද පෙත්සම්කරු විසින් පෙත්සමක් ගොනු කර තිබුණි. පෙත්සම්කරුගේ මුල් පෙත්සමේ අයද ඇති සහන මේ වන විටත් ලබා දී ඇති නමුත් තමන්ගේ පෙත්සම් සදහා එකී තීන්දු අදාල කිරීමක් කර නැති හෙයින් ඒ සම්බන්ධව සිය ස්ථාවරය අධිකරණයට දැනුම් දීමට ඉදිරියේදී ක්‍රියා කරන බවත් එයට පෙර ජනාධිපතිවරයා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවීම වැරදි බවට 2018.12.13 දින ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලබා දුන් තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තන ලබා ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කිරීම මත තමන්ට එරෙහිව කවර අප්‍රසන්න තත්ත්වයක් ඇති වුවද එය නොතකා කරුණු තහවුරු කිරීම සිදුකරන බව පෙත්සම්කරු සිය ඉල්ලීමේ කරුණු දක්වමින් කියා සිටින ලදී.

ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාව අධිකරණ භාෂාවක් නොවන බවත්, ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාව නඩු කටයුතු පවත්වාගෙන යාම සදහා අධිකරණ ඇමතිවරයා විසින් ගැසට් පත්‍රයක් මගින් අවසර දුන් භාෂාවක් බවත් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 24 ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ලබා දී ඇති අධිකරණ තීන්දුවල සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් වන පරිවර්තන රජය විසින් ලබා දිය යුතු බවත් ඒ සදහා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් විධිවිධාන සළසා ඇති බවත් පෙත්සම්කරු කියා සිටින ලදී.

ඒ අවස්ථාවේ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිවරයා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නෙරින් පුල්ලේ කියා සිටියේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ නඩුවලට සහභාගීවීමට ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාව නොදන්නා අයට පමණක් රජය විසින් පරිවර්තන පහසුකම ලබා දෙන බවත් පෙත්සම්කරුට අපොස සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ විභාගයට ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවට සම්මාන සාමාර්ථයක් ඇති බවත් ඒ අනුව ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් විභාගකරන නඩු කටයුතුවලට සහභාගීවීමට සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තන ලබා දීම නොකළ යුතු බවයි.

සියලු කරුණුවලට සවන්දුන් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ලිඛිත දේශන ගොනු කිරීමට නියෝග කර තීන්දුව ලබා දෙන දිනය දෙපාර්ශයටම දැනුම් දී ලබා දෙන බවට දක්වන ලදී.

පෙත්සම්කාර නීතිඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන පෙත්සම වෙනුවෙන් තමන්ම පෙනීසිට කරුණු දක්වන ලදී.


January 11th, 2019


Last year we have launched National Export Strategy in temple trees with much publicity . Development of .Boat Building and Nautical Tourism was one of main features

Today we are sad to say that nothing tangible has happened.investors coerced by companies like ours have been discouraged when they note the unbearable bureacracy delaying investment to promote boat building and also developing marinas for tourism.

Galle harbour was earmarked for a marina development .SLPA called tenders and it is almost a year and no decisions are made.

Any local or foreign investor who wants build a small yacht to take their friends and tourists from Kalpiyiya to Galle are facing a frustrating process to register with Director Merchant Shipping and obtain permission from the Navy,Ministry of Defence and Coast guard

They have pay over million rupees to register and keep paying annual fee

We wrote ro EDB as members of the state appointed advisory committee to relax rules .No action so far

Ministers in charge are doing things to change constitution to stay in power or but none of the newly appointed ministers called regular meetings to monitor development .

Can prime minister appoint a educated forward looking minister and form a Authority for Blue Econimy and appoint a private sector leader with powers to take this development forward.

I as the co chairman of the advisory committee is totally frustrated


Dr Sarath Obeysekera
CEO Walkers Colombo Shipyard
Sri Lanka

ජා.වි.පෙ. කියන්නේ මොකක්ද කියා ඔබ දන්නවා ද?

January 11th, 2019

 සොනාල ගුණවර්ධන මුහුණ පොත ආශ්‍යයනි

රුපියල් බිලියන 7 කට වඩා මුදල් තිබෙන ගිණුමක් ඇති ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ මෙරට ධනවත්ම පක්ෂය බව ?

■ දළදා මාලිගාවට මුලින්ම බෝම්බ ප්රහාරය එල්ල කළේ LTTE ත්රස්තවාදීන් නොව ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බව ?

■ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට එල්ල කළ ප්රථම සහ එකම බෝම්බ ප්රහාරය එල්ල කරමින් ජීවිත හානි සිදු කළේ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බව?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ අවසන් වරට ඉදිරිපත් කළ ජනාධිපති අපේක්ෂකයා දැන් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ නිත්ය සාමාජිකයෙකු බව ?

■ වැල්ලවත්තේ බැංකුවක් කඩා රත්තරන් මළු 13 ක් කොල්ල කා මෙරටට බැංකු මංකොල්ල කෑමේ සංස්කෘතික හඳුන්වා දුන්නේ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බව සහ ඔවුන් මංකොල්ල කෑ බැංකු ගණන 40 කට වැඩි බව ?

■ මෙරට සංවර්ධන කටයුත්තක් සිදු වෙද්දී ගජ බින්න ඇද බාමින් මුලින්ම අකුල් හෙලන්නේ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායකයා විදෙස් ගතවන විට ගමන් කරන්නේ ව්යාපාරික පන්තියේ පමණක් බව ?

■ මෙරට අහිංසක විශ්වවිද්යාල සිසුන් ගේ අධ්යාපනය කඩාකප්පල් කරන ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ එම පක්ෂයේ නායකයන් ඔවුන් ගේ දරුවන් පෞද්ගලික විශ්වවිද්යාල වලට යවා අධ්යාපනය ලබා දෙන බව?

■ භීෂණ සමයේ සිදුවු ඝාතන 6577 කට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ සෘජුවම දායක වූ බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායකයන් සහ එහි සාමාජිකයන් බුදු දහමට වෛර කරන බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විසින් ලංගම බස් 553 ක්, ඩිපෝ 15 ක් , රජයේ වාහන 113 ක්, පෞද්ගලික වාහන 29 ක්, දුම්රිය 16 ක් , දුම්රිය මාර්ග 12 ක් , දුම්රිය ස්ථාන 24 ක් , තැපැල් කන්තෝරු 18 ක් , පණිවිඩ හුවමාරු මධ්යස්ථාන 12 ක් , දුරකථන රැහැන් 84 ක් , ගොවි මධ්යස්ථාන 04 ක් , තේ කම්හල් 73 ක්, වතු බංගලා 38 ක් සහ තාක්ෂණික ආයතනයක් ගිනි තබා විනාශ කළ බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විසින් ට්රාන්ස්ෆෝමර 132 කට , විදුලි රැහැන් 69 කට , විදුලි මීටර 25 කට, විදුලි බලාගාර 2 කට, උප විදුලි බලාගාර 09 කට, කෘෂිකර්ම මධ්යස්ථාන 103 කට බරපතල හානි සිදු කළ බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විසින් තුනී ලෑලී සංස්ථාව, කජු සංස්ථාව , පොහොර සංස්ථාව, දැව සංස්ථාව , ගොඩනැඟිලි ද්රව්ය සංස්ථාව , ස්කාගාර සංස්ථාව විනාශ කළ බව ?

■ මෙරට පොදු දේපල විනාශ කළ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ මෙරට ණය කන්දේ සෘජු හවුල් කරුවෙකු බව ?

■ යුද්ධය අවසන් කරන්නට ආසන්නව තිබිය දී අයවැය පරාජය කර මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ රාජපක්ෂ රජය පෙරලා දමන්නට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ කටයුතු කළ බව සහ විමල් වීරවංශ නිසා එය වැළකුණු බව ?

■ LTTE ය සහ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බිහි නොවුණේ නම් දැන් මෙරට සංවර්ධිත රටක් බව ?

■ 1980 දී කැට හොල්ලා ලැබුණ දස ලක්ෂයක පමණ මුදල් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පිල්ලි ගැසූ බව ?

■ ඉරාකයේ සදාම් හුසේන් ලබා දුන් ආධාර මුදල් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ වංචා කළ බව?

■ ෆොන්සේකා ගේ මැතිවරණ ප්රචාරක කටයුතු සඳහා ලැබුණු මුදල් වලින් කොටසක් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ කොල්ල කෑ බව ?

■ විජේවීර ගේ බිරිඳට සහ දරුවන් ට නිවසක් ඉදි කරන්නට ලැබූණූ කෝටි ගණනක ආධාර මුදල් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ යටි මඩ ගැසූ බව?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂගෙන් මුදල් ලබාගත් බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වැසිකිළියේ දී චතුර සේනාරත්නගෙන් මුදල් ලබාගත් බව?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ හඳුන්නෙත්ති ගේ සභාපතිත්වයෙන් යුතු කෝප් කමිටු වාර්තාව බැඳුම්කර වංචාවට රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ චුදිතයෙකු ලෙස නම් නොකළ බව ?

■ කුමාර් ගුණරත්නම් අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නට ඔත්තු සැපයුවේ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ බව?

■ 2014 වර්ෂය වනවිට දැඩි අගහිඟකම් මැද බිරිඳගේ වැටුපෙන් පමණක් ජීවත් වූ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ ලාල් කාන්ත, රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ බලයට පැමිණීමෙන් පසු ඉඩම් හිමි ධනවතෙකු වූ බව ?

■ අලුත් පරපුර යනු එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය රැකගන්නට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විසින් ඇටවූ සංවිධානයක් බව ?

■ අවසන් වරට පැවැති පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේ දී ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට කිසිදු ආසනයක් දිනාගත නොහැකි වූ බව?

■ 2018 ඔක්තෝබර් මස 23 වන දින රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ ගේ ආණ්ඩුව පලවා හරින්නට විශාල උද්ඝෝෂණයක් කළ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ ඉන් සතියකට පමණ පසු එම ආණ්ඩුව රැකගන්නට උසාවි ගිය බව?

■ 2015 වර්ෂයේ බහුතරයක් නොතිබූ රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ අගමැති ලෙස පත් කරන විට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ නිහඬව සිටි බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ 20 වෙනි සංශෝධනය හරහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයෙන් රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ ජනාධිපති කරන්නට උත්සාහ කළ බව?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ තව දුරටත් සමාජවාදය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී නොසිටින බව ?

■ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායකයන් කී විට චන්ද්රිකාට, මහින්දට , ෆොන්සේකාට , රනිල්ට සහ මෛත්රීට ඡන්දය දෙන එහි සාමාජිකයන් සැබෑ වහලුන් බව ?

■ මේ සියල්ල කියවූ පසු තවදුරටත් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට ඡන්දය දමන්නේ නම් ඔබ උපන් ගෙයි මෝඩයෙකු බව ?

සොනාල ගුණවර්ධන



January 10th, 2019


Yahapalana government decided in 2016 to use the Swiss Challenge procedure for government tenders. A Swiss Challenge is a method of bidding, used in public projects, in which an interested party initiates a proposal for a contract or the bid for a project. The government then puts the details of the project out in public and invites proposals from others interested in executing it. On the receipt of these bids, the original contractor gets an opportunity to match the best bid. A Swiss Challenge grants advantage to the initial proposer with an opportunity to match whatever anybody else tenders.

At its meeting held on 09.08.2016, the Cabinet of Ministers  recommended and the Department of Public Finance in consultation with the National Procurement Commission of Sri Lanka,  decided that when dealing with unsolicited proposals presented by private proponents on their own initiative without tenders being called by the Government, such ‘Unsolicited Proposals’ should be dealt in accordance with the Swiss Challenge” procurement method which requires the Government  to publish a Request for Proposals (RFP”) and invite counter proposals from interested parties.

The Department of Public Finance thereafter issued its Guidelines on Swiss Challenge procedure for government tender procedure”. This repealed the earlier guidelines of 12.05.2011.  The   new guidelines said, the Swiss Challenge” Procurement Method shall be used in Sri Lanka by all Ministries, Government Departments, Public Corporations, local Authorities, any business or other undertakings vested in the Government and Companies registered or deemed to be registered under the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007 in which the Government, a public corporation or any local authority holds more than fifty percent of the shares in accordance with these Guidelines”..

These Guidelines shall apply to all government institutions in reviewing and evaluating development proposals presented by the private investors which are of strategic nature from an economic development viewpoint and need to be expedited in the national interest. Projects which are generally not of a strategic nature and can be managed through the conventional procurement procedure as well as procurements of a general nature should not be considered under these Guidelines.

The ‘guidelines’ then went on to say that the Special Committee functioning under the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM Special Committee”) was empowered to endorse the Unsolicited Proposal and to make recommendations in relation to the said proposal. The CCEM Special Committee is empowered to negotiate with the original proponent.

This Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM) was established on September 23, 2015 through a Cabinet decision.  It was chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. CCEM was empowered to make decisions on all economic matters, including military procurements. It was the central authority for all key economic policy decisions. All economic decisions first went to CCEM and thereafter to the Cabinet. In March 2017, the CCEM was given the right to engage directly with line ministries and the Board of Investment to fast track investment projects. In March 2018, however, President Sirisena got the CCEM scrapped.  Its powers reverted to the Cabinet.

A tender was called in November 2018 for supply of liquefied natural gas (LNG), pipeline, floating storage and regasification unit (FSRU) for Sri Lanka.  This is Sri Lanka’s largest single Government tender, worth an estimated US$ 10bn in LNG orders alone.

An unsolicited bid had been submitted for this by the South Korean Government-backed SK E&S Company and presented to the Cabinet in December 2017 by President Maithripala Sirisena. The Cabinet memorandum said. A company backed by the Government of South Korea has agreed to provide an LNG terminal free of charge subject to the condition that compulsory purchase of 500,000 MT per annum during the first 5 years and 1,000,000 MT per annum during subsequent 20 years under the prices prevail in the international market.”

The Swiss Challenge was advertised on November 5, and international bidders were invited to match this   unsolicited Korean proposal .The industry was given five weeks to bid, extended by a mere seven weeks after media exposure. Experts in the subject, with decades of experience in their respective fields, criticized the tender.

The rationale for a Swiss Challenge was repeatedly questioned.  Swiss Challenge is quicker, but at what cost, they asked.  For the Swiss Challenge to even work, the Korean proposal should have been vetted by competent technical consultants for all aspects of viability. It is not clear who did this and it appears not to have gone through a valid process,” said one critic.”

In any case, why does the long-term supply of LNG to Sri Lanka need to be an unsolicited proposal. Such a strategic procurement, with high ramifications to our energy security and long-term economic development, should be structured professionally and tendered globally along conventional lines,” critics said.

Why doesn’t the Government simply call for competitive bids for an ‘X’ amount of natural gas at this maximum price, for this long, starting from this date, and leave the industry to work out how to make it happen?” one critics asked. What we need is gas, not an FSRU!

The tender documents were not drafted by the Power and Energy Ministry, said critics. A properly executed tender would take a year to prepare and six to 12 months to respond to.   In this case, the Korean company drew them up at its own cost.

The tender was therefore devised to favor the SK E&S Company. An unusual” condition of this Swiss Challenge is that US$ 10mn is mandated to SK E&S (for having submitted an unsolicited proposal with limited technical information) should a competitor’s bid be accepted.  The invitation to tender has mostly instructions on how and when this US$ 10mn payment has to be made, immediately and guaranteed to SK&E and the Government of Sri Lanka.

An important element of the Korean contract is the supply and operation of an offshore FSRU. But SK E&S has no experience of ever running one. Because of this, the tender also does not seek the same from other bidders. It merely asks if the ship-builder has experience.”This is pure madness from our side,” he said. We have become guinea pigs for some operator to experiment if they can operate an FSRU while dumping their expensive gas into our country at high price.” Not only are we over-prescribing this tender, we are playing to someone else’s music.”

There was universal criticism about the proposed mode of purchase. The contract they are said to be negotiating is a disastrous one—take-or-pay. Even when our hydro, wind and solar are good and demand does not grow, we have to pay for unused gas in their tanks, said critics.”

The tender envisages the purchase of LNG at a price indexed to oil. Professionals say this is deeply problematic. Having a price indexed to crude oil will prevent Sri Lanka from taking advantage of world spot market in future, when the country’s demand has stabilized and procurement practices have matured.

The proposed contract will lock Sri Lanka for 20 years to an uneconomical price with a glut in the LNG market,” a critic warned. Soon, 50 percent of LNG will be sold in the spot market to which Sri Lanka will not have access. But the same deal provides for SK E&S to procure the gas in the spot market and sell to Sri Lanka on take-or-pay terms. I expect the loss to be in the billions.”

The country’s LNG requirements have not even been identified, though Sri Lanka is planning to into a long-term take-or-pay LNG supply contract, observed critics. Sri Lanka needs LNG as a common, lower cost and relatively environmentally benign” energy source. But any gas procured must power not only electricity generation but industrial thermal needs and transport. This has not been taken into account.  Also, there must be an open-technology solution where the infrastructure investors derive their return in a predictable manner, such as tolling charges for use of the facility. It must not be tied to the supply of gas.

A lot of focus is on the FSRU being free of charge,” said one expert. This is a false narrative on multiple counts. There is a tolling agreement specified, but not included in the tender documents or Korean proposal, which will be negotiated later. So any claims of a free FSRU is premature, to say the least.”

Also, the FSRU cost (approximately US$ 300mn) is insignificant—less than five percent—when compared with the size of the supply contract. Since we believe the pricing contract to be unfavorable to Sri Lanka, even if they throw in the FSRU for free, we will pay more,” critics pointed out. We are merely avoiding the capital cost of the FSRU upfront. That could have been done with a standard lease agreement.” As with all complex oil and gas transactions, in which companies pass on as much risk as possible to unsuspecting host Governments, the devil is in the detail, critics observed.”

The Cabinet Appointed Negotiating Committee (CANC) and Technical Evaluation Committee (TEC) for this project comprise well-meaning but unqualified Sri Lankan officials”. There are no Petroleum Resources Development Ministry (PRDM) or Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) officials represented in the two bodies. There is no qualified business consultant to safeguard Sri Lanka’s interests.

The project, several inside sources revealed, is being pushed from the highest levels, ignoring the concerns raised”. Serious   implications in the original proposal were pointed out by government officials, but these have been ignored. A TEC and a CANC of non-relevant professionals are responsible for making an untutored recommendation based on what is, at best, a hazardous procurement practice never before undertaken in this country,”    critics warned.

Critics also noted that CANC and the TEC were not briefed by the tender preparers. The documents were merely handed over. The notes pertaining to the preparation of these documents need to be made public, as well as the selection process and experience of the preparers,” Everything must be thoroughly vetted by the PRDS said critics.

Lastly, there has been no environmental impact assessment (EIA) despite the proposed facility requiring pressurized, highly-explosive, gas pipelines to run under densely populated areas. Natural gas lines are in a different league in terms of hazards,” critics warned. Even minor leaks result in major fatalities and many projects are delayed through public protest in affected areas, despite land being acquired.”

The proposed location–about 9km outside the Colombo Port beyond an exclusion zone defined by the Sri Lanka Ports Authority–has not been reviewed against all hazards. A navigational simulation was done to define the exclusion zone but there has been no comprehensive safety study. There have also been no ocean studies, soil studies or pipeline route surveys. It usually takes six months or more to choose suitable location. The full impact of the monsoon will also be felt on the offshore FSRU, critics said.  (Source. Sunday Times 16.12.18 p 12.)

Protests outside TV stations

January 10th, 2019

Courtesy The Island

Representatives of political parties yesterday condemned a protest campaign by a group of persons clad in black and calling themselves civil activists outside the Capital Maharaja Organization, Hiru and Derana to intimidate those organisations.

A senior spokesman for the Maharaja Organization told The Island that they couldn’t be intimidated by such protests.

A spokesperson for another station alleged that a section of the government had launched the protest campaign, claiming that the media had backed the Oct. 26 government change.


Opposition Leader and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa told the media outside Parliament that it was clear who was behind the campaign to intimidate the media.

Rajapaksa pointed out that the term “Kalu Maadya” (Black Media) had been first used by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in Parliament.

Housing, Construction and Cultural Affairs and the Deputy leader of the UNP Sajith Premadasa underscored the importance of media freedom and how such freedoms upheld the democracy and sovereignty of the country. Premadasa strongly criticised the protest that was staged outside the MTV MBC head office.

Addressing Parliament, yesterday, UPFA MP Mahindananda Aluthgamage said that strict action should be taken to prevent protesters from forcibly entering media institutions.

Non-Cabinet Minister of Digital Infrastructure and Information Technology Ajith Perera said that any form of threats against the media weren’t acceptable.

Azath Salley, the Governor of the Western Province said that the current government was keen to safeguard the freedom of the press. Salley, who is also the Leader of the National Unity Alliance, said that the protest directed at the media organization was meant to obstruct free media.

JVP MP Vijitha Herath told News1st that his party was not involved in the protest.

An Orwellian Replay: As elections were not held, Democracy is saved

January 10th, 2019

By Jolly Somasundram Courtesy The Island

Two days would be considered black in modern Sri Lanka, one, the horrible events which took place on 25th Friday, July 1983 and the second, a declared election not taking place on 5th January, Saturday, 2019, despite all proper conditions for the conduct of free and fair elections having been met by an independent National Elections Commission. The constitution laid down that sovereignty inheres in the people, specifying a hegemonised triplet, the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise. These three were the super- stars of the constitution, all others being logistics for their delivery.

The franchise, exercised in Sri Lanka since 1931, has a long pedigree and a redolent history. It is on par with motherhood. Denying the People their right to exercise their franchise in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the denial having strong support from politicised civil society, marks the beginnings of an anti-democratic creep mimicking current trends in Europe and America. The next round may be that voters would not count but counters certainly would. The non-holding of the election is a precursor of what could happen, possibly ending by rescinding the electoral gains made since 1931. Who would have thought the throwing the Quit India gauntlet in India, would lead to India’s independence? From microscopic seeds, mighty oaks grow. Beware of geeks bearing gaffes!


5th of January 2019, would be a day for ecstatic celebrations by politicised civil society- a catch all term for political scientists, unrepresentative self-appointed do-gooders and media journalists. Politicised civil society seem to have arrived at a faustian bargain with anti-democrats. It is not surprising that staunch democracies, like US, UK, Canada, who preach the virtues of elections the world over, are part of the anti-election movement in Sri Lanka. One is judged by the company one keeps. Never in the history of representative democracy has a declared election not been held or celebrated. 5th January is a day of mourning, for those deeply concerned with safeguarding their sovereign civic rights, the highest of it being the right to exercise their super-star right of franchise The President is the only person in the country who is directly elected by the People and the only one who could dissolve Parliament. He takes necessary steps to stabilise the country. He is held responsible to Parliament and his electors. No other person, institution or agency could extract an accountability for actions of the president, even if there is a feeling that they are misguided: he has unfettered discretion.

The new Parliament was scheduled to meet on 17th January, with a fresh cabinet in place. It was hoped that many of the Members of Parliament (MPP), who brought infamy to this once hallowed institution and, against whom politicised civil society appeared to carry out campaigns. These have turned out to be faux. By not having an election, these MPP have been given a further lease of life. A fake face must hide what a fake heart doth know. The hope that these MPP would be cleared out in the wash in a 5th January election, is no longer tenable.

The elections did not take place, as the dissolution by the President was held to be inappropriate, since President Sirisena, had advanced the election date by 1 1/4 years. (Normally authoritarian Heads of the state wish to postpone elections). The People of the country have now to wait 1 1/4 further forlorn years, to cast their franchise. Far from being ones endowed with sovereignty, they have become political footballs, ready objects to be kicked around. MPP have been given a fresh lease for their depredations.

Motherhood and the Franchise are immanent endowments with which no human, in a civilised society, should interfere. Motherhood cannot be postponed only advanced and under the closest medical supervision. The franchise has similar restrictions. It can be advanced, as happened when there were two elections in 1960 within six months. In 2018, Sri Lanka postponed a dissolution, shifting elections by 1 1/4 years. Politicised civil society, who claimed to be the embodiment of civic virtue, were delirious.

They, possibly, would now let out an Orwellian cri de couer, “No elections: democracy is saved”.

Answer to the question ‘Who can save Sri Lanka?’

January 10th, 2019

By Rohana R. Wasala Courtesy The Island

Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who should have known better, the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most, that has made it possible for evil to triumph.

  • Haile Selassie (Emperor of Ethiopia 1930-74)

The admirable feature article ‘Who can save Sri Lanka?’  written by T.M. Premawardana (presumably in Sinhala) and translated into English by Fr J. C. Pieris (The Island/January 2, 2019) invites constructive critical comments. Hence this attempt at offering some personal suggestions for what they are worth.

However, Premawardana’s piece opens with an observation that is hard to support:

The people of this country did not accept the overturning of power, enacted on the 26th of October 2018 as a political victory. Only the people, paid and instigated by the politicians to light crackers, did so. Nobody spontaneously came forward to celebrate it. After the news of the dissolution of the Parliament they became still more silent.”

In the present writer’s opinion, this is the exact opposite of the popular reaction among ordinary Sri Lankans to the news of that unexpected presidential move.  After reading independent media reports on the internet that this writer considers, based on evidence, to be authentic and unbiased, he stated the following personal view of how the masses responded to the change of government effected on October 26, 2018: The news about Mahinda Rajapaksa having formed a government at the invitation of the president generated a wave of public euphoria across the country: firecrackers were set off in celebration not only in the south but also in the north” (‘Stop outsourcing democracy, hold an election’/ The Island, November 29, 2018). If, as Premawardana alleges, the level of enthusiasm in celebrating the event fell short of what could have been expected on the basis of the scale experienced in the aftermath of the Sri Lanka Podu Peramuna (SLPP)’s sweeping victory at the local government election on February 10, 2018, at  least two strong reasons can be suggested to explain it: these presidential actions were entirely unexpected, and the news took time to reach the ordinary people, which is one reason; the other reason is that in view of Sirisena’s previous role in the Yahapalanaya, his sudden sea change was treated with suspicion by a section of the general public.

The judiciary has settled the disagreement between the executive and the legislature about the happenings on October 26. The president, the parliament, and the public are now abiding by its decision. They accept that constitutionally justice has been served. However, there are criticisms of the judgement among legal experts, about which most ordinary citizens including this writer are ignorant and cannot express any idea, for or against. But the fact remains that a highly unrepresentative legislature is still continuing to legislate, and that a national list (i.e., unelected) MP from a regional party that polled less than 5% of the national vote acts as the most powerful legislator in parliament.  (That the current parliament does not represent the public will was irrefutably proven by the drubbing the mutually estranged Yahapalana partners suffered at the February 10, 2018 local government election). So, the strong perception among the public that the continuing state of affairs constitutes a serious of breach of natural justice will not go away until free and fair parliamentary elections are held soon, and people’s sovereignty restored.

Returning to Premawardana’s opening comments, it is a constantly manifest fact that Mahinda Rajapaksa doesn’t have to bribe people, or to instigate them  by unlawful means, in order for them to celebrate any significant achievement the country makes under his leadership. He has already made history as the only democratic leader ever in the South Asian region (probably in the whole world) who has been constantly visited by grateful citizens in such large numbers wherever he appears, be it his home or some other place, after being defeated at an election. (People still believe that he didn’t deserve to lose in 2015. They soon realized that it was an engineered regime change in which, foreign sponsored NGOs and the JVP, among others, played significant roles.)

In a very recent  article in Sinhala carried in a widely read online journal under a title that may be translated as ‘Who takes responsibility for plunging the people into destruction on December 13 after 51 days of bright new hope?’  (Lankaweb/January 3, 2019), Charles S. Perera, a barrister of the Honourable Society of Lincoln’s Inn, London (which is recognized as one of the world’s most prestigious professional bodies of judges and lawyers, according to the Wikipedia), has the following to say about the roles of the NGOs and the JVP in the present crisis (this writer’s translation):

These NGO and JVP puppets have no concern for the country, the nation, or the religion; neither any sympathy for the general public who have suffered as a result of three and a half years of Yahapalanaya. The NGO puppets have absolutely no feeling for the people. They only want to pander to the (whims and fancies of) foreigners and Diaspora Tamils. The Marxists of the JVP, acting under the delusion that a wonderful opportunity has come for them to gain power, and being blinded by their hunger for the same, are engaged in a plan to reinforce their influence by working in partnership with the TNA and the UNP. Busy promoting the passage of 20A, they have no time for looking into the privations that the people undergo.”

If the people did not accept the replacement of the UNP-led government on October 26 as Premarwardana claims, he should explain his reasons to assume such a thing.  But the ordinary people have enough sense to understand that there are absolutely no grounds for them to prefer the dismissed administration to the temporary caretaker government that the president thought it urgently needed to install for the express purpose of electing a new parliament. The record of the Yahapalanaya cannot be hidden from the highly literate, intelligent and informed Sri Lankan public. The Yahapalanists have done little significant development work worth talking about during four years of their arbitrary rule. They only harped on a nonexistent ‘debt burden’ alleged to have been incurred under the Rajapaksa governments of 2005-2014 (as Ravi Karunanayake revealed recently – lankacnews). Instead of acquiring further economic assets for the country, the Yahapalanists sold out many valuable national assets already acquired by their predecessors. Meanwhile, their mainstay to date has been carping attacks on the Rajapaksas and the prominent government functionaries who had served under them; not a day passed without the Rajapaksas being excoriated for all ills besetting the nation at present. In the process, they have only succeeded in betraying their justifiable (electoral) fear of the Rajapaksas, whom the people have not forgotten for the great service they did by leading a successful national campaign to rid the country of the scourge of terrorism, and by bringing about steady, equitably distributed economic development across the country.

Prewardana states at one point: We have to live in a society, which is highly degenerated. But, our society has always managed to safeguard one eminent quality, the great quality of never tolerating uncouth politics.”

Isn’t a highly degenerate society that nevertheless rejects ‘uncouth’ politics a contradiction in terms? Our society as a whole is not such a degenerate one, as demonstrated by the remarkable forbearance and peacefulness of the overwhelming majority who repose their faith in democracy in today’s trying circumstances, in spite of many provocations at that. The term ‘uncouth’ is repeated at least ten times in the text (showing the importance to the writer Premawardana of the idea in the original that the word ‘uncouth’ stands for). However, probably, the equivalent Sinhala adjective in the original is ‘ashista’ (uncivilized). Since this writer has not seen Prewardana’s own text, he doesn’t know for sure whether he actually uses the word ‘ashista’, but it is most likely. The word ‘uncouth’ is hardly a correct rendering of the strong Sinhala adjective ‘ashista’ or the equivalent that the context calls for. (This is with humble apologies to Fr Peiris for this writer’s apparent presumption.) The English word merely means ‘lacking good manners, refinement, or grace’, according to the Oxford Dictionary. Obviously, lack of ‘polish or poshness’ cannot be what Premawardana means. (The well known ‘couthness’ of the notorious characters involved in the alleged central bank bond scams of 2015 and 2016 has never been in question.) ‘Barbaric’ would have done better in the context. Our people are much more disciplined and dignified than the handful among the 225 MPs that sometimes misbehave in parliament. It is true that the ordinary people do not tolerate rowdy politics, as Premawardana correctly points out. That’s also why the present parliament is detested by the public irrespective of their individual party allegiances.

Premawardana, to his credit, describes the tyranny of the JR Jayawardana era with concrete evidence of wrong doing. Jayawardana had promised a dharmista samajaya or a righteous society, during campaigning for the 1977 parliamentary election which the UNP that he led won with a four fifths majority of seats, defeating the previous ULF administration under Sirima Bandaranaike; but JR’s policies were not conducive to the creation of a righteous society. Strangely, Premawardana fails to make any reference to the R. Premadasa period (1989-1993) that followed. During that time, governmental tyranny became really barbaric thanks to the terrorism unleashed on the people by the JVP, immediately triggered by its violent opposition to the 1987 Indo-Lanka peace accord under which the Provincial Council system – 13A – was forced on Sri Lanka by an interventionist India. However, Premadasa himself was an opponent of the accord that violated Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. The brutal suppression of the equally brutal terror movement by the Premadasa government claimed the lives of some 60,000 young Sri Lankans involved or suspected to be involved in it. Most of them were in their late teens or early twenties. These selfless young idealists were almost entirely Sinhalese Buddhist. They were not racists; they were not communalists or religious bigots. They laid down their lives for a better future for the whole country. The tragic truth was that they were innocent dupes of an outdated Marxist political ideology that would never succeed in Sri Lanka. The case of the abduction, unlawful incarceration, and killing of  twenty-five schoolboys on some frivolous grounds in Ambilipitiya between October 1989 and January 1990 was one of the many gruesome incidents of that kind  that shocked the nation. Lawyers Mahinda Rajapaksa and Vasudeva Nanayakkara, both then active against UNP tyranny, appeared for looking after the interests of the victim students at the Ratnapura high court. (See the Sinhala language book ‘javipe 2veni kaeraella’ or ‘The Second Insurrection of the JVP’ Volume I by journalist Dharman Wickremaratne, December 2016). The glaring omission on Premawardana’s part must be an inadvertent one. However, it would be a mistake if Sajith Premadasa, without a proven track record, and without the ability to escape the menacing shadow of the behemoth of his own party leadership, hopes to beat Mahinda Rajapaksa in mass appeal at this juncture.

The post-independence political history of Sri Lanka is that of a still continuing struggle between nationalist forces that used to be mainly represented by the SLFP until recently (but now by its new incarnation the SLPP) and the opposing bloc comprising the West oriented UNP, certain communalist minority politicians (who somehow manage to have the best of both worlds for themselves personally while betraying the long term interests of all communities by aligning themselves with the dominant one of the two major parties at any time (but not all Tamil and Muslim politicians are communalists), and the constantly rejected, futureless Marxists (currently marooned in the ramshackle JVP). The anti-nationalist bloc, especially the UNP faction of it, has always received Western backing. It was revealed recently in an online source (The writer cannot recall the relevant URL at this moment) that Americans have tried to surreptitiously intervene in Sri Lankan parliamentary elections in favour of the UNP since 1956, in which year they did so in order to help John Kotelawala, the then incumbent UNP prime minister. The undeservedly vulnerable situation of the country today in this regard is not beyond the comprehension of the ordinary people.

Many modern media commentators and political analysts, and even some government and opposition MPs look back upon the seven decades after independence during which the two major parties the UNP and the SLFP  ruled alternately, each by itself or as the principal partner of an alliance with smaller parties, and claim that the country achieved nothing during that period. This is an absolute falsehood, though very popular among certain would be prophets of modernity in the social media, who set much store by an alleged need to destroy the  traditional Buddhist cultural foundation of the country. Both the UNP and the SLFP of the past did much to change the country for the better in various ways despite disagreements between them, though. On the whole, however, the perennial conflict between the aforementioned ‘blocs’ has constantly frustrated the forward march of the country. A section of the same intelligentsia is even more remiss in advocating the leadership of the crumbling JVP for restoring Sri Lanka to a healthy state. They seem to congratulate themselves as discoverers of an infallible truth hitherto hidden from the allegedly less enlightened older generation of Sri Lankans. The writer would like to remind these intellectuals that the fallacy that the JVP represents the best alternative to both the UNP and the SLFP is at least fifty years old, and that it has been repeatedly debunked over that long period.

The Sri Lanka that emerged in 2009, after nearly three decades of civil strife caused by separatist violence, was laying a solid foundation for a decisive break with the past in the following five years. It was the natural culminating achievement of nationalism in Sri Lanka that embraced all Sri Lankans without any sectarian divisions, be they communal, cultural or religious. But nationalism is today condemned as racism by its critics, who are the real racists. This must change.

Premawardana concludes: ‘With some activism organised to unite all the people with the thrust towards good governance we might be able to create a powerful people’s movement over and above political parties’. True. That is exactly what the truly patriotic monks that the people know and look up to (few of the Mahanayakes are among them)  are doing. The Sinhalese Buddhists who form the majority and who are being presently ill treated for all their accustomed tolerance and patience are ever beholden to His Eminence Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith for speaking up recently, as he has repeatedly done over the years,  for the protection of the Buddhist cultural heritage of the country for the whole world to hear, while the most important of the Mahanayakes are  looking on passively.

Premawardana’s proposal is excellent, but it will prove impractical, because no new people’s movement will be successful unless it draws on the support of an already established political leader of adequately proven ability, humanity and honesty. The country is not without such a leader.

Finally, this writer’s answer to the question ‘Who can save Sri Lanka?’ is, as implicit above: The ordinary Sri Lankans organized under a good leader of their choice. His appeal to the powers that be is: Please allow them to do that, without poking your noses into their affairs.

Sinister attempt by Tamil racists to use Muslims as a bait.

January 10th, 2019


Tamils who are champions to mislead the world with bogus ancestry, history and origins do not hesitate to conveniently claim anyone as people belonging to their community and work against the same people after getting their sinister aims achieved.   The claim being made by these Tamil cists about Muslims of Sri Lanka as part of their community attaching the convenient label, the Tamil speaking, is a horrendous part of this claim, when the Sri Lanka Muslim community hails from around 7th century onwards and these distorters of history are aliens who only has a history beginning with Dutch colonial times and then got empowered to higher present positions in the country by British imperialist colonialists.

As per historical records the original Muslims hail with the arrival of Arab traders in the 7th century A.D.  By the 8th century A.D., Arab traders had controlled much of the trade on the Indian Ocean, including that of Sri Lanka. Many of them settled down on the island in large numbers, encouraging the spread of Islam. However, when the Portuguese arrived during the 16th century, many of their descendants now called the Sri Lankan Moors were mainly traders and merchants with spice trading networks spanning to the Middle East. The Portuguese colonists attacked, persecuted and destroyed the Sri Lankan Moor settlements, warehouses and trading networks. Many defeated Moors refugees escaped from the persecution to the interior in central Sri Lanka. The population of Sri Lankan Moors significantly declined during the Portuguese colonial rule due to the pogroms against the Moors. The Sinhalese ruler King Senarat of Kandy, the son of King Wimaladharmasuriya  gave refuge to some of the Muslims in the central highlands and Eastern Province, Historical records indicate the large numbers of Muslims fought the Portuguese in the army of King Wimaladharmasuriya in his battles agaimnst the Portuguese. [2]

During 18th and 19th centuries, Javanese and Malaysian Muslims bought over by the Dutch and British rulers contributed to the growing Muslim population in Sri Lanka. Their descendants, now the Sri Lankan Malays, adapted several Sri Lankan Moor Islamic traditions while also contributing their unique cultural Islamic practices to other Muslim groups on the Island.

The arrival of Muslims from India during the 19th and 20th centuries has also contributed to the growth of Islam in Sri Lanka. Most notably, Pakistani and South Indian Muslims have introduced Shafi’i and the Hanafi school of thought into Sri Lanka, however although most Muslims on the island still adhere to the traditional practices of Sunni Islam.

Muslims generally follow Sufi traditions. The Fassiya ash Shazuliya tariqa flourished by the Al-Fassi family in the 1870s is the most prevalent sufi order among the Srilankan muslims followed by Aroosiyathul qadiriya. The Deobandi Tablighi Jamaat, jamathe islame and thawheed jamath etc. too have centers in Colombo..[4]

In modern times, Muslims in Sri Lanka are handled by the Muslim Religious and Cultural Affairs Department, which was established to prevent the continual isolation of the Muslim community from the rest of Sri Lanka.

the Arab traders who were sea farers and arrived settled down on the coastal belt of the country from Godawaya (Hambantota) to Mannar and thrived  as world recognized exporters of spices, gems, pearls and other local produce such as cinnamon, areca nut betel, pepper etc.  They married Sinhala ladies and these ladies became the matriarchs of the Sri Lankan Muslim society.

Later on another wave of South Indian Muslims belonginmg to  Marakkar, Rawthar. Lebbey and other groups arrived in the country and got integrated with the original Muslim Arab descent settlers. There were some Indian origin sects who periodical migrants..

Claiming Arabic descent, he Marakayar sect has dominated the educational and economic landscape in Tamil Nadu since the 17th century. One notable sea-faring merchant, as recorded in the Chronicles of Thondaiman, was Periya Thambi Nainar Marakkayar who is widely believed to be the first rupee millionaire in the community. His son Seethakaathi, an altruist, was commissioned the penning of Seerapuranam by Umaru Pulavar. By the 20th century, B. S. Abdur Rahman had emerged as the first dollar billionaire. The 11th president of India A. P. J. Abdul Kalam was also born to a Marakkayar boat-builder

Mappila Muslim

They are predominantly foun in Kerala and they constitute around 26% Kerala Muslims, and they are  are the oldest settled native Muslim community in South Asia.they are reported to have originated primarily as a result of the West Asian contacts with Kerala. As per local tradition, Islam reached Malabar Coast as early as the 7th century AD before being vertaken by the Europeans in the spice trade..

Rawthar Society

Considered to be having TurkicArab and Central Asiandescent. The Rowther sect is the second most prosperous sect within the community

Thye Lebbey Society

They were descendents of Arab sea fearers who performed trade with Tamil Nadu and Kerala and they settled in various places along the trade posts, the Labbay sect mainly engaged in religious scholarship.

Mukkuvar Society

The Sri Lankan Moors along with Mukkuvar dominated in medieval era the pearl trade in Sri Lanka. Alliances and intermarriages between both communities were observed in this period.  They held close contact with other Muslims of Southern India through coastal trade.

The Moors (the name wasconnoted to Sri Muslim by Portuguese adopted from the similar society of Iberians – in Sinhala Yonaka) had their own court of justice for settling their disputes. Upon arrival of the Portuguese colonizers in the 16th century, larger population of Moors were expelled from cities such as the capital city Colombo, which had been a Moor-dominated city at that time. The Moors were thus migrating towards east and were settled there by King Senarath of the Kingdom of Kandy to save them from brutal persecution of Portuguese.  The Muslims have played a leading role as soldiers ijn the army of King WimalaDharmasuriya in the battles against the Portuguese.  Robert Knox, a British sea captain of the 17th century, has noted that the Kings of Kandy Kingdom built mosques for the Moors.

Legends and rituals

As a mark of modesty, Sri Lanka Muslim women usually wear white thuppatti (whilst travelling only) which is draped over their body on top of the saree but revealing face. Many used to visit shrines (Dargah) on major life milestones like births, marriages and deaths.


Culture and literature were heavily influenced by the Qadiri flavour of Sufism. Histoprical evidence point out that ttheir domain ranged from mystical to medical, from fictional to political, from philosophical to legal and spiritual. It should be noted that the Sri Lankan Moorswrote Tamil in the Nastaliq script, known colloquially as Arwi.

Sri Lankan Civil War

The Sri Lankan civil war was a brutal Tamil terrorist aggression against the people of Sri Lanka to establish an exclusive Tamil separatist State in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the country covering 1/3 of the land territory and 2/3 of the coastal areas with a maritime zone extending to 200 nautical miles and this iollegal aggression lasted for nearly 30 years until it was totally crushed and vanquished under the leadership of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. President Rajapaksa ended this terrorist aggression on 18th May, 2009 after 3 ½ years of coming to power in 2005 that had lasted covering the tenures of four Presidents and a Prime Minister.

Since 1888 under the initiative of Ponnambalam Ramanathan, the Sri Lankan Tamils launched a campaign to classify Sri Lankan Moors who spoke Tamil as Tamils, primarily to bolster their population numbers for the impending transition to democratic rule in Sri Lanka. Their view holds that the Sri Lankan Moors were simply Tamil converts to Islam. The claim that the Moors were the progeny of the original Arab settlers might hold good for a few families but not for the entire bulk of the community

According to some Tamil nationalists, the concept of Arab descent among Tamil speaking moors was, invented just to keep the community away from the Tamils and this ‘separate identity’ intended to check the latter’s demand for the separate state Tamil Eelam and to flare up hostilities between the two groups in the broader Tamil-Sinhalese conflict.

Muslim Ministers, MPs and politicians have vehyemently opposed racisrt Tamils chauvunism against the Sinhalese and extended their fullest cooperation to the Sinhala community. They include Sir Marcan Markar, Sir Razik Fareed, Dr. Badiudeen Mahmoud, Dr. T.B.Jayah, Dr. M.C.M. Kaleel, Minister A.C.S.Hameed, and M.H.Mohamed to name a few.  It isbeing said that Sir Razik Fareed and Dr. Badiudeen Mahmoud have on numerous occasionschallenged Chelvanayagam and other Tamil racist leaders to prove their so-claimed claim of Muslims asa part of the Tamil communitywhich they have failed to rspond.

Unlike the racist Tamils, the Sinhala community has elected many Muslims to the Parliament from the Sinhala majority electorates devoid of party politics  which could never be expected from the Tamils.  The list of members elected in this manner include C.A.S.Marikkar (well known as Sinhala Marikkar from Galagrdera, Aboosaly from Balangoda, M.H.Mohamed continuously elected from Borella which has over 90% of Sinhalese voters and Mrs Anjan Umma from Minuwangoda and the latest S.M.Marikka from the Sinhala majority Kolonnawa electorate despite Marikkar being a person from the deep South Dickwella in the Devinuwara electorate and Cader Masthan from Sinhala majority Vavuniya electorate.  It is said that the Sinhalese people in this diswtrict  are frpom Gndara, Kottegoda and Devinuwara in the Soiuth and from Padaviuya.  Tamils have never nominated a Muslim for any of their electorates.  Unfortunately this Sinhala-Muslim amity as been shattere4d to some extent by power hungry, commercial minded, business politicians like Rauf Hakeem and Rishad Badiudeen who have become vermins eating into the centuries old brotherhood between Sinhala and Muslim communities.

The expulsion of the Muslims from the Northern province was an act of ethnic cleansing carried out by the Tamil militant Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) organization in October 1990. In order to achieve their goal of creating a mono ethnic Tamil state in the North Sri Lanka, the LTTE forcibly expelled around100, Muslim population from the Northern Province and confiscated their properties and destroyed the Mosques.

It is widely reported that the expulsion by LTTE still carries bitter memories amongst the Sri Lanka’s Muslims.. There were numerous storied relating to atrocities faced by these expelled Muslims in the hands of LTTE cadres supervising the operation and some families have not even being allo0wed to take with t5he the milk powder they wanted to take with them for their infants.  Ladies have not been allowed to take any jewellry and even their ear rings have been forcibly removed regardless of damage to their ear lobes.

Under these circumstances iot was indeed shameful to find Rauf Hakeem, the self appointed Muslim Congress leader on the instigation of Ranil Wickremasinghe held a meeting with the megalomaniac Prabhakaran and signed an agreement which was adhered to only in breach.  It was also shameful to find Rauf Hakeem advisinf Muslim youths in the East to follow Prabharan as a model.

Historians said thatt Sinhalese language is spoken Moors whose maternal lineage is Sinhalese and Tamil is the mother tongue of the community whose maternal lineage are Tamil, however depending on where they live in the country, they may also additionally speak TamilSinhala and or English. According to the 2012 Census 58.7% ( the  ma jority  ) or 862,397 Sri Lankan Moors spoke Sinhala and 30.4% or 446,146 Sri Lankan Moors also spoke English and Moorish Tamil which bears the influence of Arabic.

Religious sermons, especially on Fridays’ Qutba sermons used to be delivered in Tamil but now there is a growing trend that these sermons are delivered regularly or on alternate Fridays in Sinhala in certain mosques in Colombo and outstations as there is a growing Muslim youth Muslim population who cannot read, write and understand Tamil.


The Sri Lankan Moors have been strongly shaped by Islamic culture, with many customs and practices according to Islamic law. While preserving many of their ancestral customs, the Moors have also adopted several South Asian practices.

The Moors practice several customs and beliefs, which they closely share with the ArabSri Lankan Tamils and Sinhalese People. Tamil and Sinhala customs such as wearing the Thaali (a fast vanishing practice)  or eating Kiribath were widely prevalent among the Moors. Arab customs such as congregational eating using a large shared plate called the ‘sahn’ and wearing of the North African fez during marriage ceremonies feed to the view that Moors are of mixed Sinhalese, Tamil and Arab heritage.

There have been a growing trend amongst Moors to rediscover their Arab heritage and the Arab customs that are the norm amongst Arabs in Middle East and North Africa. These include  replacing the sari, salwar and other traditional clothing associated with Sinhalese and Tamil culture in favour of the abaya and hijab by the women, the Arab long dress instead of Sarong and shirt by men  as well as increased interest in learning Arabic and appetite for Arab food by opening restaurants and takeaways that serve Arab food such as shawarma and Arab bread Qubus. .

The late 19th century saw the phase of islamization of Sri Lankan Moors, primarily under the influence of M. C. Siddi Lebbe. He was a leading figure in the Islamic revival movement, and strengthened the Muslim identity of the Sri Lankan Moors. He was responsible for the ideological framework for the M uslim ethnicity in Sri Lanka.


The districts of Ampara (43%), Trincomalee (42%) and Batticaloa (26%) The Eastern Province have the highest share of Muslims in Sri Lanka, followed byPuttalam (20%), Mannar (17%), Kandy (14%) and Colombo (12%).

Sri Lankan Moors

The Sri Lankan Moors are mostly native speakers of the Tamil language while a few of them speak Sinhala as primary language, and follow Islam as their religion. Sri Lankan Moors comprise 9.30% (2012 Census) of Sri Lanka’s population,

Islam was spread to Sri Lanka by contacts with the merchant ships operated by the Moor traders between Serendib (Old Persian / Arabic name for Sri Lanka), and various ports in the Arabian Peninsula and North Africa.


Muslim professionals in accounting, medicine, engineering, etc., but at present they are exceeding the national average. Due to the lack of opportunity in Sri Lanka, many Muslim professionals are emigrating to get jobs abroad, such as to the Middle EastUnited StatesCanadaAustralia, and Europe.

East Coast Moors

In the eastern province of the country Muslims are predominant. These Muslims were settled on land given by the Sinhalese King Senarat of Kandyafter the Muslims were persecuted by the Portuguese. The  East coast Sri Lankan Moors are primarily farmers, fishermen, and traders. According to the controversial census of 2007, the Moors are 5% (only Moors, not the entire Muslim population of the eastern province.  This is reported to be a deliberate conspiracy made by Tamils to identify the rest of the Muslim population as Tamils to enhance the so-called Tamil speaking people concept)). Their family lines are traced through women, as in kinship systems of the southwest Indian state of Kerala, but they govern themselves through Islamic law.

West Coast Moors[

Many moors in the west of the island are traders, professionals or civil servants and are mainly concentrated in ColomboKalutaraBeruwalaDharga TownPuttalam, Jaffna and Mannar. Moors in the west coast trace their family lines through their father along with those in the Central Province.

The surname of many Moors in ColomboKalutara and Puttalam is joined with their fathers’ first name, thus retaining similarity to the traditional Arab and middle eastern kinship system.

Sri Lankan Malays

The Malays of Sri Lanka are reported to have originated in Southeast Asia and today consist of over  50,000 persons. Their ancestors came to the country when both Sri Lanka and Indonesia were colonies of the Dutch. Most of the early Malay immigrants were indentured labours, posted by the Dutch colonial administration to Sri Lanka, who decided to settle on the island. Other immigrants were convicts or members of noble houses from Indonesia who were exiled to Sri Lanka and who never left. The main source of a continuing Malay identity is their common Malay language(Bahasa Melayu), which includes numerous words absorbed from Sinhalese and the Moorish variants In the 1980s, the Malays made up about 5% of the Muslim population in Sri Lanka and, like the Moors, predominantly follow the Shafi school of thought within Sunni Islamithin Sunni Islam

දරුවන් මත් උව`දුරින් බේරා ගැනීමට රටේම දෙමව්පියන්ගේ අවÞනය යොමු විය යුතුයි. – විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා

January 10th, 2019

ශී‍්‍ර ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණ

අද වන විට ශී්‍ර ලංකාව කුඩු ඛෙÞ හැරීමේ මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් බවට පත්ව ඇති බවත් මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරම්කරුවන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමට දේශපාලන මැදිහත්වීම මෙම ශෝචනීය තත්ත්වය තවතවත් වැඩිවීමට හේතුවන බවත් පෙන්වා දෙන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා රජය දෙස බලා නොසිට රටේ සමස්ත දරුපරපුර මත් උවඳුරින් බේරා ගැනීම සඳහා දෙමව්පියන් පෙරට පැමිනිය යුතු කාලය එළැඹ ඇතැයිද අවධාරණය කලේය.

විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා මේ බව අවධාරණය කලේ අද (10) මළවැන්න පුෂ්පාරාම මහා විහාරයේ අලූතින් ඉදිකළ දෙමහල් සංඝාවාසය විවෘත කිරීමේ අවස්ථාවට එක් වෙමිනි.

පන්සල ප්‍රමුඛ ආගමික ස්ථාන පෙරටු කර ගනිමින් මත් උවදුර මැඩලීමේ ශක්තිමත් ව්‍යුහයක් ගොඩනගා ගත යුතුව ඇතැයි ද හෙතෙම අවධාරණය කලේය.
පොලීසිය ප්‍රමුඛ ආරක්ෂක අංශ දේශපාලන බලපෑම්වලට යටත් නොවී නිසි පරිදි නීතිය කි්‍රයාත්මක කිරීමට වගබලාගත යුතුව ඇතැයිද මෙහිදී විපක්ෂ නායකවරයා පෙන්වා දුන්නේය.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර රමේෂA පතිරණ, චන්දිම වීරක්කොඩි, හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ගිතා කු=මාරසිංහ, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර මොහාන් සිල්වා, දකුණු පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර සම්පත් අතුකෝරළ, ඇතුළු පිරිසක් සහභාගි වූහ.

ගාල්ල කරන්දෙනිය මධ්‍ය මහා විද්‍යාලයට වසර 75ක් පිරීම නිමිත්තෙන් සංවිධානය කළ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රදර්ශනය අද (10) පස්වැනි දිනයේ ආරම්භ කෙරුනේ ගරු විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ප්‍රධානත්වයෙනි.

මෙම අධ්‍යාපනික ප්‍රදර්ශනය සඳහා පාසලේ සිසුසිසුවියන්ගේ නිර්මාණ රැසක් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ අතර විශේෂයෙන්ම මහින්ද චින්තනය යටතේ පාසල්වලට ලබා දුන් මහින්දෝදය විද්‍යාගාරයේ තාක්ෂනික පහසුකම් යටතේ ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ නව නිර්මාණ රැසක් මෙහිදී විපක්ෂ නායකවරයාගේ නිරීක්ෂණයට ලක් විය.

මෙම අවස්ථාවේ සිසුසිසුවියන් හා ගු=රුවරුන් ඇමතූ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සඳහන් කලේ දැයේ දරුවන් නව තාක්ෂනික දැනුමෙන් සන්නද්ධ කිරීම ස`දහා මහින්දෝදය විද්‍යාගාර ඇරඹීමට ලැබීම තම දිවියේ ලද භාග්‍යයක් බවයි.

එයින් ඵල ලබා නව ලොවට Þයාදවන දරුපරපුර පිළිබ`ද තමා ආඩම්බරවන බවද විපක්ෂ නායකවරයා වැඩි`දුරටත් සඳහන් කලේය.
මෙම අවස්ථාවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර රමේෂA පතිරණ, චන්දිම වීරක්කොඩි, හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ගිතා කු=මාරසිංහ, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර මොහාන් සිල්වා, දකුණු පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර සම්පත් අතුකෝරළ, ඇතුළු පිරිසක් සහභාගි වූහ.

විපක්ෂ නායක මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමා අද (10) සවස සීනිගම ෙÞවොල් දේවාලයේ පැවැති විශෙAෂ ආගමික වතාවත් සඳහා සහභාගි විය.
මෙහිදී රැස්ව සිටි ජනතාව සමඟ සුහද පිළිසදරක යෙදීමට ද එතුමන් අමතක කළේ නැත.

මෙම අවස්ථාවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර රමේෂA පතිරණ, චන්දිම වීරක්කොඩි, හිටපු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර ගිතා කු=මාරසිංහ, පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තී්‍ර මොහාන් සිල්වා, දකුණු පළාත් සභා මන්තී්‍ර සම්පත් අතුකෝරළ, ඇතුළු පිරිසක් සහභාගි වූහ.

How I discovered my scientific energy saving cooking

January 10th, 2019

Dr Hector Perera        London

I THINK most discoveries are made by sheer accident and my scientific energy saving cooking is another discovery made similar way. Sir Isaac Newton discovered gravity when he was sitting under an apple tree when an apple feel on his head then he discovered gravity. That is a sheer accident. “Eureka!” (I have found it!), Archimedes, a celebrated mathematician, scientist, inventor, and confidant of the king. He was ordered by the King to find out if his thrown was made by mixing other metals other than pure gold. He was not allowed to break to find out the truth. He was thinking about it all the time even when he had a bath. As soon as he got into the bath tub, he got out of it fully naked and ran into the streets saying Eureka” repeatedly then ended up at the palace to meet the King. That discovery was made by sheer accident and it is valid up until now. Galileo made the discovery that the world went round the sun but not the sun went round the world. Since his discovery was against the church, then he was life imprisoned as a punishment but the truth remains all the time. I am sure I can find more discoveries made by sheer accident and I can let you know how I discovered my discovery.

    I knew cooking from Sri Lanka but not scientifically

When I was in Sri Lanka, even when I was studying for Advanced Level science, I started cooking at my boarding place. Sometimes I walked all the way to a hotel to eat but when it rains or when I am late I had to cycle with my food parcel rocking from side to side. One of the reasons is that when I got a packet of meals from a hotel and when I opened to eat, it didn’t quite appeal to me. It looked like that the rice is mixed with other curries but for some time I managed that way until I started to cook at the boarding place. There was no kitchen at the boarding place because that was just rooms only boarding house. Then I thought to keep the cooker near the far end of the rooms where there was the toilet and the bathroom. Since it was a single burner cooker that was no problem to find enough room. Those days we used kerosene as the energy even there was electricity. I must say kerosene cooker also gave a smell while cooking but it was alright since it was on the passage than in the rooms. Even the food gave smell and I thought it was quite normal.

Studying, sleeping and cooking in one room

When I came to England for further studies, I had a single room and they supplied an electric cooker or a hot plate to be kept in the room. I had my lunch at the Polytechnic like everybody in the class. Those days they were named a Polytechnic but much later they changed their name as Universities. I must say that I really didn’t like fish and chips and chicken and chips even for the supper since I had them for lunch. Then I wanted to cook something like what I did in Sri Lanka but there was no facilities. I tried to cook in the room then the food smell remained in the room. When I wore clothes to the University, I couldn’t bear the Asian curry smell on the clothes. No wonder that I had to spray some body spray to cover up these smells. After a while I found the adjoining room was packed with rubbish such as boxes and broken furniture then I thought to use that room for cooking. When I cleared them all I found that was a room with cooking facilities. Soon I moved the cooker to that room for cooking. That room was the kitchen of that house when the place was given as rooms to some boarders and I was one of them.

I gradually applied science to cooking

When I cooked I adjusted the cooker fire so that the smell didn’t spread too much. Any way I did more experiments how to cook at a lower fire so that there was a control of the food smell. I knew food are slow conductors of heat so I thought to supply heat slowly. Then thinking scientifically about the fire and smell then I found how to control the fire so that it cooks at a lower fire. Since I was studying chemistry, I tried to apply chemistry in cooking and it worked. I knew any food is a bad or a slow conductor so I used that idea in cooking. I tried to apply temperature, pressure and volume in cooking. There were gas laws more than 200yrs old and they were related to pressure, volume and temperature. I made use of them in order to cook scientifically.

Demonstrated my cooking to The Sustainable Energy Authority

After a long time of experiments I thought to demonstrate my work to the attention of The Sustainable Energy Authority in Sri Lanka. They were quite happy to issue me a valid certificate as well. That was demonstrated while I was holidaying in Sri Lanka. Then I contacted The Invention Commission about my work. They video recorded my work and added to their official web site.

Sirasa TV live cooking demonstration

The day after I demonstrated my work to The Sustainable Energy Authority, I was lucky to be invited for a live show on the following morning with Sirasa TV. I accepted the invitation and appeared in a live cooking programme on the following morning with Sirasa TV studio near Moratuwa. If anyone wished to see my work then please type my name as Dr Hector Perera then Sirasa cooking on the same line to Google search to see my work. You would see the two TV presenters Juliana and Sameera and a famous cook as well. I must say any British person wished to see this programme then there is a problem with the language because I had to speak both in English as well as in Sinhalese. I never knew the Sinhalese terms for certain scientific terms such as intermolecular reaction, intramolecular reactions and thermodynamic equilibrium condition and many more. I explained all that while doing the cooking demonstration. If British people would like to know my scientific energy saving cooking then I would stick to English language only in my explanation while I am demonstrating.

If my work is good enough to Sri Lanka

The Sustainable Energy Authority’s Director General admitted that I cooked with a gas flame less than 30% or 40% that means nearly 60% of the gas has been not used or in other words saved. Just imagine if one millions of people saved that much energy, who would say that my method of cooking and energy saving would not be useful to the general public? If my work was broadcasted in four different TV in Sri Lanka why not it is good enough to be broadcasted in any TV such as BBC in England? I am sure some people in England also would save some energy in cooking if they followed my method of cooking. Please remember that I am not a chef or a cook but a PhD qualified synthetic organic chemist and a chemistry teacher who made use of well-established gas laws in order to save gas in cooking, as I mentioned before further my work has been approved by The Sustainable Energy Authority in Sri Lanka. Why not I get a chance to demonstrate my scientific energy saving cooking to help the people in England? Your comments are welcomed [email protected]

How Britain stole $45 trillion from India And lied about it.

January 10th, 2019

by Jason Hickel  Courtesy Al Jazeera

19 Dec 2018

Lord Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, and his wife, Lady Edwina Mountbatten, ride in the state carriage towards the Viceregal lodge in New Delhi, on March 22, 1947 [File: AP]

There is a story that is commonly told in Britain that the colonisation of India – as horrible as it may have been – was not of any major economic benefit to Britain itself. If anything, the administration of India was a cost to Britain. So the fact that the empire was sustained for so long – the story goes – was a gesture of Britain’s benevolence.

New research by the renowned economist Utsa Patnaik – just published by Columbia University Press – deals a crushing blow to this narrative. Drawing on nearly two centuries of detailed data on tax and trade, Patnaik calculated that Britain drained a total of nearly $45 trillion from India during the period 1765 to 1938.

It’s a staggering sum. For perspective, $45 trillion is 17 times more than the total annual gross domestic product of the United Kingdom  today.

How did this come about?

It happened through the trade system. Prior to the colonial period, Britain bought goods like textiles and rice from Indian producers and paid for them in the normal way – mostly with silver – as they did with any other country. But something changed in 1765, shortly after the East India Company took control of the subcontinent and established a monopoly over Indian trade.

Here’s how it worked. The East India Company began collecting taxes in India, and then cleverly used a portion of those revenues (about a third) to fund the purchase of Indian goods for British use. In other words, instead of paying for Indian goods out of their own pocket, British traders acquired them for free, “buying” from peasants and weavers using money that had just been taken from them.

It was a scam – theft on a grand scale. Yet most Indians were unaware of what was going on because the agent who collected the taxes was not the same as the one who showed up to buy their goods. Had it been the same person, they surely would have smelled a rat.

Some of the stolen goods were consumed in Britain, and the rest were re-exported elsewhere. The re-export system allowed Britain to finance a flow of imports from Europe, including strategic materials like iron, tar and timber, which were essential to Britain’s industrialisation. Indeed, the Industrial Revolution depended in large part on this systematic theft from India.

On top of this, the British were able to sell the stolen goods to other countries for much more than they “bought” them for in the first place, pocketing not only 100 percent of the original value of the goods but also the markup.

After the British Raj took over in 1858, colonisers added a special new twist to the tax-and-buy system. As the East India Company’s monopoly broke down, Indian producers were allowed to export their goods directly to other countries. But Britain made sure that the payments for those goods nonetheless ended up in London.

How did this work? Basically, anyone who wanted to buy goods from India would do so using special Council Bills – a unique paper currency issued only by the British Crown. And the only way to get those bills was to buy them from London with gold or silver. So traders would pay London in gold to get the bills, and then use the bills to pay Indian producers. When Indians cashed the bills in at the local colonial office, they were “paid” in rupees out of tax revenues – money that had just been collected from them. So, once again, they were not in fact paid at all; they were defrauded.

Meanwhile, London ended up with all of the gold and silver that should have gone directly to the Indians in exchange for their exports.

This corrupt system meant that even while India was running an impressive trade surplus with the rest of the world – a surplus that lasted for three decades in the early 20th century – it showed up as a deficit in the national accounts because the real income from India’s exports was appropriated in its entirety by Britain.

Some point to this fictional “deficit” as evidence that India was a liability to Britain. But exactly the opposite is true. Britain intercepted enormous quantities of income that rightly belonged to Indian producers. India was the goose that laid the golden egg. Meanwhile, the “deficit” meant that India had no option but to borrow from Britain to finance its imports. So the entire Indian population was forced into completely unnecessary debt to their colonial overlords, further cementing British control.

Britain used the windfall from this fraudulent system to fuel the engines of imperial violence – funding the invasion of China in the 1840s and the suppression of the Indian Rebellion in 1857. And this was on top of what the Crown took directly from Indian taxpayers to pay for its wars. As Patnaik points out, “the cost of all Britain’s wars of conquest outside Indian borders were charged always wholly or mainly to Indian revenues.”

And that’s not all. Britain used this flow of tribute from India to finance the expansion of capitalism in Europe and regions of European settlement, like Canada and Australia. So not only the industrialisation of Britain but also the industrialisation of much of the Western world was facilitated by extraction from the colonies.

Patnaik identifies four distinct economic periods in colonial India from 1765 to 1938, calculates the extraction for each, and then compounds at a modest rate of interest (about 5 percent, which is lower than the market rate) from the middle of each period to the present. Adding it all up, she finds that the total drain amounts to $44.6 trillion. This figure is conservative, she says, and does not include the debts that Britain imposed on India during the Raj.

These are eye-watering sums. But the true costs of this drain cannot be calculated. If India had been able to invest its own tax revenues and foreign exchange earnings in development – as Japan did – there’s no telling how history might have turned out differently. India could very well have become an economic powerhouse. Centuries of poverty and suffering could have been prevented.

All of this is a sobering antidote to the rosy narrative promoted by certain powerful voices in Britain. The conservative historian Niall Ferguson has claimed that British rule helped “develop” India. While he was prime minister, David Cameron asserted that British rule was a net help to India.

This narrative has found considerable traction in the popular imagination: according to a 2014 YouGov poll, 50 percent of people in Britain believe that colonialism was beneficial to the colonies.

Yet during the entire 200-year history of British rule in India, there was almost no increase in per capita income. In fact, during the last half of the 19th century – the heyday of British intervention – income in India collapsed by half. The average life expectancy of Indians dropped by a fifth from 1870 to 1920. Tens of millions died needlessly of policy-induced famine.

Britain didn’t develop India. Quite the contrary – as Patnaik’s work makes clear – India developed Britain.

What does this require of Britain today? An apology? Absolutely. Reparations? Perhaps – although there is not enough money in all of Britain to cover the sums that Patnaik identifies. In the meantime, we can start by setting the story straight. We need to recognise that Britain retained control of India not out of benevolence but for the sake of plunder and that Britain’s industrial rise didn’t emerge sui generis from the steam engine and strong institutions, as our schoolbooks would have it, but depended on violent theft from other lands and other peoples.

Editor’s note: A previous version of this article erroneously had the beginning of the British Raj as 1847. The correct year is 1858.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance. 

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