(සේන තෝරදෙනිය විසින් “Alleged Suicide and the $ 2.5 Million Scam: Conspiracies, Autopsies and Public Distrust” නමින් ඉංගිරිසියෙන් ලියන ලද ලිපියේ සිංහල පරිවර්තනය: පරිවර්තනය ශ්‍රීමත් පුංචිහේවා විසිනි.)

හැඳින්වීම

ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක සයිබර් වංචාවට සම්බන්ධ බව කියන භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ සහකාර  අධ්‍යක්ෂවරයෙකුගේ සැක කටයුතු සියදිවි නසාගැනීම, කුමන්ත්‍රණ න්‍යායන්ගේ කුණාටුවක හඹා යාමක් ඇතිකොට තිබේ. සති දෙකකට වැඩි කාලයක් තිස්සේ මෙම න්‍යායන් මහජන කක්ෂයේ පුළුල්ව සංසරණය වෙමින්, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය මගින් දිනපතා උළුප්පා දක්වමින් සහ විපක්ෂ දේශපාලන පක්ෂවල විවේචන මගින් තහවුරු කරමින් පවතී.

පාලක පක්ෂයේ බලපුළුවන්කාරයින් විසින් තමාගේ ස්ව-කැමැත්තට තෝරා පත්කර ගත් බව කියන ප්‍රාදේශීය අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරීන් (JMO) සිව් දෙනෙකු විසින් පවත්වන ලද පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණය හෝ අධිකරණ පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණය, සැකය තවදුරටත් තීව්‍ර  කර ඇත. විපක්ෂ දේශපාලනඥයින් සහ සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරීන් චෝදනා කරන්නේ මෙම JMO වරුන් සිව් දෙනාම එක්කෝ ජවිපෙ ක්‍රියාධරයන් (cadres) හෝ NPP අනුගාමිකයන් (sympathizers) බවයි. මණ්ඩලයේ සාමාජිකයින් පැය 24 ක් ඇතුළත තම වාර්තාව ඉදිරිපත් කළේ, තමන්ට බුද්ධිය ප්‍රදානය කළ ගණ දෙවියන්ගේ දිව්‍යමය ප්‍රඥාවෙන් (ගණදෙවි නුවණින්) මඟ පෙන්වනු ලැබූ නිසා විය යුතුය.

වෙනත් වචනවලින් කිවහොත්, ඔවුන් තම දේශපාලන ස්වාමිවරුන් සතුටු කිරීමට කතාවක් වියා ඇත්තේ, ග්‍රීක මිථ්‍යාවේ එන පරිදි රෙදි විවීමේ තරගයක් විනිශ්චය කළ  දේවතාවිය වන ඇතීනා ගේ දරුවන් මෙනි.  ඔවුන්ගේ සුදුසුකම්, පුහුණුව සහ අත්දැකීම් සම්බන්ධයෙන් බරපතල සැකයන් මතු වී ඇත. සැකයන් සංසිඳුවනවා වෙනුවට, ඔවුන්ගේ නිගමන ගින්නට ගිතෙල් දැමීමක් හා සමාන වී ඇත. මරණකරුගේ තුවාල, මරණකරු විසින්ම සිදුකරගත්, ස්වයං-සිද්ධ ඒවා බවත්, මරණයට හේතුව සියදිවි නසාගැනීම බවත් ඔවුන් නිගමනය කොට ඇත. එය වෝහාරික (අධිකරණ) වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාවේ මූලික මූලධර්ම උල්ලංඝනය කරන බව පවසමින්, බහුතරයක් ජනතාව එම කතාව මුළුමණින්ම ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කර ඇත.

මෙම පසුබිම මධ්‍යයේ, නීතිඥ, හිටපු යහපාලනවාදියෙකු, ජනාධිපති සිරිසේන ගේ සම්බන්ධීකරණ නිලධාරි මෙන්ම, මෙරට අපකීර්තියට පත් ජර්මානු බර්ගොෆ් පදනම  (Berghof Foundation) වැනි  රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධානවල  ප්‍රධානියෙකු  හා දිනන දකුණේ” සාමාජිකයෙකු වන ශිරාල් ලක්තිලක, මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් ඉල්ලා සිටියේය. පුවත්පත් වාර්තාවකට අනුව ඔහු තර්ක කොට ඇත්තේ, අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරීන්, මරණය සියදිවි නසාගැනීමක් ලෙස ප්‍රකාශ කළද, මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් මගින්, මියගිය අයගේ මානසික තත්ත්වය සහ තත්වයන් පිළිබඳව ගැඹුරු ආලෝචනාවන්- අවබෝධයක් ලබා ගත හැකි බවයි.

ජාත්‍යන්තරව පිළිගත් අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය විශේෂඥයින් විසින් අලුතින්ම භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා වෙනුවට, මේ අවස්ථාවේදී මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් ඉල්ලා සිටීම සහමුලින්ම අතාර්කික  වේ.   එය ප්‍රායෝගික එකකට වඩා ශාස්ත්‍රීය හා මතුපිටින් විසිතුරු අංගරාග තැවරීමකි. කාටත් තේරෙන බසින් කියන්නේ නම් මළමිනියකට සැන් පවුඩර්  දමන අභ්‍යාසයකි. පවතින දේශපාලන වාතාවරණය යටතේ මෙය , අවධානය න්‍යායාත්මකව වෙනතකට යොමු කිරීමේ උපක්‍රමයක් ලෙස – ආණ්ඩුව මත එල්ල වන විපක්ෂයේ පීඩනය හරවා යැවීමේ උත්සාහයක් ලෙස – මෙම ලේඛකයා දකී. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් පැවැත්වීමට අවශ්‍ය විශේෂඥ දැනුමක් නොමැති නම්, ඔහු විදේශයන්ගෙන් විශේෂඥයින්ට ආරාධනා කරන ලෙස යෝජනා කළ යුතුය.

මගේ මතය අනුව, මෙම යෝජනාව මුදල් අමාත්‍යවරයා, මුදල් ලේකම්, මහ බැංකු අධිපති සහ අනෙකුත් බලධාරීන්ට එරෙහිව නොනවතින අරගලයක් දිගටම කරගෙන යන, මෙම වංචාව මුලින්ම හෙළි කළ Free Lawyers ” සංවිධානයට හිමිවන ගව්රවය ඔවුන්ගෙන් උදුරාගෙන  එය තමන් වෙතට ඇද ගැනීමේ – ඔවුන්ගේ ජයග්‍රහණ දියාරු කිරීමේ – උත්සාහයක් මිස අන් කිසිවක් නොවේ. මෙය, මෙම යෝජනාවේ පවත්නා අවස්ථාවාදය සහ Free Lawyers” සංවිධානයේ  ප්‍රතිපත්තිගරුක ස්ථාවරය අතර වෙනස වැඩිමනත්ව හඬ නඟා කියයි.

මෙම තත්වය තුළ, ක්‍රියාවට නැංවිය නොහැකි න්‍යාය විකුණන වෙළෙන්දන් සමඟ එක්ව සිටිනවාට වඩා යක්ෂයා සමඟ වුවද කඳවුරු බැඳීමට අප සූදානම් බව පාඨකයින්ට මතක් කර දෙනු කැමැත්තෙමු.

එහෙත් මහජනතාවගෙන් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණය යන සංකල්පය පිළිබඳවම කිසිවක් නොදනිති. අපගේ සගයින්, මිතුරන් සහ පාඨකයින් බොහොමයක් අපෙන් එහි තේරුම පැහැදිලි කරන මෙන් ඉල්ලා ඇත. ඊට පෙර මම මෙසේ විශද කරමි: මම නීතිඥයෙක් හෝ වෛද්‍ය වෘත්තිකයෙක් හෝ මනෝ විශ්ලේෂකයෙක් හෝ නොවෙමි.  අඩු තරමින්සියදිවි නසාගැනීම් වැළැක්වීමේ අත්දැකීම් ඇති සමාජ සේවකයෙක්හෝ නොවෙමි. මෙහි මගේ සිතාබැලීම් පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ, මා උකහාගෙන ඇති පොදු දැනුම, මගේ සාමාන්‍ය ලේඛන ක්ෂේත්‍රයෙන් ඔබ්බට ගිය තර්කනය මතය. වඩාත් විද්‍යාත්මක පර්යාවලෝකනයක් ලබා ගැනීමට, මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක මරණ පරීක්ෂණයේ න්‍යායාත්මක අංශ ගැන ආලෝචනා ලබා ගැනීමට සහ එහි ක්‍රමවේදය පිළිබඳ අවබෝධයක් ලබා ගැනීමට මම AI උපදෙස් පැතුවෙමි. මා එමගින්  සොයා ගත්තේ එම ක්‍රමවේදයන් සමාජ විද්‍යා පර්යේෂණවලදී යොදා ගන්නා ඒවාට බොහෝ දුරට සමාන වන බවයි. එය මට හුරුපුරුදු විෂයපථයක් පමණක් නොව, පර්යේෂණ ක්‍රමවේදය ඉගැන්වීමේ හා පර්යේෂණ අධ්‍යයනවල ප්‍රායෝගික අත්දැකීම් ලබා ගත් ක්ෂේත්‍රයකි.

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් යනු කුමක්ද?

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් යනු, මරණයට පෙර මියගිය පුද්ගලයෙකුගේ මානසික තත්ත්වය, චර්යාවන් සහ තත්වයන් ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කිරීමට භාවිතා කරන පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණ ක්‍රමයකි. එය බොහෝ විට භාවිතා කරනු ලබන්නේ මරණයට හේතුව අවිනිශ්චිත අවස්ථාවලදී, සාමාන්‍යයෙන් මරණය සියදිවි නසාගැනීමක්ද, අනතුරක්ද හෝ වෙනත් ආකාරයක එකක්ද යන්න පැහැදිලි කර ගැනීමට හෝ මරණය සියදිවි නසාගැනීමක් යයි සැක කළත්, නිශ්චිතව තහවුරු කර නොගත් අවස්ථාවලදී ය. යෙදුමෙන් ගම්‍ය වන පරිදි එය ශරීරයේ භෞතික පරීක්ෂණයක් නොවේ. එය, පුද්ගලයා මියගිය පසුව, වාර්තා වලින් සහ ඥාතීන් හා මිතුරන්, සහ මා එයට එකතු කරන, ආයතනයේ එකට සේවය කළ සගයන්, ඔහුගේ යටත් නිලධාරීන් සහ ඉහළ නිලධාරීන් හෝ තරමක් සංකීර්ණ අවස්ථාවලදී පිටස්තර පාර්ශ්වකරුවන් සමඟ කරන සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡා වලින් තොරතුරු රැස් කිරීමෙන්  සිදු කරනු ලැබේ. එබැවින්, එය වෛද්‍ය පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයකින් තීරණාත්මක අයුරින් වෙනස් වේ.

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක අරමුණ වන්නේ මියගිය අයගේ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පැතිකඩ ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කිරීමයි; මරණය සිදුවූයේ ඇයිද යන්න පිළිබඳව ආලෝචනා ලබා දීමයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේදී මෙම සංකල්පය බොහෝ දුරට නුහුරු නුපුරුදු එකක් වේ. එය මතභේදාත්මක වූ භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයකට විකල්පයක් නොවේ –එමගින් අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාව විතර්කණයට – විවාදයට – ලක් කළ නොහැක. එහි විෂය පථය, ක්‍රමවේදය, වාසි ප්‍රයෝජන හෝ සීමාවන් පිළිබඳව මහජනතාවට කිසිදු දැනුමක් නැත. මරණයේ මානව සහ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක මානයන් ආමන්ත්‍රණය කිරීමෙන්  එයට කළ හැක්කේ භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයකට අනුපූරක වීම පමණි.

සියදිවි නසාගැනීම් විමර්ශනය කිරීම (2008) හැරෙන්නට, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණ අධ්‍යයනයන් සිදු කර ඇති බවට වාර්තා වී නොමැත. ඉහත සඳහන් කළ  අධ්‍යයනයෙන් නිගමනය වූයේ මත්පැන් අනිසි ලෙස භාවිතය සහ ගෘහස්ථ හිංසනය සියදිවි නසාගැනීම් සඳහා දායක වූ ප්‍රධාන සාධක බවයි. එහෙත් දස දහස් ගණනින් දිවිනසා ගනිද්දී විසි තිස් ගණනක නියැඳියක් ලබාදෙන නිගමන සත්‍යයට බොහෝ ඈතය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දියේ ගිලී මියයන මරණවල රටාවන් සහ තත්වයන් පරීක්ෂා කිරීමට තම පර්යේෂණ කැප කළ වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු ගැන මෙම ලේඛකයාට මතකය.  

මෙම ලේඛකයා ඔහුගේ සම්මානීය නවකතාව වන බණ්ඩාර මැරූ උන්” (2014) ලියන විට, මෙම දියේ ගිලීමේ රටා අධ්‍යයනය කළේය. එම නවකතාවේ කතානායකයා– ජාත්‍යන්තරව කීර්තිමත් චිත්‍ර  ශිල්පියෙක් – මහවැලි ගඟේ අබිරහස් ලෙස ගිලී මිය යයි. දියේ ගිලී මියයන මරණ පිළිබඳ පර්යේෂකයෙකුද වන, පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණය පවත්වන අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය නිලධාරියා, කලාකරුවා විසින් ලියන ලද, දැනට සොයාගත නොහැකි  නවකතාවක පිටපතක් සොයා ගැනීමට අභීත උත්සාහයක් දරයි. ඔහුගේ සෙවීම සාර්ථක වන්නේ චිත්‍ර ශිල්පියාට එම කෘතියේ දෙවන කොටස සම්පූර්ණ කිරීමට අනුප්‍රාණය ලබා දුන් තිමිර කුළඟන හෙවත් අබිරහසක් වූ Dark Lady ගේ ආධාරයෙනි.

මෙම සෙවීම මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයකට සමාන වේද, එය අධිකරණ වෛද්‍ය විමර්ශනයක්ද, නැතහොත් සාහිත්‍යමය ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණයක්ද, නැතහොත් කලාත්මක ස්මෘතියේ ප්‍රතිසාධනයක්ද යන්න අවිනිශ්චිතය.

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක සොයාගැනීම් සහ නිගමන, වෙනත් ඕනෑම සමාජ විද්‍යා පර්යේෂණයක ඒවා මෙන්, පහසුවෙන් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළ හැකිය. එය මූලාශ්‍රවල පවත්නා විශ්වසනීයත්වයේ අඩුව, භාවිතා කරන ක්‍රමවේද, වාර්තාකරණය ආදිය නිසා සිදුවන්නකි. සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවට ලක්වන්නන් සිදුවූ සිදුවීම් අමතක කිරීම හෝ ඒවා වැරදි ලෙස අර්ථකථනය කිරීම, සංවේදී තොරතුරු හෙළි නොකිරීම සිදුවිය හැකිය.   

විශේෂඥයෙකු නොවන අයෙකු විසින් මතු කරන මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් වටා ඇති මූලික ප්‍රශ්න

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් පැවැත්වීමේ යෝජනාව පිළිතුරු වලට වඩා ප්‍රශ්න මතු කරයි. එවැන්නක් බැරෑරුම් ලෙස ආරම්භ කිරීමට පෙර, මූලික කරුණු කිහිපයක් විසඳා ගත යුතුය:

1.  කවුරුන් විසින් එය කරනු ලබන්නේද? යෝජිත විමර්ශකයින්ට අධිකරණ මනෝවිද්‍යාව සහ මනෝචිකිත්සාව පිළිබඳ අවශ්‍ය සුදුසුකම්, විශේෂඥ දැනුම සහ අත්දැකීම් තිබේද?

2.  බලධාරීන් එයට අවසර දෙනු ඇත්ද? ජනාධිපති, මුදල් අමාත්‍ය, මුදල් ලේකම් සහ ඉහළම නිලතලවල සිටින අනෙක් අයගේ මැදිහත් වීමකින් තොරව එවැනි විමර්ශනයක් ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට ඉඩ දෙනු ඇත්ද?

3.  සාක්ෂි වෙත ප්‍රවේශය: සේවා ස්ථානයේ සගයන්, යටත් නිලධාරීන් සහ ඉහළ නිලධාරීන් සම්මුඛ පරීක්ෂණයට ලක් කිරීමට, දිනපොත්, ලිපි සහ ඩිජිටල් සන්නිවේදන පරීක්ෂා කිරීමට සහ මියගිය අයගේ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පැතිකඩ ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කිරීමට විමර්ශකයින්ට අවසර දෙනු ඇත්ද?

4.  කාල රාමුව: එවැනි විමර්ශනයකට කොපමණ කාලයක් ගතවේද; එය හදිසියෙන්කළ හැකි දෙයක්ද?

5.  වාර්තා කිරීම: සොයාගැනීම් ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලබන්නේ කාටද – පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට, අධිකරණයට, නැතහොත් මහජනතාවට?

6.  බලපෑම: ප්‍රතිඵලය කුමක් වේද? එය දැනටමත් පවත්වා ඇති භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයේ නිගමනවලට අභියෝග කරයිද?

7.  විකල්ප නිගමනවලට ඇති හැකියාව: මරණය සියදිවි නසාගැනීමක් නොව මිනීමැරුමක් බව එයින් තහවුරු කළ හැකිද? එසේ නම්, වැරදිකරුවන් කවුරුන්ද, ඔවුන් හඳුනාගෙන යුක්තිය ඉදිරියට ගෙන එන්නේ කෙසේද?  

මෙම ප්‍රශ්න, දේශපාලනිකව කැළඹුණු පරිසරයකට මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් හඳුන්වාදීම කොතරම් සංකීර්ණද යන්න පෙන්වා දෙයි. මේ ප්‍රශ්නවලට පැහැදිලි පිළිතුරු නොමැතිව, කරනු ලබන මෙබඳු අභ්‍යාසයක්, සත්‍යය සෙවීමේ විශ්වසනීය මාවතක් වෙනුවට අවධානය වෙනතකට යොමු කිරීමක් වීමේ අවදානමක් සහිත එකක් වනු නොඅනුමානය.

උපකල්පන සහ සීමාවන්

හුදු තර්කය උදෙසා, මෙම  පරීක්ෂණයට, මියගිය අයගේ පවුල පූර්ණ සහයෝගය ලබා දෙතැයි උපකල්පනය කරමු: සමීපතම ඥාතීන් සහ මිතුරන් සම්මුඛ පරීක්ෂණය කිරීමට විමර්ශකයින්ට ඉඩ දීම, ඔහුගේ වෛද්‍ය වාර්තා, මානසික රෝග, ගත් ඖෂධ, සියදිවි නසාගැනීමේ සටහන්, දිනපොත්, ලිපි හා සමාජ මාධ්‍ය අන්තර්ගතයට ප්‍රවේශය ලබා දීම සහ ඔහු කවදා හෝ සියදිවි නසාගැනීමේ ප්‍රවණතා ප්‍රදර්ශනය කළේද යන්න හෙළි කිරීම. ඔහුගේ චර්යා රටා, ගති ස්වභාවය, චිත්තවේගීය තත්ත්වය, ආකල්ප, සංජානනය, ආගමිකත්වය, චාරිත්‍රානුකූල පුරුදු, සබඳතා, ගැටුම්, ආතතික තත්වයන්, හානිකර උපකරණ භාවිතයට වූ නැමියාව හෝ කලින් සියදිවි නසාගැනීමේ උත්සාහයන් පිළිබඳ විස්තර ඔවුන් හෙළි කරනු ඇතැයි  සිතමු.

මියගිය තැනැත්තා බුලත් වගාවක් පවත්වාගෙන ගිය බව (අමතර ආදායමක් මෙන්ම විනෝදාංශයක්, පැල සාත්තු කිරීම); පසුදා දළදා මාලිගාවට යාමට සැලසුම් කර සිටි බව, කැපවූ සැමියෙකු සහ පියෙකු බව දැනටමත් හෙළි වී ඇත.

ඥාතීන් සහ මිතුරන් හිතාමතා හෝ නොදැනුවත්ව සිදුවීම් අමතක කිරීමට හෝ වැරදි ලෙස අර්ථකථනය කිරීමට ඉඩ ඇත.මියගිය අය පිළිබඳ සංවේදී තොරතුරු හෙළි නොකරනු ඇත.

එහෙත් තීරණාත්මක බාධකය වෙනත් තැනක පවතී. ආණ්ඩුව එවැනි සහයෝගීතාවයකට ඉඩ නොදිය හැකිය. එයට හාත්පසින්ම විරුද්ධව, පවුලට පෙළඹවීම් කළ හැකිය – බිරිඳට උසස්වීමක්, දරුවන්ට විදේශ අධ්‍යාපනයක් හෝ මුළු පවුලම විදේශගත කිරීමට පොරොන්දු වීම. එවැනි උපක්‍රම මගින් පවුල ස්ථිර  ලෙසින්ම නිහඬ කරවනු ඇත; මියගිය අයගේ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පැතිකඩ ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය සාක්ෂි වෙත ප්‍රවේශ වීමෙන් විමර්ශකයින් වළක්වනු ඇත.

අධිකරණ පිළිගැනීම සහ ඇතිවිය හැකි ප්‍රතිවිපාක

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් පැවැත්වුවද, තවත් තීරණාත්මක ප්‍රශ්නයක් පැන නගී: අධිකරණය එවැනි වාර්තාවක් විශ්වසනීය සාක්ෂියක් ලෙස පිළිගනීවිද? එහි ක්‍රමවේදය නීතිමය ප්‍රමිතීන් සපුරාලන්නේද සහ එය දැනටමත් සිදු කර ඇති භෞතික පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණය සමඟ හෝ ඊට පටහැනිව පවතීද යන්න අධිකරණය විසින් තීරණය කළ යුතුය.

මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයෙන් මරණය සියදිවි නසාගැනීමක් නොව මිනීමැරුමක් බව යෝජනා කරන්නේ නම්, ඇඟවුම් බරපතල වනු ඇත. එවිට අධිකරණයට සිද්ධිය මිනීමැරුමක් ලෙස සැලකීමට බල කෙරෙනු ඇත. මෙය පහත සඳහන් ප්‍රතික්රියාවන් ජනනය කරනු ඇත:

1.  මරණය සිදුවූ ආකාරය පිළිබඳ විමර්ශන නැවත විවෘත කිරීම.

2.  සාක්ෂිකරුවන් කැඳවීම සහ සේවා ස්ථානයේ සගයන්, පවුලේ සාමාජිකයන් සහ සමීපතමයන්ගෙන් සාක්ෂි විමසීම.

3.  චර්යාත්මක සහ පරිවේෂන සාක්ෂි මත පදනම්ව සැකකරුවන් හඳුනා ගැනීම.

4.  චූදිතයන්ට එරෙහිව අපරාධ නඩු පැවරීම, කුමන්ත්‍රණය කිරීමේ සිට මිනීමැරුම දක්වා චෝදනා සමඟ.

කෙටියෙන් කිවහොත්, එවැනි වාර්තාවක් පිළිගැනීමෙන් නිල ආඛ්‍යානය උඩුයටිකුරු කොට පෙරළා දැමිය හැකි අතර, ආණ්ඩුවේ ස්ථාවරයට අභියෝග කළ හැකි වේ. වැරදිකරුවන් හෙළිදරව් කරන යුක්තිය ඉටු කිරීම අරමුණු කරගත් නීතිමය ක්‍රියාවලියක් එමගින් ආරම්භ කළ හැකිය.

අධිකරණ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක ඇති නොහැකියාව

එහෙත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේදී එවැනි ක්‍රියාමාර්ගයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම අතිශයින්ම අභව්‍ය එකක් වේ. ආණ්ඩුවේ උපාංග ලෙස  ක්‍රියාත්මක වන පොලිසියේ සහ CIDයේ හැසිරීම, අධිකරණයට අතපෙවීම සහ යටපත් කිරීමේ හා නිහඬ කිරීමේ උපක්‍රම ලෙස උසස්වීම් ලබාදීම, රාජ්‍ය තාන්ත්‍රික තනතුරු ප්‍රදානය හා වෙනත් පෙළඹවීම්  හා යටපත් කිරීම් මඟින්, සැබෑ වගවීම දුරස්ථ කරවයි. මෑතකදී අවසන් වූ මැයි දින රැලිවලදී ජනාධිපති සහ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පක්ෂ සාමාජිකයින් විසින් කෑගැසූ වාගාලංකාරයෙන් වාතාවරණය තවදුරටත් කැළඹී ඇත.  එය විනිවිදභාවයට ඇති කැපවීමට වඩා කෝපය පිටකිරීමක් වීය.

මැයි දින රැලිවලදී සහ අවමංගල්‍යයේදී වූ නිහඬතාව

වඩාත්ම කැපී පෙනෙන්නේ නිහඬතාවයි. මැයි දින රැලිවලදී, එකදු කථිකයෙක්වත් භාණ්ඩාගාර නිලධාරියාගේ මරණය ගැන සඳහන් කළේ නැත; ශෝකයට පත් ඔහුගේ පවුලට ශෝකය පළ කළේ නැත. මියගිය තැනැත්තා දැඩි ජවිපෙ/මාලිමා ආධාරකරුවෙකු ලෙස සැලකෙන බව පසුව අනාවරණය විය. එහෙත්, මෙසේ තිබියදීත්, පාලක පක්ෂයේ කිසිදු නියෝජිතයෙක්, ප්‍රාදේශීය දේශපාලනඥයෙක් පවා අවමංගල්‍යයට සහභාගි නොවීය. වචනවලට වඩා හඬ නඟා කතා කළේ නොපැමිණීමයි, එය මේ සිද්ධිය වටා ඇති දේශපාලන අපහසුතාව සහ පාලක පක්ෂය ඔවුන්ගෙන් එකෙකු හා බද්ධ නොවී හිතාමතාම දුරස් වීම යන දෙකම අවධාරණය කරයි. සෞඛ්‍ය  සේවා අද්යක්ෂක විසින් මහේස්ත්‍රාත්වරයාට යවන ලද ලිපියෙන් මිය ගිය නිලධාරියාගේ බිරිඳගේ ඉල්ලීම තහවුරු කළද, මියගිය අයගේ බිරිඳ සැකය මත පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක් ඉල්ලා ඇති බව පාලක පක්ෂයේ අමාත්‍යවරු සහ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී තරයේ ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කළහ.

නිගමනය: වත්මන් වාතාවරණය තුළ සත්‍යය සෙවීමේ නොහැකියාව

මෙම නිහඬතාව, භාෂණයේ නිදහස යටපත් කිරීමට, බිය ගැන්වීමට, විපක්ෂ දේශපාලනඥයින්ට සහ සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරීන්ට තර්ජනය කිරීමට, CID විමර්ශන කිරීමට යන ආණ්ඩුවේ ප්‍රවණතාව සමඟ ඒකාබද්ධ වූ විට, සැබෑ මනෝවිද්‍යාත්මක පශ්චාත් මරණ පරීක්ෂණයක අපේක්ෂාව විගඩමක් බවට  පත් වෙයි. වර්තමාන සන්දර්භය තුළ, සත්‍යය සෙවීම දේශපාලන වාසිය මගින් යටපත් කෙරේ. මහජන මතය සහ නිල ආඛ්‍යාන අතර විශාල පරතරයක් ඇත. එය නුදුරු අනාගතයේදී ඒකාධිපති පාලනයක් පිළිබඳ සැකයන් මතු කරයි. විරුද්ධවාදීන් සිරගත කිරීම, දැඩි මතධාරීන්ට මරණය උරුම වනු නිසැකය.

සාරාංශයක් ලෙස, මෙම යෝජනාව වත්මන් තත්වයන් යටතේ ප්‍රායෝගික එකකට වඩා පණ්ඩිතමානී එකක් වේ. ‍අප මෙම ලිපිය මගින් සාකච්ඡා කළ දේ ගැන අංශුමාත්‍රයක හෝ වැටහීමක් තිබුණේ නම් එවැන්නක් යෝජනා නොවනු ඇත.

ජවිපෙ/NPP ප්‍රමුඛ දකුණ දැනටමත් බලයේ සිංහාසනාරූඪ වී ඇත, (දකුණ දැනටම දිනා ඇත”). තවත් දකුණකට වර්තමාන සන්දර්භය තුළ බලය අල්ලා ගැනීමට හෝ පැහැර ගැනීමට නොහැකිය. මෙම යථාර්ථය නොසලකා හැරීම දේශපාලන භූ දර්ශනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වැරදි ලෙස කියවීමකි.

Dr. Sunil J Wimalawansa Professor of Medicine

For more than sixty years, Sri Lanka has suffered repeated man‑made disasters. Every few years, something man-made (manufactured) happens that pushes the country back by almost a decade. These setbacks did not come from natural disasters—they came from selfish people, from violence, from poor leadership, and from decisions made without thinking about the nation’s future.

Since 1971, uprisings, terrorism, and political chaos have taken thousands of young lives. Each time, the country lost not only its youth but also its stability, its economy, and its hope.

But the deeper problem began even earlier. From the 1960s onward, many political leaders stopped caring about long‑term development. They focused on personal gains and power, not the progress of the country. They made decisions for personal gain (financially and politically), not national benefit.

In recent years, the situation has become even more alarming. People who exposed corruption—whistleblowers, honest officers, financial scandals, and potential witnesses—have been threatened, silenced, or even killed. A mafia‑style political culture has taken root, far worse than what existed decades ago. It reminds many of the fear and instability that surrounded the events of 1971.

How can a nation move forward when:

• Law and order are weak,
• Financial fraud happens repeatedly,
• Uninformed politicians make decisions for short‑term gain and neglect the growth of the country,
• The unitary nature and sovereignty of the country are threatened, and
• The judiciary is manipulated, weakening justice and democracy?

No country can progress and maintain true democracy under these conditions. If this continues, Sri Lanka risks falling into a deeper crisis—possibly worse than the collapse seen in Ethiopia’s recent turmoil.

A Message to Every Voter

From now on, at each election, the responsibility lies with the people.

Don’t vote for untrustworthy people or those who have committed violent or fraudulent activity,

Don’t blindly vote for a party—study their policies (not gimmicks) and see whether you can trust them.

Don’t be carried away by posters, advertisements, and slogans (these are paid activities by beneficiaries), with empty promises.

Every voter must think carefully about:

• The nation’s future, maintenance of the unitary nature and its sovereignty,
• Law and order and the safety of their children,
• The stability of the economy, and
• The protection of democracy and the independence of justice.

Sri Lanka cannot afford to repeat the same mistakes. It cannot afford leaders who bring fear, division (religious, ethnic, etc.), or corruption. It cannot afford another decade lost.

The ballot box is the only peaceful tool the people have to protect the country. Use it wisely. Choose stability over chaos, integrity over corruption, and national interest over personal loyalty.

The future of Sri Lanka depends on the choices that you make now.

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Sri Lanka has suffered one man‑made disaster after another. Every few years, something (manufactured) happens that pushes the country’s development and economy back by nearly a decade. Since 1971, much of this damage came first from the JVP uprisings and later from the LTTE conflict. Each time, it is unfortunate that thousands of young people lose their lives for no good reason, and the nation (innocent) families) paid a heavy price.

From the early 1960s onward, many so‑called political leaders stopped thinking about Sri Lanka’s long‑term future. They focused on grabbing power at any cost in national elections, not progress. False promises and misleading voters mostly accomplished these.

In recent years, the situation has become even worse. People who raised genuine concerns, exposed major governmental corruptions and scandals, or acted as whistleblowers have been threatened, silenced, or even killed. A real mafia‑like system now operates in the country—far worse than anything seen before. It feels dangerously similar (or can become worse) to the atmosphere that led to the 1971 tragedy.

How can a nation move forward when there is no law and order, when significant financial fraud happens one after another, and when politicians chase short‑term personal gain instead of protecting the country’s future? How can democracy survive when the judiciary is manipulated, when judicial freedom is weakened, and when the unitary nature and sovereignty of the nation are put at risk? This cannot continue.

Unless something changes soon, Sri Lanka may face an even deeper financial, unruly, and social collapse—possibly worse than what happened in Ethiopia’s economic crisis.

Senaka Weeraratna

Did you all know that consumption of Beef was forbidden in Japan, for over 1200 years? It was actively forbidden by the Buddhists and also the Hindu influence over Japanese philosophies, including Shintoism. Consumption was rare, stigmatized, and legally discouraged, rather than entirely nonexistent. If you consume, you’d be made to do penance for 100 days. Until 1872.

And then came Emperor Meji and along with him he brought the Meiji restoration. He decided to go hook line and sinker and ape the west. Emperor Meiji formally lifted the bans to promote modernization, Westernization, and better nutrition. The influence of Christians and Europeans on him will make for a separate post. But, in 1872 he made a royal decree allowing people to eat Beef, thus upturning centuries old law in Japan. This alienated the Buddhists so that about a dozen priests went to protest at his palace. Most of them were killed.

He publicly ate beef to encourage the population. This was 1872.

In 4 decades he died of Uremia. A toxic buildup of a significantly high proportion, related to high consumption of red meat.

Emperor Meiji had fifteen children, including five princes and ten princesses, but ten of them died of meningitis-like disease in their infancy. All three of Emperor Meiji’s children by his concubine Yanagiwara Naruko contracted meningitis during the first year of their lives, and their first two children died of the illness. Another of his concubines, Chigusa Kotoko, also gave birth to two daughters who died of meningitis in infancy. Bacterial meningitis is again a product of uncooked or undercooked beef.

Within a decade and a half of his passing the Beef decree, Japan became a colonial power and visited untold miseries on Korea and China. Approximately 14 million people died. About 4 million Japanese died.

Japan, for the first time in its history, was conquered by another country. It has, since, been a vassal state.

Of course, all this is unrelated to eating beef. Isn’t it? But what so disturbed the spirit of the land?

Source : Avi Das (Face Book)

https://www.facebook.com/avi.das1

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Colombo Dockyard PLC which is a subsidiary of Mazagon Shipyard of India and Sri Lankan marine engineering companies could benefit substantially from India’s planned shipbuilding component manufacturing expansion — but only if they reposition quickly from traditional repair-oriented activities into integrated regional supply-chain participation.

The Indian strategy is not merely about building ships. It is about creating a complete maritime industrial ecosystem similar to what HD Hyundai, Chinese yards, and Japanese shipbuilding groups developed over decades.

For Sri Lanka, the opportunity lies in becoming a specialized satellite maritime support hub rather than competing head-on with India’s massive industrial scale.

Possible strategic opportunities include:

1. Ship Repair and Lifecycle Support Hub

India’s shipbuilding growth will sharply increase demand for:

• dry docking,
• emergency repair,
• afloat repairs,
• retrofits,
• ballast water treatment upgrades,
• LNG and green fuel conversions.

Colombo Dockyard PLC already has regional credibility in:

• offshore support vessel repairs
• Cable laying vessels
• Green bulk carriers 
• naval vessels 
• floating dock operations.

Sri Lanka’s geographic advantage near the East-West shipping route remains valuable.Instead of competing with Indian new building yards, Colombo Dockyard can position itself as:

• the maintenance and retrofit yard” for Indian-built fleets operating in the Indian Ocean.

2. Subcontract Manufacturing for Indian Mega Yards

India’s policy aims to localize thousands of components, but large shipbuilding ecosystems initially face supply shortages and capacity bottlenecks.

Sri Lankan firms could manufacture:

• accommodation modules,
• pipe spools,
• cable trays,
• switchboards,
• steel outfit items,
• marine furniture,
• GRP products,
• deck machinery subassemblies,
• HVAC modules.
• Manholes etc 

This is exactly how smaller Asian economies integrated into Korean and Japanese shipbuilding supply chains.

Sri Lanka can become:

• a precision fabrication and modular assembly extension of Tamil Nadu shipyards.

3. Offshore and Energy Sector Expansion

If India expands:

• offshore wind,
• subsea pipelines,
• LNG terminals,
• offshore patrol fleets,
• and coastal infrastructure
• Oil rigs 

then demand for:

• support vessels,
• barges,
• fabrication yards,
• offshore engineering,
• and heavy steel construction
  will rise.

Sri Lanka could position:

• Trincomalee Harbour,
• Galle Harbour,
• and Hambantota Port
• Olivil port 

as complementary offshore engineering and logistics bases.

4. Maritime Technical Training Export

India’s shipbuilding boom may create labour shortages.

Sri Lanka has relatively strong:

• welding,
• marine electrical,
• machining,
• naval architecture,
• and ship repair skills.

Institutions such as:

• Ceynor Foundation Limited,
• vocational academies,like Fabweld 
• and private marine training centres

could train manpower for:

• Indian shipyards,
• Middle East offshore yards,
• and African maritime projects.

This may become a major foreign exchange earner.

5. Joint Ventures with Korean and Japanese Suppliers

Since HD Hyundai and other international players are expected to establish supplier ecosystems in India, Sri Lankan companies could seek:

• joint fabrication ventures,
• marine electronics assembly,
• specialized coatings,
• offshore fabrication partnerships.

Colombo Dockyard PLC already has Japanese ties through Onomichi Dockyard Co. Ltd., which can become strategically important.

6. Strategic Risk Sri Lanka Must Avoid

The biggest danger is remaining only:

• a ship repair location,
• or merely a port transshipment economy.

India is moving into:

• manufacturing,
• engineering,
• technology transfer,
• marine equipment,
• and industrial clustering.

If Sri Lanka delays:

• industrial zoning,
• maritime investment incentives,
• power reliability,
• customs modernization,
• and technical workforce expansion,

then regional marine manufacturing will migrate almost entirely to Tamil Nadu and Gujarat.

Strategic Recommendation

Sri Lanka should urgently develop:

• a Maritime Industrial Policy,
• marine component export zones,
• tax incentives for shipbuilding suppliers,
• and a Trincomalee marine engineering cluster.

A practical model would be:

• India = mass shipbuilding,
• Sri Lanka = repair, retrofit, specialized fabrication, offshore support, and skilled manpower.

That complementary approach is far more realistic and profitable than direct competition with India’s scale.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Ven. Ampitiye Sumanarathana Thero

පූජ්‍ය අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන නා හිමි. අමරපුර ශ්‍රී කළ්‍යාණිවංශික මහා නිකායේ මඩකලපුව – අම්පාර දෙදිසාවේ උප ප්‍රධාන සංඝනායක ශ්‍රී වාදීභසිංහ සිරි සුජාත ගෞරව ධර්ම කීර්ති ශ්‍රී සමාජ සේවා විභූෂණ විහාරාධිපති, ශ්‍රී මංගලාරාමය – මඩකලපුව, ශ්‍රී පන්ථාරාමය – සින්නවත්ත, ශ්‍රී සුධර්ශනාරාමය – රම්මුල්ල, ශ්‍රී අභිනවාරාමය – කෙවිළියාමඩුව රට ජාතිය බුදු සසුන වෙනුවෙන් සිදුකරනු ලබන අනුපමේය මෙහෙවරට ඔබටත් දායක විය හැක. අමතන්න 077 1791883 / 071 0479695 පූජ්‍ය අම්පිටියේ සුමනරතන නා හිමි.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera 

Sri Lanka–India Land Bridge: Opportunity or Strategic Risk?

The proposed India–Sri Lanka land bridge must be viewed not merely as an infrastructure project, but as a long-term strategic and geopolitical decision with deep political, social, demographic, and security implications for Sri Lanka.

At a time when Tamil Nadu politics is becoming increasingly assertive, Sri Lanka must proceed with extreme caution. The emergence of political figures such as Joseph Vijay, reportedly supported by influential Christian NGOs and regional nationalist groups, may create future pressures on Sri Lanka far beyond trade and connectivity.

Sri Lanka has already experienced how regional political waves from Tamil Nadu can influence domestic affairs. History reminds us how external political sympathy and ethnic politics affected Sri Lanka during difficult periods in the past.

While maintaining excellent relations with the Government of India and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Sri Lanka must distinguish between cooperation with New Delhi and pressures emerging from Tamil Nadu state politics.

Before even discussing a physical bridge, priority should be given to carefully negotiated maritime connectivity under India’s Sagarmala initiative, by developing Trincomalee together with regulated shipping, ferry services, energy cooperation, and port and offshore industry  development. 

A sea-based connection provides flexibility, control, and security without permanently altering Sri Lanka’s strategic vulnerability.

The example of Bahrain and the King Fahd Causeway also demonstrates that such links fundamentally reshape demographics, economics, labour movement, and political influence over time.

Sri Lanka must first complete comprehensive national security, environmental, economic, and demographic impact studies before committing to any irreversible land connection.

Bridges can unite economies — but they can also create dependencies and vulnerabilities if built without strategic foresight.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir

Violence has metastasized into humanity’s baseline condition. Yet international institutions remain paralyzed by vetoes and rivalry, offering hollow declarations while dehumanization becomes normalized. Coordinated action, not gestures, is desperately needed

Global violence today is metastasizing, not contained; over 180,000 violent events reported globally by the International Institute for Strategic Studies signal a world in which conflict has become a baseline condition rather than an exception. More than 130 armed conflicts now rage—over twice the number of 15 years ago—shattering infrastructure, tearing apart social fabric, and normalizing dehumanization as a political weapon. Women and children bear the brunt: hundreds of millions live within range of armed clashes, with millions of preventable deaths and lifelong trauma caused not only by bullets and bombs but by hunger, disease, and gender-based violence unleashed by war’s chaos.

Yet the UN system and the world’s democracies appear increasingly paralyzed—trapped in vetoes, geopolitical rivalries, and hollow declarations—offering gestures of concern rather than the coordinated, enforced accountability this modern plague of violence so desperately demands.

The global escalation of violence is a structural crisis rather than an aberration—one that reveals the failure of international institutions, exposing the normalization of suffering across political, economic, and societal dimensions. The proliferation of violence signals not just an increase in armed confrontations but a breakdown in the very mechanisms meant to constrain conflict, rendering dehumanization a routine tool of power, as demonstrated in the following.

The Philosophical Angle

Violence represents the collapse of legitimate political authority and the rise of impotence masquerading as force. Hannah Arendt’s foundational insight remains essential: Power and violence are opposites; where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course, it ends in power’s disappearance” (On Violence, 1970).

This speaks directly to today’s proliferation of conflicts, which indicate not state strength but institutional failure, where violence substitutes for the consent and legitimacy governments can no longer command. The resort to violence signals the exhaustion of political dialogue and the absence of legitimate power structures capable of resolving disputes.

Economic Disenfranchisement

Economic drivers are critical accelerants of contemporary violence through resource competition, commodity exploitation, and systemic inequality. Slavoj Žižek’s concept of systemic violence captures the pervasive economic roots: Therein resides the fundamental systemic violence of capitalism, much more uncanny than the direct pre-capitalist socio-ideological violence: this violence is no longer attributable to concrete individuals and their ‘evil’ intentions, but is purely ‘objective,’ systemic, anonymous.”

The greed-driven exploitation of natural resources—from diamonds in Sierra Leone to oil in Venezuela and cobalt and other conflict minerals in the Democratic Republic of Congo—finances rebellions and turns conflict into a profitable enterprise. Economic deprivation, geoeconomic confrontation through weaponized tariffs and sanctions, and commodity price shocks directly shape military capacity and conflict outcomes.

The Political Compulsion of Violence

Political violence emerges not merely from divergent interests but from the deliberate choice to pursue objectives through coercion rather than negotiation. The paralysis of the UNSC and democratic institutions reflects what Arendt identified as bureaucratic tyranny: In a fully developed bureaucracy, there is nobody left with whom one can argue, to whom one can present grievances, on whom the pressures of power can be exerted. … everybody is deprived of political freedom, of the power to act… where we are all equally powerless, we have a tyranny without a tyrant.”

This captures the international community’s inability to enforce accountability—vetoes and geopolitical rivalries create a structural void where violence thrives unchecked. Political fragility and weakening institutions, seen in Syria and Myanmar, make societies vulnerable to breakdown, radicalization, and violent dissent.

Societal Fragmentation

Societal conditions create climates where violence becomes normalized through inequality and the erosion of social cohesion. Thomas Hobbes’s bleak assessment of unconstrained human nature remains relevant: in the state of nature, the life of man [is] solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”  While Hobbes described a pre-political condition, his insight applies to societies where governance collapses and fear dominates, conditions now afflicting millions living within range of armed clashes.

Social norms that accept violence as conflict resolution, combined with economic inequalities and a lack of community participation, create environments where aggression flourishes. This normalizes dehumanization, where, as in Nigeria, Israel and South Africa, gendered violence, ethnic tensions, and historical grievances fuel recurring cycles of brutality.

Nationalism, Repression and State Complicity State-level factors amplifying violence include the failure to address ethnic marginalization, resource competition, and the absence of functional governance. Walter Benjamin warned of violence’s relationship to law and state power: There is no document of civilization which is not at the same time a document of barbarism” (On the Concept of History, 1940).

This observation underscores how national institutions perpetuate violence through their foundational structures and exclusionary practices. Nations repeatedly falling victim to civil and international wars demonstrate governments’ inability to recognize and address destabilizing issues like political, religious, or ethnic marginalization. The weaponization of state apparatus through totalitarian mobilization of violence destroys the very space where political thinking and resistance might occur, as demonstrated in China and Eritrea.

Religious Instrumentalization

Religion, when co-opted by political actors or stripped of its ethical core, becomes a potent catalyst for violence, sanctifying exclusion and legitimizing brutality. Sectarian divides—whether in the Middle East, South Asia, or parts of Africa—transform identity into a battlefield where compromise is heresy and annihilation becomes duty. René Girard’s insight is instructive: Religion shelters us from violence just as violence seeks shelter in religion.” When faith is manipulated to justify power or grievance, such as in India, Israel or Iraq, it ceases to restrain violence and instead consecrates it, deepening cycles of retribution and rendering conflicts existential rather than negotiable.

The convergence of these dimensions explains why violence has become a baseline condition rather than an exception. Several measures must be considered to de-escalate global violence. Although effecting change is extremely difficult, every effort must still be made, provided the public leads the charge through sustained protest, continuous advocacy, and relentless pressure on policymakers to enact change.

Reform UN Security Council Veto Power

Governments must constrain veto authority by restricting its use in cases involving genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Permanent members should abstain when directly involved, transforming the veto from obstruction into accountability and addressing institutional paralysis that enables unchecked violence.

Establish Functional Early Warning Systems International bodies should implement systems linking detection to preventive action, closing the warning-response gap. These must integrate predictive analytics, local expertise, and cross-border coordination to anticipate violence months before eruption, enabling timely diplomatic and humanitarian intervention.

Address Economic Inequality and Insecurity Governments should implement policies that reduce income inequality—including wage increases, tax reform, and financial assistance—aimed at addressing violence triggers. Targeted lending, job creation, and redistributive policies alleviate financial strain that fuels conflict and crime, making structural prevention more effective than reactive measures.

____________

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is President of the Institute for Humanitarian Conflict Resolution.

alon@alonben-meir.com                                                                                                              

Web: www.alonben-meir.com

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from April 26, 2026

Below is the last paragraph of Part III published eleven days ago:

Be that as it may, his (i.e., president Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s)  efforts are apparently expended on appeasing the handful of racist Tamil separatists and the few religious extremists hiding safely in plain sight, taking refuge within the larger peaceful Tamil, Catholic, and Muslim mainstream minority communities. The latent resurgence of political (Tamil separatist) and religio-political (Catholic and Islamist) extremism has become a complex social, political, and security issue for the Sinhalese Buddhist majority Sri Lankan state. This problem gets more complicated by the interventionist attention that is focused into its internal affairs by competing global and regional superpowers in the geostrategically supersensitive Indo-Pacific, where Sri Lanka is located, especially by the powerful Western countries that have taken in large Tamil diaspora populations. The Buddhist majority community is not totally free from its own variety of extremists. The agitating monk activists like Balangoda Kassapa Thero and Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara Thero who criticise the Walk for Peace having misunderstood its genuine purpose, are examples; they are doing a great disservice to the genuine causes they are trying to bravely champion. 

Part IV begins here:

The egregious attempt to link the nationalist political leaders and some prominent members of the defence forces who served under them to the horrific Easter Sunday suicide bombings carried out by IS Jihadists in 2019 (as established by the American Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI)I, the Australian Federal Police (AFP), and the British Scotland Yard/Metropolitan Police, and by Sri Lanka’s own Intelligence services) is based on some alleged exposures made by a shady character/in fact, an absconding wanted criminal suspect evading justice in his home country Sri Lanka according to social media sources called Hanzeer Azad Maulana, to the British Channel 4 TV. (The director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of Sri Lanka Police Department Shani Abeyesekera was reported to have gone to France to meet with Azad Maulana, who is alleged to be actually living in Switzerland at present seeking political asylum there; Abeysekera’s intention is said to be to get Maulan’s assistance with his plan to indict the Rajapaksas in connection with the Easter Sunday bombings).

 Now, the British Channel 4, though publicly owned, receives no public funding and therefore, is required to earn its revenue through its commercial activities. As is well-known, one of the ways it earns income is by commissioning, producing, and broadcasting fake documentaries for high-paying clients. To mention a few examples that AI provides for this: Ghostwatch (1992), Brass Eye (1997-2001), A Very British UFO Hoax (2003), Accused: The Hampstead Paedophile (2015) and Will AI Take My Job? (2025). 

Sri Lanka has been at the receiving end of Channel 4’s engagement in its disinformation business. Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields (June 2011) and its follow-up, Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields: War Crimes Unpunished (March 2012) were flaunted at the time as ‘award winning investigations’ produced by the British ITN Productions  for Channel 4 TV. Watching Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields in June 2011 broadcast in Australia by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) on its Four Corners programme, I at once realized that it was a collage of stock footage and news reels depicting purposely acted out scenes supporting Channel 4’s made-up story of alleged Sri Lankan Army atrocities against captured Tamil rebels and innocent Tamil civilians. These films were carefully analysed by Sri Lankan IT experts and revealed to be fakes concocted with the assistance of lying Tamil economic refugees seeking asylum in the West after the military defeat of the separatist movement in Sri Lanka in 2009. 

Channel 4  aired a documentary film entitled ‘Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings: Dispatches’ as an episode of a long running, so-called investigative series, featuring the above named Azad Hanzeer Maulana on September 5, 2023. Maulana was presented there as a whistleblower (Never mind, he was more than four years too late, for whistleblowing in this case). He had served as spokesman for Sivanesaturei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyaaan, a former rebel child soldier turned politician, who later became the leader of the Tamil Makkhal Vidutalai Puligal party.  Maulana was depicted as exposing high level complicity in the 2019 Easter Easter Sunday bombings, based on his prior active association with Pilleyaan. In the 2023 Channel 4 (pseudo)documentary, Maulana implicated high-ranking Sri Lankan officials in the heinous crime by claiming that they were participating in a plot to create instability in the country prior to the November 2019 presidential election  and facilitate the return of the Rajapaksa family to power.

But, at the time of the Easter Sunday bombings in 2019, Pilleyaan was in prison because he had been arrested in October 2015 in connection with the 2005 murder of former Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP for Batticaloa, Joseph Pararajasingham. Pilleyaan was in prison from October, 2015 to November 2020 under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). So there was no way he could have gotten involved in the Easter Sunday bombings plot in order to facilitate the Rajapaksas’ return to power in November 2019 (in the form of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election as president). 

The reason for GR to be targeted by anti-nationalists (nostalgically harking back to the successful 2015 regime change plot) is not far to seek in my opinion. He played a decisive role in defeating Tamil separatist terrorism, and has earned the wrath of the unforgiving Eelamists. They believed that the executive presidency was the greatest obstacle to their separatist project. The final goal of Kumar David, the proponent of the ‘single issue common candidate’ platform for the 2015 regime change presidential election, was the complete abolition of the executive presidential system, as stated before. He had arbitrarily decided that the executive presidential system centralized power in the president. 

The immediate objective that he suggested was for the common candidate to win the election and soon after to abolish the executive presidential system and just ‘go home’! He wanted to unify the divided opposition against the Rajapaksas whom he hated. To this end, KD insisted that there should be no departure from the course he had proposed and that it should be included in the election manifesto of the opposition coalition, the New Democratic Front (the NDF led by Ranil Wickremasinghe’s United National Party) that fielded Maithripala Sirisena against the then incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa, leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Apparently, KD was not taken seriously at that point; so he wanted others who shared his insistence on the abolition of the executive presidency to withdraw support for Sirisena in 2014 (which obviously, did not affect the final election result that went in favour of the latter).  

To return to president Anura Kumara Dissanayake wooing the Catholic Church, he, as stated at the beginning, extended an official invitation to Pope Leo XIV, Pope Francis’s successor, to visit Sri Lanka, presumably on a date that suits the latter. Incidentally, Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher, the Vatican Secretary for Relations with States, visited Sri Lanka in November 2025 to mark the 50th anniversary of the formalization of diplomatic relations between it and the Holy See. He met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya on November 4, 2025. They discussed their common purpose to reinforce cooperation between Sri Lanka and the Holy See as sovereign states. The Vatican Secretary conveyed Pope Leo’s intention to visit Sri Lanka. So, president Dissanayake’s invitation was probably in response to that papal wish. On the 2025 visit, Archbishop Gallagher visited St. Anthony’s Shrine in Kochchikade, which was one of the sites of  the 2019 Easter Sunday suicide bombings, and celebrated a Solemn  Mass of Thanksgiving at St. Lucia Cathedral in Kotahena, Colombo. 

There have been only three papal visits to Sri Lanka since then, and all three after 1970, in which year the United Left Front (ULF) coalition led by Mme Sirimavo Bandaranaike, having won a landslide electoral victory, formed a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution, and subsequently proclaimed the country a republic in May 1972: the first visit was  by Pope Paul VI in December 1970, the second by Pope John Paul II in January 1995, two months into the first term of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency, after seventeen years of UNP rule, and the third by Pope Francis in January 2015, soon after  Maithripala Sirisena’s swearing in as president. The Republican Constitution introduced in 1972 replaced the previous Soulbury Constitution, the legal framework which had established a British model based parliamentary system of government with its bicameral legislature (House of Representatives and Senate) and its institution of a Prime Minister who was responsible to Parliament and who headed the executive, while the monarch served as the ceremonial head of state; the Soulbury constitution had also provided special safeguards for minorities through its Section 29. 

The Soulbury Constitution remained operative from 1948 until it was replaced in 1972. Its replacement must have been viewed with concern by the minorities. A lasting hangover of discontent among minority groups with the republican change of 1972 seems to have persisted to this day. While the majority Sinhalese Buddhist community saw the change as an affirmation of total independence from British colonial rule for all  the communities, certain racial and religious minorities, usually under the influence of opportunistic politicians, tended to interpret it as the beginning of an era of discrimination against them by the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, leading to an erosion of their human rights. Heads of state elected from the left of centre nationalist camp, of necessity, because of or despite the country’s constitutional guarantee of the foremost place for Buddhism (Article 9) without prejudice to the rights of other religions, have always made a special attempt to reassure the  successive Popes that Sri Lanka is firmly committed to look after its Catholic community without any discrimination; they have also adopted a similarly peaceable, even dovish, diplomatic approach towards global Hindu and Muslim states. 

After Pope Paul VI visited Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in 1970 at the beginning of the United Left Front government of Mme Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the country established diplomatic relations with the Holy See in September 1975. Following Pope John Paul II’s visit in 1995, President Mahinda Rajapaksa met Pope Benedict XVI at the Vatican in June 2012 and received his counsel about post-war reconciliation and shared his positive view of the local Catholic community’s role in national development.. Pope Francis’s visit in January 2015 coincided with the inauguration of president Maithripala Sirisena, heading the Yahapalana administration that resulted from the 2015 regime change effected through external intervention, as generally held by informed political observers. 

Sirisena had decamped from his long-time colleague and leader Mahinda Rajapaksa’s United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), but soon returned to assume its leadership, and lure Rajapaksa to be his ally in order to win the parliamentary election, but, in a lowly below the belt act of betrayal, vowed not to give him premiership even if the UPFA were to win the largest number of seats in the then imminent parliamentary election; Sirisena played this trump card of his in an election eve speech when the time allocated for electioneering had expired. In another wily stratagem (probably thought up by the external regime changers) in 2018, Sirisena severed the UPFA from the so-called unity or national government of the Yahapalanaya, which allowed it to run its dysfunctional course to the end. 

No amount of disinformation and misinformation can change the fact that the Yahapalana authorities failed to prevent the deadly Easter Sunday suicide bombings staged by Islamist jihadists just six months before that eventhough prior warnings including names of specific individuals and places, and times from foreign and local intelligence sources had been received well in advance.   

The 2005-2015 decade saw exceptionally rapid overall development of the country despite the ravages of separatist terrorism and the undermining efforts of oppositional saboteurs. Sri Lanka successfully transitioned to a lower-middle-income country status around 2010, and by 2014, it was actively pursuing the goal of reaching the upper-middle-income status following robust growth, with the economy growing at an average of 6%-7.4% (based on World Bank figures) following the end of the civil conflict in 2009. The economic surge was driven by construction services and industrial shifts. The end of the 30 year insurgency was soon followed by sure signs of increasing income and improving infra structure, leading to significant poverty  alleviation. Unfortunately, the main architects of that comprehensive national development, the Rajapaksas then at the helm, indulged in naive dynastic politics and nepotism, and apparent soft-pedaling on corruption by cronies and became easy prey to global hegemonic powers that identified them as inimical to their geopolitical agendas. 

From pre-historic times, Sri Lanka’s geographical location in the Indian Ocean has been the most decisive factor in shaping its economy, culture, and politics. For about two thousand years it acted as a vital trade hub on the maritime Silk Road, connecting China, India, Persia, Egypt, and even Rome. Just as Sri Lanka faced seventeen invasions from South India over that long period, which she defeated, she survived the depredations of three mercantile nations from Europe during the last five centuries. Lingering apparitions of those  ancient demonic powers are forming a coalition of destabilizing fifth columnists in the form of racist Tamil separatists and Christian and Islamic religio-political extremists arraigned against the  island state located at a strategic point in the Indian Ocean re-named by the powers that be as the Indo-Pacific; the new name signifies a major geopolitical shift linking the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans into a single strategic maritime system in order to contain the rising China.

Continued

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Palm leaf manuscripts   have been in existence in Sri Lanka from the ancient period onwards. The two oldest palm-leaf manuscripts found in Sri Lanka today are the Cullavagga Pālimanuscript of the H.C.P. Bell collection, which is held at the Library of the National Museum, Colombo, and the Mahavagga Pāli manuscript in the University of Kelaniya collection. Photocopies of both are available at the Library of the University of Peradeniya.  Both are dated to 13 century. Cullavagga manuscript has wooden covers richly decorated in lac with a design of flowers and foliage.

 Karmmavibhāga

However, the oldest known Sinhala palm leaf manuscript in the world, is the Karmmavibhāga which wasfound in a Tibet monastery in 1936 by the Indian   scholar   Rahul Sankrityayan. Rahul Sankrityayan, (1893–1963) former Kedarnath Pandey, was  an Indian polymath, who searched out rare Buddhist manuscripts on his travels abroad.   Sankrityayan visited Sri Lanka as well. Vidyalankara Pirivena is mentioned.

Sankrityayan  visited Tibet several times to collect manuscripts from the Buddhist monasteries there. In May 1936 on his second visit to Tibet Sankrityayanvisited the Sa-skya monastery.  The Chag-pe-lha-khang Library in this monastery was specially opened for Sankrityayan

He stated in his autobiography that when the clouds of dust which greeted this rare opening of its doors had subsided, they beheld rows of open racks where volume on volume of manuscripts were kept.  After rummaging around, I came across palm-leaf manuscripts. They were not wrapped in cloth, but were tied between two wooden planks with holes through them.”    Sankrityayan found several important manuscripts he had been looking for, in that collection.

Sankrityayan catalogued fifty-seven manuscripts bound in thirty-eight volumes. The thirty-seventh volume was written in the Sinhala script. Sankrityayanrecords that this volume contained ninety-seven palm- leaves each of which measured 18 1/4 by 1 1/4 in. (46 x 3 cm.) and that there were seven lines of writing on each folio. 

According to Sankrityayan, these Sinhala texts originally belonged to a Sri Lankan monk called Anantaśrî who had come to Tibet in the time of Śrî Kîrttidhvaja (Kirti Sri Rajasinha).  Analysts noted that Sankrityayan does not give the source of this information and the manuscript makes no mention of Anantaśrî.

Sankrityayan had taken with him to Tibet, one Abeyasinghe, (Abhayasimha) to help him with copying manuscripts. They made hand-copies of the important manuscripts. Abhayasimha hadcopied about 250 to 350 strophes each day. But Abeyasinghe   fell ill due to the extreme cold and was sent home in June. Abeyasinghe had written letters home during his stay in Tibet.

Photographs of the manuscripts found during Sankrityayan’s expeditions in Tibet are preserved at the National Archives in Colombo. There is also a  copy in Vidyalankara pirivena library   The Historical Manuscripts Commission In its 1960/1961 report, drew attention to this manuscript, known as Sa-skya Codex, describing it as “a unique document.” (Annual Report of the Government Archivist 1960/61, 1963)

Sinhala scholar P.E.E. Fernando examined photographs of the Sa-skya Codex at the request of the Historical Manuscripts Commission and assigned it to the 13th century. The Historical Manuscripts Commission, dated it to either twelfth or the thirteenth century.

The Historical Manuscripts Commission observed that this manuscript was of great value for the study of the development of the Sinhala script. Ven.Meda Uyangoda Vimalakîrtti and Nähinne Sominda in their edition of the Karmmavibhāga published in 1961 agreed that the Sa-skya Codex represented an early stage in the evolution of the Sinhala language.

Mahavamsa 

 Mahavamsa   is   considered a unique historical document. There is nothing like it in South Asia, and probably all Asia,  with the exception of China. Mahavamsa provides a historical account of events, with emphasis on chronology and dating. This, it appears, was rare at the time.

However, Mahavamsa is not a political history, though that is the popular perception of the Mahavamsa. It is a religious history. It was written to record the introduction and entrenchment of Buddhism in the country. Other Buddhist countries, such as Cambodia, Burma and Thailand value the Mahavamsa for this reason. They held copies of the Mahavamsa and    used events from it in their temple frescoes.

But Mahavamsa is also an important reference source for reconstructing the political history of  Sri Lanka. Political and social facts   are included   in the Mahavamsa narrative when describing religious events, and this makes the Mahavamsa important for historians. This tradition of history writing, beginning with the earlier Sihala Attakatha and Dipawamsa, it is suggested, started in   Sri Lanka in 2^nd or 3^rd BC.

Today, the Mahavamsa has become a major source of historical information, not only for dating kings, temples and reservoirs, but also for reconstructing  ancient Sinhala society. The fact that Kuveni was seated beside a pond, spinning thread has been used to indicate that there was water management and textiles long before Vijaya arrived.  Dutugemunu (161-137 BC) paid a salary to the workers building the Maha Thupa. This shows that money was used at the time.

Copies of the Mahavamsa have been treasured and looked after in Sri Lanka   for centuries. They have been copied over and over again. The manuscripts were held in temple libraries because the subject of the Mahavamsa was the entrenchment of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.

The Mahavamsa manuscripts did not pop up suddenly during British rule as people seem to think. The British did not ‘discover’ the Mahavamsa. It was there.  When the British administration started to take in interest in the history of the island, the sangha would have   directed them to the Mahavamsa, in the same way that they directed HCP Bell to the ruins in Anuradhapura and the Sigiriya frescoes.  HCP Bell did not discover those either.

The British administrators saw the value of the Mahavamsa and copies were sent to libraries abroad. The Bodleian library, Oxford has a well preserved Mahavamsa manuscript, taken from Mulkirigala, which Turner used for his translation.  Cambridge has two Mahavamsa manuscripts.  The two copies at India Office library, and the copy in East India Library  are probably in the British Library today. The Royal Library, Copenhagen, has a copy, consisting of 129 sheets, 12 lines to a leaf, written in good handwriting.

In Sri Lanka there are several copies of the Mahavamsa in the Colombo Museum Library. One copy, known as the ‘Cambodian Mahavamsa ‘is in Cambodian script.  University of Peradeniya has at least three copies.

It is interesting to note that the Mahavamsa was known to the Sinhala elite and some had copies in their private libraries. The Historical Manuscripts Commission of the 1930s said in its first report that five copies of the Mahavamsa and a 19^th century copy of the Dipawamsa   were found in private collections.

The temple libraries had many copies of the Mahavamsa. some were of very high quality.  Wilhelm Geiger had looked at the copies held at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara and Mulkirigala vihara. Asgiriya, Nagolla Vihara and Watagedera Sudarmarama Potgul vihara, Matara, are three of the many libraries that held copies of the Mahavamsa.

Sirancee Gunawardene examined the copy at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara, very closely. She says that it is   a very old manuscript.  According to its colophon the manuscript    was first copied 400 years ago.  It is in very good state of preservation.  It has 232 folios. Each 50 cm long 6.25 wide. Nine lines on each side, in Pali metric verse.

 The writer of the manuscripts said that   his version was an improvement on the copy. He wrote, I will recite the Mahavamsa which was compiled by ancient sages. [their version] was too long  and had many repetitions. This version is free from such faults, easy to understand and remember.  It is handed down from tradition,   for arousing serene joy and emotion’ .

 The Mahamanthinda manuscript records the continuous history of 23 dynasties from 543 BC to 1758 AD. It refers to the principle of hereditary monarchy as 39 eldest sons of reining monarch succeeded their fathers to the throne.  It highlights the fact that fifteen reigned only for one year, 34 for less than four years, 22 kings were murdered by their successors, 6 were killed during battles, 4 committee suicide, 11 were dethroned.   

  Mahawansa as a World Heritage document

An ola manuscript of the Mahavamsa, held in the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya     has been recognized by UNESCO as a part of World Heritage. UNESCO announced In 2023 that it has included the Mahavamsa” as one of the 64 items of documentary heritage inscribed in the UNESCO’s Memory of the World International Register for 2023. The manuscript is dated to the early 19 century.

The certificate declaring the Mahawansa as a world heritage document was handed to Chancellor of Peradeniya University by UNESCO Director General, who visited the University in 2024 specially to do so. She also unveiled a plaque marking the declaration 

The story began much earlier.  The National Library of Sri Lanka and the Ministry of Buddha Sasana had jointly appointed a 6-member committee headed by Prof Malani Endagamage, to find the best preserved copy of the Mahavamsa in Sri Lanka. This would have been in 2000 or so. For two years, this team had examined copies from over 100 temples nation wide.

Temples around the country yielded copies, crumbling to well-preserved, reported Sunday Times. There was one from the Ridi Vihara that almost made the cut, but four other copies were short listed. One from the Dalada Maligawa, Kandy and three manuscripts from the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya.  Three academics from the University’s History Department, Professors K.M. Rohitha Dasanayaka, Mahinda Somathilake and U.S.Y. Sahan Mahesh examined the three Peradeniya manuscripts

Dasanayaka said, We poured over the copies together, and it became clear that one copy stood out. While the other two had numerous inconsistencies, this one, written in a curvy hand, was neat and beautiful. After more than two centuries, the manuscript was still very attractive, with a ‘flaming cinnamon orange’ cover and elegant lettering.

The first section of the manuscript ends with Mahasen (274–301 AD), written by the monk Mahanama. The second part ends at 1815. The author is given as Ven. Thibbotuwawe Buddharakkhita but   he was dead by 1815. The final part was probably done by an acolyte. He has done a very neat job, seamlessly adding his bit, concluded Dasanayake.

This manuscript was acquired by the Library of University of Peradeniya when K. D. Somadasa, was the Librarian (1964 – 1970).   It is held in the Main Library and its Accession Number is 277587.

The unique ola manuscript. Pix by Indika Handuwala ( Sunday Times)

National Library & Documentation Services Board of Sri Lanka, which administers the National Library of Sri Lanka   submitted a nomination to UNESCO on behalf of this manuscript. The National Library acts as the focal point of the UNESCO Memory of the World Programme     for Sri Lanka.  UNESCO responded positively to the application.

UNESCO said the Mahavamsa was recognized as one of the world’s longest unbroken historical accounts, presenting Sri Lanka’s history in a chronological order from the 6th century BCE. The authenticity of the facts provided in the document has been confirmed through archaeological research conducted in Sri Lanka and India.

It is an important historical source in South Asia, said UNESCO.  It was the first of its kind in South Asia, initiating a mature historiographical tradition. It has contributed singularly to the identity of Emperor Asoka in Indian history. The existence of a number of manuscripts of the Mahavamsa in several countries as well as the transliteration and translation of the text to several Southeast Asian and European languages stand testimony to its immense historical, cultural, literal, linguistic and scholarly values, . UNESCO press release said.

Further, UNESCO found that this   manuscript was correctly conserved at the University Library. The university and its library maintained high standards in safeguarding the palm-leaf manuscripts, preventing deterioration, declared UNESCO.  (continued)

REFERENCES

@Frdavidgierlach1272

Senaka Weeraratna

The Animal Welfare Bill proposed by the Law Commission in 2006 (and verbatim reproduced in the Private Members Bill tabled by Ven. Athureliya Rathana Thera, in Parliament, in October 2010) has been hijacked by the Meat Trade and its collaborators and converted into an Animal Welfare Bill (2022) protecting not the innocent animals but the interests of the Poultry and Meat trade, and those who use live Animals in totally unnecessary experiments despite the availability of viable non-violent and harmless suitable alternatives. 

The Animal Welfare Bill (2006) introduced a robust legal framework and powers for protecting all animals. It was destined to become an International Gold Standard at least for countries in Asia. How we treat animals, and the legislation we must have to govern animal welfare, is a hallmark of a civilized society. Animals have always enjoyed a high priority status in our pre-colonial civilization running for over 2, 500 years. That has always been a source of pride for this nation and drew a lot of respect from the neighbouring countries in South Asia and Southeast Asia. 

In ancient times the inhabitants of Sri Lanka i.e., the Buddhist Sinhalese, were called the ‘Arya Vamsa’ (people of noble character) because of our caring and compassionate attitudes towards non–human living beings. This hallowed tradition should be continued. Today, we should be constantly looking to improve and refine our legislation in the area of animal welfare. It is a moral duty. The Animal Welfare Bill of Sri Lanka (2022) with its inhumane and draconian amendments enshrines ‘Cruelty’ within a facade of a legal framework. It is a retrograde step. A slur on Sri Lanka’s image. It must not be enacted in Parliament. 

Mr. Senaka Weeraratna LLB (Ceylon), LLM (Monash), Barrister and Solicitor (Victoria), Attorney-at-Law, Former Honorary Legal Consultant to the Sri Lanka Law Commission on Animal Welfare Legislation (2000 – 2006)

 Drafted first draft of the Animal Welfare Bill for Members of the Law Commission and steered the drafting process until its finalization in 2006

By Sarath Obeysekera

The renewed call by India’s High Commissioner to fast-track a land bridge between Sri Lanka and India has reignited an important national debate. 

There are serious concerns inside Sri Lanka, even hinted in public reactions and past debates:

1. Sovereignty & security concerns

• Fear of uncontrolled movement of people and goods
• Customs, immigration, and law enforcement challenges  

2. Economic imbalance

• Risk Sri Lanka becomes:
  • A satellite economy
  • Or overwhelmed by Indian labour and goods

3. Social & political resistance

• Historically, Sri Lankan leaders have rejected or delayed the idea due to public opposition  

The proposal to physically connect the two countries across the Palk Strait is undoubtedly bold, transformative, and economically attractive at first glance. However, Sri Lanka must approach this proposition with strategic clarity rather than emotional enthusiasm.

There is no doubt that Sri Lanka stands to benefit from deeper economic engagement with India. As our largest trading partner, a leading investor, and the primary source of tourists, India already plays a critical role in our economy. Enhanced connectivity—whether through trade, energy, or logistics—can accelerate growth and bring much-needed investment.

But the key question is not whether Sri Lanka should integrate with India. The real question is how.

A fixed land bridge fundamentally alters the nature of connectivity. Unlike maritime links, which Sri Lanka has historically leveraged to its advantage, a physical bridge removes the natural buffer provided by the sea. It creates a permanent, high-capacity corridor that may expose Sri Lanka to economic, social, and political pressures that are difficult to manage.

The asymmetry between the two nations cannot be ignored. India, with its vast population and industrial base, could easily overwhelm local industries if adequate safeguards are not in place. A land link may also complicate border control, increase regulatory challenges, and heighten concerns over uncontrolled movement of goods and people.

More importantly, the political dimension must be carefully considered. Regional dynamics, particularly in Tamil Nadu, have historically influenced Sri Lanka’s internal affairs. During election cycles, external political pressures can intensify. A direct land connection could amplify these dynamics, reducing Sri Lanka’s strategic insulation and increasing its vulnerability.

 Recent results of Tamil Nadu election should be carefully considered 

This does not mean Sri Lanka should reject connectivity with India. On the contrary, the country should actively pursue deeper integration—but through a model that preserves control and flexibility.

A sea-based connectivity framework offers a more balanced alternative. Strengthening ferry services, Ro-Ro shipping, and energy linkages can deliver many of the same economic benefits without the irreversible consequences of a land bridge. In this context, the development of Trincomalee as a regional energy and industrial hub becomes critically important. Positioned strategically, Trincomalee can serve as a controlled gateway for India–Sri Lanka economic cooperation, enabling trade, investment, and energy security while maintaining national autonomy.

Sri Lanka’s long-term strength lies in its maritime identity. Located along one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, the island has the potential to become a leading logistics, marine services, and industrial hub. Any decision that shifts focus away from this natural advantage must be carefully evaluated.

The proposed land bridge is not merely an infrastructure project. It is a strategic choice that will shape Sri Lanka’s economic model, geopolitical alignment, and national security framework for decades to come.

Therefore, the way forward is clear: Sri Lanka should not rush into a decision. Instead, it should prioritise controlled, phased, and sea-based integration with India, anchored around the development of Trincomalee and other maritime assets

Thus is why Trincomalee marine and offshore development is more important than road link 

Connectivity is essential. But it must be designed in a way that strengthens—not compromises—Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, resilience, and long-term strategic interests.

https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/India-Sri-Lanka-land-bridge-time-for-wavering-over-Indian-envoy/108-339494

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Source: Al Hakam, London.

In 2026, the United States reached a new turning point that revealed this cycle in real time: federal interest payments on public debt surpassed defence spending for the first time in American history. According to the US Treasury Department’s Quarterly Statement (Q1 FY2026), net interest payments reached $270.3 billion, exceeding the Pentagon’s $266.9 billion spent in the same quarter. 

On an annual basis, this equals around $1.04 trillion a year. It’s higher than America’s entire 2025 defence budget, which stood at roughly $839 billion before the current conflict, per the Congressional Budget Office (CBO, 2025 baseline). In effect, the US now pays nearly $3 billion per day just to service existing debt. When such levels become unsustainable under peacetime budgets, war increasingly serves as an instrument to justify further borrowing.

Interest-based debt doesn’t just fund wars it structurally requires them. When debt grows faster than production, the economy must always find new areas to absorb that excess borrowing.

The interest trap: How compound debt forces perpetual growth

Modern financial systems are built on compound interest debts that grow continuously even without new productivity. To visualise this, consider a simple scenario: if the US borrows $200 billion at 4% interest to finance a war, the annual interest bill alone is $8 billion. Over 30 years, total repayments have risen to around $440 billion, more than doubling the original loan. This exponential expansion echoes what Albert Einstein famously described when he referred to compound interest as the eighth wonder of the world”, highlighting its extraordinary power to generate growth far beyond what seems naturally possible.

Full Story: https://www.alhakam.org/how-interest-fuels-war-us-iran-conflict-case-study

By Sena Thoradeniya

Introduction

The alleged suicide of an Assistant Director in the Treasury, linked to the US $2.2 million cyber fraud, has ignited a storm of conspiracy theories. For more than two weeks these theories have circulated widely in the public domain, amplified daily by social media and reinforced by criticisms from opposition political parties.

The autopsy or the judicial postmortem examination, conducted by four regional” Judicial Medical Officers (JMOs), reportedly handpicked by ruling party panjandrums, has only deepened suspicion. Opposition politicians and social media activists allege that all four JMOs are either JVP cadres or NPP sympathizers. The panel members submitted their report within 24 hours, as they were guided by the divine wisdom of Lord Ganesh (Ganadevi Nuwana), who bestowed upon them his intelligence. In other words, they are the children of Greek Goddess Athena who judged a weaving contest in the myth, weaving a story to please their masters.  Serious doubts have been raised regarding their qualifications, training and experience. Rather than quelling doubts, their findings have poured fuel on the fire. They concluded that the injuries were self-inflicted and the death was due to suicide. Majority of the people have outrightly rejected the story, claiming it violates basic principles of forensic medicine.

Against this backdrop, Shiral Lakthilake, Attorney-at-Law, former Yahapalanist and NGO bigwig, a member of Dinana Dakuna” (Winning Right), at a press briefing called for a psychological autopsy. According to a news item he argued that while forensic medical officers declared the death a suicide, a psychological autopsy could provide deeper insight into the deceased’s mental state and circumstances.

Calling for a psychological autopsy instead of demanding a fresh physical autopsy by internationally recognized forensic experts, at this juncture appears illogical, an exercise more academic and cosmetic than practical. This writer views this in the prevailing political climate as a theoretical diversionary tactic, – an attempt to deflect mounting opposition pressure on the government. If Sri Lanka lacks the necessary expertise to conduct a physical autopsy, he should suggest inviting specialists from abroad. 

In my view, this proposal is nothing more than an attempt to wrest attention from the Free Lawyers” – water down their achievements –  who first exposed the scandal and who continue to wage an unyielding struggle against the Minister of Finance, Secretary- Finance, Governor of the Central Bank and other power-holders. This amplifies the contrast between the opportunism of the proposal and the principled stand of the Free Lawyers”.

Readers are reminded that in this situation, we are ready to camp even with the devil rather than with the peddlers of impractical theories.

Yet most of the public remains unfamiliar with the very concept of a psychological autopsy. Colleagues, friends, and readers have asked us to explain what it means. I must clarify: I am neither a lawyer, nor a medical professional, nor a psychoanalyst, nor even a social worker with experience in suicide prevention. My reflections here are based on common knowledge and reasoning beyond my usual realm of writing. To ensure a more scientific perspective, to gain insights in its theoretical aspects and methodology I consulted AI to shape this discussion. I found that the methodologies are largely similar to those employed in social science research, an area in which I possess not only familiarity, but teaching and practical experience.

What is a Psychological Autopsy?

A psychological autopsy is a post‑mortem method used to recreate the mental state, behaviour, and conditions of a deceased person prior to the death. It is often used in cases where the cause of death is uncertain, usually to clarify whether the death was suicide, accidental, or otherwise or where suicide is suspected but not established conclusively. It is not a physical examination of the body as the term denotes. It is conducted after the person has died, by gathering information from records and interviews with relatives, friends, and I add with peers, subordinates and superiors in the organization the deceased worked or in rather complex cases with outside stakeholders. So, it drastically differs from a medical autopsy.

The goal of a psychological autopsy is to reconstruct the psychological profile of the deceased, offering insight into whythe death occurred.

In Sri Lanka, however, the concept remains largely unfamiliar. It is not an alternative to a disputed physical autopsy – cannot replace forensic medicine. The public has little knowledge of its scope, methodology, benefits or limitations. It can only complement a physical autopsy by addressing the human and psychological dimensions of death.

It is not on record that Sri Lanka has conducted psychological autopsy studies, except investigating suicides (2008). This study concluded that alcohol abuse and domestic violence were major contributing factors of suicides

The writer remembers a medical doctor who devoted his research to examine the patterns and circumstances of drowning deaths in Sri Lanka.

 This writer when he was writing his award-winning novel Bandara Meroo Un” (2014), studied these drowning patterns. The protagonist of the novel – an internationally renowned artist- dies mysteriously drowning in the River Mahaveli. The Judicial Medical Officer, who himself a researcher in drowning deaths, who conducts the autopsy makes a valiant attempt to trace a copy of a novel written by the artist, now long out of print. His search succeeds with the aid of the mysterious Dark Lady, the muse who inspired the artist to complete the second part of that work.

Whether this search amounts to a psychological autopsy; whether it is forensic inquiry or literary reconstruction or the recovery of artistic memory remains uncertain.

Findings and conclusions of a psychological autopsy can be easily dismissed much like those of any other social science research, underscoring the perceived lack of reliability of sources, methodologies employed, reporting etc. interviewees forgetting or misinterpreting events, not disclosing sensitive information.

Fundamental Questions Surrounding a Psychological Autopsy as Raised by a Non-expert

The proposal to conduct a psychological autopsy raises more questions than answers. Before such an exercise can be taken seriously, several fundamental issues must be addressed:

• Who will conduct it? Do the proposed investigators possess the necessary qualifications, expertise, and experience in forensic psychology and psychiatry?
• Will the authorities permit it? Will the President, Minister of Finance, Secretary, and others in the highest echelons of power allow such an inquiry to proceed without interference?
• Access to evidence: Will investigators be granted permission to interview colleagues, subordinates and superiors at the workplace, examine diaries, letters, and digital communications, and reconstruct the deceased’s psychological profile?
• Timeframe: How long will such an investigation take, and will it be conducted urgently?
• Reporting: To whom will the findings be presented—Parliament, the judiciary, or the public?
• Impact: What will be the outcome? Will it challenge the conclusions of the physical autopsy already conducted?
• Possibility of alternative conclusions: Could it establish that the death was not suicide but homicide? If so, who are the culprits, and how will they be identified and brought to justice?

These questions highlight the complexity of introducing a psychological autopsy into a politically charged environment. Without clear answers, the exercise risks becoming yet another diversion rather than a credible route to seek truth.

Assumptions and Constraints

• Let us assume, for argument’s sake, that the family of the deceased grants full cooperation: allowing investigators to interview closest relatives and friends, providing access to his medical records, mental illness, drugs taken, suicide notes, diaries, letters, social media content, and disclosing whether he ever displayed suicidal tendencies. They might divulge details of his behavioral patterns, temperament, emotional state, attitudes, perceptions, religiosity, ritualistic habits, relationships, conflicts, stresses, use of harmful implements, or any prior suicide attempts.
• Already it was revealed that the deceased maintained a betel cultivation (additional income as well as a hobby, nursing the plants); was planning to visit Dalada Maligawa following day; a devoted husband and father.
•  Relatives and friends may intentionally or unintentionally forget or misinterpret events.
• Sensitive information about the deceased will not be disclosed.

Yet the critical obstacle lies elsewhere. The government may not permit such cooperation. Instead, inducements could be offered – promises of promotion to the spouse, foreign education for the children, or even relocation of the entire family abroad. Such tactics would effectively silence the family, preventing investigators from accessing the very evidence required to reconstruct the deceased’s psychological profile.

 Judicial Acceptance and Possible Consequences

Even if a psychological autopsy were to be conducted, another critical question arises: will the judiciary accept such a report as credible evidence?The courts would need to determine whether its methodology meets legal standards and whether it can stand alongside – or in contradiction to the physical autopsy already performed.

If the psychological autopsy were to suggest that the death was not suicide but homicide, the implications would be heavy. The judiciary would then be compelled to treat the case as murder. This could trigger:

• Reopening of investigations into the circumstances of death.
• Summoning of witnesses and examination of workplace colleagues, family members, and associates.
• Identification of suspects based on behavioral and circumstantial evidence.
• Criminal proceedings against those implicated, with charges ranging from conspiracy to homicide.

In short, acceptance of such a report could overturn the official narrative, challenge the government’s position, and set in motion a legal process aimed at uncovering the culprits and bringing them to justice.

Unlikelihood of Judicial Action

Yet it is highly improbable that such a course of action will materialize in Sri Lanka. The conduct of the police and the CID, often functioning as appendages of the government, coupled with interference in the judiciary, and the use of promotions, diplomatic postings, and other inducements as instruments of control, make genuine accountability elusive. The atmosphere is further tarnished by the rhetoric bellowed by the President and senior party members at the recently concluded May Day rallies, which revealed more rage than commitment to transparency.

Silence at the Rallies and Funeral

What is most striking is the silence. At the May Day rallies, not a single speaker mentioned the death of the Treasury official, nor did anyone extend condolences to his grieving family. It later emerged that the deceased was regarded as a staunch JVP/Malima supporter. Yet, despite this, no representative of the governing party, not even a local politician was present at the funeral. The absence spoke louder than words, underscoring both the political uneasiness surrounding the case and the deliberate distancing of the ruling establishment from one of their own. In the Parliament Ministers and MPs of the ruling party categorically deny that the wife of the deceased has requested an autopsy on grounds of suspicion, despite the letter sent to the Magistrate by the Secretary, Health, confirming her request.

Conclusion: Impossibility of Truth-seeking in the Current Climate

This silence, combined with the government’s tendency to suppress freedom of expression, intimidation, threatening opposition politicians and social media activists, CID investigations, make the prospect of a genuine psychological autopsy unlikely. In the present context, truth-seeking is subordinated to political expediency. There is a widening gulf between public opinion and official narratives, leaving suspicions of an autocratic rule in near future, with imprisonment of opponents, death to diehards. 

To sum, this proposal is more theoretical than practical under current conditions.

The Right (Dakuna) headed by JVP/NPP is already enthroned in power, (Dakuna Denatama Dina Etha”) and another Dakuna cannot seize or usurp power in the present context. To ignore this reality is to misread the political landscape entirely.

Shenali D Waduge

The reported move by the Criminal Investigation Department Sri Lanka to obtain a statement from Asad Maulana living overseas since 2022, in connection with allegations involving Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay, raises several questions.

Media reports indicate that the CID’s actions are linked to a complaint filed by Father Rohan based on claims made by Asad Maulana in the Channel 4 Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings: Dispatches.

Several issues remain unaddressed:

• Why did Maulana not appear before domestic commissions or parliamentary committees to officially state his claims post-attacks
• Why did he not file any formal police complaint in Sri Lanka in February 2018 itself
• Even the Fort Magistrate had questioned why he did not come to Sri Lanka to record a statement

This then necessitates to ask:

On what legal and procedural basis is public funds being used for investigative officers to travel overseas without exhausting domestic mechanisms first?

Let us make clear that a witness who has made detailed public allegations in a fixed forum cannot freely alter those statements without undermining their own credibility.

1. Fixed Public Record Cannot Be Rewritten

Asad Maulana’s September 2023 testimony is not private or informal.

It was:

• Broadcast internationally via Channel 4
• Framed as extraordinary testimony”
• Presented as evidence of alleged State complicity

Once placed in the public domain, such statements become:

• A fixed narrative record
• A basis for investigative reliance
• A benchmark against which any later statement will be tested

Therefore:

Asad Maulana cannot materially revise or contradict claims made in 2023. While all claims require to be independently corroborated.

Under the Evidence Ordinance (Sri Lanka), prior inconsistent statements may be used to impeach the credibility of a witness in judicial proceedings.

Furthermore – where a witness provides detailed, time-specific allegations in a public forum, any subsequent material deviation from those claims must be explained and supported by objective evidence.

Accordingly, while investigative authorities may record supplementary statements, such statements cannot be selectively revised in a manner that undermines earlier sworn or publicly recorded narratives without affecting its credibility.

Publicly broadcast allegations do not, by themselves, substitute for judicially tested evidence in a court of law.

The burden of proof rests on the party making the allegation.

Serious allegations of this magnitude require more than assertions or media hype.

If materially contradicted by objective evidence or judicial findings, such statements may become vulnerable to challenge during cross-examination for reliability & credibility.

2. Scope of Allegations Made in the Documentary

Maulana asserts:

• A meeting in February 2018
• Arranged on request of Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan (Pillayan)
• Between:
  • Then Brig. Suresh Sallay
  • Zahran Hashim
• At a coconut estate
• Duration: approximately three hours
• He remained outside during the meeting

He further alleges:

• Sallay stated to him that an unsafe situation was needed” for political transition
• He facilitated legal and financial assistance to extremist-linked detainees
• He received instructions from Sallay on Easter morning to pick up a suspected attacker

This raises the question – Is Asad a whistleblower or an accomplice given his role as facilitator and participant. If so he is liable under criminal law as an accomplice.

Untested one-sided allegations made in public or media platforms, if inaccurate or materially misleading may also expose Asad to legal consequences including defamation – given his allegation by name without judicial determination.

If Maulana possessed knowledge of a mass-casualty attack in advance, why did he not alert any authority, and how should such silence be interpreted?

All claims must be evaluated against the findings of prior investigations, international investigations, law enforcement inquiries & commissions which clearly determined operational negligence & lack of communications across the security apparatus.

3. Internal Contradictions and Evidentiary Gaps

Several inconsistencies arise when the claims are assessed against known facts:

Prior Knowledge Claim – Contradicts with Fr. Cyril Gamini

If Zahran Hashim and Sallay were already known to each other (as suggested in the 2021 zoom by Fr. Cyril Gamini), there was no requirement for Maulana to function as an intermediary to introduce Sallay to Zaharan, yet the Cardinal immediately congratulated the C4 documentary with a 3 page letter.

Physical Presence Claim – Contradicts with Overseas Records

Sallay’s location at the time is contested.

He was overseas. This can be verified through:

• Travel records
• Immigration data
• Call data records, tower location mapping, and international routing logs can objectively confirm or refute the existence of alleged communications.

Building Existence Issue

If the alleged meeting occurred in February 2018:

• Evidence suggests there was no building constructed in February 2018. The building was constructing in Aug-Sept 2018. This raises the question how would a fugitive like Zaharan hold a 3 hour meeting in the open & how can Maulana be stationed outside the building if there was no such building in February 2018.

Participation Paradox

Maulana claims:

• He facilitated the meeting
• Yet remained outside for the duration

This raises a fundamental question:

• How does a non-participant claim detailed knowledge of a three-hour operational discussion if he was kept outside and why would they tell him of the plan if he was not invited to the discussion?

What CID must first establish is whether claims made by Maulana is based on

1. Direct knowledge
2. Inference / assumption
3. Subsequent interpretation

4. Legal Exposure within his Own Statement

Maulana also claims:

• Facilitation of financial assistance
• Legal support for detainees linked to extremist elements

If true, these actions may:

• Place him under complicity rather than as a witness
• Create self-incriminating implications under criminal law principles
• If he knew in February 2018 of such a plan – why did he remain silent if he was concerned about the lives of innocent people?

This raises a critical legal contradiction:

• A person claiming involvement in facilitating activities linked to extremists cannot simultaneously occupy a neutral whistleblower” position without judicial scrutiny.

Credibility Questions Arising from Conduct

• Why did Maulana fail to come forward immediately in February 2018 or after the attacks in 2019 if he possessed such critical knowledge?
• Why were these allegations made only in 2023, four years after the attacks and one year after leaving Sri Lanka?
• If his claims were genuine and urgent, what explains the delay in disclosure?
• Why did he choose a foreign private media platform instead of first making a formal complaint to law enforcement authorities?
• Why did he avoid appearing before multiple domestic commissions that were specifically appointed to investigate the attacks?
• If he claims Pillayan first suggested his involvement, why has he not formally incriminated Pillayan through official legal channels?
• Has any independent investigative body verified his alleged presence at the claimed meeting location?
• Has he provided any documentary, electronic, or witness corroboration to support his claims beyond his own statement?
• What personal, legal, or asylum-related incentives, if any, may have influenced the timing and content of these disclosures?
• Has any benefit, protection, or status been granted or sought in exchange for such testimony?

Delayed disclosure of critical information may affect reliability, particularly where contemporaneous reporting would have been reasonably expected.

5. Legal Reality of Overseas Statements

Even if the CID records a statement abroad:

• It remains investigative material, not judicial proof
• It cannot replace in-court testimony
• It is subject to strict admissibility rules
• It must be tested through cross-examination if relied upon in court

Therefore:

An overseas statement cannot independently establish guilt or conspiracy even if used as negative publicity against the accused.

6. Institutional and Financial Accountability Question

• What legal authorisation was granted for overseas engagement – how many officials travelled and what is the cost of this overseas travel (flight, hotels, transport & other incidentals)?
• Why were domestic judicial mechanisms not prioritised first – if so, where is the proof?
• On what basis is taxpayer-funded investigative travel justified – if a complaint filed without evidence results in investigators traveling abroad – how many such complaints will get filed taking this as a precedent?
• Why is investigative focus being directed primarily at one individual based on a single witness narrative, while other lines of inquiry supported by prior investigations remain secondary?

7. Questions

The case ultimately turns on verifiable questions:

• Did Maulana meet Sallay in February 2018 — yes or no?
• Was the meeting arranged on Pillayan’s request — yes or no?
• Was Sallay in Sri Lanka at the time — yes or no?
• Did any physical structure exist at the claimed location during that period — yes or no?
• Was Maulana party to the discussion between Zaharan & Sallay? Yes or no?
• If no, how did he know of the plan? If he was not involved why would they tell of their plan?

1. Legal Authority & Jurisdiction

• Under what legal provision is the CID travelling overseas to record a statement from Asad Maulana?
• Was prior approval obtained from a Sri Lankan court before initiating overseas evidence collection?
• Has an arrest warrant or Interpol notice been issued against Asad Maulana, or is he currently treated as a witness?
• If he is a suspect in any pending case, why has extradition not been formally pursued through the legal channels in the nation he is now living in?

2. Evidentiary Basis

• What specific new material prompted the CID to seek a fresh statement now, four years after the events?
• Is the CID treating Maulana’s Channel 4 testimony as evidence, intelligence, or allegation?
• Has any part of his 2023 televised statement been independently verified before this overseas engagement?
• What corroborative evidence exists to support or contradict his claims regarding alleged meetings or instructions?

3. Consistency of Narrative

• How does the CID reconcile any new statement with Maulana’s previously broadcast testimony in the Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings: Dispatches?
• Will inconsistencies between his earlier public statements and any new statement be formally recorded and assessed?
• If material contradictions arise, will the CID treat this as an issue of credibility or potential fabrication?

4. Witness vs Suspect Status

• What is the official status of Asad Maulana in ongoing investigations — witness, suspect, or person of interest?
• If he is treated as a witness, how does the CID address allegations that he may have facilitated meetings involving extremist-linked individuals?
• At what point does a witness providing detailed operational claims become subject to investigation as a potential accomplice?

5. Channel 4 Dependency Issue

• Why is a foreign documentary being used as a triggering basis for active CID investigative action?
• Has the CID independently verified the claims made in the Channel 4 programme before acting upon them?
• Did CID officials consider that Channel 4’s production relied heavily on a single principal witness?
• What is the CID stand on the Imam Committee findings specifically appointed to look into Channel 4.
• Can the CID reject this Govt commissioned report?

6. Chain of Custody & Admissibility

• If a statement is recorded in France, under what legal framework will it be admissible in Sri Lankan courts under the Evidence Ordinance (Sri Lanka)?
• Will the statement be recorded under oath, and will it be subject to cross-examination rights?
• How will the CID ensure that the statement is not later challenged as hearsay or untested testimony?

7. Prior Domestic Proceedings

• Why was Maulana not compelled earlier to give evidence before domestic commissions or parliamentary inquiries?
• Were previous attempts made to secure his testimony while he was still within Sri Lanka?
• If not, what changed now that justifies overseas engagement?

8. Financial & Administrative Accountability

• What is the estimated cost of the CID overseas mission, and who approved it?
• Was Cabinet-level or judicial approval required before deploying officers abroad?
• How is taxpayer expenditure being justified for what appears to be a follow-up statement rather than new evidence?

9. Consistency with Other Cases

• In cases involving other suspects or witnesses, is overseas evidence collection standard practice?
• If not, what makes this case exceptional compared to other major criminal investigations?
• Given that Maulana’s claims involve alleged high-level coordination, why is the CID prioritising statement collection abroad instead of presenting independently verified evidence before a court of law?

These are not political questions—they test the authenticity of the claims.

The Easter Sunday tragedy demands rigorous truth-seeking, not narrative reconstruction.

However:

• When a single witness statement becomes the foundation for international allegations of state complicity, the evidentiary burden must rise—not fall.

Maulana’s 2023 testimony now forms a fixed public record.

It cannot be casually revised without consequence.

And it cannot substitute for:

• corroborated evidence
• judicial testing
• or cross-examined proof

The central legal test is not whether an allegation is repeated, but whether it is independently corroborated, consistent, and capable of withstanding cross-examination in a court of law.

Ultimately:

Allegations of this magnitude must stand on evidence, not assertion—and evidence must survive contradiction, not depend on repetition.

Shenali D Waduge

RANJITH SOYSA

At Tissa Viharaya, Jaffna, on the days significant to the Buddhists, the unruly individuals of another faith gather at its gates and create disruptive scenery disturbing the religious environment. This is the ugly truth the Buddhists devotees must face regularly. Such an unenviable situation was prevailing for the last one year.

History of Tissa viharya goes back to BC 307 when King Devanampiyatissa was the ruler of Sri Lanka. He became a Buddhist after listening to Ven Mahinda thero. After embracing Buddhism, the King built several temples and in Nagadeepa,-name used for Jaffna peninsula- according to Mahawamsa  Jambukola,Tissa viharya and Pachnaramaya were built during the period

What is the reason behind the puerile behaviour in the proximity of such a reputed place of Buddhism? Some of the agitators are political agents who are keen on creating tensions and expecting angry reactions from the devotees so that their agenda can be activated to create divisions within the community of Sri Lankans to attract the attention of public. Some participants are said to be ‘the owners’ of the land occupied by the temple and they want to canvass their grievances and force the authorities to handover the land back to them.

While the law enforcement authorities are ignoring this act of public nuisance which can lead to a serious breach of peace and possible physical damages to the buildings of the temple, there is a simple and a practical method of settlement of this unruly situation

If some of the agitators claim the temple has by force occupied their land, the best method of recovery would be to seek legal remedy by submitting their deeds to the court of law and requesting settlement. So far, no one has sought this clear and simple method. But we have heard from the temple management that they are in possession of valid deed for the land occupied by them and if the other party/parties come before the courts, they will prove that the temple is built on a legally owned land.

Recently. when the temple land was surveyed too, the intruders came in and created trouble and stopped the related work which was useful to the settlement of this vexed issue.

The country is watching the steps taken by the Government and the law enforcement authorities prompt intervention with interest as the religious freedom of the Buddhists too are important to foster a harmony among the Sri Lankans.

RANJITH SOYSA 

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න, නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා, රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් ‍ෆ්‍රී ලෝයර්ස් සංවිධානය ‍වෙනුවෙන්

2026 මැයි 06

ගරු කතානායකතුමා,
ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව,
ශ්‍රී ජයවර්ධනපුර කෝට්ටේ,
කෝට්ටේ.

ගරු කතානායකතුමනි,

අස්වැසුම ප්‍රතිලාභීන් වෙත දෙවරක්/අතිරේක මුදල් ගෙවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව හරහා විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කරන ලෙස ඉල්ලීමයි. 

2026 අප්‍රේල් 22 දින පෙ.ව. 9.23 ට ඔබතුමන්ගේ jagathw@parliament.lk ඊ මේල් ලිපිනයට මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ ඩො.මිලියන ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක මුදලක්, අතුරුදන්වීම පිළිබඳ පැමිණිල්ලක් සිදු කළෙමු. රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන චක්‍රලේඛ අංක 27/2023 (2023.12.29) : මහජනතාවගෙන්, දේශපාලන අධිකාරියෙන් සහ අනෙකුත් ආයතනවලින් ලැබෙන ලිපි, විද්‍යුත් ලිපි (E-mail) සම්බන්ධ කටයුතු කළ යුතු ආකාරයට ඒ සඳහා  ඔබතුමන්/ඔබගේ කාර්යාලය මේ දක්වා පිළිතුරු ලබාදී නොමැති බව නැවත කණගාටුවෙන් සිහිපත් කරමි.

එසේ තිබිය දී,  සුභසාධක ප්‍රතිලාභ මණ්ඩලය (welfare benefits board) හරහා රු. ලක්ෂ 5000 කට මදක් අඩු මුදලක් අතිරේක වශයෙන් ගෙවීම පිළිබඳ සිද්ධියක් අප වෙත වාර්තා වී ඇත.

මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 2.5 ක් අතුරුදන්වීම හා සමාන ආකාරයකට අස්වැසුම ප්‍රතිලාභීන් වෙත දෙවරක්/වැඩිපුර මුදල් ගෙවීම රාජ්‍ය මුල්‍ය කලමනාකර‍ණයේ අද ඇතිවී තිබෙන බිදවැටීම, වියවුල හා වගකීම් විරහිත භාවය මනාව පිළිබිඹු වන්නකි.

2026 අප්‍රේල් මස දාහත් ලක්ෂ තිස් තුන් දහසකට ආසන්න පවුල් සංඛ්‍යාවකට අස්වැසුම ප්‍රතිලාභ ගෙවීමට නියමිතව තිබුණි.  එයින් පිරිසකට අස්වැසුම ප්‍රතිලාභ දෙවරක් මුදල් (Double Payment) ගෙවා ඇත. තවත් පිරිසකට රජය විසින් බෝනස් දීමනාවක් ලෙස ලබාදුන් නියමිත මුදලට  වඩා වැඩි මුදලක් (Additional Payment/Extra Payment) සහිතව මුදල් ගිණුමට බැර කර ඇත.   

මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය විසින් නිකුත් කර ,  සුභසාධක ප්‍රතිලාභ මණ්ඩලය මගින් අස්වැසුම් ලාභීන්ගේ ගිණුම් වෙත යොමු කරනු ලැබූ මුදල රු. ලක්ෂ 5000 කට මදක් අඩු ප්‍රමාණයකි.  රජයේ මුදල් ආයතනික මුදල් රෙගුලාසිවලට පිටින්, කිසිදු වගකීමක් නොමැතිව, කිසිදු රාජ්‍ය මුල්‍ය පාලනයක් නොමැතිව,  ආයතනගත ක්‍රමවේදයන්ට  මගහරිමින් සිදුව ඇත. සංවරණ හා තුලන පද්ධතිය Checks and Balances ක්‍රමවේදයකින් තොරව සිදුවන රාජ්‍ය මුදල් පරිහණය අපරාධයකි/දුෂණයකි/වංචාවකි.  

එබැවින්, 148 ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ මුදල් බලය හිමි පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙතින් පහත ප්‍රශ්න සඳහා වහා පිළිතුරු සොයා ගත යුතු බව Free Lawyers සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරමු.

1.      අප්‍රේල් මාසයේ මුදල් ලැබිය යුතුව තිබූ පවුල් ලක්ෂ 18 ක ට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයෙන් කොපමණ සංඛ්‍යාවකට නියමිත ප්‍රමාණයට වැඩි මුදලක්/ද්විත්ව ගෙවීම් ලැබී තිබේ ද?

2.      කෑගල්ල, මොණරාගල හා කුරුණෑගල දිස්ත්‍රික්කවල ද්විත්ව ගෙවීම් සිදු කර ඇති ප්‍රමාණය පිළිබඳ මේ දක්වා විමර්ශනයක් ආරම්භ කර තිබේ ද?

3.      දෙවරක් මුදල් (Double Payment) නියමිත ප්‍රමාණයවට වැඩි මුදලක් (Additional Payment/Extra Payment) ගෙවනු ලැබ ඇති මුලු ප්‍රතිලාභීන්ගේ සංඛ්‍යාව කොපමණ ද?

4.      අස්වැසුම් ලාභීන් වෙත නියමිත ප්‍රමාණයවට වැඩිව කිසිදු සොයාබැලීමකින් තොරව, වගකීම් විරහිත ලෙස නිකුත් කරනු ලැබ ඇති මුළු මුදල් ප්‍රමාණය කොපමණ ද?

5.      සුභසාධක මණ්ඩලයේ මුල්‍ය බලතල පැවරීමේ ක්‍රමවේදය/කාර්ය පටිපාටියට පිටින් මෙම මුදල් ගෙවීම සිදු කළ නිලධාරීන් කවුද?

6.      සුභසාධක මණ්ඩලයේ මණ්ඩලයේ කටයුතු සඳහා දේශපාලන පත්වීමක් ලෙස අනියුක්ත කර ඇති නිලධාරීයා/නිලධාරීන්/කොමසාරිවරයා කවුද?

7.      දේශපාලන පත්වීම් ලැබ මේ සා විශාල මුදලක් නාස්තිය/අයථා පරිහණය/දුෂණය සිදු කළ සිදුවීම පිළිබඳ මේ වන විට විධිමත් අධිකාරියක් යටතේ මුලික විමර්ශනයක් පවත්වා තිබේ ද?

8.      මෙම කාර්යයට සම්බන්ධ වූ නිලධාරීන් වෙත මු.රෙ. 135 යටතේ මුල්‍ය බලතල පැවරීමක් සිදු කර තිබේ ද?  එසේ බලතල පැවරූ නිලධාරියා/බල අධිකාරිය කවුද?

9.      භාණ්ඩාගාරය විසින් මෙම අතිරේක මුදල් නිකුත් කිරීම පිළිබඳ මුලික විමර්ශනයක් සිදු කර තිබේ ද? එසේ නම් එයට වගකිව යුතු භාණ්ඩාගාර නිලධාරීන් හදුණාගෙන තිබේ ද?

10. එසේ නොවේ නම් මෙය තවත් මෙයත් හැකර් ප්‍රහාරයක් ද? අත්වැරදීමක් ද? එසේත් නැතිනම් මුදල් අමාත්‍යාංශය, මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයට අත්දැකීම් රහිත, කාර්යාලීය ක්‍රමවේදයන් පිළිබඳ කිසිදු දැනුමක් අවබෝධයක් නොමැති දේශපාලන පත්වීම් සිදු කිරීමේ ප්‍රතිඑලයක් ද?

භාණ්ඩාගාර මංකොල්ලයත්, සුභසාධක ප්‍රතිලාභ මණ්ඩලයේ අවිධිමත් ගෙවීම්, මාර්ග සංවර්ධන අධිකාරියේ ද්විත්ව ගෙවීම් මගින් පැහැදිලිවන්නේ මේ වන විට මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය රාජ්‍ය මුදල් කලමනාකරණයේ මුලික පදනම දෙදරා ගොස් ඇති බවයි. මෙම දුර්වලතාවය හා අකාර්යක්ෂමතාවය මේ වන විට ලෝකයටම නිරාවණය ‍වී ඇති බැවින් මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරය දැන්වත් ‘අපොන්සුකරණය’ නොවූ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පරිපාලන නිලධාරියෙකුගේ පාලනයට නතු විය යුතු බව අප අවධාරණය කරමු.

ගෙවනු ලැබූ මුදල් නැවත අය කර ගැනීමේ දී, මේ අන්ත දිළිදු ජනතාව නැවත දැඩි අපහසුතාවයට පත් නොකර වාරික මගින් පමණක් අය කර ගැනීමට පියවර ගැනීමට අවධානය යොමු කරන ලෙස ද කාරුණිකව ඉල්ලමු.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුව සතු මුදල් බලය නිසි ව්‍යවහාරයේ යෙදවීමට ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂයේ මෙන්ම විපක්ෂයේ ද ගරු මන්ත්‍රීතුමන්ලා වෙත මේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දැනුම් දෙන ලෙස ද, මේ පිළිබඳ වහා ක්‍රියාත්මක වී පියවර ගනු ඇතැයි උදක්ම බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමු.

මෙයට විශ්වාසී,

ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ මෛත්‍රී ගුණරත්න 

නීතිඥ අතුල ද සිල්වා

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

‍ෆ්‍රී ලෝයර්ස් සංවිධානය ‍වෙනුවෙන්

පිටපත්

1.      ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නියෝජනය කරන සියළුම ගරු මන්ත්‍රීතුමන්ලා වෙත  

Senaka Weeraratna

Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) played a crucial and vocal role in 1963 in bringing international attention to the repression of Buddhists in South Vietnam under the Catholic-led regime of Ngo Dinh Diem. Sinhala Buddhist leaders, monks and laity, public organizations, and the government, led by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, acted as a primary international voice advocating for the rights of Vietnamese Buddhists during the Buddhist Crisis.

Introduction

HE Mr. To Lam, the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, along with a high-level Vietnamese delegation, will pay a state visit to Sri Lanka from May 7-8, 2026.

The visit carries a particularly important diplomatic message, reflecting Vietnam’s respect and high regard for Sri Lanka. This is the highest-level visit by any Vietnamese leader to Sri Lanka since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1970.

Ho Chi Minh

In earlier times, Ho Chi Minh, the revolutionary leader and founder of modern Vietnam, visited Ceylon three times between 1911, 1928 and 1946 on Journeys related to seeking independence for Vietnam. These visits, particularly the 1928 stop, are honored today as key moments in building the friendship between Vietnam and Sri Lanka, featuring a statue of him in Colombo and a “Vietnam-Ho Chi Minh space” at the Colombo Public Library.

Key Reminders of Visits:

• Statue: A statue honoring Ho Chi Minh was inaugurated in Colombo in 2013.
• Commemorative Stamp: A stamp collection featuring him was issued in 2014.
• Literary Work: His collection “Prison Diary” was translated into the Sinhala language.
• Library Space: A dedicated space in the Colombo Public Library holds publications related to his life

The Buddhist Crisis in South Vietnam – the origins

·         The Buddhist Crisis was ignited by a ban on flying the Buddhist flag on Vesak, (Phat Dan, the birthday of Gautama Buddha) which saw nine unarmed Buddhist protestors killed on the streets in Huế by the army on May 8, 1963.

·         This was not an isolated incident in the persecution of Buddhists in Vietnam since Ngo Dinh Diem (Catholic) took power in 1954. It was a regular feature. However, it was the ‘Straw that broke the Camel’s Back’, using a cliché. It led to major protests and civil disobedience among the country’s Buddhist population.

·         Ven. Thích Quảng Đức (1897–1963)

·         Ven. Quang Duc, along with several other monks, demanded that Diem submit to their five-point -plan for equality. All they were asking for was freedom to fly the Buddhist flag, religious equality between Buddhists and Catholics, compensation for the victims’ families, an end to arbitrary arrests, and punishment for the officials responsible. Although Diem said he would listen to them upon meeting with the Buddhist delegation, he rejected the Buddhist grievances, insisting that none of this discrimination” was happening.

·          The photo taken by Associated Press Photographer Malcolm Browne of Ven. Quang Duc self-immolating stunned the world. It had such a strong impact on the then U.S. President John F. Kennedy, though prima facie an ardent Diem supporter, was shocked. He was quoted as saying: No news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as this one”.

·         Ven. Quang Duc’s self-immolation sparked outrage and a sense of solidarity among Buddhists in Sri Lanka. His remains were later re-cremated at 4,000 degrees Celsius, but his heart did not burn and remained intact.

·         Thich Quang Duc was declared and honored as a Bodhisattva in 1964.

·         The last words of Thich Quang Duc before his self – immolation contained in a letter were as follows:

·         Before closing my eyes and moving towards the vision of the Buddha, I respectfully plead to President Ngo Dinh Diem to take a mind of compassion towards the people of the nation and implement religious equality to maintain the strength of the homeland eternally. I call the venerables, reverends, members of the sangha and the lay Buddhists to organize in solidarity to make sacrifices to protect Buddhism.”

Sri Lanka’s Response

Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike’s initiatives (assisted by Mr. N.Q. Dias – high profile civil Servant who served as the Permanent Secretary of Defense and External Affairs from 1960 to 1965. He was instrumental in shaping both national and foreign policy, particularly during the administration of Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike)

In late August 1963, Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike sent a two-member Ceylonese (Sinhalese) fact-finding mission to South Vietnam to investigate the Buddhist crisis therein. Mr. P. de S. Kularatne (former Principal of Ananda College) was part of the two-member mission. The other member of the team was Sir Nicholas Attygalle: A distinguished academic, surgeon, and then-Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon.

The mission was a bilateral initiative by the Government of Ceylon to assess the situation following the raids on Buddhist pagodas by President Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime. This specific mission arrived in Saigon on August 26, 1963.

It is often confused with a later, larger United Nations Fact-Finding Mission that visited in October 1963, which was led by Mr. R.S.S. Gunawardena and included representatives from several other countries.

Furthermore, in July 1963, Merenna Francis de Silva (M.F. de S.) Jayaratne, the newly appointed Ceylonese (Sinhalese) Ambassador to the United States, met with President John F. Kennedy to discuss the escalating Buddhist crisis in Vietnam after Mrs. Bandaranaike had written to President Kennedy on this escalating crisis.

The meeting was a high-stakes diplomatic encounter occurring during a period of severe strain between the U.S. and Ceylon:

• Regional Religious Solidarity: As a representative of a predominantly Buddhist nation, Jayaratne expressed Ceylon’s deep concern over the repression of Buddhists by the U.S.-backed government of Ngo Dinh Diem.
• Ceylon sought to represent the concerns of Asian Buddhist communities regarding the persecution of their counterparts in South Vietnam.
• The “Hot Potato” Context: A secret White House memo from NSC official R.W. Komer described the relationship as a “hot potato”. Relations were already fragile because the U.S. had suspended aid under the Hickenlooper Amendment after Ceylon nationalized American petroleum assets.
• Ceylon’s Diplomatic Pressure: While Jayaratne was seen as more “West-friendly” than the government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, he was tasked with urging the U.S. to curb Diem’s actions. Shortly after, Ceylon successfully lobbied to have the UN appoint a fact-finding committee to investigate the crisis.

Key Sri Lankan Diplomatic Figures Involved (1961–1963)

Name	Role	Period
M.F. de S. Jayaratne	Ambassador of Ceylon to the U.S.	Feb 1963 – July 1965
William Gopallawa	Former Ambassador of Ceylon to the U.S.	Aug 1961 – Mar 1963
R.S.S. Gunawardena	Permanent Representative to the UN	Raised issue at UN in 1963

Contextual Highlights (July 1963)

• Ceylon’s Position: Advocating for Buddhist rights internationally.
• South Vietnam: The Diem regime was intensifying crackdown on Buddhists
• US Position: Attempting to manage the “hot potato” of aiding a regime accused of religious persecution while fighting Communism.

• Diplomatic Action at the UN: Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, recognizing the crisis, instructed Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United Nations, R.S.S. Gunawardena, to highlight the repression of Buddhists in South Vietnam. Due to these efforts, the UN General Assembly adopted a motion on October 8, 1963, to send a fact-finding mission to South Vietnam, headed by Gunawardena.
• Monastic Solidarity (Venerable Narada Thera): The renowned Sinhalese monk, Ven. Narada Maha Thera of Vajiraramaya Temple, was a key figure who made 17 journeys to Vietnam, providing spiritual strength and solidarity to local Buddhists during their most difficult times.
• Public Protest and Awareness: The Bauddha Jatika Balavegaya (BJB), led by L.H. Mettananda, spearheaded public protests and rallies in Sri Lanka, including a major demonstration at Ananda College, Colombo, to mobilize support for the Vietnamese Buddhists.
• Exposing the Crisis: The BJB published a Manual called ‘Catholic Action’ (written by the Secretary of BJB, Mr. Gunaseela Vithanage) distributed materials exposing the “Catholic Action” against Buddhists in Ceylon and Vietnam. This BJB publication galvanized the Buddhists of Ceylon especially after the abortive Catholic Army Officers’ Coup in January 1962.  It brought global attention to the crisis and pressured the US-backed Diem government, which was eventually overthrown on November 2, 1963.

• The BJB had a star-studded cast. Leading Members of the Sangha and Buddhist laity were members of the BJB who also gave evidence before the Press Commission (1963 – 1964) headed by Justice K. D. de Silva (retired Supreme Court Justice). Their main submission was extensive ‘Catholic Action’ in the Press suppressing and humiliating and sidelining Buddhist opinion. This trend continues to this day.
• That is why on-line News websites such as the Lankaweb have become increasingly popular among Buddhist leaders and opinion makers, and also the Buddhist public.  

Impact and Outcome

Sri Lanka’s vocal international stance and the presence of the UN fact-finding mission in Saigon added significant pressure to the Diem government. On November 2, 1963, while the mission was still in Vietnam, the Diem regime was overthrown in a military coup, effectively ending the period of intense state-sponsored religious repression.

Sri Lanka’s intervention is regarded as a significant moment of international Buddhist solidarity, directly aiding the restoration of Buddhism’s place in South Vietnam. It was a landmark in modern Buddhist diplomacy that has contributed to strengthening wide ranging links between two leading predominantly Buddhist countries, Vietnam and Sri Lanka.

Senaka Weeraratna

Eng. Kanthar Balanathan

Since Independence in 1948, some politicians started their campaign of Tamil Eelam as a conceptual republic via forming a party in 1949. The interesting comedy is that they did not deliberate about the concept prior to 1949 or even before independence in Feb 1948. This may indicate some kind of selfishness in the minds of the Tamil politicians. We are all propagating and shouting that Tami Eelam existed since long, however, then why did not the Cheras, Colas and the Pandians establish and declare it a republic or a state of Tamil Eelam. The propaganda initiated strongly by the diasporas in the recent years. One aspect is reflecting quite strongly in our minds, which is the Tamil diaspora have no sense of responsibility of developing the region what they call as Tamil Eelam, however, visit build expensive houses and leave. The diasporas have blown up the land price in the North. A gentleman name Raj Sivanathan wrote an important article; however, how many Tamils do read and understand the concept which was written by RS. My recommendation that Economics” as a subject could be taught up to grade 8, so that students will get a better understanding of the environment in which they live. We Tamils give prominence to Hinduism as a subject with strong focus, however, not science, economics or environmental science.

Just refer to the map we have established; The rights of the extensive area of sea will be held by TE. If at all Tamils want a republic the solution can be only approved by five major countries plus one country. (5 + 1) countries. The +1 by default is Sri Lanka. SriLanka will never ever approve a separate country to be stablished in the island. The rest of the FIVE states could be decided by you all as to which are the countries those need to come forward to approve, which will never ever happen in the next several centuries unless a major destruction occurs in the Indian Ocean and the countries. The five states are quite strong in every aspect of a republic. Wee need to know geopolitics to decide.

Therefore, as intelligent humans our politicians shall not create and stretch the difference in SL between the Tamils and Sinhalese, however, live together as SriLankans and vote for the Sri Lankan party(s). Not for Tamil RACIAL parties. MA Sumanthiran’s association with SLPP is a good move. Similarly, the others shall come forward and join the most humanistic and socialistic political party, the NPP, with AKD as the leader. This is left for the people to decide. The triumph of Tamil racial political parties can cause more damage to growth and not save the Tamils in SL. The diasporas have theoretical vision only. People like Harry Anandasangaree and Vijay Thanigasalam should be considered as jokers and no practical persons. Do not they have a sense of vision for the growth of Tamils in SL? The relative of a guy who voted to disfranchise the one million estate Tamils in SL in 1948 was campaigning to build a monument in Australia. This can only be considered as selfish. Why waste millions of dollars in waste structures.  Person like Baskaran Kandiah are practical intelligent people who see vision is for the development.  Some Council is trying to build a structure for Prof. Thurairajah. This is a waste, as in the early days, Tamils invested in their children to study Civil Engineering, the reason being they can earn a lot, probably through misappropriation. There was an old civil engineer in Nigeria and he was nicknamed, casual Shun”. This was because he was misappropriating money via theoretical number of casual workers. This is how the minds of the Tamils think. Hero worships some unnecessary fools. Let us be practical in the 21^st century. Practically, Mahinda Rajapaksa was not a perilous racist. His development on roads, structures and electricity was equally completed within SL. It is the other Rajapaksas who misappropriated. Mahinda wanted to be a leader; hence he was quiet and let everyone misappropriate.

It is an advice that those of the leftover LTTEs shall not campaign for TE and concentrate on growth and leave the people to survive. The leftover LTTEs are cowards who ran out during the war in 2009. People like Harry Anandasangaree and Vijay Thanigasalam are self-centred selfish fools who have no interest in the Tamils in SL. The leftover LTTEs are cowards who want money to be collected for their growth.

Let Tamils be constructive, practical and complete logical reasoning before they decide, and not be bought over by the Tamil racist foolish politicians.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Since I joined Colombo Dockyard as CEO, the Deputy Finance Minister of Norway came to me requesting us to build UFAC, known as Ultra Fast Patrol Craft, similar to several aluminium crafts built for the Sri Lanka Navy.

He wanted us to finance the project, either through financing from Sri Lanka, and offered a sovereign guarantee from the Maldives.

We built them and also a special luxury vessel for the Maldivian President.

State banks, namely Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank, provided financing. It was the first time state banks funded a foreign project and made history.

Then Mr. Gasim, who was a budding politician of the Maldives and owned ships, came to me and requested financing to build two spherical LPG tanks and later oil storage tanks in Thilafushi Island (we called it Garbage Island). We later built steel landing crafts to carry garbage trucks from Malé Port to the garbage island for reclamation.

Today, that island is a modern industrial city.

Just like India needs us and vice versa, we need the Maldives to develop.

As stated before, this 2,000-island cluster of the Maldives, with the capital Malé and Hulhumalé, is a modern, thriving city.

In those days, we knew only about Maldive fish, extensively used in Malé, and today this small country is a leading exporter of tuna, out of which dried Maldive fish is made.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Senaka Weeraratna

The victory of King Wimaladharmasuriya I at the Battle of Danture in 1594 was a defining moment that secured the independence of the Kandyan Kingdom and preserved the Buddhist identity of Sri Lanka. By annihilating the Portuguese army, he prevented the total conquest of the island and the potential suppression of Buddhism under colonial rule. 

AI Overview

His actions following the victory directly revitalized the island’s religious and cultural heritage:

• Establishment of the Dalada Maligawa: After consolidating power, the king brought the Sacred Tooth Relic from its hiding place in Delgamuwa to Kandy. He constructed the first two-storied Temple of the Tooth (Dalada Maligawa) near his palace, establishing Kandy as the spiritual capital and the relic as a symbol of legitimate kingship.
• Revival of the Monastic Lineage: At the time of his ascension, the Buddhist monastic order had declined to the point where fully ordained monks no longer existed on the island. The king sent emissaries to Burma to bring back ordained monks, successfully re-establishing the Upasampada (higher ordination) lineage in Sri Lanka.
• National Sovereignty: The victory at Danture shattered the myth of Portuguese invincibility and ensured that Kandy remained the sole independent Sinhalese kingdom, serving as a sanctuary for traditional culture and Buddhist practices for over two centuries. 

https://share.google/aimode/n8mO7DpYwxIrvp9wx

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see also

https://share.google/aimode/YqjcNQXu0u0oCCk46

King Vimaladharmasuriya I’s victory at the Battle of Danture in 1594 was a pivotal moment in Sri Lankan history, effectively halting Portuguese expansion and securing the Kandyan Kingdom’s sovereignty. By destroying the Portuguese army and protecting the Sacred Tooth Relic, he secured the center of Buddhist heritage and legitimised his rule, allowing for the construction of the first Dalada Maligawa in Kandy. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]

Key outcomes of this victory included:

• Protection of the Sacred Tooth Relic: Following the victory, King Vimaladharmasuriya I brought the sacred Tooth Relic from Delgamuwa to Kandy, placing it in a purpose-built temple.
• Securing the Kandyan Kingdom: The decisive defeat of the Portuguese army led by Pero Lopes de Sousa halted European advances into the central highlands.
• Revival of Buddhism: Vimaladharmasuriya I established a foundation for the revival of Buddhist practices, including bringing ordained monks from Burma to restore the Upasampada lineage.
• Political Legitimacy: By capturing and marrying Dona Catherina, he unified competing royal claims and cemented his position, enabling Kandy to act as the sole defender of Sinhalese sovereignty. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

The victory ensured the continuity of the Dalada Maligawa as the spiritual heart of the Buddhist faith in Sri Lanka, as detailed on Facebook and the Sri Dalada Maligawa website. 

Source:  AI Overview

by Garvin Karunaratne

On many an occasion on my never ending irrigation inspections in Kandy and Nuwara Eliya long ago I had to cling onto trees and, creepers to avoid being blown off by the power of the wind.

Speaking from my sheer experience in handling development tasks-

Building up Coop Crayon at Morawaka in 1971, done in three months, developing it to enable Minister Illangaratne to declare that all imports of crayons should be stopped, and 

Again in Bangladesh, establishing the Youth Self Employment Programme in nineteen months- a programme that being implemented by members of the Bangladesh Civil Service, trained  by me, has by now guided over three million youths to become self employed, I submit:

It will be easier to build a few hundred wind turbines and enable Sri Lanka to produce all its electricity.

I submit  my Paper for kind reading by our new Ministers and our saviour Anura Kumara Dissanayake.  Dear Excellency, It is a task that can be done within a few years.

Wind Power to our rescue

By Garvin Karunaratne

I bequeath to my readers the Conclusion of my book: Wind Power for Sri Lanka’s Power Requirements, published by Godages

It in unfortunate that our authorities in establishing wind turbines in Sri Lanka have so far ignored  the mountainous areas where there is ample wind power. 

In Sri Lanka we have failed to harness Wind Power which Mother Nature has bountifully provided to us.

Suffice it to state that Spain a country that was far behind in producing wind power has within two to three years spurted up the ladder to be the second country in the world. Travelling through the Pyrenees to Spain in my Motorhome, some ten yeas ago  I was surprised to see wind turbines perched all over even on makeshift angle iron posts, the type of things that I can myself make in a day(I am no engineer). Spain even sells power to France today.

On my last visit to venerate the Avukana Buddha, I spotted a canopy perched on very long concrete shafts constructed by the State Engineering Corporation. 

It is my humble request to our excellency the President of Sri Lanka to summon the engineers who built the concrete shafts to support the canopy, and request them to design and produce the posts that can carry the wind turbines. They can easily produce these. Then import the wind turbine mechanism and set them up in our hills. Later, we can ourselves  make the turbines. We will provide employment for a few thousands.  This will provide all the power we need. I have no doubt about that. This task can be accomplished within a year at most. Considering the billions we spend to import coal and oil, we can easily make a saving.

That is the message in my book: Wind Power for Sri Lanka’s Power Requirements.

I enclose the Conclusion of my book in support for kind perusal.

10.Conclusion

I am pleased to submit the Papers I have so far written on Wind Power as a source of Energy, in a booklet in the sheer hope that someday this will be read by one of our leaders who will be convinced that Wind Power is the form of energy that Sri Lanka is blessed with in abundance and will get going all out.

In nostalgia, I can remember what did actually happen in Bangladesh in 1982, when I worked there as the Commonwealth Fund General Advisor on Youth Development to the Ministry of Labour and Manpower in Bangladesh., The Minister for Youth Abul Kasim  was arrested on the charge of harbouring a criminal in his residency. A day later, the Military took over the country in a coup de etat.  Immediately afterwards, the Military Government  in a high powered conference chaired by Hon Aminul Islam, the Minister for Labour and Manpower assessed the programmes of the Youth Ministry. That included imparting vocational training to 40,000 youths a year. The Minister  was not totally impressed with the work done. Suddenly realizing me as the only outsider, I was confronted:

”What is the contribution you can make for Bangladesh?”

 I replied: It would be ideal to have a self employment programme to enable the 40,000 youths that are being trained every year to be guided to become entrepreneurs. Most of them are in the ranks of the unemployed even after training, today. ”

 My reply created an uproar. The Secretary to the Treasury, the highest official in the land objected on the grounds that such a self employment creation programme can never be achieved. He added that the ILO had in the preceding three years tried to establish a self employment programme in Tangail, Bangladesh and spent a massive amount of funds all in vain. I  argued with the Secretary to the Treasury for over two hours, quoting definite instances where I had successfully established self employment projects for youths in Sri lanka.  It was an intense battle between me and the Secretary with the Hon Minister intently listening.  Finally the Minister stopped our battle. He immediately approved my establishing a self employment pogramme.  The Secretary to the Treasury stumped with the words, that he will never be providing any funds for this wasteful task. I replied that I will find savings within approved training budgets which was approved by the Hon Minister.

I got cracking with the officials of the Youth Ministry and the Lecturers of the Vocational Training Institutes that provided the vocational training, providing them with a basic knowledge of national planning to identify  areas within the economy where there was a propensity to create employment opportunities and training them in economic endeavour-structuring projects for self employment on a small scale-even with a cow or a dozen chicks and developing the enterprise. My task was to establish the self employment programme and to train the staff to continue after my two year consultancy ended. To a man the officers responded and today this Youth Self Employment Programme has by now guided  over three millions to become self employed  and it is an ongoing  programme that trains and guides 160,000 youths a year to become self employed. Today, it is easily the premier programme of employment creation  the world has known.

This experience of mine itself indicates that though wind power for the task of creating power is at an infancy today, we can easily develop it.

Wind Power can offer all the energy that Sri Lanka needs will someday find a Minister Aminul Islam” who will authorize it. I am certain  that the administrators and engineers who will toil till it is a success can easily be found. Though in my Nineties I will assure that it is a success.

Firstly, the country will not depend on the supply of coal and oil for power plants and the country can save all the millions and billions  being spent today to import oil and coal.

Secondly it will provide employment for thousands in erecting the turbine towers, in establishing the wind turbines and in the manufacture of the turbine mechanism itself at the later stages. In my travels in France, Spain and Portugal I have seen workers making  the towers, blades, transporting them in long trucks, erecting the towers and maintaining them. That is no difficult task for our engineers and workers.

 One of my readers happened to be an engineer, Mr Kanaga. who was involved with establishing the five wind turbines at Hambantota, the first to be built in Sri lanka. What is most interesting in his comment which I have totally enclosed in this book, is that the  environmental lobby had decided that the turbines should only be erected on the coasts and not in the mountains where there is ample wind force.

It is sad that the environmentalists were silent when the entire Kotmale Valley was denuded of people and their activities all to create 200 MW of power. That could have been easily achieved with fifty wind turbines scattered within Kotmale itself and the inhabitants and the economy would have been spared extintion. The entirety of Kotmale is dead today.

To my mind it is a crime not to use the wind power available and to spend millions and billions to purchase oil and coal.

My thanks are also due to the Editor of the Sunday Observer.lk who in Let there be Light” (Sunday Observer:06/09/2009) commented that my suggestions are very valuable. Referring to my suggestion that the wind power in the Central Highlands should be harnessed says, This is a timely and valid proposal and the authorities should take  appropriate action to locate wind turbines in  areas which will enable them to reach their maximum potential.”

I am also thankful for Noor Nizam for his Wind Energy Electricity generation is a reality” (Sri Lanka Guardian:27/08/2009)  In his words, Garvin should be commended for his boldness to take to task the lethargic and selfish bureaucrats on this issue of renewal energy development of electricity energy in Sri Lanka…. His message should be well taken  by others too handling  national planning and development strategies  to assist the little island of 21 million to come out of the rut of poverty, misery, the destruction of the civil war and the dependence on foreign powers.”  He adds in the affirmative, As Garvin Karunaratne  wishes Wind Energy Electricity Generation  will be a reality in Sri Lanka for the next generation”.  It is my fervent hope that this will be realized.

Sri Lankan engineers have in ancient times done wonders. The gradient of the Jaya Ganga that carried the waters of the Kala Weva to the tanks in Talawa and Anuradhapura has been constructed at a gradient of six inches in a mile, a gradient that baffles the irrigation engineers of today.

I am dead certain that Sri Lanka can become self sufficient in all its power requirements not for its present stage but also for its future development through using wind power. The wind power in the Central and Sabaragamuwa Hills is vast. Methods and systems have to be found to harness this energy. However as long as we build wind turbines on the coastal areas and ignore the areas where there is real wind power and satisfy ourselves with studies of the difficulties and constraints,  our attempt will be like  that of a squirrel trying to empty the water in the ocean , carrying a bit of water on its tail,  endless.

Garvin Karunaratne Ph.D. Michigan State University

Author of How the IMF Ruined Sri Lanka & Alternative Programmes of Success(Godages:2006), How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development(Kindle/Godages:2017)

By Sarath Obeysekera

The recent visit of Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu to Sri Lanka and his discussions with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake mark an important step in strengthening bilateral relations between the two Indian Ocean neighbours. The signing of multiple agreements reflects goodwill, mutual respect, and a shared desire for cooperation.

However, at a time when Sri Lanka is navigating a fragile economic recovery, the critical question remains: Do these agreements translate into tangible economic gains—particularly in terms of foreign exchange earnings?

President Muizzu’s political rise was initially perceived as tilting the Maldives away from India and closer to China. Yet, recent developments suggest a more pragmatic recalibration. India’s restrained and mature response—especially in accommodating Maldivian sensitivities without retaliation—has helped restore balance in regional relations.

Sri Lanka, too, appears to be aligning itself with a pragmatic geopolitical approach that prioritises stability over confrontation. While this is a welcome development, diplomacy alone cannot resolve Sri Lanka’s pressing economic challenges.

What is notably absent from the recent engagements is a bold and focused initiative in the blue economy, an area where both Sri Lanka and the Maldives possess natural and strategic advantages.

The Maldives has successfully positioned itself as a global leader in high-end luxury tourism, attracting affluent travellers and generating substantial foreign exchange. Sri Lanka, in contrast, continues to underutilise its vast marine resources and coastal potential.

A collaborative approach between the two nations could unlock significant value.

One immediate opportunity lies in developing joint high-end tourism corridors. By integrating the Maldives’ luxury resort experience with Sri Lanka’s rich cultural, ecological, and wellness offerings, both countries could attract a broader and higher-spending tourist segment. A coordinated Two Nations – One Ocean Experience” branding initiative could redefine regional tourism.

Equally important is the development of a cruise and yacht economy. Establishing a Colombo–Galle–Malé circuit for luxury vessels would create new revenue streams while positioning Sri Lanka as a service and logistics hub for Maldivian tourism fleets.

Furthermore, the long-discussed development of Trincomalee as a maritime and energy hub must be fast-tracked. Its natural harbour offers immense potential for bunkering, ship repair, and regional logistics—benefiting not only Sri Lanka but also supporting the Maldivian economy.

At present, many of the signed agreements appear administrative and long-term in nature. While such frameworks are necessary, they do not address the urgency of Sri Lanka’s need for rapid foreign exchange inflows.

What is required now is a shift from ceremonial diplomacy to commercially driven partnerships.

Sri Lanka should take the initiative to establish a Sri Lanka–Maldives Blue Economy Task Force, with a clear mandate to deliver results within a defined timeframe. This task force could focus on joint investments in marine industries, collaborative tourism development, and shared training programs in hospitality and maritime services.

A flagship project—such as an Indian Ocean Luxury Corridor”—should be launched within the next 12 months, backed by both governments and private sector stakeholders.

The foundation of goodwill between Sri Lanka and the Maldives is strong. But goodwill must now be converted into growth, investment, and foreign exchange earnings.

Sri Lanka cannot afford partnerships that remain on paper.

The time has come to move decisively—from agreements to execution, and from diplomacy to dollars.

Proposals to Strengthen Economic & Trade Cooperation between Sri Lanka and Maldives

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

නඩු තීන්දු සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා පසුගිය මැයි දිනයේ සිදු කළ ප්‍රකාශය තුළින් අධිකරණය කෙරෙහි පවතින මහජනතාවගේ විශ්වාසය පළුදු විය හැකි බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා නීතිඥ සංගමය පවසනවා.

නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරමින් එම සංගමය මේ පිළිබඳව පවසා සිටියා.

නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍ය සුරැකීම සඳහා එම සංගමය කැපවී සිටින බවයි එම නිවේදනයේ දැක්වෙන්නේ.

එමෙන්ම ජනපතිවරයා කළ එම ප්‍රකාශයට විරෝධය දක්වමින් විපක්ෂ නායක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතා ඇතුළු ඒකාබද්ධ
විපක්ෂය විසින් විශේෂ නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කර තිබෙනවා.

එමගින් පෙන්වා දී ඇත්තේ රජය අධිකරණය ඉලක්ක කරගනිමින් කරනු ලබන ප්‍රකාශ වහා නතර කළ යුතු අතර ජනාධිපතිවරයා කළ ප්‍රකාශය ඉල්ලා අස් කරගත යුතු බවයි.

Courtesy Hiru News

A massive theft occurred involving USD 2.5 million from the Treasury, allegedly reaching a third party, according to Samagi Jana Balawegaya Member of Parliament Harsha de Silva.

The Member of Parliament made these remarks while making a special statement in Parliament today (5).

The system is crippled because high-ranking officials, including the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, lack proper experience in financial management and because individuals from other services are appointed to such positions instead of skilled administrative officers.

The Member of Parliament questioned why the Department of External Resources, which can only intervene in bilateral debt negotiations, became involved in this transaction.

The process is in a muddle even though the servicing of government debt must take place through the Department of Debt Management.

He further stated:

”A massive theft occurred here. Hundreds of thousands of dollars are lost. Ultimately, the taxpayers of this country must pay for it; no one else. It is not brought from Pelawatta. But the main thing I have to say is that when the former Minister of Finance and the Deputy Minister described this, they spoke as if there is no problem and this is a normal occurrence. It is not so. I told my members that since we held a closed-door session, the facts presented are only a summary for the public and Parliament. But according to what was said there, we understand there are many complications in this massive process. There are a great many.

For example, why was a Department of External Resources involved in this? The Department of External Resources has no connection to this transaction. Here is the Act. This Act states very clearly that the Department of External Resources can only be involved in negotiating bilateral loans. Next, it says that in accordance with the Debt Act, the timely servicing of government debt must be done through the Department of Debt Management. So why this confusion? There is a major problem here, which is that these people do not know what they are doing. The story about ‘L-boards’ is proven today. Also, usually, individuals from the SLAS come to these positions after working in thirty or forty places before coming to a place like the Ministry of Finance. Everyone knows that what is done now is ‘Apocalypse’. What happens in ‘Apocalypse’? People from the Planning Service are put into these places.

I challenge anyone to say if I am wrong. I might be wrong. But as far as I know, both the DG of PDM and the DG of ERD are from the Planning Service. People in the Planning Service do not have the necessary experience. Also, for the first time in Sri Lankan history, the Treasury Secretary is a person who previously sat here as a Member of Parliament. He also lacks experience in this management.

I know that when this was appointed, when we were in government, I oversaw the SEC as the Deputy Minister. At that time, there were perhaps ten or fifteen directors at the SEC. This gentleman worked as one of them. After that, the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance is a person who must perform a very large role. If the Secretary and the DGs do not have this experience, there is no need to ask about what is happening.

The other thing is the delegation of authority. It was mentioned that a payment of nine hundred thousand was made once. Minister Anil said a payment of nine hundred thousand dollars was made. Who approved a payment of nine hundred thousand dollars? Can a director do that? Was there no delegation of authority? In any institution, the first task a Secretary should know is to delegate—this person for one hundred thousand, this person for five hundred thousand, and the DG for one million. It is said a payment of nine hundred thousand US dollars was made. How was it done?

Therefore, a theft occurred here. No one can escape from that. A theft occurred. Who the thief is must be found. Let the CID do that. You are there, and I am in our Finance Committee. Let us find the policy and administrative problems in this in the Finance Committee. Let us find them and recommend what should happen.

However, I say one last thing. For three turns, the Finance Minister, the Treasury Secretary, or the Deputy Secretaries did not come to our committee. I eventually wrote a letter to the President regarding this. I will table that as well. Even after that letter was written, they said just the other day that they cannot come. That cannot be done. I was too good; that is what caused the trouble. I was too good. I could have brought a privilege question if I wanted. I did not. Why? I gave them an opportunity. But do not take undue advantage of that opportunity. Finally, we are told from various places that we gave these people too much leniency.”

Dark Room