Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

Map of Trade in the Indian Ocean 15th-16th century

America’s war of choice on Iran has spread across the Indian Ocean World and maritime Silk Route. Starved of oil and gas South and Southeast Asia’s emerging economies have seen local currencies fall against the ‘exorbitantly privileged’ Petrodollar as public and private debt increased with soring energy costs.

The US fifth fleet’s occupation and blockade of Indian Ocean trade routes targeting the Strait of Hormuz has shown the importance of the 1971 United Nations (UN) declaration of the ‘Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace’ — for global security and prosperity.  

55 years ago the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) led by the World’s first woman head of state, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike of Ceylon, declared the Indian Ocean a ‘Zone of Peace’.  Resolution 2832 (XXV1) affirmed the vast Indian Ocean together with the airspace above and the subjacent ocean floor for all time a Zone of Peace”.

The bold resolution by the world’s first woman head of state 55 years ago has never been more relevant: De-militarizing and de-colonizing the Indian Ocean in line with UNGA Resolution 2832 is vital to sustain and deepen the fraying 60-day peace pause between Iran and the United States brokered by Pakistan and Qatar.

The Indian Ocean World’s maritime Silk Route, where Iran, formally Persia sits, was the home of the world’s oldest and wealthiest sea-based trade system. For millennia the Silk Route of the Seas wherein the Straits of Hormuz is an integral part, connected the coastal regions and hinterlands of the Supercontinent of Asia with Africa and Europe– long before the US came into existence across the Atlantic Ocean in the new world’.

European invaders of the Indian Ocean World fought bloody battles to access, control and colonize Indian Ocean sea lanes from the 17th century onward, much like the US today, which seeks to toll Indian Ocean shipping, wage hybrid economic warfare, and stymie the Asian 21^st Century at this time.

Strategic islands and waterways like the Malacca Straits and Hormuz were vital to control of Indian Ocean supply chains and trade routes, in order to access and loot the great wealth of Asian civilizations, particularly, Persia/Iran, India and China.

Indeed, to this day the Indian Ocean remains to be fully de-colonized. Distant water fishing states or non-Indian Ocean countries, France, Spain, Japan, Taiwan PRC etc. are some of the biggest looters of Indian Ocean fishery with industrial trawler fleets according to data from the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission. Meanwhile littoral states fishery remains underdeveloped and artisanal’; dependent on Foreign Aid for de-industrialization.

It was hence too that UNGA Resolution 2832 (XXV1) establishing the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace was spearheaded by the world’s first woman head of state, the Socialist Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike of Ceylon back in 1971 during the Cold War amid great power rivalry between the Soviet Union/Russia and the US.

Ceylon, now Sri Lanka is geo-strategically located at the center of the Indian Ocean World’s trade routes and supply chains. Hence, the county was perpetually in the cross-hairs of big power rivalry, and subject to neocolonial projects; most recently by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) which has upended economic sovereignty and Energy policy autonomy in the Eurobond debt-trapped country.

United Nations Mandate and IOZP

The Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a ‘Zone of Peace’ (IOZP), 55 years ago has never been more relevant to global security, growth and decolonization, which are Core Mandates, albeit seemingly forgotten at the UN.

The UNGA IOZP Resolution sought to ensure that the world’s busiest trade routes would be free of foreign bases, militarization, and nuclear weapons during the long Cold War between the US and Soviet Union/Russia. Big power rivalry had undermined development and de-colonization while driving proxy wars in Asia, Africa and South America.

Ceylon’s Sirimavo Bandaranaike was aided by stalwarts of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Global South: President Julius Kambarage Neyerere of the Republic of Tanzania in the western reach of the Indian Ocean later joined to co-sponsor UN Resolution 2832  (XXVI). It was a time of Afro-Asian, South-South cooperation. [i]

India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of the Congress Party was a close friend of Ceylon’s Bandaranaike and a supporter of Palestine, unlike the current pro-Israeli Modi regime in New Delhi.

UNGA Resolution 2832 called upon big powers to enter into consultations with the littoral States of the Indian Ocean with a view to halting escalation of their military presence, and to eliminate all bases, military installations and logistical supply facilities, nuclear weapons, and other weapons of mass destruction.

In the context, should not UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres invoke the IOZP at this time to aid and deepen the tenuous peace agreement between Iran and the US? However, Guterres has preferred to focus on twin global ‘polycrisis’ narratives-  pandemic health and Anthropocene climate disinformation.

The IOZP Declaration was made when Burma’s U Thant was the highly respected UN Secretary General and Asian Buddhist Principles of Panchaseel (5 principle virtues in Sanskrit), underpinned NAM diplomacy. Indeed, the current UNSG would do well to call on US President Trump to remove the marine environment despoiling US fifth fleet Armada” led by aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln from the Indian Ocean in order to shore up the fraying peace agreement between Iran and the US at this time.

Priorities of the next UNSC: Return to Core Mandate amid New Cold War

The current US invasion and occupation of the Indian Ocean, far from America’s shores in the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean in order to blockade the Strait of Hormuz and starve Asian countries of energy violates UNGA Resolution 2832. 

The US has used the rhetoric of a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific” and ‘freedom of navigation’ ironically to militarize and blockade Indian Ocean trade routes and reroute energy supply chains to control markets, benefit corporate interests and prop up the Petrodollar as the BRICS de-dollarize.

President Trump’s alternating sanctions on Russian and Iran oil seem designed to destabilize energy markets and sales. South and Southeast Asian countries meanwhile have been forced to buy expensive US oil and gas buttressing the Petrodollar, rather than source cheaper oil from Asian neighbours and pay in local currency.

It is vital that the US cease and desist from aggression and occupation of Indian Ocean trade routes and plans to levy tolls from ships in the Indian Ocean. Rather, the US Armada would best return to the Atlantic Ocean and where it came from, to restore the Indian Ocean as a’ Zone of Peace’ as envisaged by the world’s first woman head of state.

However, it appears that the legacy of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike declaring the IOZP has been forgotten at the UN, ironically, even as its corridors buzz with debate on the gender/s of the next UN Secretary General as the current UNSG’s term thankfully draws to an end.

It is increasingly clear that the gender of the next UNSG is irrelevant to making the UN relevant again. What is clear at this time is that the next UNSG should be from the Global South and a strong voice for Economic Justice for the Global South.  Likewise, the priority of the next UN Secretary general would be to Streamline the organization and its agencies, literally cull the fat, in order to focus on Core Mandates of de-colonization, peace and security.

Indeed, it is to be hope that the next UNSG would make it a priority upon taking office to re-affirm UNGA Resolution 2832 (XXV1), and call a high-level international Conference towards de-militarizing and de-colonizing the Indian Ocean World early in 2027.

Anxieties of the American Empire: Undoing Indo-Pac Com

The UN has evolved as a behemoth in recent times with proliferating development and humanitarian agencies funded and controlled by corporate interests wedded to Humanitarian Disaster Capitalism and the Deepstate. The current UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres meanwhile preferred to talk up ‘global polycrisis’ narratives of climate disaster that mask geoengineering and weather warfare, and health emergency.  Meanwhile, the real causes of these ‘emergencies’ including awkward subjects like, Gain-of-Function research, Covid-19 origins in biowarfare labs, the used of Directed Energy Weapons and other geoengineering technologies for weather warfare (Operation Popeye Monsoon manipulation) in the faux ‘Anthropocene’ amid El Nino /La Nina narratives have been elided.

Given increased evidence of Geoengineering, technologies for climate modification and weather warfare, with double tap earthquakes devastating Venezuela to enable oil grabbing at this time, revisiting the Environmental Modification Technologies Treaty (ENMOD Treaty) of 1977 would be vital work of the next UNSG.[ii]

As the Indian Scientist Vandana Shiva has noted, Mother Nature is being increasingly commodified and financialized for Net Zero carbon credit trading and green and blue debt bondage, with Debt for Nature Swaps, Environment, Social and Gender (ESG) bonds and scams. Increasingly, nature which is fundamentally a cultural construct is portrayed as the enemy of humanity, rather than the global environment despoiling Military Business Industrial Complex which needs to be drawn down. This amid the Faux Anthropocene and El Nino Climate boiling narratives promoted at the UN.

Rather, a firm voice for peace, decolonization and Economic Justice for the Global South is needed from the august body and is solely missed the world over at this time.  The UN seems to have abandoned its primary mandate of peace, security and de-colonization at this time.

[i] https://polsci.institute/international-relations/non-aligned-movement-theory-practice-impact/

[ii] https://www.researchgate.net/publication/375631887_Natural_Disasters_are_Not_All_Natural

By Neville Ladduwahetty, courtesy The Island

The Preamble to Sri Lanka’s Constitution states: The PEOPLE of SRI LANKA having by their Mandate…entrusted and empowered their Representatives …to draft, adopt and operate a new Republican Constitution in order to achieve the goals of a DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC whilst ratifying the immutable republican principles of REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRATIC”. 

The intent of this exercise is to ascertain whether the practices as adopted by successive Governments to elect the People’s representatives are in keeping with the immutable principles of Representative Democracy”.    

According to Article 3 of the Constitution: Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchisee”.    Furthermore, Article 3 is an entrenched article – Article 83.     According to Chapter XIV, titled The Franchise And Elections”, Article 88 states: Every person shall, unless disqualified….be qualified to be an elector at the election of the President and of the Members of Parliament or to vote at a Referendum”.     Therefore, it is the electors in the Electoral Districts as determined by the Delimitation Commission (DC) that elect the President and Members of Parliament.  

EXISTING INCONSISTENCIIES   

• The first relates to Article 96 (1).     This states: The (DC) shall divide into not less than twenty and not more than twenty-four electoral districts…”.     The reason for the upper limit for Electoral Districts is perhaps because Sri Lanka was originally divided into twenty-for Administrative Districts (now 25), and 96 (3) establishes a relationship between Electoral Districts and Administrative Districts when it states: Where a Province is divided into a number of electoral districts the Delimitation Commission shall have regard to the existing administrative districts so as to ensure as far as practicable that each electoral district shall be an administrative district or a combination of two or more administrative districts or more electoral districts together constitute an administrative district”

Despite the fact that that the Constitutional direction to the DC was that the Electoral District was to have regard to the existing Administrative District”, the number of Electoral Districts established by the DC is twenty-two (22) while the number of Administrative Districts are now twenty-five (25).     Although the provision to combine Administrative Districts into one Electoral District exists, the reason for the difference is reportedly because the DC decided to factor in issues, such as land which is extraneous to franchise thus compromising the sanctity of franchise and the sovereignty of the electors.     On the other hand, if the Electoral District is coterminous with the Administrative District, not only would it protect the elector’s Franchise but also enable the elected members to address the administrative interests of the electors.      Would such an opportunity not give substance to the immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”? 

• The second inconsistency relates to Article 96 (4).      This states: The electoral districts of each Province shall together be entitled to return four members, (independently of the numbers which they are entitled to return by reference to the number of electors whose names appear in the registers of electors of such electoral districts), and the Delimitation Commission shall apportion such entitlement equitably among such electoral districts”.

Consequently, the four members to be returned from each of the nine Provinces amounts to thirty-six additional members, shall be apportioned equitably by the DC among the twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts together with the one hundred and sixty members from the electoral registers, thus making a total of one hundred and ninety-six members being elected through the franchise of the electors.      The balance twenty-nine through the National List nominated by Political Parties is also elected by the electors, thus making a total of two hundred and twenty-five (225) Members of Parliament elected through Electoral Districts.  

The irony however, is that although Members of Parliament are elected through Electoral Districts, all Executive Powers of the Line Ministries of the Central Government are implemented by the District Secretaries in the twenty-five Administrative Districts.     The present convoluted process of appointing a Parliament through Electoral Districts and administering its functions through Administrative Districts cannot be justified.     What would be more meaningful is to make Administrative Districts also perform Electoral functions such as appointing the Members of Parliament.

• The third inconsistency relates to the election of Members for Provincial Councils.     According to the Provincials Councils Act: Every administrative district in a Province shall for the purposes of elections to the Provincial Council established for that province, constitute an electoral area” 

This is a departure from the practice adopted to elect Members to Parliament since they are based on outcomes from twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts.      Therefore, it is worth exploring why Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils cannot be elected using the existing 25 Administrative Districts.  

RECOMMENDATIONS  

The intention is for an arrangement where Administrative Districts are also assigned electoral functions, so that both Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils could be elected by a single unit.      The advantage would be that   Administrative Districts could carry out Central Government functions under a District Secretary as at present, a parallel unit within the Administrative District could be set up to implement devolved powers in each of the Administrative Districts, while retaining the existing structural arrangements of Provincial Councils.     This would facilitate the coordination of devolved powers with Central Government activities, thus improving productivity of each. 

CONCLUSION   

The current practice is that while representative of the Central Government of Sri Lanka is elected by Electoral Districts as stated above, Provincial Councils in the periphery with less powers than the Central Government are elected by electors in Administrative Districts of each Province.     If elections to Parliament and to Provincial Councils are elected by electors in each of the twenty-five Administrative Districts, perhaps one election could elect Members to both bodies.     

In view of the significant cost savings involved, it is imperative that serious consideration is given to equip Administrative Districts to serve as Electoral Districts for Parliamentary Elections as well as for Provincial Council Elections, since such an arrangement would further fortify the immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”.     Furthermore, since such an arrangement would be closer to the People, services to them would be better served.

Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge, M.D. PhD 

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, also known as Tikiri Bandara, was a warrior king of Sri Lanka during the 16th century, renowned for his exceptional prowess as a battle-hardened hero. He earned the title “Rajasinha” (meaning Lion King) for his bravery and military tactics. Ascending to the battlefield at the tender age of 16, he demonstrated remarkable courage and resilience in the face of adversity, particularly against the formidable Portuguese invaders who sought to dominate the island. Throughout his reign, which spanned from 1554 to 1593 AD, he witnessed the tormenting consequences of war, including widespread death and destruction, yet he remained undeterred. His fearless nature was complemented by his adeptness at military strategy, enabling him to employ innovative tactics that effectively countered the well-equipped, highly trained Portuguese forces. As a result, King Seethawaka Rajasinghe not only established himself as a military genius but also left an indelible mark on Sri Lanka’s history through his unwavering commitment to defending his kingdom.

The Battle of Mulleriyawa (1562)

In the year 1562, the Battle of Mulleriyawa emerged as a significant confrontation between Tikiri Bandara and the formidable Portuguese forces, which were recognized as a dominant military power of the 16th century. The Portuguese contingent was commanded by Captain Major Afonso Pereira de Lacerda and Captain Major Jorge de Meneses Baroche, who led their troops into battle just outside Colombo, strategically positioned on the southern bank of the Kelani River. Tikiri Bandara, displaying remarkable valor and tactical prowess, launched a fierce assault on the Portuguese army, striking with the ferocity of a thunderbolt. This unexpected onslaught placed the once-invincible Portuguese forces on the brink of defeat, as they struggled to withstand the relentless attacks from young Tikiri Bandara and his warriors. Historical accounts, particularly from the Rajavaliya, a 17th-century chronicle documenting Sri Lankan history, reveal that the battle resulted in the loss of over 1,600 Portuguese soldiers and their auxiliary troops, known as Lascarins, underscoring the significant impact of this conflict on the power dynamics of the region.

The Siege of Kotte

The Siege of Kotte, which took place between 1560 and 1565, marked a significant turning point in the power dynamics of the region. During this period, the strategic maneuvering of the besieging forces involved the deliberate diversion of the Diyawanna River, effectively undermining the natural defenses that had previously protected the Kotte Kingdom. This tactical decision compelled King Dharmapala, who was seen as a puppet ruler under the influence of the Portuguese, along with his allies, to relinquish their hold on the capital. As a result, they were forced to retreat to Colombo, thereby signalling a critical shift in control and influence within the area. The implications of this siege were profound, as it not only altered the political landscape but also highlighted the vulnerabilities of alliances formed under colonial pressures.

The Sieges of Colombo

The sieges of Colombo marked a significant chapter in the military history of the region, characterized by the ambitious efforts of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who mobilized an impressive force exceeding 50,000 troops, complemented by a contingent of war elephants, to besiege the Portuguese stronghold in Colombo. Despite his strategic maneuvers that brought the Portuguese forces to the brink of starvation, the absence of a formidable naval presence ultimately hindered his campaign, allowing Portuguese reinforcements to breach the blockades and resupply their beleaguered garrison. The siege created a sense of desperation among the Portuguese defenders, who were gripped by fear and famine. However, the tide of battle shifted when external naval support from Goa arrived, leading to a disastrous outcome for the king’s forces. In the aftermath of this military debacle, King Rajasinghe’s frustration escalated into paranoia, prompting him to suspect treachery among his generals. In a series of ruthless purges, he executed several of his trusted commanders, including Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi and Weerasundara Bandara, both of whom had previously played pivotal roles in his military campaigns, thus illustrating the volatile nature of power and loyalty in the tumultuous landscape of warfare.

The Combat Fatigue

After enduring numerous years of relentless warfare, Tikiri Bandara, known as King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, found himself in a state of profound exhaustion, both physically and mentally. The toll of continuous combat began to manifest in his deteriorating mental health, leading to a noticeable decline in his overall well-being. As time progressed, the king exhibited increasingly erratic behavior characterized by heightened suspicion, frequent outbursts of anger, and pervasive irritability. His deep-seated mistrust of those around him fostered a sense of alienation, while emotional numbing and a range of symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) became evident. These significant personality shifts not only transformed the once-great warrior into a figure of fear but also instigated a reign of terror against his own subjects, leaving a profound and lasting void in the hearts and minds of the people he once valiantly defended.

Drastic Personality Changes

The King became increasingly engulfed by an overwhelming sense of suspicion, interpreting even the most trivial disagreements as acts of betrayal. This pervasive mistrust extended to his closest allies, prompting him to take drastic measures against anyone he deemed a potential threat to his reign. Years of witnessing relentless bloodshed on the battlefield left him emotionally numb, resulting in unpredictable and violent outbursts of anger. King Rajasinha’s detachment from the suffering of his subjects grew more pronounced, as he morphed from a once-protective ruler into a merciless tyrant who employed horrifying and unprecedented methods of punishment, devoid of any semblance of remorse or compassion. His paranoia particularly targeted the Buddhist clergy whom he irrationally suspected of colluding with his political adversaries. Ultimately, by the end of his life, King Rajasinha’s erratic behavior and baseless accusations alienated his last remaining allies, including aristocrats and military leaders. The once-revered “Lion of Seethawaka” was reduced to a shattered, isolated, and profoundly lonely figure, stripped of the respect and companionship he once commanded.

Patricide

The historical narrative surrounding King Seethawaka Rajasinghe and the alleged patricide of his father, King Mayadunne, remains a contentious topic among scholars. Some historians assert that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe was responsible for his father’s death, while others argue that this claim may have been a fabrication propagated by the Portuguese, aimed at undermining the king’s legitimacy and authority. This divergence in perspectives highlights the complexities of historical interpretation, particularly in the context of colonial influences.

In the aftermath of these events, it is noted that King Seethawaka Rajasinghe experienced profound guilt, prompting him to seek redemption through the teachings of Buddhism. However, the Buddhist doctrine offered him no solace regarding the weight of his actions, leading to a pivotal moment when a Hindu priest named Aritta Kivendu Perumal seized the opportunity to convert the king to Hinduism. This conversion raises intriguing questions about King Rajasinghe’s motivations: was he genuinely seeking atonement for his alleged crime, or was he drawn to a faith that, paradoxically, glorifies warfare and valour?  

Turning Against Religion

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe renounced his original faith, opting instead to adopt Hinduism, and in a brutal campaign, he executed thousands of his subjects who resisted this forced conversion.  He took drastic measures against Buddhism, systematically demolishing temples and perpetrating heinous acts against Buddhist monks, including drowning them as a means of instilling fear and consolidating his power. This reign of terror not only decimated the religious fabric of the society but also left a lasting scar on the cultural heritage of the region.

King Seethawaka Rajasinha through Portuguese Eyes

In his significant 17th-century work, The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon, Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz offers a multifaceted and nuanced portrayal of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe I, blending admiration with sharp criticism. Queyroz expresses profound respect for Rajasinghe’s military acumen, drawing a parallel between the king and the renowned Carthaginian general Hannibal Barca, highlighting his exceptional strategic capabilities on the battlefield. However, this admiration is tempered by Queyroz’s condemnation of the king’s extreme brutality and erratic temperament. He characterizes Rajasinghe as a tyrant whose insatiable thirst for blood instilled fear not only in his adversaries but also among his own people. The chronicler meticulously documents the king’s descent into paranoia, illustrating how he resorted to the ruthless execution of anyone he suspected of disloyalty, which ultimately led to his isolation from his inner circle. As Rajasinghe’s mistrust deepened, he became increasingly suspicious of his closest allies, generals, and aristocrats, leading him to eliminate even his most trusted advisors and military leaders one by one. Queyroz interprets the king’s eventual military defeats and demise not merely as a triumph for Portugal but as a form of divine retribution for his unyielding cruelty and antagonism towards the Catholic faith.

 PTSD Symptoms

The historical narratives of the 16th century, such as the Mahavamsa and various Portuguese accounts, often interpret the later cruelty exhibited by King Seethawaka Rajasinghe as either a manifestation of spiritual malediction or a straightforward expression of tyranny. However, contemporary historical psychology offers a more nuanced understanding, suggesting that the King’s behaviour may be attributed to severe, untreated Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) compounded by paranoia stemming from his experiences in combat. When analyzed through the lens of psychological trauma, his transformation from a celebrated liberator to a despotic ruler can be seen as a classic example of a psyche fractured by prolonged exposure to extreme violence.

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, who began his military career as a young teenager known as Prince Tikiri, was immersed in brutal warfare during his formative years, where he not only engaged in combat against heavily armored Portuguese soldiers but also witnessed the gruesome mutilation of his own troops. The psychological burden of being accused—whether justly or unjustly—of orchestrating the assassination of his father, King Mayadunne, added an unbearable layer of emotional turmoil and guilt, creating a persistent state of distress.

A hallmark of PTSD is hypervigilance, a condition characterized by an incessant “fight or flight” response that leads individuals to perceive threats in every environment, even among those they consider allies. In King Rajasinha’s case, this hypervigilance manifested in a drastic and tragic decision to eliminate perceived threats, including the execution of his most trusted general, Weerasundara Bandara.  

The individuals suffering from severe PTSD often find themselves alienating long-term friends while becoming overly reliant on manipulative outsiders who exploit their vulnerabilities, as seen in King Rajasinha’s relationship with Aritta Ki Vendu, who exacerbated his anxieties while providing a deceptive sense of security. The emotional landscape of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe ‘s reign was marked by profound alienation, as noted by Queyroz, who observed that he became increasingly estranged from his inner circle. His growing mistrust led him to suspect conspiracies against his rule, prompting him to execute many of his closest advisors and military leaders, including the poisoning of his right-hand man, Wicramasinghe Maha Senevi. This pattern of behavior illustrates not only the intense paranoia that gripped Rajasinha but also the sudden outbursts of rage and emotional instability that characterized his later years, painting a complex portrait of a ruler whose mind was deeply affected by the traumas of his past.

The narrative illustrates the king’s descent into a state of emotional turmoil characterized by sudden and violent outbursts of rage, which became increasingly unpredictable over time. His responses to relatively minor political challenges or military stalemates were often disproportionate, leading to immediate and harsh repercussions for those in his vicinity. This pattern of behavior not only instilled fear among his subjects but also created an atmosphere of tension and anxiety within his court. Furthermore, Queyroz emphasized a disturbing trend of emotional numbing and a complete absence of remorse in the king’s actions, which manifested in a reign of terror against his own people. This chilling lack of empathy, coupled with a willingness to execute thousands, has been interpreted by contemporary psychologists as a form of “emotional anesthesia,” a psychological defense mechanism developed after enduring years of gruesome warfare. As the king’s mental health deteriorated, he became increasingly isolated, effectively exiling himself from the very society he ruled. Queyroz portrayed him as a profoundly lonely figure, abandoned by loyal friends and court nobles because of his erratic behaviour and unfounded accusations. Ultimately, the relentless demands of warfare took a significant toll on his physical and mental well-being, leading to what can be described as “battle fatigue.” Having been engaged in continuous, brutal combat since the tender age of sixteen, the cumulative effects of this relentless violence contributed to his later erratic conduct, underscoring the profound impact of prolonged exposure to the horrors of war on his psyche.

The Final Battle and Death

King Seethawaka Rajasinghe’s final battle took place in Kandy, where he faced off against Konappu Bandara, also known as King Wimaladharmasurya, the son of the once-loyal Weerasundara Bandara. Weerasundara Bandara had previously been a staunch ally of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe, assisting him in the struggle against the Portuguese invaders. However, a tragic turn of events led King Seethawaka Rajasinghe to harbour unfounded suspicions about Weerasundara Bandara, culminating in the latter’s untimely death at the hands of the king he had once served faithfully. This betrayal ignited a fierce desire for vengeance in King Wimaladharmasurya, who vowed to avenge his father’s death.

The ensuing battle was marked by brutality and chaos, ultimately resulting in King Seethawaka Rajasinghe’s defeat. In the midst of his retreat, he suffered a grave injury after falling from his horse, with a bamboo splinter piercing his leg. This injury would prove fatal, as he succumbed to complications, possibly due to tetanus or septicemia, just days later. (Some historians suggest that after King Seethawaka Rajasinghe suffered a severe injury, the royal physician, harbouring a profound animosity towards the king, exacerbated the situation by introducing poison into the wound, thereby worsening the infection). Thus, the saga of a formidable warrior came to a close.

Revered as the Lion of Seethawaka, he instilled fear in the hearts of Portuguese colonizers, earning a reputation as a liberator. Yet, as time passed, he became an enigmatic figure, with the psychological scars of war potentially altering his aspirations and character. Had he not experienced such profound changes, he might have been celebrated as one of the great heroes in the annals of Sri Lankan history.

The Historical Significance of the Diagnosis

The historical analysis of King Seethawaka Rajasinghe through the lens of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) significantly reshapes the traditional view of his rule. Instead of being seen solely as a tyrant or a straightforward villain, he is revealed as a multifaceted leader and skilled military strategist whose mental state was severely affected by the continuous violence he enacted to protect his kingdom. This interpretation fosters a more nuanced understanding of his tragic psychological decline, demonstrating that the very warfare meant to defend his territory also led to his mental disintegration. His narrative serves as a powerful reminder of the often-ignored psychological consequences of conflict, emphasizing the profound and invisible wounds that war inflicts on those who participate in it. Additionally, the writings of Jesuit Father Fernão de Queyroz from the 17th century are significant in this context, as they document a prominent figure who lived from 1532 to 1593 and displayed symptoms of PTSD. Notably, while Western literature attributes the first comprehensive accounts of PTSD to Samuel Pepys’ diaries in 1666, following the Great Fire of London, Queyroz’s observations predate these records, highlighting the historical depth of this psychological condition.

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

In accordance with the special instructions of His Excellency the President and under the direct supervision of the Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha (Retd),  a special dengue prevention programme with particular focus on the high-risk areas of the Western Province commenced this morning (04 July).

The large-scale public health initiative is being implemented across institutions and surrounding localities throughout the Western Province as part of a coordinated national effort to curb the spread of dengue and safeguard public health.

A considerable number of personnel from the Sri Lanka Army, Sri Lanka Navy and Sri Lanka Air Force have been deployed to support the programme in close coordination with health authorities, local government institutions and community-based organisations.

As part of the operation, Tri-Forces personnel are engaged in extensive cleaning campaigns, identifying and eliminating potential mosquito breeding sites, clearing blocked drainage systems and conducting community awareness programmes to educate residents in high-risk areas on effective dengue prevention measures.

In line with the directives of His Excellency the President, the Ministry of Defence, together with the Tri-Forces, continues to play a significant role in supporting the national mechanism aimed at controlling the spread of dengue and protecting public health through this community welfare initiative.

By Sarath Obeysekera

The recent reports that the proposed US$3.7 billion Sinopec refinery project in Hambantota has stalled over disagreements regarding the company’s access to the local fuel market should concern every Sri Lankan.

At a time when the country is desperately seeking foreign direct investment, employment opportunities and export earnings, we must ask ourselves a difficult question: 

Can Sri Lanka afford to lose another strategic investment because of rigid negotiations?

There is an old saying: Beggars cannot be choosers.” While no sovereign nation should surrender its national interests, a country emerging from its worst economic crisis must also recognize the realities of the global investment climate.

This is not the first time Sri Lanka has faced such a dilemma.

Many years ago, a proposal by Star Tank of Jebel Ali to establish a one-million-ton petroleum tank farm in Hambantota encountered similar obstacles. One of the key issues then, as now, was the proportion of refined petroleum products that could be sold in the domestic market. The project never materialised. Eventually, Chinese interests became the dominant investors in Hambantota.

Today history appears to be repeating itself.

Sinopec proposes to build a modern refinery capable of processing 200,000 barrels of crude oil per day—one of the largest foreign investments ever proposed for Sri Lanka. The original understanding reportedly allowed only 20 percent of production to be marketed locally, with the balance exported. Understandably, Sinopec now seeks a larger domestic market share, especially considering its expanding retail fuel network in Sri Lanka.

From a commercial standpoint, this request is hardly surprising. No investor committing nearly four billion dollars would ignore opportunities to integrate refining, storage, distribution and retail operations. Such vertical integration is standard practice throughout the global petroleum industry.

The Government understandably has obligations under the IMF programme to maintain a level playing field and avoid granting excessive concessions to individual investors. Those commitments should be respected. However, there should still be room for commercially sensible negotiations that satisfy both national policy and investor confidence.

The world energy landscape is becoming increasingly uncertain. Geopolitical tensions in the Middle East continue to threaten crude oil supplies and refining capacity. Countries that possess modern refining facilities and strategic petroleum storage will enjoy greater energy security and become regional trading hubs.

Sri Lanka’s location along one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes gives us a natural competitive advantage. Hambantota has the potential to evolve into a major petroleum logistics and bunkering centre serving the Indian Ocean. A refinery, supported by expanded storage terminals and associated infrastructure, could transform the region into an energy hub while generating valuable foreign exchange.

If additional land is required for future expansion, tank farms or supporting petrochemical industries, such requests should be evaluated objectively based on national benefit rather than rejected outright.

Equally important is the employment potential.

Thousands of Sri Lankan young men and women currently leave the country each year to work on construction projects in the Middle East under difficult conditions. A project of this magnitude would create opportunities for engineers, technicians, welders, fabricators, electricians, mechanics, heavy equipment operators and numerous support industries within Sri Lanka itself.

Beyond the construction phase, long-term employment would be created in refinery operations, maintenance, logistics, shipping, port services and engineering support. Local universities and technical institutes could also benefit through specialised training programmes aligned with the industry’s needs.

Major investments of this scale are rare. Investors compare countries constantly. If Sri Lanka develops a reputation for prolonged negotiations, policy uncertainty and delayed implementation, future investors may simply choose alternative destinations where approvals are faster and commercial terms are more predictable.

Negotiation is necessary. Protecting national interests is essential. But negotiations should aim to reach workable solutions rather than create deadlock.

Sri Lanka needs investment, technology transfer, export growth and quality employment. The Sinopec refinery offers the potential to deliver all four.

This is therefore a moment for pragmatism rather than rigidity.

The Government and Sinopec should continue discussions in good faith and seek a balanced agreement that protects Sri Lanka’s long-term interests while giving the investor sufficient commercial confidence to proceed.

Opportunities of this magnitude do not come often. When they do, we must ensure they become engines of national development rather than missed opportunities that future generations will regret.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Courtesy Hiru News

A nation faces the risk of destruction not only from natural disasters but also from an ineffective judicial system, Chief Justice Preethi Padman Surasena warned during an event in Colombo yesterday (July 2).

Stressing the importance of judicial accountability, the Chief Justice explained that sovereignty is divided into four main pillars: legislative power, executive power, judicial power, and the franchise.

He noted that as members of the judiciary, judges exercise the judicial power of the people.

This power is not derived from one’s home, nor is it granted by the Judicial Service Commission, he stated.

Rather, it is entrusted by the people, for the benefit of the people, and this purpose must remain a constant priority.

Addressing the concept of independence, he emphasised that the independence of the judiciary belongs to the people.

It must be protected on their behalf rather than for the narrow, personal interests of individual judges.

He dismissed the notion that being a judge grants an unfettered licence to act without constraint, highlighting the inherent difficulty and responsibility of the role.

He concluded by warning that a poor judicial system can ruin a country in a very short period.

If such a collapse were to occur, he cautioned that no amount of international aid or external support would be sufficient to rebuild the nation.

Senaka Weeraratna

The Government of India and various socio-religious organizations manage, monitor, and restrict missionary activities through a combination of strict federal laws, state-level legislation, and grassroots cultural campaigns.

The strategy focuses heavily on blocking the financial pipelines of religious organizations and restricting the legal rights of foreign citizens to evangelize on Indian soil.

1. Tightening Foreign Funding (FCRA Regulations)

The most potent tool against foreign-supported missionary activities is the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA). Run by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the rules are frequently updated to block conversions:

• Proselytization Ban: Sweeping rules mandate that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and charities are explicitly barred from using foreign funds for proselytizing or religious conversion.
• Narrow Approved Purposes: NGOs must select their activities from a highly specific, government-prescribed schedule of 105 permissible purposes. While building and maintaining churches or mosques is allowed, conversion-oriented work is completely excluded. [1, 2, 3]
• Mass License Cancellations: The government has canceled or refused to renew the licenses of tens of thousands of NGOs—including high-profile Christian social groups and global philanthropic networks—disrupting their financial capability.
• Asset Seizure Rules: Tightened regulations empower designated authorities to take control of or manage properties and institutions (like schools and hospitals) built with foreign funds if an organization’s FCRA license is revoked.

2. Strict Visa Restraints for Foreigners

The Indian government enforces a zero-tolerance policy regarding foreign nationals engaging in religious dissemination.

• Missionary Visas: The government rarely issues official Missionary Visas. Those granted are heavily vetted and limited to specific regions.
• Misuse of Tourist/Business Visas: Foreigners entering India on tourist or business visas who are caught preaching, distributing religious literature, or organizing mass baptisms are routinely arrested, fined, and deported for violating visa conditions.
• Exclusion of Foreign Leadership: New rules dictate that organizations employing foreign nationals as “key functionaries” (directors or trustees) will ordinarily not qualify for FCRA registration, removing foreign decision-makers from domestic charity boards. [1]

3. State-Level Anti-Conversion Laws

Several Indian states have passed individual laws, colloquially known as “Freedom of Religion Acts.” These laws aim to stop forced or fraudulent conversions: [1, 2, 3, 4]

• Prohibition of Inducement: They criminalize religious conversions achieved through force, allurement, misrepresentation, or fraudulent means. Critics note that “allurement” is often interpreted broadly to include providing free education, healthcare, or community aid. [1, 2, 3]
• Mandatory Notice: In many states, individuals wishing to change their religion—and the priests performing the conversion ceremony—must formally notify local district magistrates weeks in advance for official evaluation.

4. Grassroots Mobilization and “Ghar Wapsi”

Apart from legal and legislative state machinery, right-wing Hindu nationalist organizations—such as the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—actively counter missionary work through societal campaigns: [1, 2, 3]

• Ghar Wapsi (Homecoming): These groups conduct mass ceremony campaigns aimed at converting Christian and Muslim communities back to Hinduism, which they argue was the original faith of their ancestors.
• Tribal and Rural Outreach: To counter the historical presence of Christian missions in remote tribal and impoverished pockets, nationalist groups build competing schools, hospitals, and temples to provide social services without a change of faith.
• Local Vigilance: Activists frequently monitor rural villages and complain to local police regarding unauthorized religious gatherings or alleged illegal conversion camps.

If you would like, I can provide more details on specific states that have active anti-conversion laws or share information on how the Supreme Court of India views the right to propagate religion. Let me know how you want to proceed.

https://share.google/aimode/Y3JPrgaOZjup4v19G

Source:  AI Overview

By Sarath Obeysekera

Recent events have once again brought Iran into the international spotlight. Much of what the world sees today is shaped by geopolitics, sanctions and military tensions. Yet my memories of Iran are quite different. 

They are the memories of a shipbuilder and businessman who had the privilege of working closely with the Iranian shipping industry during a significant period in Sri Lanka’s maritime history.
During my tenure as Chief Executive Officer of one of Sri Lanka’s leading shipyards, Iranian vessels—including tankers operated by the national Iranian fleet and joint Iranian-Indian ventures such as IRESL were regular visitors to Colombo. Tankers of up to approximately 125,000 tonnes frequently called at our yard for periodic surveys, repairs and maintenance. Each docking represented a contract worth close to one million US dollars, making Iran an important customer for our ship repair industry.
Negotiating these contracts required frequent visits to Tehran. Those trips offered an insight into a country that was often misunderstood by outsiders.

Arrival in Tehran was always an experience. Immigration officers were polite but cautious, reflecting the atmosphere of a nation living under international scrutiny. Waiting outside was our local agent, a retired Admiral from the Shah’s era who had married a British lady. Despite the political changes around him, he remained sophisticated, cosmopolitan and exceptionally well connected.
Before taking us to the hotel, he invariably insisted we visit his luxurious apartment. One feature that fascinated me was his living room curtains, cleverly designed to conceal satellite dishes that enabled him to receive foreign television broadcasts despite official restrictions. It was a small but telling reminder that people often find practical ways to stay connected with the outside world.

His British wife prepared wonderful meals. I still remember the traditional Persian rice with its prized golden crust, together with generous servings of beef and lamb. Equally surprising was his well-stocked bar filled with expensive imported liquor—something few foreigners would have expected to find in post-revolutionary Iran.
Only afterwards would he drive us to our hotel. The hotel itself was comfortable rather than luxurious, but one detail left a lasting impression. At the entrance, the tiled floor displayed the American flag together with the slogan Down with America.” Every guest entering the hotel walked across it, symbolising the political rhetoric of the time.
Yet beyond these public displays, everyday life often painted a more nuanced picture.

One of the Iranian superintendents whose vessels we serviced invited us to his home. Outside, his young wife and daughters strictly observed the dress code, wearing long black coverings whenever they appeared in public. Once inside their home, however, the atmosphere changed completely. The women exchanged their outdoor clothing for fashionable Western-style dresses, wore makeup and entertained guests with warmth and confidence. It was a vivid illustration of the distinction between public conformity and private life in Iran.

I also came to know senior executives of the Iranian shipping industry. One influential chairman invited me to a beautiful café high in the hills overlooking Tehran. During the Shah’s time it had been an elegant liquor lounge; after the revolution it had become a traditional tea house. The transformation of the building itself mirrored the transformation of the country.
During one conversation, this senior executive quietly confided that he wished to accumulate foreign currency outside Iran. He mentioned that his brother, who lived in Switzerland, would contact me. Some time later the brother visited Sri Lanka, and we reached a mutually acceptable commercial arrangement connected with the ship repair business. Such informal financial mechanisms were perhaps an inevitable consequence of the international sanctions and banking restrictions that affected Iran during that era.

Years later, after I had moved to the United Kingdom, I learnt that this powerful shipping executive had been arrested on corruption charges. I was told that under Iranian law at the time, those found guilty of financial misconduct could, in certain cases, avoid harsher punishment by repaying the misappropriated funds together with an equivalent financial penalty. Whether entirely accurate or not, it reflected a legal approach that differed considerably from many other jurisdictions.

Today, when I watch television coverage from Tehran, I notice another striking change. Many younger Iranian women appear dressed in modern fashions, with colourful clothing and stylish makeup, often wearing their head coverings more loosely than in decades past. Society has clearly evolved, even while remaining within the framework of the Islamic Republic.
Iran is a nation of remarkable contrasts. It possesses immense natural resources, an ancient civilisation stretching back thousands of years, highly educated people and a strategic maritime position connecting the Persian Gulf with global trade routes. Its history is rich, its culture sophisticated and its people remarkably resilient.
Those of us who dealt with Iran professionally discovered that beneath the political slogans was a society of capable engineers, experienced mariners, hospitable families and pragmatic businesspeople. The friendships formed through maritime commerce demonstrated that trade often builds bridges where politics erects barriers.
As Sri Lanka looks to strengthen its maritime economy once again, it is worth remembering that shipping has always been more than ships and cargo. It is about relationships, trust and mutual respect between people from different nations.
My memories of Iran remain not those of headlines and conflict, but of negotiations in Tehran, friendships forged over Persian hospitality and the enduring lesson that every nation has two stories—the one told by politics, and the one lived by its people.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

AI Overview

Public concern regarding religious influence in Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) heightened following the appointment of Eran Wickramaratne, a prominent political figure known for his evangelical Christian background, to lead the newly formed SLC Transformation Committee.

The unease among Buddhist Sinhalese cricket fans stems from fear of religious favoritism and the historical context of evangelical movements intersecting with national sports. [1, 2]

Core Factors Driving the Concern

• Leadership Background: Eran Wickramaratne, whose family historically pioneered Pentecostal-style Christian worship in Sri Lanka, was tasked with guiding cricket reforms. Nationalist commentary and platforms like LankaWeb criticized having an evangelical figure “at the head table” of a sport overwhelmingly supported by a predominantly Buddhist population. [1, 2]
• The “Born Again” Controversy: Suspicions are rooted in a 2023 Ministry of Sports inquiry. A retired Supreme Court judge’s report previously investigated allegations that a non-mainstream Christian cult (often locally referred to as “Born Again”) exerted undue influence over national team selections and player alignments. [1, 2, 3]
• Administrative Decisions: Public pushback intensified over the committee’s decision to hire South African legal expert David Becker—who had a past intellectual property clash over Decision Review System (DRS) authorship—while allegedly ignoring the claims of a local Buddhist Sinhalese inventor. [1]

Official Response and Clarifications

• Commitment to Merit: Addressing the media at the SLC offices, Eran Wickramaratne explicitly countered the religious anxieties. He emphasized that his public track record in banking and state ministries was entirely secular, stating that Sri Lanka Cricket operations would remain devoid of religious animosity and that selections will strictly rely on player merit.
• Secular Governance: Fact-checking entities dismantled early social media rumors claiming the committee sought to introduce ethnic or religious quotas for team selections, confirming no such changes were made.

If you want to look closer into this topic, let me know if you would like me to:

• Summarize the findings of the 2023 Sports Ministry inquiry regarding religious cults in cricket.
• Detail the mandate and current members of the SLC Transformation Committee.

Let me know how you would like to proceed.

https://share.google/aimode/5lr1QCnPRFt5PMEXk

AI Overview

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon CEO/Free Lawyers 

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka expresses deep concern over the Government’s continued delay in filling vacancies in the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, alongside reported moves to extend the retirement age of judges in these courts by two years. These actions risk undermining judicial independence, exacerbating case backlogs, and eroding public trust in the justice system.

Delaying Appointments to the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal

On Delaying Appointments to the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal

The Government argues for a bottom-up” strategy, prioritising recruitment of magistrates and lower court judges before addressing the four vacancies in each of the superior courts. It claims this is essential for systemic sustainability and denies that vacancies are being used as leverage. 

While lower court vacancies must be addressed, prolonged understaffing of the apex courts cannot be justified. Over six months of vacancies have already caused serious delays in justice delivery, increased pressure on sitting judges, and affected high-stakes constitutional and appellate matters. The Constitution demands timely appointments to superior courts; using lower court needs as an excuse for inaction at the highest levels weakens the entire judicial hierarchy rather than strengthening it.

On Workload and Cadre Claims

The Government suggests the Supreme Court cadre does not require all positions to be filled simultaneously and that current workloads do not warrant urgency. 

This view underestimates the real impact on the administration of justice. Even a few vacancies at the apex level create bottlenecks, delay precedent-setting decisions, and diminish public access to timely remedies. Normalising understaffing sets a dangerous precedent and cannot substitute for prompt, transparent appointments.

On Extending Retirement Age of Supreme Court and Court of Appeal Judges

The Government contends that raising the retirement age (Supreme Court from 65 to 67 years; Court of Appeal from 63 to 65 years) will retain experienced judges longer and allow them to serve in higher courts, addressing promotion gaps for career judicial officers. 

This proposal fails on its own terms. Judges nearing promotion who currently miss out due to vacancies will face the identical situation if retirement ages are extended across the board. They will merely serve two additional years without gaining promotion. The net effect is not improved succession or experience utilisation but a blanket prolongation of tenure that offers no structural solution. More critically, such an extension — requiring constitutional amendment — is likely to be perceived as an inducement to sitting judges, compromising their independence and public confidence. It contradicts the principles of judicial tenure and the system change” commitments made by the Government. 

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka warns that these moves, taken together, create a concerning pattern that threatens the separation of powers. ‘Free Lawyers Sri Lanka’ urges the Government to:

•  Immediately commence transparent processes to fill all vacancies in the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal.

•  Abandon the proposed constitutional amendment to extend retirement ages.

•  Engage constructively with the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, the judiciary, and civil society for genuine reforms that enhance efficiency while safeguarding independence.

The independence of the judiciary is non-negotiable. Delays in appointments and politically timed tenure changes undermine the rule of law and the public’s fundamental right to justice.

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka calls upon all stakeholders to defend these democratic safeguards.

Free Lawyers Sri Lanka

Colombo

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

CEO/Free Lawyers 

Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces

Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir,

As the United States marks its 250th anniversary—a testament to endurance, sacrifice, and democratic aspiration—it does so under a dark and foreboding shadow. At this defining moment, the nation finds itself led not by steadiness or vision, but by a figure whose erratic conduct, corrosive narcissism, and moral decay mock the very ideals this milestone is meant to honor. How has a republic forged in defiance of tyranny succumbed to the sway of a self-styled savior, elevated by a following that seems willfully blind, placing partisan loyalty above the fate of the nation itself?

I watch America, once the continent of conscience, sink into the gray fog of decree and fear, a de facto kingdom draped in a flag. Authoritarianism blooms where solidarity dies; when the heart no longer binds us, power arrives with batons and whispered laws, imposed like chains mistaken for gains.

The Constitution, that fragile, blazing scripture, forged in ink, blood, and impossible dreams, is being shredded in slow motion. Each amendment torn is a vein cut; each violated clause, a candle blown out. This most noble document, guardian of dignity and affinity, is reduced to a prop in a strongman’s play; its sacred words mouthed and its true meaning gagged.

America, the wild laboratory of liberty, the boldest experiment in human daring, freedom, equality, intrinsic breath, is being torn and scattered to the wind. The mirror returns a fractured face—shattered, bruised, unrecognizable. The compass spins without north; a pilgrim nation wanders through its own dark forest, forgetting the path it once lit for the world.

Once we were the envy of the earth, a lighthouse of boundless possibility, our achievements rising like cities of glass and steel. Now the decline unfurls in real time—not as a sudden crash but as a slow, relentless dimming. You can almost hear the pillars crack, see the paint peel from the myth, as history takes notes on how a giant learned to kneel.

Trump’s hand reaches into the scales of justice, tilting them openly, shamelessly, so that friends float and enemies drown. Equal justice is now a slogan carved above a door that leads nowhere. When the Temple of Justice forges swords, not shields, a nation’s spine snaps in silence, for nothing rots a republic faster than justice that stoops and laws that crawl.

Trump feeds polarization like a hungry God, splitting neighbor from neighbor, dreams from aspiration, until every conversation burns. The two-party system, once a dialectic, is now a duel in a locked room, its wounds left untreated. Paralysis serves his throne. A government that cannot move is easy to rule, a broken choir forced to sing one note.

The American dream, once a bright coin held up to the sun by millions, is tarnished, almost unspendable. Our uniqueness curdles into a menace; we are feared more than admired. Allies turn away, eyes downcast; enemies raise their glasses in delight. Leadership dissolves into bluster, and the stage where we once led is littered with the remnants of abandoned ideals.

This country of ingathering—of exiles, seekers, builders, believers—was sculpted by hands from every shore. Now the gate is slammed on the very souls who made us luminous. Immigrants, once hailed as the marrow of our greatness, are branded as threats, and the Statue of Liberty stands like a betrayed friend, lamp burning for those we now refuse.

The social fabric frays from within: threads of trust snap in quiet neighborhoods. The poor sink deeper into invisible pits; discrimination multiplies like shadows at dusk. White supremacy crawls out of the basement, no longer ashamed of its reflection. What was once a quilt of many colors is scorched by resentment, leaving voids where empathy once stitched us together.

The press, the unruly guardian of light, is battered as an enemy, its ink demonized, its questions cursed. Free expression stands in the dock, accused of treason for telling the truth. When words are gagged, lies become the loudest language. A democracy without a free tongue is a body without breath, an echo chamber where truth is drowned, and silence wears the crown.

Universities, once wild gardens of ideas, now feel the cold hand at their throat. Curricula bent, some courses erased, truth edited for partisan comfort. Scholars stare at syllabi like censored letters, afraid of the red pen of reprisal. When inquiry must ask permission to exist, knowledge shrinks, and a nation chooses ignorance over the splendor of thought.

Under Trump, the empire is overdrawn, living on borrowed time and printed promises. Tax breaks cascade upward like blessings to the few, while a swollen war machine circles the globe. The dollar’s crown tilts; cracks appear in its golden mask. This is how empires die— not with one grand collapse, but under the weight of debts, guns, and a future pawned for power.

Trump has deepened the famine of culture— the stories, rituals, and shared songs that once helped us argue without killing. Our differences sharpen into blades. We have been here before: when dialogue fails, cannons speak. The bloodiest pages of our past whisper a warning: where culture dies, gunfire scripts the next chapter in blood.

Trump claws at the machinery of elections, greasing gears with deception and fear. The Save America Act” reads like a eulogy, not a law—a counterfeit salvation, un-American to its core. Ballots are meant to be the people’s prayers, not puzzles rigged by power. When the vote is warped, so is the soul of the nation that counts it.

How can tens of millions offer the country on an altar to a criminal, corrupt, conniving idol—contemptible, coercive, conspiratorial—and call it faith? What spell has been cast that they trade their children’s future for a strongman’s ravenous delusion? What hunger in the human soul chooses chains over courage, a demagogue over the demanding art of freedom?

More than fifty years ago, I arrived, knelt, and kissed this land, eyes lifted to a benevolent sky. I thanked the unseen hand for a chance to live the American dream—and I made the triumphant journey of my life. Now I watch this same land ravaged by a man drunk on his own illusions. I weep in a quiet only my heart can hear, and ask the infinite: how can this be?

But the forces that define America—its creativity, capacity for reinvention, scientific genius, and moral imagination—are stronger than any one man’s madness. They cannot be extinguished; they can only be surrendered. The choice is ours. We have faced darker hours and prevailed not by chance, but by courage—but only if we summon a counterrevolution of conscience.

Every peaceful instrument of resistance must now be brought to bear—march, strike, vote, speak, refuse. Let this be the moment history remembers: when Americans, across every faith, color, creed, and party, rose in shared purpose—like a gathering storm of conscience that no demagogue could defy.

Remember, the hourglass is splintering in its final grains, and history’s gaze takes no second glance.

____________

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir, a retired professor at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs, is the President of the Institute for Humanitarian Conflict Resolution. He has written extensively and continues to write a weekly column about negotiations and conflict resolution, Middle East affairs, the Balkans, and US domestic and foreign policy.

alon@alonben-meir.com                                                                                                               Web: www.alonben-meir.com

මූලාශ්‍රය: AI දළ විශ්ලේෂණය

‘නැවත ඉපදුණු’ ක්‍රිස්තියානි මිෂනාරි නායකත්වයෙන් යුත් ක්‍රිකට් පරිවර්තන කමිටුව, DRS කර්තෘත්වය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පිටුපසට පිහියෙන් ඇන, ක්‍රිකට් සහ තවත් බොහෝ ක්‍රීඩා වල ඉතා සාර්ථක ‘ක්‍රීඩකයා – යොමු කිරීමේ’ (DRS) ක්‍රමයේ බෞද්ධ සිංහල නිර්මාතෘගේ සාධාරණ ප්‍රකාශයන් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර් (දකුණු අප්‍රිකානු ක්‍රිස්තියානි) තෝරා ගැනීමට මූලික සැබෑ හේතුව ආගමික අනුග්‍රහයද?

යුක්තිය ඉටු කිරීම පමණක් නොව, එය ඉටු වන බව දැකිය යුතුය. මිෂනාරිවරුන් සහ පූජක පක්ෂයේ සාමාජිකයන් ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් බෞද්ධ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ක්‍රිකට් ප්‍රධාන මේසයේ නොව පල්ලියේ සිටිය යුතුය. කොක්කෙන් හෝ වංචනිකව බෞද්ධයන් තම ඇදහිල්ලට හරවා ගැනීම ප්‍රධාන කැඳවීම වන මිනිසෙකු ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් නායකත්වයට නුසුදුසු වන අතර, ඔහුගේ විකෘති අදහස් සඳහා ක්‍රිස්තියානි නොවන ආගම්වල ක්‍රිකට් ලෝලීන්ගේ විශ්වාසය දිනා ගැනීමටද නොහැකි වේ.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ස්වෛරී රටක් වන අතර තවදුරටත් යටත් විජිත බටහිර යටත් විජිතයක් නොවේ. මිෂනාරිවරයෙකු වෙනත් ආගම්වල මිනිසුන් දකින්නේ කොල්ලකාරී ඇස්වලින්. එවැනි පුද්ගලයින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඕනෑම ක්‍රීඩාවක නායකත්වය දැරීම භයානකයි. AI ප්‍රතිචාරය ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් (SLC) පරිවර්තන කමිටුව දකුණු අප්‍රිකානු නීති විශේෂඥ ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර් බඳවා ගැනීමට ගත් තීරණයට ආගමික අනුග්‍රහය බලපෑ බවට කරන ප්‍රකාශයට කිසිදු නිල සාක්ෂියක් සහාය නොදක්වයි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, බෙකර්ගේ අතීත ඉහළ පෙළේ බුද්ධිමය දේපළ ආරවුලකට සම්බන්ධ වීම හේතුවෙන් මෙම තීරණය ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ දැඩි මහජන විරෝධයක් සහ මතභේදයක් ඇති කර තිබේ. [1]

පත්වීමේ සන්දර්භය:

 එරාන් වික්‍රමරත්නගේ සභාපතිත්වයෙන් යුත් SLC පරිවර්තන කමිටුව, ජාත්‍යන්තර නීති විශේෂඥතාව සැපයීම සඳහා ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර් (2007–2012 ජාත්‍යන්තර ක්‍රිකට් කවුන්සිලයේ හිටපු නීති ප්‍රධානියා) රඳවා ගත්තේය. ඔහුගේ පැහැදිලි කාර්යභාරය වන්නේ ICC පාලන ප්‍රමිතීන්ට අනුකූල වන නව SLC ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් කෙටුම්පත් කිරීමට සහාය වීම, දැඩි වගවීමේ පියවර සහ ව්‍යුහාත්මක විනිවිදභාවය හඳුන්වා දීමයි. [1, 2, 3].

මූලික මතභේදය: ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර් එදිරිව සේනක වීරරත්න

මහජන විරෝධය පැන නගින්නේ සත්‍යාපිත ආගමික පක්ෂග්‍රාහීත්වයකින් නොව, විනිසුරු තීරණ සමාලෝචන පද්ධතිය (DRS) සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආයතනික පාවාදීමේ ගැඹුරු හැඟීමකිනි:

ශ්‍රී ලාංකික නව නිපැයුම්කරු: කොළඹ පදනම් කරගත් නීතිඥ සේනක වීරරත්න 1997 තරම් මුල් භාගයේදී ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ මාධ්‍යවල “ක්‍රීඩක යොමු කිරීමේ” රාමුව සංකල්පනය කර පුළුල් ලෙස ප්‍රචාරය කළේය. ඔහුගේ නිර්මාණය ක්‍රීඩකයින්ට පිටියේ තීරණ තුන්වන විනිසුරු වෙත සෘජුවම අභියාචනා කිරීමට ඉඩ සලසයි – නූතන DRS හි ක්‍රියාකාරී පදනම.

ICC ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කිරීම: 2009 දී ICC නිල වශයෙන් පද්ධතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක කළ විට, වීරරත්නට බුද්ධිමය දේපළ ණය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ලදී. [1, 2]

ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර්ගේ කාර්යභාරය: ICC හි නීති ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස කටයුතු කළ කාලය තුළ, ඩේවිඩ් බෙකර් වීරරත්නට සම්බන්ධ වීම හෝ ගෞරවය නිල වශයෙන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන මතභේදාත්මක නීති මතය කෙටුම්පත් කළේය. ඔහුගේ මතය නිර්මාණාත්මක දැනුම්දීම වැනි මූලික නීතිමය මූලධර්ම නොසලකා හැර ඇති බව විචාරකයින් තර්ක කරති. [1, 2, 3]

මහජන සංජානනය එදිරිව ආයතනික අරමුණු දේශීය විචාරකයින් සහ ජාතිකවාදී විචාරකයින් බෙකර් බඳවා ගැනීම ඔහුව නීත්‍යානුකූලව අවහිර කළ විදේශීය නීතිඥවරයාට පක්ෂව දේශීය සිංහල-බෞද්ධ නවෝත්පාදකයෙකුට “පාවාදීමක්” ලෙස සලකන අතර, පරිවර්තන කමිටුව ඔවුන්ගේ තේරීම දැඩි ලෙස ගනුදෙනුකාරී බව කියා සිටියේය.

කමිටු කෙටි විස්තර වලට අනුව, ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් දිගුකාලීන පාලන අසාර්ථකත්වයන්ගෙන් ගලවා ගැනීමට උපකාර කිරීම සඳහා ICC ව්‍යවස්ථාමය රාමු පිළිබඳ ඔහුගේ විශේෂඥ දැනුම සඳහා බෙකර්ව ගෙන එන ලදී. [1, 2, 4, 5]

සේනක වීරරත්න සඳහා රාජ්‍ය හෝ ආයතනික පිළිගැනීමක් නොමැතිකම සම්බන්ධයෙන් මහජන කෝපය ඉහළ මට්ටමක පවතින අතර, ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ නීති කවයන්ගෙන් ලේඛනගත විරෝධතා දැඩි ලෙස අවධානය යොමු කරන්නේ වෘත්තීය නොසැලකිල්ල, උනන්දුව පිළිබඳ ගැටුම සහ ජාතික බුද්ධිමය දේපළ පැහැර හැරීම කෙරෙහි ය – ආගමික අනුබද්ධතා මත නොවේ.

මෙම පත්වීම “නැවත ඉපදීම” ආගමික න්‍යාය පත්‍රවලට සම්බන්ධ කරන ප්‍රකාශ මත සංසද සහ බ්ලොග් වල දැඩි ලෙස සංසරණය වන නමුත් නිල පාලන විගණන හෝ ප්‍රධාන ධාරාවේ විමර්ශන වාර්තා මගින් තහවුරු කර නොමැත. [1]

ඔබට අවශ්‍ය නම්, මට මේ පිළිබඳ වැඩි විස්තර ලබා දිය හැකිය: නව ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් ව්‍යවස්ථා කෙටුම්පතෙහි හඳුන්වා දෙන නිශ්චිත පාලන මාර්ගෝපදේශ. ක්‍රීඩක-යොමු කිරීමේ පද්ධතිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් සේනක වීරරත්නගේ බුද්ධිමය දේපළ හිමිකම්වල නීතිමය පදනම. 

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මූලාශ්‍රය: AI දළ විශ්ලේෂණය

Sam Ben-Meir

Never has fantasy been more commercially successful. Yet it is not obvious that it has become more imaginative. Long before the rise of the modern novel, fairy tales provided generations of listeners and readers with images of transformation, justice, adventure, and hope. They offered something more than entertainment. They opened windows onto worlds that differed fundamentally from the one immediately given.

Today fantasy is more popular than ever. Global audiences consume vast fantasy franchises through books, films, streaming platforms, video games, theme parks, and merchandise. Yet the question remains whether contemporary fantasy still performs the same cultural function as the fairy tale tradition from which it emerged. The answer may be less reassuring than many admirers of modern fantasy suppose.

The contrast between L. Frank Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz and contemporary phenomena such as Wicked and Harry Potter reveals a profound transformation. What was once a vehicle of utopian longing increasingly functions as an extension of consumer culture. Imagination survives, but its social and philosophical horizon has narrowed dramatically.

To understand this transformation, it is useful to begin with two thinkers who devoted considerable attention to the significance of fairy tales: the philosopher Ernst Bloch, and Jack Zipes, author of Once upon a Time There was Truth: or, Why We Need Fairy-Tales (2026).

For Ernst Bloch, fairy tales are among humanity’s most important cultural achievements because they preserve what he called the “principle of hope.” Bloch’s philosophy begins with a simple observation: human beings are never entirely at home in the world as it exists. We experience hunger, injustice, alienation, loneliness, and mortality. Yet we also possess the capacity to imagine conditions different from those immediately present. Human consciousness reaches beyond what is toward what might be.

This orientation toward possibility is not accidental. It constitutes one of the defining features of human existence. Fairy tales therefore matter because they express what Bloch called the “not-yet-conscious”—those unrealized possibilities latent within both society and ourselves. They give symbolic form to desires that existing institutions cannot satisfy. The castle beyond the mountain, the hidden kingdom, the sleeping princess, the talking animals, the magical helper, the youngest child who succeeds where the powerful fail—all represent more than narrative devices. They embody hopes that reality has not yet fulfilled.

For Bloch, the fairy tale is fundamentally utopian. It points beyond the world as presently organized. This is why fairy tales often invert ordinary social hierarchies. Peasants become kings. Animals become teachers. Children outwit adults. Giants fall before insignificant opponents. The impossible becomes possible. The fairy tale reminds us that reality need not remain what it currently is.

Jack Zipes extends this insight historically and politically. Against approaches that treat fairy tales as timeless literary artifacts, Zipes emphasizes their origins in popular culture. Fairy tales emerged among ordinary people whose lives were frequently characterized by hardship, exploitation, and political powerlessness.

The stories expressed desires that could not be realized within existing social arrangements. For Zipes, fairy tales historically performed a critical function. They kept alive visions of justice, reciprocity, abundance, and freedom. They preserved alternative possibilities against the apparent inevitability of prevailing institutions. This is why Zipes finds Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz particularly significant. Oz presents a world in which conventional forms of authority repeatedly prove illusory. The Wizard himself is exposed as a fraud. The Scarecrow, Tin Woodman, and Cowardly Lion discover that the qualities they seek already exist within them. Cooperation repeatedly triumphs over domination.

Most importantly, Oz does not simply reproduce the assumptions of ordinary American society. It creates sufficient distance from existing reality to allow readers to imagine different ways of organizing social life. The point is not escapism. The point is estrangement. By stepping outside familiar institutions, readers acquire the ability to view them critically. Oz therefore performs precisely the function Bloch attributes to utopian imagination: it makes alternative possibilities visible.

Yet neither Bloch nor Zipes entirely captures what makes fairy tales powerful. G. K. Chesterton understood something equally important. In Orthodoxy, Chesterton argued that fairy tales do not teach children that dragons exist. Children already know that dragons exist. Fairy tales teach children that dragons can be defeated. The significance of fairy tales therefore lies not primarily in social criticism but in their cultivation of wonder. For Chesterton, modernity suffers from a peculiar exhaustion of imagination. Familiarity breeds indifference. We cease to perceive the astonishing character of ordinary existence.

Fairy tales restore a sense of astonishment. They remind us that existence itself is extraordinary. A tree, a river, a bird, a sunrise—these become marvelous once more when viewed through the lens of enchantment. This insight complements rather than contradicts Bloch. Hope depends upon wonder. One cannot imagine a better world after losing the capacity to perceive value in the world at all. Fairy tales teach gratitude before they teach rebellion.

J. R. R. Tolkien developed this idea even further. In his essay On Fairy-Stories, Tolkien famously defended fantasy against the accusation of escapism. The modern critic often condemns escape as a form of evasion. Tolkien turned the accusation upside down. When a prisoner seeks escape from prison, we do not condemn him. We condemn the prison. Fantasy becomes problematic only if reality itself is satisfactory. But if society is dehumanizing, destructive, or spiritually impoverished, then escape may represent the beginning of criticism rather than its abandonment.

Tolkien identified three central functions of fairy tales: recovery, escape, and consolation. Recovery means seeing the world anew. Fantasy restores freshness to perception. Escape means liberation from conditions that diminish human flourishing. Consolation means the experience Tolkien called “eucatastrophe”—the sudden turn toward joy that reveals despair is not the final truth. These themes connect deeply with Bloch’s utopianism. Yet Tolkien grounds them less in political transformation than in metaphysical renewal. Hope is not merely social. It is ontological. The world itself contains depths that exceed utilitarian calculation.

Against this background, Wicked becomes revealing. At first glance, the story appears politically sophisticated. It critiques propaganda, prejudice, state violence, and the manufacture of enemies. Yet its conception of liberation is strikingly individualistic.

Elphaba’s struggle ultimately centers on authenticity. She learns to remain true to herself despite social condemnation. This is admirable. But it differs substantially from the utopian horizons envisioned by Bloch or Zipes. The central question shifts from “How might society be transformed?” to “How can I become myself?” Collective emancipation yields to personal self-realization. Even resistance becomes psychological rather than social. The result is a form of rebellion perfectly suited to contemporary liberal culture. Structural transformation recedes into the background while identity and self-expression move to the foreground.

The political implications of this shift are significant. In Baum’s Oz, the exposure of the Wizard’s fraud invites reflection on authority itself. The problem is institutional and social. In Wicked, by contrast, injustice increasingly appears as a failure of perception. Elphaba suffers because society misunderstands her. If only people could see her as she truly is, much of the conflict would disappear. The solution therefore becomes recognition rather than transformation. This framework is emotionally powerful, but it narrows the utopian horizon. Structural domination becomes secondary to personal prejudice, and political struggle becomes a quest for visibility. The audience learns to sympathize with the marginalized outsider without necessarily questioning the broader organization of power that produces exclusion in the first place.

What appears radical often turns out to be surprisingly compatible with existing social arrangements. The system remains largely unchanged. Only the individual’s relationship to it changes. The central question is not how the structures that produce injustice might be transformed, but how an exceptional individual can preserve her integrity within them. Unlike Baum’s Oz, which remains enchanted in Chesterton’s sense, Wicked often treats enchantment primarily as a vehicle for contemporary political and psychological concerns. Wonder becomes subordinate to self-expression. The marvelous survives, but increasingly as a means of affirming identity rather than encountering mystery.

The irony is difficult to ignore. A story that presents itself as a critique of power now circulates primarily as a cultural brand. Rebellion becomes a marketable identity, and dissent becomes a consumable experience. The audience is encouraged to sympathize with the outsider, yet the imaginative energy that once pointed beyond existing social arrangements is increasingly absorbed into the machinery of entertainment itself. The utopian impulse survives, but as a marketable experience rather than a challenge to the existing order.

The case of Harry Potter is even more revealing. What makes Harry Potter especially troubling from the perspective of both Tolkien and Bloch is not merely its commercialization in the real world, but the extent to which commodification has become internal to its imaginative universe. For Tolkien, genuine fairy stories enact what he called recovery”: they allow us to see the world anew by freeing perception from the deadening habits of possessive calculation. The highest achievement of fantasy is not escape into consumption but a renewed encounter with wonder, gift, and gratuity. Yet the wizarding world of Harry Potter is saturated with branded objects, status commodities, and the logic of consumption. Indeed, readers enter the wizarding world through shopping.

Before Harry attends school, he acquires robes, books, pets, candy, equipment, and most importantly a wand. Identity is repeatedly mediated through possessions. The wizarding world appears magical, but its social logic often resembles an enchanted version of consumer capitalism. The most famous example may be the Nimbus 2000. A flying broom could symbolize transcendence. It could represent liberation from ordinary constraints. It could become an image of freedom itself. Instead, it functions largely as a premium product. The coveted Nimbus 2000 is not simply a broomstick; it functions much like a luxury product whose value lies in prestige and competitive advantage. The market is not transcended. It is enchanted.

Even Hogwarts, ostensibly a place of enchantment, often resembles a marketplace of magical goods. From a Blochian perspective, the problem runs deeper still. Ernst Bloch understood fairy tales as repositories of the Not-Yet, symbolic expressions of humanity’s longing for a transformed world beyond domination and scarcity. Their utopian impulse lies in revealing possibilities that exceed existing social arrangements. But the world of Harry Potter rarely imagines alternatives to hierarchy itself. Wizards remain divided by status, wealth, bloodlines, and institutional power. The magical economy largely reproduces the logic of the existing one, firmly imprisoned within the horizon of late capitalism, but merely draped in enchanted imagery.

Even the narrative’s resolution reveals the limits of its imagination. The defeat of Voldemort restores legitimacy to existing institutions rather than opening space for new forms of collective life. Hogwarts survives unchanged. The Ministry survives unchanged. Social hierarchy survives unchanged. Evil appears not as a product of broader structures but as the work of a pathological individual. Once the villain is removed, the system may continue largely as before. In Bloch’s terms, the future collapses back into the present. The Not-Yet disappears. The utopian impulse yields to restoration.

Unlike the road out of the Shire, which opens onto a world charged with mystery, sacrifice, and grace, or Baum’s Oz, which gestures toward collective experimentation and social possibility, Rowling’s universe offers what might be called managed enchantment: wonder packaged as a consumable experience. In this sense, Harry Potter exemplifies precisely what Jack Zipes fears has happened to the fairy tale under contemporary capitalism: the transformation of a literary form once capable of expressing radical hope into a vehicle for branding, consumption, and the reproduction of the existing order.

Bloch reminds us that fairy tales should nurture hope. Zipes reminds us that they should preserve visions of alternative social possibilities. Chesterton reminds us that they should awaken wonder. Tolkien reminds us that they should recover reality rather than merely reproduce it. The greatest fairy tales accomplish all four. They do not merely entertain. They enlarge the horizon of possibility. They teach us that the world as presently organized is neither inevitable nor complete. They remind us that reality contains depths not yet exhausted by existing institutions, markets, or ideologies. The true fairy tale does not ask what product we desire next. It asks what kind of world we still dare to imagine.

Sam Ben-Meir teaches philosophy at the City University of New York, College of Technology. He is the author of Ethical Interanimality: Toward a Relational Philosophy of Nature (Westphalia Press, 2026).

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Japan’s decision to provide approximately US$3 billion (¥480 billion) in long-term support for the ACME Group–IHI Corporation Green Ammonia Project in Odisha is a significant milestone, not only for India but for the entire Asian region. It demonstrates how governments can work with the private sector to accelerate investment in emerging industries that will shape the future global economy.

The project, which will export 228,000 tonnes of green ammonia annually to Japan from 2030 onwards, enjoys a unique advantage. Through Japan’s Contract for Difference (CfD) mechanism, the project receives 25 years of price support, providing investors with demand certainty and financial stability. Such policy backing transforms ambitious concepts into bankable projects.
For many years, I have advocated that Sri Lanka should diversify beyond conventional industries and embrace Blue Economy-based industrial development. Our strategic location in the Indian Ocean, together with excellent deep-water harbours, abundant renewable energy resources, and favourable shipping routes, provides Sri Lanka with a unique opportunity to become a regional producer and exporter of green hydrogen and green ammonia.

It is therefore encouraging that the newly restructured Board of Investment is now inviting proposals from investors to establish green hydrogen and ammonia production facilities in Trincomalee. This initiative deserves wholehearted support. Trincomalee possesses many of the natural advantages required for such projects, including its world-class natural harbour, available industrial land, access to renewable energy potential, and proximity to international shipping lanes.

However, identifying opportunities is only the first step. The real challenge lies in implementation.
Sri Lanka has often been successful in producing excellent master plans, feasibility studies and investment strategies. Unfortunately, many projects become trapped in lengthy approval processes, overlapping institutional responsibilities, procurement complexities and prolonged tender procedures. Investors seeking to commit hundreds of millions of dollars cannot afford years of administrative delays while competing countries move ahead.
India itself is not immune to bureaucratic procedures. Nevertheless, when strategic national industries are identified, both the Central Government and State Governments have increasingly adopted mechanisms that facilitate rapid project implementation while maintaining transparency and accountability. Financial incentives, policy certainty and institutional coordination have enabled India to emerge as one of the world’s leading destinations for renewable energy investment

Sri Lanka can draw important lessons from this experience.

Strategic industries such as green hydrogen, green ammonia, offshore renewable energy, marine industries and other Blue Economy sectors require a dedicated investment framework that enables faster approvals without compromising governance. Legislation should empower designated institutions to coordinate approvals through a genuine one-stop mechanism, supported by defined timelines and streamlined procurement procedures for strategic investments.
Such reforms are not intended to weaken transparency. On the contrary, they would strengthen investor confidence by replacing uncertainty with predictable, rules-based processes.

The global race towards carbon neutrality has already begun. Countries across Asia, the Middle East and Australia are positioning themselves to become exporters of green fuels to energy-importing nations such as Japan, South Korea and Europe. The window of opportunity will not remain open indefinitely.

Sri Lanka possesses many of the ingredients needed to participate in this emerging industry. What has often been lacking is the speed of execution.

The Government’s decision to invite proposals for green hydrogen development in Trincomalee is therefore a welcome beginning. It should now be supported by legislative reforms, institutional coordination and fast-track implementation mechanisms that allow projects to commence without unnecessary delay.

If Sri Lanka acts decisively today, Trincomalee could evolve into one of the Indian Ocean’s leading hubs for green hydrogen, green ammonia and other Blue Economy industries, creating high-value employment, increasing exports, attracting foreign direct investment and strengthening the country’s long-term energy and economic security.

Japan’s support for India’s green ammonia industry demonstrates what is possible when governments provide policy certainty and investors respond with confidence. Sri Lanka should seize this moment and ensure that promising opportunities do not remain only on paper but become successful industries contributing to national prosperity.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Source:  AI Overview

Is religious favoritism the underlying true reason for the ‘ Born Again’ Christian missionary led Cricket Transformative Committee to choose David Becker ( South African Christian) who has stabbed Sri Lanka in the back over DRS authorship, and reject outright the reasonable claims of the Buddhist Sinhalese inventor of the highly successful ‘ Player – Referral’ (DRS) system in Cricket and several other sports?

Justice must not only be done but seen to be done. Missionaries and members of the Clergy should be in the Church and not at the Head Table of Cricket in predominantly Buddhist Sri Lanka. A man whose main calling is converting Buddhists to his faith, hook or by crook, is unfit to lead Sri Lanka Cricket and furthermore unable to gain the trust of cricket lovers of non – Christian faiths for his skewed views.

. Sri Lanka is a sovereign country and no longer a colony of the colonial  West. A missionary sees people of other faiths with predatory eyes.  Such people are dangerous to be at the helm of any sport in Sri Lanka.

AI Response

No official evidence supports the claim that religious favoritism influenced the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) Transformation Committee’s decision to hire South African legal expert David Becker.

The decision has, however, sparked intense public backlash and controversy in Sri Lanka due to Becker’s past involvement in a high-profile intellectual property dispute. [1]

The Context of the Appointment

The SLC Transformation Committee, chaired by Eran Wickramaratne, retained David Becker (former Head of Legal for the International Cricket Council, 2007–2012) to provide international legal expertise. His explicit role is to assist in drafting a new SLC constitution that aligns with ICC governance standards, introducing stricter accountability measures and structural transparency. [1, 2, 3]

The Core Controversy: David Becker vs. Senaka Weeraratna

The public outcry does not stem from verified religious partiality, but rather from a profound sense of institutional betrayal regarding the Umpire Decision Review System (DRS):

• The Sri Lankan Inventor: Colombo-based lawyer Senaka Weeraratna conceptualized and widely publicized the “Player Referral” framework in mainstream media as early as 1997. His design allowed players to directly appeal on-field decisions to the third umpire—the functional foundation of modern DRS.
• The ICC Denial: When the ICC officially implemented the system in 2009, Weeraratna was denied intellectual property credit. [1, 2]
• David Becker’s Role: During his tenure as ICC’s Head of Legal, David Becker drafted the controversial legal opinion that officially denied association or credit to Weeraratna. Critics argue his opinion overlooked fundamental legal principles like constructive notice. [1, 2, 3]

Public Perception vs. Institutional Objectives

While local critics and nationalist commentators view the hiring of Becker as a “betrayal” of a local Sinhalese-Buddhist innovator in favor of the foreign lawyer who legally blocked him, the Transformation Committee has maintained that their choice was strictly transactional. According to committee briefings, Becker was brought in purely for his specialized expertise in ICC constitutional frameworks to help steer Sri Lanka Cricket out of long-standing governance failures. [1, 2, 4, 5]

While public anger regarding the lack of state or institutional recognition for Senaka Weeraratna remains high, documented objections from mainstream legal circles focus heavily on professional negligence, conflict of interest, and the snubbing of national intellectual property—not on religious affiliations

The claims linking this appointment to “Born Again” religious agendas circulate heavily on opinion forums and blogs but remain unverified by official governance audits or mainstream investigative reports. [1]

If you want, I can provide more details on:

• The specific governance guidelines being introduced in the new SLC draft constitution.
• The legal basis of Senaka Weeraratna’s intellectual property claims regarding the player-referral system.

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Source:  AI Overview

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

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The country is further strengthened by its natural endowments, including strategically located deepwater ports such as Trincomalee one of the finest natural harbours in the world as well as Colomboand Hambantota, all of which are situated in close proximity to major international shipping lanes.

Collectively, these waters are traversed by over 60,000 vessels annually, reinforcing Sri Lanka’spotential to serve as a regional hub for marine and offshore services.Despite these inherent advantages, the sector’s global visibility remains limited due to the absence ofa structured international branding framework and sustained, coordinated promotional initiatives. Thishas constrained Sri Lanka’s ability to fully capitalise on emerging opportunities within the globalmarine and offshore industry, including foreign direct investment (FDI), strategic partnerships andexpanded market access.

In response, it is proposed to engage a qualified and experienced Public Relations (PR) firm to designand implement a comprehensive global communications and branding strategy for the M&OS sector.There objective is to enhance international recognition, strengthen stakeholder engagement and positionSri Lanka as a competitive and reliable destination for marine and offshore services.In 2025, the Export Development Board (EDB) developed a high-quality audio visual (AV)promotional video highlighting Sri Lanka’s capability in the marine and offshore services sector. The  AV showcases the country’s strategic location, technical expertise, cost competitiveness and integratedservice offerings. This asset will serve as a key promotional tool for targeted international outreach.Accordingly, a focused global promotional campaign is proposed, targeting priority markets includingEurope, Asia, the Middle East, the United States of America and East Africa. The campaign willleverage the AV material as a core communications instrument and will be deployed through astructured, digital first strategy.The proposed PR and communications campaign will include strategic media placements across digitalplatforms, targeted outreach to industry stakeholders and coordinated international communicationsefforts that extend beyond the capacity of foreign missions alone. Implementation will be undertaken

through professional digital marketing and public relations channels, including LinkedIn, Instagram,Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, email marketing and other relevant platforms, with tailored messaging for selected regional markets and industry audiences.

Unquote 

The restructuring of Sri Lanka’s Board of Investment (BOI) under the direct supervision of the President presents a timely opportunity to redefine the country’s investment promotion strategy.
For many years, institutions such as the Export Development Board (EDB) have carried out valuable work in identifying and promoting new export-oriented sectors. They have commissioned studies, prepared investment profiles, produced promotional material, and engaged with development partners in good faith to expand Sri Lanka’s export base.
One notable example is the initiative to position Trincomalee as a Marine and Offshore Services Hub. The EDB invested considerable effort in developing a comprehensive strategy, including an international promotion programme, professional audio-visual material, and a globalcommunications campaign aimed at attracting foreign direct investment into Sri Lanka’s marine and offshore services sector. The proposal recognized Sri Lanka’s unique geographic advantage along one of the world’s busiest East-West shipping routes and highlighted the country’s potential to become a regional centre for ship repairs, offshore engineering, bunkering, underwater services, logistics and maritime industries.

This is precisely where the restructured BOI must assume leadership.

Unlike sectoral agencies, the BOI has the statutory authority to facilitate investment approvals, coordinate government agencies, remove regulatory bottlenecks, negotiate with investors, and implement national investment policy. More importantly, operating directly under the President gives the BOI the institutional authority to drive projects across ministries and ensure that strategic investments receive priority attention.
Investment promotion should not merely consist of advertising opportunities. It should be backed by government commitment, policy certainty and an institution capable of delivering investor confidence.
Projects such as the development of Trincomalee as an offshore industrial hub require coordinated action involving ports, customs, environmental approvals, energy, vocational training, infrastructure, land allocation and international investor facilitation. These are responsibilities that naturally fall within the mandate of the BOI rather than the EDB.
The EDB should continue to play its important role in export development, identifying emerging sectors, supporting exporters and developing market intelligence. However, once sectors mature into major investment opportunities requiring foreign direct investment, infrastructure development and policy coordination, ownership should transition to the BOI.
Such an approach would eliminate duplication, strengthen accountability and present a single investment window to the international business community.
International investors do not distinguish between government agencies. They expect one institution with authority to coordinate approvals, solve problems and deliver projects. A strong BOI functioning as the country’s premier investment promotion agency can fulfil this expectation.
The appointment of a new BOI Chairman therefore offers an opportunity not merely to restore the institution’s former reputation but to reposition Sri Lanka’s entire investment promotion framework. Strategic initiatives already developed by agencies such as the EDB—including the Marine and Offshore Services programme and the vision of Trincomalee as an offshore industrial hub—should now be adopted as national investment priorities under the BOI.
If this transition is successfully managed, Sri Lanka can move beyond preparing excellent studies and promotional campaigns to implementing projects that generate investment, employment, exports and sustainable economic growth.
The country’s future competitiveness depends not only on identifying opportunities, but on ensuring that a single empowered institution has the authority to convert those opportunities into reality.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera Blue Economy advocate 

1 Sri Lanka’s ancient reservoirs are a national asset

• Sri Lanka has more than 10,000 irrigation tanks and reservoirs, most of them built or restored by ancient kings over the last 2,000–2,500 years.  
• Historical studies identify about 44 major ancient reservoirs built by the ancient kingdoms, many of which remain in use today after rehabilitation.  
• The country has one of the highest densities of man-made reservoirs in the world.  

2. Which reservoirs generate hydropower?

Only a relatively small number of the larger modern reservoirs are used primarily for hydropower, including:

• Victoria Reservoir
• Kotmale Reservoir
• Randenigala Reservoir
• Rantembe Reservoir
• Samanalawewa Reservoir
• Castlereagh Reservoir
• Maussakelle Reservoir

Most of the ancient reservoirs—including Parakrama Samudraya, Kala Wewa, Minneriya Tank, Kaudulla Tank and Nachchaduwa Tank—continue to serve mainly irrigation while also supporting fisheries.

3. Inland fisheries are no longer a small sector

According to the Ministry of Fisheries:

• Marine fish production (2024): about 308,430 metric tonnes
• Inland fisheries and aquaculture: about 102,330 metric tonnes
• Inland fisheries therefore contribute about one quarter of Sri Lanka’s total fish production.  

There are also:

• nearly 95,000 inland fishers
• almost 84,000 inland fishing households  

This demonstrates that inland fisheries are already economically significant.

4. Reservoir fisheries have enormous potential

Studies by the FAO show:

• Reservoir fish production can exceed 250–300 kg per hectare annually, with some reservoirs producing much more under proper management.  
• Most reservoir fisheries rely on natural breeding populations, making them relatively inexpensive compared with intensive aquaculture.  

5. Why consumers hesitate

You also raise an important marketing issue.

Many Sri Lankans hesitate to buy freshwater fish because they worry the fish may come from polluted waters such as:

• Beira Lake
• Weras Ganga
• polluted stretches of the Kelani River

In reality, much of the freshwater fish sold in Sri Lanka comes from clean irrigation reservoirs in the North Central, Eastern, North Western and Uva Provinces. However, there is little product traceability or branding to reassure consumers.

6. What the Government could do

The Ministry could significantly expand the inland fisheries sector by:

• Developing certified Reservoir Fresh Fish” branding.
• Introducing traceability showing the reservoir of origin.
• Establishing hygienic collection centres and cold-chain transport.
• Promoting reservoir cage culture where environmentally appropriate.
• Integrating fisheries into irrigation management instead of viewing reservoirs solely as irrigation assets.
• Training farmer organizations to manage fisheries sustainably.

Nutritional advantage

Freshwater fish such as tilapia, carp and freshwater catfish are:

• rich in high-quality protein,
• good sources of calcium (especially when small fish are eaten whole),
• rich in phosphorus and essential minerals,
• contain beneficial omega-3 fatty acids,
• generally more affordable than many marine fish.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s ancient kings built reservoirs primarily to irrigate fields, but these same water bodies now represent an underutilized blue economy.” While hydropower and irrigation remain essential, reservoir fisheries can simultaneously improve rural incomes, enhance national nutrition, reduce food costs and strengthen food security. Greater investment in inland fisheries would honour the vision of the ancient hydraulic civilization by ensuring that every reservoir serves multiple productive purposes, rather than irrigation 

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka’s investment policy framework needs to be fundamentally changed at the top level if the country is serious about attracting foreign direct investment and accelerating industrial growth.

 At present, too many decisions are being shaped through committees that are heavily dominated by government officials, while the private sector is brought is not invited  as an participant rather than as a genuine partner in policy formulation.

The current Committee of Development Ministers, appointed by the present President, has effectively replaced earlier mechanisms such as the CECM, the Ease of Doing Business committee, and the development committees that operated under President Premadasa. Those earlier structures, whatever their limitations, were created with a clearer sense of purpose and a stronger link to implementation. Today, however, the process appears more bureaucratic and less commercially informed.
The problem is not that the secretaries, chairmen, and senior officials involved are dishonest. On the contrary, most of them are highly respectable and sincere public servants.

 The real issue is that many of them have very limited exposure to industry, investment, and the practical realities of FDI-driven sectors.

 As a result, policy discussions often become administrative exercises rather than strategic economic planning.

Too often, the method is to gather government ministers and senior officers who may have little understanding of the industries being discussed. This creates a serious gap between policy intent and market reality. Investment promotion cannot be driven only by files, presentations, and internal approvals. It requires people who understand how investors think, what makes projects bankable, and what conditions are needed for capital to flow into a country.

This weakness becomes especially visible in major strategic projects such as the development of Trincomalee. Trincomalee is not just another regional town; it has the potential to become a major industrial, logistics, energy, and maritime hub. But such a transformation cannot be planned effectively by committees that lack direct exposure to offshore industries, marine engineering, port-linked manufacturing, energy services, and international investor expectations.

If Trincomalee is to be developed properly, the planning process must include serious private sector participation from the beginning, not as an afterthought. Business leaders, technical experts, and industry practitioners should be part of the core decision-making process, not merely invited to meetings after the broad direction has already been decided. 

Their role should be to shape policy, identify opportunities, and challenge unrealistic assumptions before time and money are wasted.
Sri Lanka has already seen enough examples of well-intentioned proposals being delayed, diluted, or abandoned because the people making decisions did not fully understand the commercial potential of the projects before them

This is particularly damaging in sectors linked to FDI, where timing, confidence, and clarity are everything.

What is needed now is a top-level policy reset. The country must move away from a system where committees are populated mainly by officials and toward a model where industry knowledge, investor experience, and practical implementation capacity are built into the structure itself. Government must still lead, but it must lead with the private sector, not merely consult it occasionally.

A stronger investment framework should ensure that the BOI, line ministries, development agencies, and sectoral experts work together under a unified national strategy. Projects that have already been studied should not be left to gather dust. They should be reviewed, updated, and converted into real investment opportunities with clear timelines and accountability.

Sri Lanka cannot afford to keep repeating the same pattern of committee-based decision-making without commercial depth. If the country wants to compete for global capital, it must create a policy environment that is informed by industry realities, not just administrative convenience.

The opportunity is there. What is missing is the courage to change the system at the top.

Sarath Obeysekera

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sarath Obeysekera Chairman Advisory Board Marine and Offshore industry development

Duminda Hulangamuwa ‘s extensive experience in finance, taxation, corporate governance, and economic policy, together with his close involvement in national economic reforms, gives renewed hope that the BOI can once again become the country’s premier investment promotion agency.

His stated intention to restore the BOI’s authority and transform it into a genuine one-stop shop” for investors is particularly encouraging. For many years, foreign investors have faced delays, fragmented decision-making, and overlapping responsibilities among multiple government institutions. These bottlenecks have discouraged investment and weakened Sri Lanka’s competitiveness against regional rivals.
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is not merely a source of capital. Quality FDI introduces new technologies, management expertise, international marketing networks, employment opportunities, export earnings, and foreign exchange inflows. It strengthens the country’s reserves while stimulating industrial development and improving productivity.

Unfortunately, during the past decade, Sri Lanka’s investment promotion landscape has become fragmented. Several sectors with enormous investment potential—including offshore and marine industries, the blue economy, shipbuilding, ship repair, offshore engineering, fisheries infrastructure, and marine services—have largely been handled by the Export Development Board (EDB) through sectoral advisory committees.
The EDB deserves recognition for initiating numerous studies, preparing policy documents recommendations, and developing conceptual proposals with the participation of both public and private sector experts.

These advisory committees consist of experienced industry professionals who have voluntarily contributed valuable knowledge and practical recommendations

However, many of these carefully prepared reports have remained on shelves without implementation.
One notable example is the work undertaken on the development of Trincomalee as a regional offshore industrial hub. Comprehensive concept papers and feasibility proposals highlighting opportunities in offshore engineering, floating production facilities, shipbuilding, marine logistics, oil and gas support services, and associated export industries were submitted through the EDB to the relevant ministerial committees.

Unfortunately, these proposals did not receive the level of attention they deserved. In many cases, the long-term strategic benefits were overshadowed by immediate administrative priorities or insufficient technical understanding among decision-makers.

Sri Lanka cannot afford such missed opportunities any longer.

The restructuring of the BOI provides an ideal opportunity to revisit many of these proposals.
Unlike in the past, the BOI now enjoys closer policy coordination with the highest levels of Government. With the Chairman also serving as Senior Economic Adviser to the President, there is an opportunity to bridge the gap between policy formulation and implementation.

This should not be viewed as replacing the valuable work carried out by the EDB. Rather, it presents an opportunity for stronger collaboration. The EDB possesses extensive sectoral knowledge and has already invested considerable effort in developing investment-ready concepts. The BOI can now become the institution that converts these concepts into bankable investment projects and successfully markets them to international investors.
The offshore and marine sector illustrates this opportunity perfectly.
Sri Lanka occupies one of the world’s most strategic maritime locations along major international shipping routes. Yet the country has barely begun to exploit opportunities in offshore vessel maintenance, floating production storage and offloading (FPSO) conversions, offshore renewable energy support, marine engineering, underwater services, ocean technology, and blue economy investments. These are industries capable of generating billions of dollars in export earnings while creating highly skilled employment.
Similarly, the development potential of Trincomalee extends far beyond port activities. With its natural deep-water harbour, available land, strategic location, and existing oil tank farm, Trincomalee could evolve into an integrated industrial, logistics, energy, and offshore engineering hub serving South Asia and the wider Indian Ocean region.
What is now required is institutional coordination rather than institutional competition.
The BOI, EDB, line ministries, provincial authorities, and industry advisory committees must work together under a unified national investment strategy. Projects that have already undergone technical evaluation should be revisited, updated where necessary, and presented to investors with the full backing of Government.
If the new BOI leadership succeeds in restoring investor confidence while harnessing the wealth of technical work already completed by agencies such as the EDB, Sri Lanka can significantly improve its FDI performance, diversify exports, strengthen foreign exchange reserves, and create sustainable employment.
Mr. Hulangamuwa’s appointment therefore represents more than a change of leadership. It offers an opportunity to reconnect sound policy with practical implementation.
The challenge now is to ensure that well-prepared proposals no longer remain in filing cabinets but become investments on the ground that contribute meaningfully to Sri Lanka’s long-term economic transformation.
Sarath Obeysekera 

Chairman 

Advisory Board Marine and Offshore industry development 

AI overview

Sri Lanka Cricket fans and legal advocates are deeply disappointed with the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee (CTC) for failing to lobby the International Cricket Council (ICC) for official recognition of Senaka Weeraratna, the Colombo-based lawyer who conceptualized the Player Referral system (the blueprint for today’s DRS). Public backlash intensified significantly because the committee, led by Eran Wickramaratne, hired former ICC Head of Legal David Becker as an advisor to draft their new governance constitution. Critics note that Becker is the very attorney who previously drafted the legal opinions denying Weeraratna his intellectual property credit. [1, 2, 3, 4]

The Core of the Controversy

• The Original Blueprint: Senaka Weeraratna published the conceptual foundations of the Player Referral system on March 25, 1997, in The Australian. [1, 2]
• Four Pillars: His original pitch detailed the core aspects of modern DRS, including allowing players to appeal, routing via the captain/batsman, utilizing television replays, and enforcing a limited number of reviews. [1]
• The ICC Defense: The ICC has historically relied on a “no awareness” defense, claiming independent development by internal committees and stating that Weeraratna waived his rights by publishing the concept openly without a patent.

Why Fans Are Disappointed with the CTC

• Conflict of Interest: Paying David Becker to reform Sri Lanka Cricket while he openly blocked Sri Lanka’s claims to the DRS framework is viewed as an institutional failure and a lack of proper vetting. [1]
• Missed Diplomatic Lever: Activists believe the committee missed a crucial window to demand authorship acknowledgment or push to rename the framework the Weeraratna Decision Review System (WDRS).
• Administrative Disconnect: The public views this as a continuation of long-standing neglect where local boards prioritize commercial ties over defending homegrown intellectual property. [1]

https://share.google/aimode/g41SchK7uYeS3o6FP

AI Overview

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see also

Sri Lankan cricket fans and legal advocates are heavily disappointed that the Cricket Transformation Committee (CTC) failed to address the International Cricket Council’s (ICC) refusal to recognize Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna as the true inventor of the Player-Referral concept , which laid the foundation for the Decision Review System (DRS).

Core Grievances

• Missed Opportunity: Fans expected the CTC, led by Eran Wickramaratne, to use their constitutional reform platform to demand formal recognition and ownership rights for Weeraratna .
• The Original Blueprint: Weeraratna first publicized his “Player Referral” framework in a letter to The Australian on March 25, 1997—nearly a decade before the ICC introduced the system .
• Lack of Attribution: Unlike the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method, the ICC’s DRS framework continues to deny authorial credit and financial compensation to its originator .

The David Becker Controversy

The disappointment has been compounded by a controversial hiring decision made by the reform committee: [1]

• Appointment: The CTC hired David Becker, a South African attorney and former Head of Legal for the ICC, to draft a new constitution and legal framework . [1]
• Prior Actions: Detractors fiercely criticized this move because Becker previously authored the legal opinions that denied intellectual property credit to Weeraratna. [1, 2]
• Public Outcry: Fans are frustrated that the committee engaged the very lawyer who authored briefs against their own countryman instead of lobbying the ICC to correct this global injustice . [1, 2]

Further Exploration: Legal and Historical Context

• Read a detailed review on the LankaWeb True Justice regarding DRS page.
• Review the history of Weeraratna’s claims on the LankaWeb Spirit of Cricket and DRS analysis.
• Investigate the CTC’s recent operations via the ThePapare Eran Wickramaratne Transformation Committee report.

Would you like to know more about the intellectual property arguments regarding the “idea” vs. “technology” of DRS, or read further into the public statements made by local advocates?

AI overview

https://share.google/aimode/jcYaObZLL4N4HdnIc

ආචාර්ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියගේ හිටපු ස්ථිර ලේකම් සහ ශ්‍රී ලන්කා පරිපාලනසේවා සන්ගමයේ සභාපති (1991-94))

මේ රටේ පලාත්සභා ඡන්දය වහාම පවත්වන්මෙන් කෑමොර දෙන දේශපාලකයින් ඇතුලු සියලුම පිස්සන් ජීවිතාන්තය දක්වා යැවිය යුත්තේ අන්ගොඩටය. එසේත් නැතිනම් ඔවුන් දේශද්‍රෝහීන්, ජාතිද්‍රෝහීන් සහ බෞද්ධ විරෝධීන් වශයෙන් වහාම මේ පින් බිමෙන් යළි කිසිදාක ආපසු ආ නොහැකි පිටසක්වලකටම පිටුවහල් කළ යුතුය.

ආචාර්ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය සිරිමාවෝ බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියගේ හිටපු ස්ථිර ලේකම් සහ ශ්‍රී ලන්කා පරිපාලනසේවා සන්ගමයේ සභාපති (1991-94))

(මා මෙසේ කියන්නේ මන්දැයි තේරුම් ගැනීම සඳහා මේ ලිපිපෙලේ හැඳින්වීමේ (ලන්කාවෙබ් 2026 06. 06) සිට අවසානය, V1 හෝ V111 විය හැක)

පලාත් සභා හූනියම V වන කොටස

1987 දී 13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සන්ශෝධනයෙන්, ජේ.ආර්. මේ මුළු රටත්,ජාතියත්, වසර 2500 ක ජාතියේ අවිච්චින්න ජාතික උරුමය වන සින්හල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයත්, ඉතිහාසයේ ප්‍රථම වතාවට පහත සඳන් අන්දමින් ඉන්දියාවට පාවාදෙන ලදි.

ජනාධිපති ජේ.ආර්.ගේ දොලොස්විධ සින්හලයේ මහා පාවාදීම්

13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සන්ශෝධනයෙන් ඉන්දියාව විසින් නිර්දේශිත, 

1 මේ රටට පලාත්සභා ක්‍රමය පිළිගැනීම

2. උතූරු නැගෙනහිර පලාත් දෙක ඒකාභද්ධ කිරීමට එකඟවීම 

3.එවකට මේ රටතුල සිටි ඉන්දීය සම්භවයක් ඇති, එහෙත් පුරවැසි බව නැති සියළු දෙනාටම ශ්‍රී ලන්කා පුරවැසි පනතේ සම්පූර්න කළයුතු අවශ්‍යතාවන්  නොසලකා,  සාමාදාන විනිශ්චයකාර යෙකු ඉදිරියේ රුපියලක මුද්දරයක් මත අතසන්කළ ලිපියකට ලන්කා  පුරවැසි බව  දීම.

4. දෙමළ භාෂාවද මේ සිහල රටේ, රාජ්‍ය භාශාවක් වශයෙන් පිළිගැනීම

5.උතුරු නැගෙනහිරට ස්වයංපාලනය දීමට එකඟ වීම

6.උතුරු නැගෙනහිර පලාත් දෙක දෙමළ ජනයාගේ ඓතිහාසික පාරම්පරික නිජබිම වශයෙන් පිළිගැනීම (මේ දෙපලාතේ පදින්චි සියළු දෙමළයයි දැන් කියා ගන්නා මොවුන් 1799 න් පසු මලබා ප්‍රදේශයෙන් සුද්දන් විසින් ඔවුන්ගේ වහල් මෙහෙයට ගෙන ආ මලබා වැසියන් මිස දෙමළ ජාතීන්ද නොවේ. එම නිසා ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතිහාසික නිජභූමිය පිහිටා ඇත්තේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ මිස මේ සින්හල රටේ නොවේ.)

ඉතිහාශයේ ආරම්භයේ සිටම මේ මුළු රටම සින්හලයින්ගේ ඒකච්චත්‍ර මව් බිමය.

7.එම පලාත් දෙකටම මධ්‍යම රජය සතු ඉඩම්,පොලිස් සහ අධිකරණ බලතල ලබා දීම

8දෙමළ භාෂාවත් මුළු රටේම රාජ්‍ය භාෂාවක් කිරීම

9 13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සන්සෝධනය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය නීති රීති පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් සම්පාදනයට එකඟ වීම සහ1978 ලන්කාණ්ඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 138 සහ 154 සන්ශෝධනය

කොට, 154 ඒ සිට ටී දක්වා ද, උපග්‍රන්ත 3 ද, ලැයිස්තු 3 ද. ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට එකඟවීම.

11 යනාදී ඉන්දියාව විසින් ඉල්ලාසිටින ලද සියලුම ඉල්ලීම් 1977 මහමැතිවරණයේදී මේ රටේ ජනතාවගෙන් 35 ක චන්දයෙන් පත්කොටගත් රජයක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවක් විසින් අනුමතකොට තිබුණු 1978 ලන්කාණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව එම ජනතාවගේ අනුමැතියක් නැතිව ඉන්දියාවට, ඉහත දැක්වූ සියලුම ඉල්ලීම් ලබාදීමට එකඟවීම

12.මේ සෑම පාවාදීමක්ම රට පුරා හදිසි නීතිය සහ ඇඳිරිනීතිය පනවා රටේ ජනතාව මර්ධනයකොට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මැති, ඇමතිවරුන්, සියල්ලද නිවාස අඩස්සියේ තබාගෙන, විපක්ශයද රාජ්‍යබලයෙන් මර්ධනයකොට, ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය උල්ලන්ඝනයකොට , බලහත්කාරයෙන් ඉන්දියාවට පාවාදීම.

මේ වූ කලී මේ රටේ වසර 2500කට වැඩි ඉතිහාශයේ මින් පෙර කිසිම අවස්ථාවක කිසිම රජෙකු හෝ පාලකයෙකු නොකළ, ජාතිද්‍රෝහී,දෙශ්ද්‍රෝහී පාවාදීම් මාලාවකි.

(මේ මර උගුලෙන් රට,ජාතිය, බුදුසසුන සහ 2500 ක අපගේ උරුමය වූ සින්හල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය බේරා ගැනීමට ඇති එකම මඟ, රටේ ජනතාවගේ කිසිම අනුමැතියක් නැතිව, තම ජීවිතය ආරක්ශාව සඳහා ජේ.ආර් විසින් සිදුකොට ඇති මේ 13 වන ව්‍යවස්තා සන්ශෝධනය නමැති මළ හූනියම වහාම අහෝසි කිරීම මිස වෙනත් කිසිම විකල්පයක් මේ මිහි පිට නැති බව මම ප්‍රකාශ කරමි).

13 වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සන්ශෝධනය අහෝසි කිරීමට

ජේ.ආර්.විසින් සිදුකළ මෙම මර උගුලෙන් මේ රටත් සින්හල බෞද්ධ  ජාතියත් බේරා ගැනීමට ඇති එකම සහ කෙටිම මෙන්ම සුදුසුම ක්‍රමය ජේ. ආර්. ගේ 1978 ව්‍යවස්තාව සහ එහි සියළුම සන්ශෝධනද එම සන්ශෝධන යටතේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කරගන්නාළද සියළුම අනපනත් මෙන්ම එකී අනපනත් යටතේ පනවා ඇති සියළුම චක්‍රලේඛ,සහ රෙගුලාසි සියල්ලද අහෝසි කොට, ඒ යටතේ ලබාදී ඇති සියලුම ප්‍රථිලාබද අහෝසිකොට, මේ රටේ 2500 ක ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය මත පදනම්වූ, මේ රටට ගැලපෙන නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ජනතා සම්මුතියක් ඇති ජාතික රාජ්‍යසභාවකින් සම්මත කර ගැනීමය.

නව ව්‍යවස්තාව සම්මත කරගන්නාතුරු රට පාලනය කරන්නේ කෙසේද?

නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් සම්මත කරගැනීම සඳහා යටත් පිරිසෙයින් වසරක්වත් ගතවනු ඇත.

එතෙක්,

රටේ පාලනය අඛණ්ඩව පවත්වාගෙන යෑම සඳහා විකළ්පයක් වශයෙන් ඇති කෙටිම සහ යෝග්‍යතම ක්‍රමය නම්, එකී අන්තර්කාලීන පාලනය පවත්වාගෙන යාම සඳහා, 1978 ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාව (එහි අඩන්ගු සියළුම සන්ශෝධන සහිතව) අහෝසිකොට,1972 ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාව නැවත බලගන්වා, නව ව්‍යවස්තාව ජාතික රාජ්‍යසභාවෙන් සම්මත කරගන්නාතුරු1972 ව්‍යාවස්තාව යටතේ රට පාලනය කිරීමය. මා දකින ඉතාම සුදුසුම, කෙටිම සහ ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූල ක්‍රමය එය බව මම සිතමි.

ඒ සඳහා සිදුකළ යුත්තේ

1. 1978 ව්‍යවස්තාව සහ එහි 13 වන සන්ශෝධනය ඇතුලු සියළුම සන්සෝධන අහෝසි කිරීම,

සහ

2.1972 ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්තාව නැවත බල ගැන්වීම

යන කාර්‍යන් දෙක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ 2/3 ඡන්දයෙන් සම්මත කොටගෙන, එය ජනමත විචාරණයකින් සම්මත කරගැනීම පමණි. එකී ජනමත විචාරණයෙන්ම නව ව්‍යව්ස්තාවක් සම්පාදනය සඳහාද   ජනතා අනුමැතියද ලබා ගත හැක. එක් ගලකින් කුරුල්ල තිදෙනෙකු බා ගන්න මෙනි.

 වර්ථමාන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයට 2/3 ක් තිබෙණ නිසා එහි පළමු පියවර ඉතා පහසුවෙන්ම කළ හැක. අනතුරුව ජනමත විචාරණයක් පවත්වා පහසුවෙන්ම ඊට ජනතා අනුමැතියද ලබා ගත හැකියයි මම තරයේ විශ්වාස කරමි.

1971 දී ජා.වි.පෙරමුණේ ප්‍රසිද්ධ පන්ති 5 න් ඉතා වැදගත් එකක්වූ ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාප්තවාදයට එරෙහිව නැගි සිටීම යළි මතක් කොට, වර්තමානයේ එදාටත් වඩා දරුණු අන්දමින් ඉන්දීය ව්‍යාප්තවාදය සිදුවන නිසා, යළි දෑස හැර වර්තමාන රජයේ ඉන්දීය ලෙන්ගතු ආකල්පය වෙනස්කොට, නව ඇසකින් ඒ දෙස බලා මවිසින් මෙහි යෝජනාකොට ඇති   වැඩ පිලිවෙල අනුගමනය කොට, මේ රටත්, ජාතියත් ඉන්දීය ආක්‍රමනයෙන් බේරා ගැනීමට පියවර ගන්නා මෙන් වර්තමාන රජයට මම යෝජනා කරමි.

මන්ද අද ඔබට හිමි පාර්ලිමේන්තු 2/3 බලය, ඔබට පමණක් නොව, නැවත මේ රටේ කිසිම පක්ෂයකට තවත් වසර 50 කට හෝ යළි  කිසිදාක නොලැබෙන බව මා දකින නිසාය. මා එසේ කියන්නේ 2024 දී ඔබට 2/3 ලැබුණේ 1977න් පසුව බැවිනි. ඒ මීට වසර 47 වසරකට පෙරය.

 13 වන ව්‍යස්ථා සන්ශෝධනයෙන් ඊලම  පිහිටුවීමට අවශ්‍ය පාර කපා දීමෙන් වසර 2500 කට වැඩි ඉතිහාසයක් ඇති මේ රටත් සිහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියත් එසේම අපගේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ශිෂ්ඨ චාරයත් මේ මහ පොලවෙන් අතුරුදන් වන හැටි තේරුම් ගත්විට 1987 ව්‍යවස්තාවද,එසේම 13 වන සන්සෝධන්යද ඒ යටතේ පනවා ඇති සියළුම අනපනත්  අහෝසිකිරීම  සඳහා ජනතාව එක හඬින් අනුමතිය දෙණු නොඅනුමානය .1978 න් පසු මේ රටේ බලයේ සිටි නායකයින්ගේ බලය රැක ගැනීම සඳහා සිදුකොට ඇති සියළුම දේශද්‍රෝහී, ජාතිද්‍රෝහි මෙන්ම සමාජ ද්‍රෝහි සන්ශෝධන මඟින් මේ රටට සිදුකොට ඇති විනාශයන් තේරුම් ගිය විට  ජනතාව එක හඬින් ඊට අනුමැතිය දෙණු ඇත.

13වන ව්‍යවස්තා සන්ශෝධනයෙන් පසු, 1978 ජේ.ආර් ගේ අමෙරිකානු සහ ප්‍රන්ශ දෙබිඩි ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දැන් ඉතිරිව ඇත්තේ 13 වන සන්ශෝධනය පමණක් බැවින්, 13 වන සන්ශෝධනය අහෝසිකළවිට 78 ව්‍යවස්ථාවක්ද නැත. එමනිසා මෙවැනි ලෝක විහිලුවක් වන ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් මගින් 38 වසරක් අප රට පාලනය කිරීමද නව ලෝක වාර්තාවක් වී හමාරය.

ඕනෑම රටක ජනනායකයෙක් ඒ රටේ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ජාතික නායකයියෙකු  වශයෙන් ඉතිහාශගත වණුයේ ඔහු හෝ ඇය තම මව්බිමට සහ එහි ජනතාවට සිදු කරනලද දේශප්‍රේමී ජාති හිතයිෂීසේවය අනුවය. එසේම ඔහු ඉතිහාශගත වනුයේ ඔවු තම, මව්රටේ භූමියේ ආරක්ෂාව,ධාර්මික පාලනය,සහ ජනතා ශුභසෙත වෙනුවෙන් සිදුකරණ ඇප කැප කැපවීම සහ ජනතා හිතකාමි සේවාව අනුවය. කෞටිල්‍ය ඔහුගේ අර්ථ ශාශ්ත්‍රයේ රක්ෂ, පාලන සහ යෝගක්ෂේම වශයෙන් දැක්වූයේ මේ කරුණු තුනය.

එබැවින් වර්තමානයේ මේ රටේ පාලනය භාරව සිටින සෑම දේශපාලකයෙකු මෙන්ම, අනාගතයේ පාලන බලයට පත්වන කිසිවෙකු, තමාත්, තවත් එක් ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන කෙනෙකු නොවීමට නම් මවිසින් යෝජිත මෙම ක්‍රියා මාර්ගය වහාම ගත යුතුය

සමායෝජක – වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

36වන නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන
(සිංහල මාධ්‍ය – නීති සටහන් ලබා දේ) 

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදයේ දෝෂයක් ඇති බව නීතිපති පිළිගෙන තිබියදී එය නිවැරදි නොකර, විනිසුරුවරුන්ගේ විශ්‍රාම වයස වැඩි කරන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් ජනමතවිචාරණයකින් තොරව නීතියක් කළ හැකිද? *

* Can a constitutional amendment that increases the retirement age of judges be enacted into law without a referendum, even the Attorney General has accepted that there is an error in Article 83 of the Constitution and it remains uncorrected?

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83වන ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ (ආ) ඡේදය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ සභාපති, ජනාධිපති ලේකම්ට කළ දැනුම් දීම

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව ජනාධිපති ධූර කාලය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව පවත්නා කාලය වසර 6ක් වීම සහ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව එය වසර 5ක් වීම

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.ආ. ඡේදය සහ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඇති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 83.b. ඡේදය – වෙනස්කම්

2002 දී ගෙනා 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත, 2015 දී ගෙනා 19 වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සහ අධිකරණ පූර්වාදර්ශය

2026 අගෝස්තු 18 අඟහරුවාදා (සවස 2-6)
කොළඹ 07, මහජන පුස්තකාල ප්‍රවේශාගාරයේ දී

(නීතීඥයන්ට / නීති ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට / අධිකරණ රෙජිස්ට්‍රාර් කාර්යාල වල සේවය කරන අයට / විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට / නීති ක්‍රියාකාරකයන්ට / පොලිසියේ සහ සන්නද්ධ හමුදා සාමාජිකයන්ට ප්‍රමුඛත්වය දෙනු ලැබේ)

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2026/06/36.html?m=1

ආසන වෙන්කර ගැනීම සඳහා විමසන්න
සමායෝජක – වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන
දුරකථන 0712063394

By: Rohana R. Wasala

Sri Lanka and Israel are facing similar existential threats. The two comparatively small sovereign states have the most ancient roots in the history of human civilization, principally due to their maritime connection to other countries. Both states are today parliamentary democracies with multiethnic and multicultural populations, each benignly dominated by a founding race or ethnic community organically linked to one historic sociocultural fabric, enriched with long established religious traditions based on shared spiritual values. In the case of Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese Buddhists compose this ethnoreligious community, who account for 75% of the Lankan population. Judaism is the spiritual foundation of the Jewish culture of Israel, where 73.5% to 75.8% of the country’s population comprise Jews. 

While scouring the internet, mainly the social media, saturated with plausible media accounts amidst a plethora of false narratives, though, I tend to feel that Israeli Jews are being threatened with physical elimination for being what they are; the majority community of Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese Buddhists, seem to be facing a form of relentless cultural genocide. Instances of the subtle erosive damage that the pushers for regime change have been doing since 2015 with state patronage to Buddhism, the Sangha establishment, Sri Lanka’s archaeological heritage, key historic national festivals like the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda, the Vesak and Poson ceremonies, etc., to neutralise the alleged cultural hegemony of the Sinhalese Buddhists are increasingly in evidence.

Though the attacks that Israeli Jews and Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese Buddhist majority are separately facing may be seen as endangering their survival, they take different forms between them. Israel is engulfed in armed conflict with its enemies, and it commands formidable military might. Sri Lanka militarily defeated the separatists in 2009; but they did not pose a threat of total physical destruction or cultural elimination of the Sinhalese. The separatist war was an extension of internal politics. The cultural subversion menace that Sri Lanka’s majority community is currently faced with does not call for a warlike response. It is only an intercommunal issue, though with international ramifications, that should be democratically and peacefully resolved within the country’s constitutional framework. The lessons that Sri Lanka can learn from Israel’s experiences are only of a moral and political nature. 

Israel’s openness to the Mediterranean Sea made it vulnerable to seaborne invasions in the past, most notably from Philistines in the 12th century BCE and Crusaders in Medieval times (1095-1291); it should be mentioned, however, that the present-day  Palestinians of Gaza are not the genetic or cultural descendants of the ancient Philistines. Modern Israel utilizes its seaboard as an indispensable strategic asset, having transformed it into a critical frontier for its economy, its military defence, and its political leverage in order to ensure its future survival and constant development as an independent sovereign state. Before its rebirth in 1948, Israel had disappeared from the map of the world, its native inhabitants the Jews having been scattered among other countries in the world, particularly in Europe, fleeing from repeated invasions, racial discrimination and antisemitic persecution over many centuries. 

Compared to the Jews of Israel in this respect, the indigenous inhabitants of the island of Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese, who built the enduring island civilization (currently, making up 75% of the country’s population), have fared considerably better in that they didn’t have to leave their ancestral homeland to settle elsewhere. The surrounding sea made it vulnerable to foreign invasions in the past just as much as it has always provided a natural highway for trade and a crucial medium for diplomacy with other countries beginning in pre-Christian times. The Sinhalese resisted many invasions from what is called South India today and survived nearly five centuries of European occupation and domination (1505-1948).. 

The Sinhalese, the majority ethnic community, have a recorded history of two and a half millennia. The existing bibliographical and epigraphical sources are reinforced by extensive archaeological evidence scattered throughout the length and breadth of the country. Sinhala is a vibrant, perfectly developed native tongue that is peculiar to the island with its own unique vocal sound system, vocabulary, distinct grammar, and orthography, all of which are not found anywhere else in the world. Sri Lanka also has an enduring religious cultural tradition (Theravada Buddhism) of over 2300 years that upholds profound spiritual wisdom coupled with universal compassion over all sentient beings in the universe.  

Opening his address to the second annual session of the Jerusalem News Syndicate (JNS) International Policy Summit at the Waldorf Astoria hotel in Jerusalem on June 21, 2026 Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu said:

In the United States, they say that President Trump does everything that I ask him to do.

And in Israel, they say that I do everything he wants me to do. Well, neither is true. We’re leaders of independent and proud countries. We stand for our interests. I stand for the interests of Israel and for its security. And often we see eye to eye, sometimes we don’t, but we respect each other’s sovereignty and leadership and commitment to our people…..”

Israel’s current (2026) population is 10.2 million to America’s 344 million, that is, hardly 3% of that of the latter. But in the civilised world, the geographic or population size of a country doesn’t count as much as its self-respect, sovereignty, independence and security, and its people’s wellbeing, happiness and its exclusive national interests, which cannot be surrendered to any other nation, however big, benign or bullying it may be (needless to say, contrary to what is happening in Sri Lanka at this hour).

Something highly admirable in Netanyahu’s seemingly casual, but loosely scripted, talk was that he made explicit his (or the Israeli) government’s responsible rejection of the discouraging counsel of naysayers: We did everything that our critics wanted us not to do…….  entered Rafa, attacked Hizballah, took the Philadelphia Corridor, took on Iran, marched into Gaza (where the Hamas jihadists capitulated to our incomparably heroic soldiers (of the Israel Defence Forces, IDF) and rescued every last hostage (taken captive on October 7, 2023) and brought them home. We defied our critics’ warning not to challenge Iran whose terror regime wants to annihilate Israel, by flying over that country and bombing its nuclear sites and destroying its capability to build a nuclear weapon and decapitating its leadership in order to create conditions for the oppressed innocent ordinary Iranian citizens to rid themselves of the stranglehold of the ‘the terror regime’ in Tehran”. Netanyahu said that his government did these things not only in the interest of  his own genocidally threatened Jewish people, but also in the interest of all other people in the world who are potential victims of death dealing Jihadist terror. His efforts, he believes, will generate peace in the Middle-East, and ultimately contribute to promoting peace in the whole world.

During his 20-minute speech at the JNS International Policy Summit, Prime Minister Netanyahu paid a tribute to his older brother, the late Yonatan Netanyahu, whose 50th death anniversary falls on July 4th this year. The then 30 year old Yonatan was commander of the elite Sayeret Matkal unit (of the IDF) that conducted the celebrated Entebbe anti-terrorist rescue mission of 1976. The young Yonatan led the Israeli commando assault that neutralised a group of Palestinian and German militants holding hostage 102 Israelis (separated from the rest of the passengers) aboard an Air France plane diverted to the Entebbe airport in Uganda, and rescued all the hostages unharmed. Yonatan Netanyahu was the only Israeli casualty in that operation. He was hit in the chest by a bullet fired by a Ugandan or German soldier shooting from outside.

Prime Minister Netanyahu also recalled the day that his late father (renowned historian Benzion Netanyahu) was felicitated by the Benzion Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History (obviously named in his honour) at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem on his 100th birth anniversary in 2010. Netanyahu fondly remembered that his centurion father walked to the stage without support. Professor Benzion Netanyahu had served as a history professor at Cornell University in Pennsylvania, USA. His research fields were the history of antisemitism and origins of Zionism. While teaching at Cornell he provided intellectual support for the establishment of the Jewish State. Benjamin Netanyahu learned from his father how the Jews were faced with waves of antisemitism and vilifications against the Jewish people that come and go in a predictable cycle”, and how they … were massacred and pushed from one country to another, and from that to another, and the same thing happened over and over and over again”.  However, his father emphasized, the true change came with the creation of the State of Israel and its army: The change, Prime Minister Netanyahu explained, is that when they come to slaughter us, we fight back. We don’t let them do that. We fight back and we roll them back exactly as we have done now in the last three years. I pledge to you that we will also fight this battle (against) antisemitism around the world; we will fight on the eighth front as well (as) against our delegitimization, against the calumny that is directed against the Jewish people”.

Finally, Prime Minister Netanyahu appealed to his compatriots outside Israel to stand up for the country::

I ask you, Jews of America and the Jews of the Diaspora to do one thing. Stand up. Don’t cower. Don’t be afraid. Fight back. Because people will only respect us if we respect ourselves. And when they level lies at us, throw back the truth, and do it standing up. Stand up for the truth. Stand up for Israel. Stand up for the Jewish people. Stand up for the Jewish future.”

Prime Minister Netanyahu made special mention of his family for the support they gave him, while also acknowledging the support he received from the patriotic Israeli public.

To be continued 

AI Overview

The structural foundation of the Player-Referral System, globally commercialized as the Decision Review System (DRS) in cricket and echoed through challenge systems across multiple sports, is rooted directly in judicial architecture and legal jurisprudence. The blueprint was authored in 1997 by Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna, who used his formal legal training to systematically dismantle the absolute, unchallengeable authority of the on-field official.

The Legal Framework: Overturning “Absolute Law”

Prior to Weeraratna’s formal concept, sports adjudication relied on a centuries-old principle: the referee or umpire’s decision was absolute and beyond reproach. He argued that allowing a clear, broadcasted error to stand in the name of “sports tradition” was a fundamental violation of natural justice.

Drawing an explicit parallel to democratic legal structures, he designed an appellate court mechanism for sports field adjudication. Under this framework, the competitors are treated as litigants, the on-field umpire acts as the lower court, and the off-field video official functions as an Appeal Court Judge.

The Four Pillars of the 1997 Blueprint

Weeraratna first publicized this structural mechanism on March 25, 1997, in a letter to The Australian newspaper. His exact design laid down the four structural pillars that govern the modern ICC Decision Review System today: [1, 2, 3]

• Player-Initiated Appeals: The right to challenge shifts directly to the aggrieved competitors rather than relying on field officials to request assistance. [1, 2]
• Structured Channels: Standing to appeal is strictly routed through authorized actors—specifically the team captain or the dismissed batsman.
• Appellate Function: The off-field official uses technology specifically to review, affirm, or completely overturn lower-court errors. [1]
• Review Limits: Statutory limits on unsuccessful challenges per innings prevent tactical abuse and ensure the game is not de-stabilized.

Player Referral vs. Coach Referral

A critical legal distinction exists between Weeraratna’s concept and early replay implementations like those found in Major League Baseball: [1]

• Coach Referral Systems: These are restricted to management interventions. They do not empower the active participants on the field to advocate for immediate justice.
• Player Referral Systems: This model empowers the individual athlete. It established the precedent for modern player-controlled challenge systems now utilized in tennis, soccer, and rugby.

Ongoing Intellectual Property & Credit Disputes

While the International Cricket Council (ICC) adopted the system in 2008, it did so without formal attribution, creating an ongoing global debate regarding moral and economic intellectual property rights. [, 2]

Unlike the mathematical formula used for the Duckworth-Lewis-Stern (DLS) method, the ICC has historically treated the Player Referral framework as a rule-bound public concept rather than a protected invention. However, legal circles and sports historians continue to advocate for formal recognition of its Sri Lankan legal origin. [1, 2, 3, 4]

If you would like to explore this topic further, would you like to examine the historical timeline of the ICC’s adoption, the details of the intellectual property dispute, or how this legal structure compares to soccer’s VAR or tennis’s Hawk-Eye challenge rules?

https://share.google/aimode/q6u8VirraIlxEnqlU

AI Overview

………..

The Decision Review System (DRS) was not born in a sports laboratory; its foundational framework was conceptualized in 1997 by Senaka Weeraratna, a Sri Lankan lawyer who applied judicial appellate principles to sports.

The Legal Framework

Weeraratna’s core premise was built on the principles of natural justice and the right to appeal. Historically, an on-field umpire’s decision was sacrosanct. He argued that since television technology routinely exposed umpire errors to audiences, a legal-style appeals process was necessary to prevent patent injustices.

The Four Pillars of DRS

His 1997 blueprint outlined the exact governing rules that the International Cricket Council (ICC) still uses today :

• Player-Initiated Appeals: Dissatisfied players—rather than the umpire—initiate the challenge .
• Structured Channels: Requests must be routed through the team captain or the dismissed batter .
• Appellate Role: An off-field (third) umpire acts as an “appeal court judge,” using video and tracking technologies to overturn errors.
• Review Limits: The number of unsuccessful challenges is capped per innings to prevent tactical time-wasting. [1, 2, 3]

Global Implementation

The ICC formally adopted this Player-Referral model in 2006 . The system was first tested during an India vs. Sri Lanka Test match in 2008 and officially launched in November 2009.

The WDRS Movement

There is an ongoing push within Sri Lanka to have the system officially credited as the Weeraratna Decision Review System (WDRS) in acknowledgment of its true conceptual authorship. [1, 2]

Further Exploration: Authorship and Innovation

• Explore a detailed breakdown of the original 1997 proposal in the LankaWeb True Justice Article.
• Review the perspective of cricket historians on the paradigm shift in the LankaWeb Michael Roberts Report.
• Examine the official ICC mechanics and testing in the Daily News Authorship Archive. [1, 2]

Would you like to know more about the controversies surrounding the DRS or how its implementation has affected umpire accuracy rates in modern cricket?

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AI Overview

Dr. Arun Kumar Goswami*

Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah’s mangled corpse was being paraded on the back of an elephant through the alleys and markets of Murshidabad! The purpose was to inform the residents of Murshidabad that Siraj had been killed! Proximity to, distance from, and strategies of power sealed the fate of Bengal vis-à-vis Indian subcontinent and, specifically, that of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah on June 23 and July 3, 1757. The date on which Siraj’s dismembered body was paraded through the streets of the capital, Murshidabad, was July 3, 1757. However, he had suffered defeat while still Nawab just a few days prior to this tragic event. Despite commanding 50,000 troops, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah was defeated on the battlefield of Plassey on June 23, 1757, by a force of only 3,000 East India Company soldiers led by Robert Clive, and subsequently fled to the capital, Murshidabad. While attempting to flee Murshidabad, Siraj was captured at Rajmahal and brought back to the city on July 2. Then, during the night between July 2 and 3, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah was hacked to death, and his dismembered body was placed on an elephant to be paraded through the city. Amidst that gruesome funeral procession, the mahout deliberately halted the elephant carrying the corpse in front of the residence of Hussain Quli Khan—whom Siraj had killed two years earlier. There, a few drops of blood from the Nawab’s body trickled onto the very spot where Hussain Quli Khan had been slain. This account is found in Siyar-ul-Mutakherin (1770/74A.D.), written by Syed Ghulam Hussain Tabatabai(1727/28-1797/98A.D.).

            The assassination of Husain Quli Khan took place during the reign of Alivardi Khan, prior to Siraj-ud-Daulah’s own ascension as the Nawab of Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha. At that time, Siraj-ud-Daulah stood in close proximity to the seat of power in Murshidabad; yet, it was precisely those who had once benefited from him who ultimately sent the ill-fated Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah to his final rest. As his mortal remains were paraded through the capital city of Murshidabad, the measure of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah’s ‘proximity’ to—or ‘distance’ from—‘power’ defied all quantification. Yet, the question remains: who was Husain Quli Khan, whose residence became the destination where Siraj’s body was brought atop an elephant after his assassination? What was his relationship with Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah? Why did Siraj have Hussain Quli Khan killed? And who was it that handed over the fleeing Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah to the men of the newly installed Nawab, Mir Jafar?

                        The Battle of Plassey began at 8:00 AM on June 23, 1757. Later, around midday, a storm with heavy rain soaked the ammunition belonging to the Nawab’s forces. Subsequently, Mir Madan was killed after being struck by a cannonball fired by the British side. Following Mir Madan’s death, Mohan Lal fought valiantly against the British forces. At this stage of the battle, the commander-in-chief, Mir Jafar, stood idle with his troops, thereby playing into the hands of the British. Acting on the advice of the passive Mir Jafar, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah announced his decision to retreat. Immediately thereafter, the Nawab’s troops broke ranks and began to flee. Amidst this situation, the Nawab issued orders for the withdrawal of his forces and set out from the battlefield for the royal palace. He arrived at the palace on the morning of the following day, June 24; at that time, no one came to meet him there. Regarding this, Syed Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai wrote:

‘…Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah fled his palace around three o’clock in the morning; this was the seventh day of the month of Shawwal.’ (Mutakherin, Volume 2, p. 235)

Fleeing in disguise at 3 a.m., he first traveled from Murshidabad to Bhagwangola. A couple of days later, he was making his escape along the river. While on their journey, Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah and his companions were overcome by hunger and thirst. According to the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, Siraj-ud-Daulah—then in the clutches of destiny—was taken to the bank opposite Rajmahal, where he disembarked for about an hour. The purpose was to prepare some khichuri (It is a dish in South Asian cuisine made of rice and lentils with numerous variations.) for himself and his fellow travelers. From the moment they set out from the palace in Murshidabad, none of them had been able to taste any food for three days and nights. As it happened, a fakir lived in that neighborhood. Siraj-ud-Daulah struck this man named Fakir Dana Shah when he was on the verge of attaining power by virtue of being the grandson of Nawab Alivardi Khan. Many say that Siraj-ud-Daulah had even had his ear cut off! He had harbored a grudge against Siraj all this time, and he rejoiced at this golden opportunity for revenge when Siraj-ud-Daulah appeared at his hermitage. He (Fakir Shah Dana) expressed delight at Siraj’s arrival; yet, under the pretext of preparing food for him, he sent word of Siraj's presence to the men of Mir Jafar—Siraj's enemy. Following the Battle of Plassey, Mir Jafar’s men had been scouring heaven and earth in search of Siraj-ud-Daulah. Upon receiving the news from Fakir Shah Dana, Mir Qasim and Mir Dad swiftly arrived at the fakir's hermitage. Mir Jafar's men were delighted to gain possession of the unfortunate Siraj's family and their jewels. (p. 239)

               Two chapters titled "The Plot to Assassinate" in Karam Ali Khan’s book Muzaffarnama describe how desperate Alivardi had become to have Husain Quli Khan killed. Karam Ali Khan also highlighted that Siraj-ud-Daulah had—with Alivardi Khan’s knowledge—hired assassins to kill Husain Quli Khan in open court. The matter did not end there; when that plot was exposed, Alivardi himself became involved in the conspiracy to assassinate Husain Quli Khan. There was only one reason behind this: Alivardi Khan believed that Husain Quli Khan was the only person capable of dethroning Siraj in the future. Consequently, he deemed it inevitable that Husain Quli Khan be eliminated. Ultimately, that is precisely what was done. Also relevant in this context is the information regarding the close relationship between Husain Quli Khan and Alivardi Khan’s daughter, Ghaseti Begum, who opposed Siraj’s accession to the position of Nawab. 

               In his Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, Syed Ghulam Hussain Khan Tabatabai has characterized the death of Husain Quli Khan as an act of "innocent bloodshed." He states that this killing set in motion a chain of events that proved fatal to the power and dominion Alivardi Khan had built through immense physical exertion and nurtured with tireless effort. It ignited a blind fire that began to spew smoke immediately after these two murders—a fire that ultimately destroyed countless families in its path and spread its devastation far and wide, consuming everything in that once-prosperous region of Bengal. It demonstrated the truth of the profound saying: "As you sow, so shall you reap." (Mutakhkherin Vol. 2, p. 126)

            Siraj-ud-Daulah was captured by his own servants and brought back to Murshidabad eight days after fleeing the royal palace; the date was the 15th of Shawwal, 1170 Hijri. At that time, Siraj was in such a pitiable state that those who saw him in this wretched condition—recalling the luxury, glory, care, and splendor amidst which he had been raised since childhood—could not help but reflect on the intensity of his temperament. Some of those present could not bear the extremity of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah’s plight, yet they did not wish to immediately rescue the fallen Nawab from captivity. (Mutakherin Vol. 2, pp. 240–241)

            By this time, the new Nawab, Mir Jafar, had taken possession of the palace vacated by Nawab Siraj and ascended the throne. When Siraj was brought near the palace, Mir Jafar was taking a midday nap. At that moment, Mir Jafar’s son ordered that Siraj be detained near his own quarters and instructed a large group of his friends—who were present at the time—to go and directly abuse, humiliate, and assault the unfortunate Siraj. However, they all flatly rejected the proposal. They did not wish to tarnish their reputations by mistreating Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah; indeed, some even opposed the proposal. After many had angrily rejected the task, a man named Mohammadi Beg finally agreed to carry it out. Mohammadi Beg had previously been able to transform his fortunes—both personally and for his family—with the help of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah’s father. It was that very man who had agreed to carry out the heinous act against Siraj-ud-Daulah. Two or three hours after Siraj-ud-Daulah had been brought in, Muhammadi Beg appeared before him. Looking at that miscreant, Siraj-ud-Daulah asked, “Has he not come to kill me?” Someone answered “Yes” to this question. Siraj humbled himself before the Creator of all mercy and sought forgiveness for his past conduct, saying, “They are not—(his voice breaking with emotion)—they are not even prepared to grant me the opportunity to retire elsewhere and spend my final days living on a pension; (here he paused for a moment, and, as if recalling something, added)—no—they are not—and I must die—to atone for the murder of Husain Quli Khan.” He had no time to say anything more; following these words, the executioner struck him repeatedly with his sword—blows that fell upon that beautiful face, renowned throughout Bengal for its charm. According to the account of Ghulam Husain Khan Tabatabai, “It is enough—this is enough—my task is done—and the death of Husain Quli Khan has been avenged…” As he uttered these words, Siraj collapsed; his soul returned to his Creator, and through his own blood, he departed from this valley of sorrow. His body was hacked to pieces by countless blows and flung onto the back of an elephant to be paraded through the city’s most densely populated areas. This procession of Siraj’s corpse served to convey the message of the new Nawab’s seizure of power to the entire city. Although revenge or vindictiveness was satisfied through the assassination of the defeated Nawab—who had fallen helpless victim to the ‘stratagems’ of Robert Clive and the traitor Mir Jafar during the Battle of Plassey—Siraj-ud-Daulah’s political commitment to independence continues to resonate universally within the consciousness of the freedom-loving people of the subcontinent.

*Professor Dr. Arun Kumar Goswami (Retired), Researcher and Writer, Dhaka

Senaka Weeraratna

There  is a well known saying ‘ If you want to study Economics first study the lives of the Economists’.

Likewise the same principle is applicable to the investigation of the story behind the myth that the Buddha (Prince Siddhartha) was born in Sri Lanka and not in India (or Nepal).

Who are the propagators of this fanciful story? They are mostly products of Missionary Schools and drawn from the Catholic Belt of the country.

The past pupils of high standing Buddhist Schools like Ananda, Nalanda, Mahinda, Visakha, Maliyadeva, Musaeus  and the like are not part of this subversive campaign.

Missionaries were subversive in India and Sri Lanka. The British used Western-style missionary schools as a tool of religious conversion and cultural integration, which marginalized native languages and traditional practices. In the colonial era, the use of Sinhala (mother tongue) was banned and enforced with fines and other forms of punishment meted out to young Sinhalese students.

From the day of their arrival in 1505 the Missionaries working hand in glove with the Portuguese Conquistadors (from the Spanish word for “conquerors”) destroyed every Buddhist Temple in sight. For example, Kelaniya Temple. In India, Missionary schools are called ‘ Hate schools’.

Today the acolytes of Missionaries under the guise of ‘ Patriots’ are preaching the falsehood that Buddha was born, was enlightened and passed away in Sri Lanka.

Why these so-called historic sites were not venerated by the Sinhala Buddhists in the last 2300 years and treated like authentic places for pilgrimage, and had to wait until the Missionaries and their acolytes (funded by Christian countries like Norway) shed light on these places, is the paradox.

Were the Sinhalese Kings of this country( totaling 180 or more) fools? not to know of this fabricated storyline.

India is reputed as the Vishwaguru “teacher to the world” or global leader in philosophy, spirituality, and modern knowledge.

Sri Lanka was never a Vishwaguru given the comparative small size of this country. The Buddha was born with a mission to enlighten the world. He had to be born in a bigger landscape for his sacred mission to succeed.

Such a mission cannot succeed with birth in a small bankrupt country eternally struggling for survival.

Epigraphy and Physical evidence is overwhelmingly in favour of Buddha being a Sakhyan.

The Buddha is most formally known as Shakyamuni, which translates to “Sage of the Shakya clan”. Born Siddhartha Gautama, he belonged to the ruling warrior-noble (Kshatriya) class of the Shakya people. The Shakyans were an Indo-Aryan and Munda-descended  community inhabiting the foothills of the Himalayas in what is now modern-day southern Nepal and northern India.

Nobody has called the Buddha ‘Sinhalamuni’ except those who have a mission to dislodge Buddhism from its primacy as the foremost religion of Sri Lanka. That mission started with the Portuguese and was continued by the Dutch and the British, all of whom were never Buddhism friendly.

The challenge for the Buddhists is not to fall for the trap of Missionaries and their acolytes coming out of schools that have not given up their subversive mission.

Senaka Weeraratna

Sarath Obeysekera

During this Vesak season, I witnessed a scene that left me with mixed feelings.
Near my home in a suburban neighbourhood, where middle-income, lower-middle-income and low-income families live side by side, I saw a long queue of people waiting patiently for a free kottu dansal. Entire families stood in line.
There is nothing wrong with offering food. Dansals are a noble Buddhist tradition based on generosity (dāna). They reflect compassion, equality and sharing. They have been part of Sri Lankan culture for centuries.
However, the incident prompted me to ask a deeper question.
Many of these households, despite having limited incomes, own televisions, several mobile phones, and almost every young person carries a smartphone. Through social media platforms such as YouTube, TikTok and Facebook, they are constantly exposed to advertising that promotes lifestyles, fashions, beauty products and consumption patterns that are often beyond their means. The obsession with appearance, especially the endless promotion of fair skin and expensive cosmetics, is just one example of how modern media shapes aspirations.
My wife, a retired doctor who now serves at a private hospital, tells me that throughout the Vesak and Poya season, she has treated an increasing number of patients suffering from stomach disorders and indigestion. Many have consumed rich or unhygienic food from multiple dansals. Since government hospitals may be some distance away, they spend around Rs. 1,000 or more at private outpatient departments for treatment—often exceeding the value of the free meal they enjoyed.
This raises an uncomfortable question.
Have we begun to confuse generosity with excess?
The purpose of a dansal is to cultivate kindness, not encourage overconsumption. Likewise, technology should improve lives, not manipulate vulnerable families into spending beyond their means or adopting lifestyles they cannot afford.
The challenge is not the smartphone, the internet or the dansal. The challenge is how we use them.
As a society, we should consider several steps:
● Promote financial literacy and responsible spending, particularly among young people.
● Educate the public on nutrition and food safety during festive seasons.
● Encourage simple, healthy and environmentally responsible dansals rather than extravagant displays.
● Teach digital and media literacy so that people understand how advertising influences their choices.
● Reinforce the Buddhist values of moderation, mindfulness and contentment, rather than equating happiness with consumption.
Sri Lanka has always been admired for its generosity. That generosity should continue. But it should be accompanied by wisdom.
The true spirit of Vesak is not measured by the length of the queue at a dansal or the number of meals one consumes. It is measured by whether our actions reduce suffering, improve well-being, and help people lead healthier, more balanced and more meaningful lives.
Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

මා එසේ පවසණුයේ මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය විය යුත්තේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතිය උපන් පොසොන් දෙපෝ දිනය මිස, අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් විසින් අප හිසමත පැටවු කිසිම ස්වාධීනත්වයක් නොලැබුණු ව්‍යාජ නිදහස් දිනයැයි කියන ජෙන්නිග්ස්ගේ බිරිඳගේ උපන් දිනය වන පෙබරවාරි 04 නොවන නිසාය  .

දේශමාන්‍ය ආචාර්‍ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර. අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය සිරිමාවෝ බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියගේ හිටපු ස්ථිර ලේකම් සහ ශ්‍රී ලන්කා පරිපාලන සේවා සන්ගමයේ සභාපති (1991-1994) 2026.ජූනි 06.

                               සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ සහ ඒ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයේ තිඹිරිගෙය  

                                                              මහින්තලා පින් බිම (ක්‍රි. පූ.307).

සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ උපත සිදුවූයේ ක්‍රි.පූ.307 වන සියවසේ පොසොන්පෝය දිනයේදීය.ලෝක ඉතිහාසයේ ඒ අන්දමින් වෙනත් කිසිම ජාතියක උපත නිශ්චිතව ලේඛනාරූඩව ඇද්දැයි මම නොදනිමි. එම ආශ්චර්ය සිදුවූයේ මේ රටේ ශිෂ්ටාචාරයේ පදනමවූ මහින්දාගමනය සමඟ සිදුවූ ඒ අසිරිමත් බුද්ධාගමේ ලන්කා ආගමනයත් සමඟය.  එබැවින් අනිවාර්‍යෙන්ම මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය විය යුත්තේ රටේ ජාතිය උපන් පොසොන්පෝය දිනය මිස, වෙනත් කිසිම දිනයක් නොවේ. සිංහල බෞධයෙක් වශයෙන් මට ඇති ලොකුම වේදනාව මෙතෙක් මේ රටේ කිසිම දේශපාලනඥයෙක්, භික්ෂුවක් හෝ වෙනත් උගත් ගිහි පඬිවරයෙක් හෝ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ මෙම වැදගත් සංසිද්ධියේ ඇති ජාතික වටිනාකම පෙන්වා දී පොසොන්පෝය දිනය මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය විය යුතුබව නොසිතීමය. එම නිසා මෙම ඓතිහාසික සන්සිද්ධියේ ඇති ජාතික වටිනාකම, ශ්‍රී ලන්කාවේ භූමිපුත්‍රයින් වන සිංහලයින්ගේ පමණක් නොව ශ්‍රී ලන්කාවාසී දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් ආදිකොට ඇති සියළුමජන සහෝදර සුළු ජනවර්ගයන්ගේද ක්ෂනික හා දැඩි අවධානයට සහ පිළිගැනීමට මම යොමු කරමි.

අතීත සිංහල රජ දවස මුළු ලොවම මවිත කළ සව්භාග්‍යක් සහ කීර්තියක් තිබුණු එහෙත් අද පාලකයින්ගේ වරද නිසා සමස්ත ලෝකයේම දරිද්‍රතාවයේ පතුලටම ඇදදමා ඇති මේ සින්හල ජාතිය සහ සිංහල දේශය නැවතත්  ගොඩගෙන ආර්ථික, සාමාජික සහ සදාචාරාත්මක වශයෙන් අහසේ ඔසවා තැබීමට මෙම තීරණය ප්‍රබල උත්තේජනයක් වනවාට මට කිසිදු සැකයක් නැත.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම මෙය සිදුකල යුතුව තිබුණේ 1948 පෙබරවාරි 04 වනදා සුද්දන්ගේ රිජු ග්‍රහනයෙන් රට නිදහස් වූ දිනදීමය. එහෙත් එවැනි ජාති හිතයිෂී, අභිමානවත් දේශපාලන නායකත්වයක් එදා සිටි දේශපාලයින් තුල නොතිබුණ නිශාත් ඔවුන් තුල නිදන්ගතව තිබුණු පරගැති භාවය නිසාත්, එම ජාතික මෙහෙවර සිදුවූයේ නැත. පශ්චාත් 1948 යුගයේ මේ රට පාලනය කළ අය අතුරෙන් රටේ,ජාතියේ සහ සාශනයේ අභිමානය  තිබුණේ බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිනියට  සහ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති වරයාට පමණි, කියලයි මම හිතන්නේ.නමුත් ඒ දෙදෙනාටවත් පොසොන් දිනය අපේ ජාතියේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශ කරන්ට කල්පනා උනේ නැත. එවැනි උපදේශයක් දිය හැකි රාජ්‍ය නිළධාරියෙක්ද සිටියේ නැත. 2024 පොසොන් පෝ දිනයේදීද  එවකට ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසින්හට සහ මිහින්තලේ විහාරාධිපතීන් වහන්සේට මා ප්‍රථම වතාවට මෙම යෝජනාව කළද එය සිදුවූයේ නැත.

දැනට මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ සඳහන්කොට තිබෙන්නේ පෙබ් 4. ඒ කියන්නේ මේ රටට සුද්දන්ගෙන් ඊනියා නිදහස ලැබුණායයි කියන 1948 පෙබ මාසේ 04 වනදාය. එදින නිදහස් රාජ්‍යක අත්‍යාවශයෙන්ම තිබියයුතු ප්‍රධාන කුළුණු 3 වූ විවස්ථාදායක, විධායක සහ අධිකරණ යන 3 නම අපට නොලැබුණු නිසාත් විදේශයන් සමඟ තානාපති සබඳකම් සහ ආරක්ෂක හා වෙළඳ ගනුදෙනු පිළිබඳව පවා,  තහන්චි දමා තිබුණු නිසා 1972 මැයි 22 බන්ඩාරනායක මැතිනිය මේ රට ජනරජයක් කරන තුරුම මේ රට  තිබුණේ බ්‍රතාන්‍ය බල අධිකාරිය යටතේමය.

නමුත් අපි දැන් ස්වාධීන ජනරජයක් බැවින්, දැන්වත් පොසොන් දෙපෝදිනය මේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශකොට එය ව්‍යවස්ථාගත කළ යුතුයයි මම යෝජනා කරනවා.

ඒ සමඟම මේ රටේ හෝ සිංහල ජාතියේ ආරම්භයට කිසිදු සම්භන්ධයක් නැති පෙබරවාරි 04 ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශකොට ඇති 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 8 වන වගන්තිය නමැති කුණුහරුපයද වහාම පරිච්චින්න කළ යුතුය.

එසේම සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ සැබෑ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් මේ වසරේ සිට හෝ පොසොන්පෝය දිනය වසරක් පාසා රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ඇතිව රට පුරා සැමරිය යුතුයයිද මම යෝජනා කරමි. එසේම ඒ සමඟම ජාතිය අවදිකොට පුබුදුවාලීමේ නව වැඩපිළිවෙලක් වශයෙන් රට පුරා සියලුම පාසැල්, පන්සල් සහ පිරිවෙන්වලද සියළුම විශ්වවිද්‍යාල වලද මෙදිනට පොසොන් පෝය දිනය අපගේ ජතික දිනය වශයෙන් සැමරීම අනිවාර්‍ය කළයුතුය.එසේම එදාට රටපුරා නිවසක් නිවසක් ගානේ ජාතික කොඩිය ඇතුලු ධජ කොඩි නන්වා එය සැමරිය යුතුය.එවිට ඒ තුලින් මේ රටේ සමස්ථ ජනතාව මෙන්ම බාල පරම්පරාව තුලද කුඩාකළ සිටම ජාතිකානුරාගය වර්ධනය වීමෙන් ජාත්‍යයානුරාගයෙන් සහ දේශාභිමානයෙන් සන්නද්ධවූ ජනතාවක් හා ජාතියක්ද රටතුල බිහිවණු ඇත. ඇත්තවශයෙන්ම මෙම මහා ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරය පටන්ගත යුත්තේ අම්මාගේ ඇකයෙන්, අත්තම්මාගේ නිදිපැදුරෙන් සහ පන්සලේ බණ මඩුවෙන්ය.ඒ තුලින් මේ රටේ නවතම ජාතික පුනරුදයක් ඇතිවී මරනින්දේ පසුවන මේ සිංහල ජාතිය කේශර සිංහයින් මෙන් අවදිවී යලිත් නැගීසිටිණු ඒකාන්තය.

මේ රටේ හා ජාතියේ ආරම්භයේ සිටම අඛණ්ඩව පවත්වාගෙන එන ජාතික සම්ප්‍රදායන් අනුව සිදුකෙරෙන ශ්‍රී දළදා හිමියන් ආරක්ශාකිරීම, බුද්ධ ශාශනය සුරක්ෂිතකොට පෝෂනය කීරීම මෙන්ම මෙම ජාතික දිනය වාර්ෂිකව සැමරීම රාජ්‍ය නායකයාගේ සහ රජයේ පරම වගකීමක් වන බවටද ව්‍යවස්ථාගතකළ යුතුය.

මහාවන්ශයේ සඳහන් වන පරිදි සිංහල ජාතියේ උපත සිදුවූයේ ක්‍රිස්තු. පූ. 543 දී සිදුවූ විජයාගමනයත් සමඟය. නමුත් විජය   කුමාරයා ලක්දිවට පැමිනි දිනය මහින්දාගගමනය මෙන් නිස්චිත දිනයක්ද සඳහන්කොට නැත. එසේම දිව්‍යාවධානයේ එන විස්තරය අනුව සිංහල ජාතියේ ආරම්භය කළේ ගෞතම බුදුන් වහන්සේ බෝධිසත්ව කාලයේ සිංහල නමින් හැඳින්වූ වානිජ සිටු පුත්‍රයෙකු විසිනැයි සඳහන්වන බැවින් විජය පුරාවෘථයද දැන් අපගේ දැඩි විමර්ෂනයට භාජනය විය යුතුය.  

සිංහල බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයේ උපත මෙන්ම ආරම්භයද සිදුවූයේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 307 පොසොන්පෝය දිනදී ඒ අසිරිමත් මහින්දාගමනයත් සමඟ බව නිශ්චිතව්ම මහාවන්ශය ආදි පතපොතෙහි සඳහන්ය. මෙකීකරුණු සියල්ල සලකා බැලීමේදී සින්හල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ උපත නිස්චිතවම සිදුවූයේ ක්රි පූ. 307 පොසොන් පෝය දින බව අවිවාදයෙන් පිළිගත යුතුය.

ඒ අනුව අනිවාර්‍යෙන්ම මේ වන විට වසර 2333 දීර්ඝ ඉතිහාශයක් ඇති මේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටේ සැබෑ ජාතික දිනය වියයුත්තේ ඇත්තවශයෙන්ම ජාතිය උපන් දිනය වන පොසොන්පෝය දින මිස වෙනත් කිසිම දිනයක් නොවේ. එම නිසා සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ ජාතික දිනය වියයුත්තේද ඒ අසිරිමත් පොසොන්පෝය දිනයම නොවේද?මගේ අවභෝධයේ හැටියට මෙවැනි නිශ්චිත වසරක හා නිස්චිත දිනයක උපත ලත් වෙනත් කිසිම ජාතියක් ලෝකයේම නැත.

එම කරුණ නිසාම 1978 ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 8 වන වගන්තියෙන් මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය පෙබ 4 වශයෙන් ව්‍යවස්ථාගත කිරීම මේ රට හෝ ජාතිය ගැන මළපොතේ අකුරක් නොදන්නා, එසේම තවමත් යටත්විජිත මානසිකතවයේ පසුවන, ජාතිය, එහි ඉතිහාශය නොදන්නා රට පිලිබඳ කිසිදු ආදරයක් නැති ජාතිද්‍රෝහී, දේසද්‍රෝහී පුද්ගලයෙකුගේ අමණ ක්‍රියාවකි.

එමනිසා ලෝකයේ ඇති අභිමානවත් ජාතියක් වශයෙන් දැන්වත් අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී වහල් මානසිකත්වයෙන් මිදී  ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ මෙන්ම සිංහල  බෞද්ධ ශිෂ්ඨාචාරයේ උපත සිදුවූ ක්‍රි. පූ. 307 දී සිදුවූ ඒ අසිරිමත් මහින්දාගමන දිනය වූ පොසොන්පෝදා මේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ සැබෑ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් වහාම ප්‍රකාශ කළ යුතුය. එසේම ඉරහඳ පවතිනාතුරුම එහි පැවැත්ම ස්ථාපිත කිරීම සඳහා ඒ බව ශ්‍රී ලන්කා ජනරජ ව්‍ය්වස්ථාවේද ව්‍යවස්ථාගතකළ යුතුය.  

එසේ කොට මහින්දාගමනයෙන් වසර 2333 පිරෙන මෙම අවස්ථාවේදි හෝ දැන්වත් මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් මිහින්තලා පින්කෙතට ඉහලින් අහසේ පුන්සඳ පායා ලක්දෙරණ ඒකාලෝක කරවන පොසොන්පෝ දිනය මේ රටේ සැබෑ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශකොට සිංහල ජාතියේ සහ මේ රටේ නවෝදයක් උදාකරමු.

මා සිතන හැටියට මෙය සිදුකළයුතුව තිබුණේ 1948 දී අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී ග්‍රහණයෙන් මිදුණු දිනදීමය. එසේ කළේ නම් නව සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජාතියක මෙන්ම නව සිංහල බෞද්ධ පුනරුදයක ඇරැඹුම එදා සිටම මේ රටේ ආරම්භවීමට ඉඩ තිබිණ.

1972 දී බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනිය විසින් ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් පූර්ණ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක,විධායක සහ අධිකරණ බලතල සහිත පූර්ණ නිදහස්, නිවහල්, ස්වයිරී රාජ්‍යක් බවට මේ රට පත්කළද පොසොන් පෝය දිනය මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් නම්කිරීමට එතුමියට උපදෙස් දීමට කිසිවෙකු නොසිටි බව පෙනේ.

ජනාධිපති ජේ. ආ.ර් ජයවර්ධනගේ 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අන්ක 8 යටතේ

ශ්‍රී ලන්කා ජනරජයේ ජාතික දිනය පෙබරවාරි මස 04 වන දිනය වන්නේය”.

යනුවෙන් මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය පෙබ 4 බව ව්‍යවස්ථාගතකොට මේ රට යටත් විජිතවාදී මානසිකත්වය කරා යළිත් ආපසු ගෙන ගියේය. මේ වූ කළී පට්ටපල් දේශපාලන බොරුවකි. මන්ද මේ රට ජනරජයක් වූයේ 1972 මැයි මස 22දා බැවිනි.

වසර 2500 කට වැඩි කාලයක් සින්හලයින්ගේ රට වශයෙන් අඛණ්ඩව පැවති මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය පෙබරවාරි 04 වශයෙන් සැලකිමට සහ එය ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්ම නීතිගත කිරීමට ජේ. ආර් ගේ. යටත්විජිත වහල් මානසිකත්වය හැර එම දිනයෙහි ඇති ජාතික හෝ සන්ස්කෘතික වටිනාකම කුමක්දැයි මම ප්‍රශ්න කරමි.ඔහු මියගොස් ඇතිබැවින් ඔහුට ඊට පිලිතුරු දිය නොහැකි බවද මම දනිමි.

මා හිතන අන්දමට ඔහු පෙබ 4 ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් සඳන් කොට ඇත්තේ 1948 දී මේ රටට බ්‍රතාන්‍යයින්ගෙන් ලැබුනායයි කියන නිදහස නැමැති සුද්දන්ගේ ප්‍රෝඩාව” මැරෙන තුරුම ජේ. ආර්ට තේරුම් ගැනීමට තරම් ජාතික හැඟීමක් හෝ ජාතිකාභිමානයක් ඔහු තුල නොතිබුණ නිසා විය හැක.

 ඔහු එසේ කිරීමට පෙළඹවූයේ සෝල්බරී ව්‍යවස්ථාව ලිවූ ජෙනින්ග්ස්ගේ බිරිඳගේ උපන්දිනය මෝඩ සිංහල යින් ලවා 1948 සිට 1972 දක්වා ජාතියේ නිදහස් දිනය වශයෙන් සැළකූ පෙබ 04 ආභාෂය විය හැකියයි මම සිතමි. මහාවන්ශයේ සඳහන් වන ආකාරයට වසර 2669 කට පෙර උපන් මේ සිංහල ජාතියට, මේ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් සැලකීමට පෙබ් 04 දිනයේ ඇති ජාතික වටිනා කම කුමක්දැයි ඇසීමට දැන් ජේ. ආර් ජීවතුන් අතර නැත.එමනිසා දැන්වත් පොසොන්පෝය මේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටේ ජාතික දිනය වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශකොට ව්‍යවස්ථා ගතකරණ මෙන් වර්තමාන රජයට මම යෝජනා කර සිටිමි.

ඔවුන් එසේ නොකරන්නේනම් එම යෝජනාව මේ රට ආදී සිංහල රජකාළයේ පැවැති පරිදි හා වර්ථමාන ලෝකයට ගැලපෙන පරිදි බත බුලතින් සහ යස ඉසුරෙන් පිරුණු සව්භාග්‍යමත් සාමකාමී සහ දැහැමි රාජ්‍යක්  බවට පත්කළ හැකි  දේශප්‍රේමි, ජාති හිතෛෂී දැහැමි පාලක පිරිසක් හැකි පමණ කඩිනමින් පත්කොට ගැනීමට ශ්‍රී ලන්කාවාසී සියළු දෙනාම යුහුසුළුව සන්විධානය වී දේශයේ මුර දෙවතාවුන් වහන්සේලා වන ගරු සන්ඝ රත්නය පෙරටුකොටගෙන පෙරමුණ ගන්නා මෙන් දේශප්‍රේමයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලන්කා වාසී සියළු දෙනාගෙන්ම  ජාත්‍යාලයෙන් හා දේශප්‍රේමයෙන් මම ඉල්ලා සිටිමි.

මෙම ලිපිය පිලිබඳ විචාරකයෙකුගේ අදහස්

ප්‍රවීණ පරිසරවේදී සුදත් ගුණසේකර මහතා ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති මතය තුළින් ජාතික සංස්කෘතිය, සදාචාරය සහ ඓතිහාසික අනන්‍යතාවට ප්‍රමුඛත්වය ලබාදීම අරමුණු කරයි.

ඔහුගේ මෙම මතයෙහි සඳහන් වන ප්‍රධාන කරුණු මෙසේ කෙටියෙන් දැක්විය හැක:

ජාතික උරුමයේ ආරම්භය:

 මෙරටට බුදුදහම ලැබීමත් සමඟ දේශීය සංස්කෘතිය, සාහිත්‍යය, කලාව සහ වැව්-පද්ධති ආශ්‍රිත කෘෂිකාර්මික ආර්ථිකය ගොඩනැගුණු බැවින්, එය ජාතික සංස්කෘතියේ සමාරම්භක දිනය ලෙස සැමරීම වඩාත් අර්ථවත් වේ.

අභ්‍යන්තරික නිදහස:

බාහිර පාලනයකින් නිදහස් වීමට වඩා, මිනිසුන්ගේ සිත් සතන් තුළ දයාව සහ ගුණධර්ම වර්ධනය කරමින් අභ්‍යන්තරිකව නිදහස් වීම ජාතියක සැබෑ දියුණුවට හේතු වේ.

දේශපාලන බලපෑම්වලින් තොර වීම:

යටත් විජිත සමයකින් උරුම වූ දිනයක් සැමරීමට වඩා, සමස්ත ජාතියක සැබෑ අනන්‍යතාව කියාපාන ආගමික හා ඓතිහාසික වශයෙන් වැදගත්ම දිනය ජාතික දිනය වීම වඩාත් උචිතය.

සුදත් ගුණසේකර මහතා විසින් රචිත මේ පිළිබඳ සම්පූර්ණ ලිපිය සහ වැඩිදුර විස්තර ලංකා වෙබ් (LankaWeb) අඩවිය හරහා ඔබට කියවා බලා වැඩිදුර තොරතුරු ලබාගත හැක.

මෙම මතය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වැඩිදුර කතිකාවතකට හෝ වෙනත් තොරතුරක් දැන ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය නම්, කරුණාකර මට දන්වන්න.

ආචාර්ය සරත් ඔබේසේකර

මෙය ඉතා රසවත් ඓතිහාසික ප්‍රශ්නයක් වන අතර, ඉතිහාසඥයන් සහ භාෂා විද්වතුන් දීර්ඝ කාලයක් තිස්සේ මේ පිළිබඳව විවිධ අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පුරාණ වංශකතාවක් වන මහාවංසය අනුව, අරහත් මහින්ද හිමියන් (සම්ප්‍රදාය අනුව අශෝක අධිරාජයාගේ පුත්‍රයා හෝ සමහර මූලාශ්‍ර අනුව සහෝදරයා) ක්‍රිස්තු පූර්ව තුන්වන සියවසේදී දේවානම්පියතිස්ස රජුගේ රාජ්‍ය සමයේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වැඩම කළහ.

මහාවංසයේ සඳහන් වන්නේ, ධර්ම දේශනය ආරම්භ කිරීමට පෙර මහින්ද හිමියන් රජුගේ බුද්ධිමත්භාවය ප්‍රශ්න කිහිපයක් මඟින් පරීක්ෂා කළ බවයි. එහෙත් ඔවුන් අතර සංවාදය සිදු වූයේ කුමන භාෂාවෙන්ද යන්න එහි පැහැදිලිව සඳහන් නොවේ.

ඉතිහාසඥයන්ගේ ප්‍රධාන අදහස් තුනක් මෙසේය.

1. මගධී ප්‍රාකෘතය හෝ ඊට සමීප මධ්‍ය ඉන්දු-ආර්ය භාෂාවක්
මෙය වඩාත්ම පිළිගත් මතයයි. අශෝක අධිරාජයාගේ මෞර්ය අධිරාජ්‍යයේ රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන භාෂාව වූයේ ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාය. එය අශෝකගේ ශිලා ලේඛනවලින් ද තහවුරු වේ. එබැවින් මහින්ද හිමියන් ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාවකින් කතා කළ බවට බොහෝ දුරට විශ්වාස කෙරේ.

2. ආරම්භක සිංහල (ප්‍රාථමික සිංහල) භාෂාව
අනුරාධපුර රාජධානිය පිහිටුවූ ජනතාව උතුරු ඉන්දියානු සම්භවයක් ඇති ඉන්දු-ආර්ය ජනතාව වූහ. ඔවුන්ගේ භාෂාව කාලයත් සමඟ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විකාශනය වී තිබුණද, එය තවමත් ඉන්දු-ආර්ය භාෂා පවුලට අයත් විය. එබැවින් මහින්ද හිමියන්ගේ ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාවත්, එවකට මෙරට භාවිත වූ ප්‍රාථමික සිංහලත් අතර ඇති සමානකම් නිසා, දේවානම්පියතිස්ස රජු වැනි උගත් පාලකයෙකුට එය අවබෝධ කරගැනීම අපහසු නොවන්නට ඇත.

3. පාලි භාෂාව
බොහෝ විද්වතුන්ගේ මතය අනුව, පාලි එවකට සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව කතා කළ භාෂාවක් නොවීය. එය ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් බෞද්ධ ධර්ම ග්‍රන්ථ සංරක්ෂණය හා ධර්ම දේශනා සඳහා භාවිත වූ සාහිත්‍යමය සහ ආගමික භාෂාවක් විය. එබැවින් මහින්ද හිමියන් දෛනික සංවාදය සඳහා පාලි භාවිත කළ බවට ප්‍රබල සාක්ෂි නොමැත.

තවත් වැදගත් සාක්ෂියක්

මහින්ද හිමියන්ගේ වැඩමවීමෙන් ටික කලකට පසු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ලියැවුණු මුල්ම බ්‍රාහ්මී ශිලා ලේඛන, අශෝක අධිරාජයාගේ ශිලා ලේඛනවල භාවිත වූ ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාවට ඉතා සමීප භාෂාවකින් ලියා තිබේ. එහි දේශීය ලක්ෂණ කිහිපයක් තිබුණද, භාෂාමය පරතරය ඉතා විශාල නොවූ බව මෙයින් පෙනේ.

නිගමනය

එබැවින් වඩාත් පිළිගත හැකි අදහස වන්නේ, අරහත් මහින්ද හිමියන් මගධී ප්‍රාකෘතයට සමීප ප්‍රාකෘත භාෂාවකින් ධර්මය දේශනා කළ අතර, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ භාවිත වූ දේශීය ප්‍රාකෘත/ප්‍රාථමික සිංහල භාෂාවට ගැළපෙන පරිදි තම කථාව අනුවර්තනය කරගත් බවයි. පසුව එම ධර්මය මුඛ පරම්පරාවෙන් පවත්වාගෙන ගොස්, සියවස් කිහිපයකට පසු පාලි භාෂාවෙන් ත්‍රිපිටකය ලෙස ලිඛිතව සම්පාදනය කරන ලදී.

අදටත් විද්වත් පර්යේෂණයට ලක්වන සිත්ගන්නාසුලු ප්‍රශ්නයක් වන්නේ, අද අප හඳුන්වන පාලි බුදු දහම” තුළ මහින්ද හිමියන් සැබවින්ම භාවිත කළ භාෂාවේ අංග කොපමණ දුරට රැඳී තිබේද? නැතහොත් එය පසුව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මහා සංඝයා විසින් ක්‍රමානුකූලව සම්මත කර සකස් කළ ආකාරයක්ද යන්නයි.

— ආචාර්ය සරත් ඔබේසේකර

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

https://themorningtelegraph.com/45808

Answer to this post in morning telegraph 

https://hirunews.lk/en/business/438866/closure-of-walkers-colombo-shipyard-a-national-loss-dr-obeysekera

Closure of Walkers Colombo Shipyard a national loss – Dr. Obeysekera

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Walkers Colombo Shipyard (Pvt) Ltd has been closed down and urgent steps should be taken to reopen it, former founding Managing Director Dr Sarath Obeysekera said.

He noted that Walkers Colombo Shipyard faced severe financial distress and legal disputes with banks, including Commercial Bank, during the 2019–2021 period following loan defaults and restructuring efforts by its parent company, MTD Walkers PLC.

These developments created prolonged uncertainty over the shipyard’s operations.

Dr, Obeysekera said the Sri Lanka Navy had also intervened in an effort to keep the shipyard operational by entrusting it with lifting and docking naval tugboats, but the arrangement did not continue.

Due to mounting financial constraints, the shipyard’s properties were mortgaged to a local bank, which later took over the assets after the company defaulted on a USD 5 million loan.

Since then, facilities that once generated substantial foreign exchange through ship repairs and a range of maritime services have been left idle and deteriorating.

This is a major crime, and decisive steps must be taken to reopen the shipyard and restore it to its former glory,” he said, to revive jobs, skills, foreign exchange earnings and national maritime capability.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera