Where were you Rule of Law/Democracy preachers in Sri Lanka: 1982 Referendum

November 15th, 2018

We are a little confused with democracy & good governance in Sri Lanka of late. Everything we deem as democratic & good governance is exactly the opposite being promoted & advocated. We are living in strange times. Suddenly paragons of virtue appear sending their diplomatic demarches while these very countries are bombing countries to the stone age & leaving millions of people in starvation. But then when they hold the laurels for international power, who are we to complain about their hypocrisy. Nonetheless, we can at best highlight their hypocrisy, not that they care any too hoots about it. However, for the naïve that fall for these democratic rule of law slogans purely on their inability to keep abreast of world affairs, here’s one example of the flouting of democracy by the very party that is promoted as being its custodian in Sri Lanka!

In 1977 General Elections were held & UNP returned to power with a landslide victory winning 140 of the 168 seats. UNP Leader JR Jayawardena became the Prime Minister. SLFP was reduced to 8 seats while TULF won 17 seats.

Immediately after coming to power in 1977 as Prime Minister, JR Jayawardena decided to change the constitution & introduce a new constitution with an Executive Presidency and a new election system known as the proportional representation system. The constitution was passed in 1978 & JR Jayawardena became Executive President from 4 February 1978 (his first term as President was to be considered from this day onwards (as per Article 160), which meant that 6 years lapsed in February 1984 though the first election for Executive President was four years later in October 1982.

He was to face elections in 1984 & instead of doing that what does JR Jayawardena decide to do – bring a 3rd amendment to the constitution which gave him right to seek re-election after 4 years as President & this Bill was passed in August 1982 two months before the Presidential Election. This was how UNP has been historically tweaking the constitution for its own personal benefit. So without going for elections in 1984, JR brings an amendment allowing him to have elections after 4 years & holds elections in 1982 & gives himself a further 6 years as president. Thus, JR was President from 1978 to 1988 (10 years)

So PM JRJayawardena elected in 1977 changes the constitution in 1978 holds a Presidential Election in 1982 & becomes President giving him a further 6 years in power while calling for a referendum in 1982 December to extend the term of Parliament by another 6 years without holding Parliamentary elections in August 1983.

Voters were denied their right to vote & UNP went on to rule legislature from 1977 to 1989.

JR Jayawardena/UNP ruled from 1977 to 1988 holding the 1st Presidential election in 1982 & a referendum extending Parliament by 6 years in 1982 without holding a parliamentary election in 1983. This was a violation of people’s fundamental rights.

Parliamentary Elections were to be held in August 1983 but instead of holding Parliamentary elections in 1983 – a referendum was held in 1982 extending Parliament by a further 6 years.

In 1982 there were two elections

  1. 20 October 1982 – 1st Presidential Election (to elect first Executive President)
  2. 22 December 1982 – Referendum to extend parliament for 6 years

It now makes perfect sense – create a new constitution, have its first election in October 1982 & become the Executive President then without holding the Parliamentary election in 1983 hold a referendum in December 1982 & extend the term of Parliament by another 6 years without holding proper parliamentary elections. The referendum became the 1st time the term of parliament was extended by a referendum. Nowhere in the world had a referendum being held to extend the term of Parliament. Not a whine from the proponents of democracy against this flouting of the people’s right to elect their leaders.

Even the West must have envied JRJ for that!

The obstacles were also dealt with. Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s civic rights were removed on some frivolous charge preventing her from contesting elections for 7 years. This left Hector Kobbekaduwa to contest as SLFP Presidential Candidate. Note the actions of the UNP – immediately after expelling Mrs Bandaranaike from Parliament the UNP amended the Elections Act & Presidential Elections Act to prohibit persons expelled from parliament participating in any elections during the disqualification period. She wasn’t even allowed to appeal against the ban. Isn’t this so like the insertion to the 19a denying contesting presidential elections thrice. The 1982 amendment was to ensure Mrs.B could not contest & the 2015, 19a was to prevent Mahinda Rajapakse from recontesting. How can a constitution be tweaked for personal & political agendas?

JRJ government resolved to amend the Elections Act and the Presidential Elections Act to prohibit any persons who had been expelled from parliament from participating in any elections to any offices during the disqualification period.

The 1982 Presidential Elections

  • 6 candidates contested (UNP, SLFP JVP, LSSP, NSSP, Tamil Congress)
  • 6m cast their votes (6,602,617)
  • JR Jayawardena won 3.4m votes (3,450,811) – 52.91% of votes cast
  • SLFP candidate Hector Kobbekaduwa secured 25,48,438 votes – 39% of votes
  • July 1983 riots (9 months after JRJ voted President)
  • July 1987 signing of Indo-Lanka Accord & arrival of Indian Peace Keepers

6 candidates contesting Presidential elections in 1982

  1. J R Jayewardene (UNP) – 3,450,811 or 52.91 percent.
  2. H S R B. Kobbekaduwa (SLFP) – 2,548,438 or 39.07 percent.
  3. Rohana Wijeweera (JVP) – 273, 439 or 4.19 percent.
  4. G G Ponnampalam (ACTC) – 173,934 or 2.67 percent.
  5. Dr Colvin R de Silva (LSSP) – 57,532 or 0.88 percent.
  6. Vasudeva Nanyakara (NLSSP) – 17,005 or 0.26 percent.

Incidentally, the general public pulse at the time was that JR would lose the elections. However, JRJ won giving him the mandate to rule for another 6 years. Incidentally both elections were marred by allegations : rigging, ballot box stuffing, displaying of electoral symbols, UNP goon squads outside every polling booth, intimidation prevented some polling agents from being present.

The manner that UNP has tweaked the constitution for its personal benefit via constitutional amendments can be seen in the 4th amendment presented to parliament on 5 November 1982 to extend parliament by 6 years until 1989. To make this possible JR brought the Referendum Act No 7 of 1981 on 27 February 1981 becoming operational from 10 August 1982 & published by an Extraordinary Gazette 219/2 on 14 November 1982 just a month before the Referendum.

The Supreme Court passed the bill by a 7 bench voting 4-3 in favor but requiring a referendum (Article 83) The Bill was passed with 142 voting for & 4 voting against including Anura Bandaranaike.

Island-wide referendum was held on 22 December 1982. Elections Commissioner at the time was Chandananda de Silva.

The Question posted to the voter for a Yes No answer was

Do you approve the Bill entitled the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution published in Gazette Extraordinary No 218/23 of November 13, 1982, which provides inter alia that unless sooner dissolved the First parliament shall continue until August 4, 1989, and no longer and shall thereupon stand dissolved”

In another déjà vu of sorts, JR claimed the SLFP was trying to assassinate him & used that as an excuse to declare emergency after the Presidential Election in October 1982 and he ensured that the state of emergency prevailed throughout the December 1982 referendum which meant the whole country was under UNP thug-rule.

Yet another example of bringing Bills & amending the constitution by the UNP was the February 1979 2nd amendment if a MP was expelled from party he could appeal to the Parliamentary Committee which gave the Party an upper hand over unruly MPs!

Just like the political victimizations that have taken place since 2015, before the 1982 Presidential elections Hector Kobbekaduwa was periodically summoned to the CID by the UNP Government.

The referendum marked a mockery of democracy and it also kickstarted cheating in the name of democracy a feature that looks all too similar today to what began first under UNP rule. The similarities & strategies adopted by successive UNP leaders – JRJ, Premadasa & Ranil Wickremasinghe have unique similarities that cannot be overlooked.

But, the question is where were all these beacons of virtues objecting when these violations were taking place?

Shenali D Waduge 

උදෑසන ජාතික රූපවාහිනියේ “ආයුබෝවන් – සුබ දවසක්” වැඩසටහනට සහභාගී වී පවත්නා දේශපාලනික, සමාජයීය සහ ආර්ථික වාතාවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මා ඉදිරිපත් කළ අදහස් -Ayubowan Suba Dawasak 2018-11-14 | Rupavahini

November 15th, 2018

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

ඊයේ (2018 නොවැම්බර් මස 14 වැනි දින) උදෑසන ජාතික රූපවාහිනියේ “ආයුබෝවන් – සුබ දවසක්” වැඩසටහනට සහභාගී වී පවත්නා දේශපාලනික, සමාජයීය සහ ආර්ථික වාතාවරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මා ඉදිරිපත් කළ අදහස් පහත සඳහන් YouTube සබැඳිය ඔස්සේ ඔබට නැරැඹිය හැකිය.

කථානායක තුමා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගය බරපතල ලෙස අපයෝජනයට පත් කරලා-2018 11 14 පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගෙනා යෝජනාවට අත්සන් තබා ඇත්තේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 6 දෙනයි.

November 15th, 2018

සටහන : හර්ෂ කුමාර් සුරියආරච්චි

2018 11 14 දින පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මන්ත්‍රීතුමා විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද යෝජනාව විශ්වාස භංග යෝජනාවක් නොවේ.

එහි ඇත්තේ ජනාධිපති තුමා විසින් පනවන ලද ගැසට් නිවේදන ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධී හා නීති විරෝධී යැයි සදහන් යෝජනාවකි. යම්කිසි කාරණයක් ව්‍යවස්ථා  විරෝධිද නැත්ද යන්න තීරණය කිරීම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ට බලය ඇති කාරණයක් නොව සහමුලින්,ම අධිකරණය සතු බලයකි. එම නිසා එම යෝජනාව සම්බන්ධව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ගන්නා තීරණයක ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල භාවයක් නැති අතර ඒ හේතුව නිසාම නිත්‍යයානුකුලද නොවේ.

ඒ බව පසෙක ලා, ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි එම යෝජනාව තවදුරටත් පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදායට ද පටහැනිව ගොස් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල කථානායක තුමා විසින් සම්මත කරවා ඇත.   ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තීරණය ගැනීමට බලය නැති යෝජනාවක් පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදායයන් ගරු නොකොට සම්මත කර ගැනිමක වලංගු භාවයක් නොමැත.

එම නිසා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ අගමැති ධුරයට හෝ ඇමති මණ්ඩලයට හෝ කිසියම්ම වූ අභියෝගයක් එයින් ජනිත වී නැත.

ඊට අමතරව අන්තර් ජාලයේ  ප්‍රසිද්ධ කෙරුණු (https://www.gossiplankanews.com/2018/11/karu-maithripala-letter.html#more) අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මන්ත්‍රීතුමා මුලින් අත්සන් කර ඇති ඉහත යෝජනාව 2018 නොවැම්බර් 14 දින දරන අතර  අංක 1 සිට 6 දක්වා අංකනය කරමින් මන්ත්‍රීවරු 6 දෙනෙකු පමණක් අත්සන් තබා ඇත.

ඉන් අනතුරුව වෙනත් දිනයක අත්සන් තබන ලද, කාරණයක් සදහන් නොමැති, නැවතත් අංක 1 සිට 102 දක්වා අත්සන් තබන ලද අත්සන් ලැයිස්තුවකුත්, එවැනිම දිනයක් නොමැති කාරණයක් නොමැති අංක 1 සිට 14 දක්වා අංකනය කරන ලද දෙමල භාෂාවෙන් නම් ලිය ඇති අත්සන් ලැයිස්තුවක් ද අ අමුණා ඇත. ඒ අනුව එම පසුව අමුණා ඇති ලැයිස්තු දෙකම ඉහත යෝජනාව හා සංගත නොවේ.

මන්ත්‍රී වරුන් නව දෙනෙකු පමණක් අත්සන් කල ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල නොවූ ලියවිල්ලක් යොදාගෙන, ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ විභාග වන නඩු කටයුත්තක්ද පවතින විට එම නඩු තීන්දුව කුමක්දැයි නොදන්නා විට එම තීන්දුව දුන් විටක මහත් ගැටළු රැසකට රටත් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවත් අධිකරණයත් ඇතුළු සියලු පාර්ශ්චව පත් විය හැකි ආකාරයේ ක්‍රියාවලියක පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදායන් ද බිද හෙලමින් කථානායක තුමා කටයුතු කිරීම වැරදි සහගතය.

ජනාධිපති තුමා විසින් කරන ලද පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවිම ව්‍යවස්ථානුකුල බව තීන්දු වුවහොත් 14 ද පවත්වන ලද පාර්ලිමේන්තුව බල රහිත වන බැවින් එහිදී බරපතල තීන්දු නොගැනීමේ යුතුකම හා පරිනත බව විශේෂයෙන් කතානයකතුමට තිබිය යුතුව තිබුණි. ඒ වෙනුවට කථානායක තුමා කථානායක වරයෙකුගෙන් ජනතාව බලාපොරොත්තුවන පරිනත භාවයේ අසලකටවත් නොපැමිණ ඊයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මෙහෙයවීම පක්ෂග්‍රාහී හා අඥාන ලෙස සිදු කර මුළු රටම අවධානමකට ඇද දමා ඇත.

කතානායක තුමාගේ මෙම ක්‍රියාවලිය උසාවියට අපහාස කිරීමක් මෙන්ම ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අතුරු තහනම් නියෝගය බරපතල ලෙස අපයෝජනයට පත් කිරීමක් නොවන්නේ කෙසේදැයි ගැටලුවකි.

එසේම ඉහත අත්සන් තබන ලද ලැයිස්තු වල දින වෙනස් කොට ජනාධිපතිතුමාට ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති බවක්ද වාර්තාවේ. එසේ දින වෙනස් කළේ කවුද? එසේ නම් ඔහු හෝ ඔවුන් කුඨ ලේඛන පිළියෙළ කිරීම, ඊට අනුබල දීම ආදී කරුණු වලට වැරදි කරුවන් නොවන්නේද? එවැන්නන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ මන්ත්‍රී දුර දැරීම හෝ තනතුරු දැරීම යුක්ති යුක්තද?

 

 

Parliament dissolved to form a People’s Government – Part V

November 15th, 2018

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA .

Not a fitting reply to the demented speaker who has now being exposed locally and internationally as an old man suffering from reluctance to a people’s government coming to power and who is not hesitant to make all illegal and unconstitutional efforts to keep this country under the role of the election phobia reactionary western slavish butterfly gang with the help of the JVP hooligans now parroting the slogan of ”Mudal Apita –Api Mudalata”(Money for us and we are for Money), the federal psychopaths terrorist proxies and reprehensible Muslim politicians who had been alleged to have undertaken UNP sponsored Umrah pilgrims recently.

If the sudden and joint pilgrimages were sponsored as alleged, it was against the teachings 0f Islam which admonishes that Haj or Umrah pilgrimages should be undertaken only with the pilgrim’s hard and legitimately earned excess money after settling all liabilities or with money provided by spouses or parents.  It seems that the UNP agnostics have found a new vibrant bait to make Muslims amenable to their vicious schemes.

A.H.M.Fawzie who was nick-named by the UNP as Paelp-ath Kadaapi during the 1976 Non Aligned Conference period who was brought into SLFP in 1964 by the late Mr. Anura Bandaranaike and he was to give up politics in 2004 due to extensive harassment by Chandrika and persuaded him to change his mind by Mr. Mahinnda Rajapaksa and made him to contest elections from 2004 will not forget the favours done to him by Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, for instance when the then Chief Justice ordered that he should be removed from the Petroleum Ministry portfolio over the Hedging deal (We hope that he has not forgotten the humiliation caused to him by Ranil and t6he UNP over the Hedging deal) but Mr. Mahinda did not accede to the Court verdict and allowed him to continue as the Petroleum Minister saying that removing him from his Ministerial portfolio would hurt the feelings of the Muslims. In his twilight age after being in the SLFP for 54 years after being highly critical of the UNP he has joined that party yesterday. We hope that this somersault is not in anticipation of a Umrah pilgrimage sponsorship.

The President has refused to accept the letter sent by the Speaker explaining  the happenings in the House earlier in the day, and instead has issued a statement saying that the Speaker had flouted parliamentary procedures in getting a No Confidence Motion passed The President said that the Speaker had failed to adhere to Standing Orders and other Parliamentary procedures when it came to the No Confidence Motion against Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government, and the list of signatures attached with the motion has not been certified by Parliament. He has also pointed out that the date of the motion had also been erased and changed in an unacceptable matter.

Mr. Sirisena has reiterated that Parliamentary tradition does not make it necessary for a newly appointed Prime Minister to prove majority support and the President has the power to appoint any member of the house as Prime Minister, who, in his opinion, has  majority support in Parliament and he is the  sole ‘appointing authority’ in regard to the Prime Minister .He has stated  that the letter signed by 122 members of parliament stated that the cabinet and the Prime Minister had been appointed in violation of the constitution.

Ser5f http://lankacnews.com/25901-2/for the full letter4.

When the Parliament met this morning the Lion of Giruwaawathe Prime Minister Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa made a lengthy explaining the chaotic situation that prevailed in the country prior to the October Revolution, the reason he accepted the post of Prime Minister post and the remedial measures he has taken since then.

English translation of the full speech is given below:

The post of Prime Minister is not something great for me.  I am Mahinda Rajapaksa whether I am the Prime Minister or an MP.  (Applause from government benches).

Let us seek people’s sovereignty

The President who dissolved the government that prevailed and appointed a caretaker government clearly stated that the people of this country until 26th of October were under immense pressure.

The government that prevailed was extremely unpopular because of fuel price increases based on a pricing formula, expenses being increased daily due to the collapse of the rupee, tax burden that hitherto never been seen, the interest rates that increased by tenfold owing to the Central Treasury Bond Scam, planning to foreignize all ports, airports, profit earning State institutions and all government properties, formulation of legislations for selling State lands to foreigners on a permanent basis, entering into agreements with foreign countries despite resentment from professionals and national industrialists, demanding large amounts of bribes from foreign investors to name a few.  Because of these activities there was a great displeasure.

We  saw that recently the President dissolved the Economic Management Committee which was under the UNP and attempted to prevent the chaos that is being caused to the country. We also came to know that the Preside3nt had much arguments about economic matters in the Cabinet.  It was at this time that we came to know with recorded evidence that a UNP group was conspiring to assassinate the President and the former Defence Secretary in collaboration with a group of Police officers.  It was when the situation came to that level that the President decided to pull out United Peoples Freedom Alliance from the government.  The Coalition government came to an end with the pulling out of UPFA from the government.  At this time the President in accordance with powers vested in him under the Constitution called me and accept the premiership and requested me to form a government.

At that time, I had an option and that was either to accept that invitation or to reject it.  I could have3 told as he was with the UNP for nearly four years to remain with them for the balance period of about another one year as well.  But we were the main opposition force in the country.  We were the main political party in the country.  But we have a duty when the President was handing over the country to us to prevent a major chaotic situation that was to fall on the country to accept that responsibility.  Accordingly, I accepted that responsibility.  Another dilemma I had was if the UNP government remained in power for another one year what would have happened to this country. Since January 2015 the UNP government has taken foreign currency loans amounting to U.S.Dollars 21 Billion.

The availing of unrestricted foreign loans was the great disaster that befell the country. We have established only an interim government until holding a general election. That is why only a few members of the joint opposition accepted Minister Posts. We continuously requested for a general election since the country was getting collapsed. But the deposed government has had folded the election map. The local government institutions that were dissolved in 2015 had to wait for three years to go for elections.  The system of election for local government institutions has been changed. The elections were postponed saying there are delimitation problems. The government at last held that election when the Commissioner of Elections took steps to hold elections to institutions that did not have delimitation problems.   By last month the Northern Provincial Council and three other provincial councils – Sabaragamuwa, North, and East have got dissolved.  But no elections.

When the President dissolved the Parliament and for elections in accordance with powers that had been conferred under the constitution, for the first time in the history of Sri Lanka, the UNP, JVP and some other parties have gone to the Supreme Court  against holding elections It were these parties without any sense of shame got the elections for the local government institutions and provincial councils postponed.   They introduced revisions to bills submitted for other purposes through the back door during the committee stage reading.  By this method, they completely messed up the election system. The voting rights of the people of this country were snatched away by these parties at that time as well.   .

When I was coming to parliament this morning I saw a Poster which asks whose fundamental rights .are being infringed by an election?

(To be continued)_

විශ්වාස භංගයක් අලුතෙන් ‘‘විධිමත්ව’’ සම්මත කලොත් පිලිගන්න බව ජනපති දන්වයි.. විධිමත් ක‍්‍රමය මෙන්න.එජාප ප‍්‍රබලයන් තිදෙනෙකුට අගමැති වෙන්නැයි ජනපති ආරාධනා කරලා..?

November 15th, 2018

 lanka C news

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරය ඇත්නම් එය තමනට නියමානුකූල ආකාරයෙන් පෙන්වා සිටින්නැනි ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා එක්සත් ජාතික පෙරමුණ පක්ෂ නායකයන්ට පෙන්වා දී ඇත.

ඔහු මේ බව සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ අද පස්වරුවේ ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේදී එම පෙරමුණේ නායකයන් සමග පැවති පැවති සකච්ඡාවේදිය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දී සම්මත කළේ යැයි කියන විශ්වාසභංගය තමන් පිළිනොගන්නා බවත් ඒ වෙනුවට වෙනත් විශ්වාසභංගයක් ඉදිරිපත් කර විධිමත් ක්‍රමවේදයක් අනුව සම්මත කර ඉදිරිපත් කළහොත් කමන් එහිදී ව්‍යවස්ථානුකූල කටයුතු කරන බව ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා සඳහන් කර තිබේ.

නව විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාව හෙට දිනයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට මෙම සාකච්ඡාවේදී අවධානය යොමුවී ඇති අතර ඒ සඳහා වන ඡන්ද විමසීම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ නමින් සිදු කරන්නැයි ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා දන්වා ඇත.

Exclusive : විශ්වාස භංගයක් අලුතෙන් ‘‘විධිමත්ව’’ සම්මත කලොත් පිලිගන්න බව ජනපති දන්වයි.. විධිමත් ක‍්‍රමය මෙන්න.. එජාපය නන්නපෝල්..

කෙසේවෙතත් මෙම තත්ත්වය මත විශ්වාස භංගය විධිමත් ක‍්‍රමවේදයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නම් මුලින්ම කතානායකවරයාට සිදුවන්නේ ජනාධිපතිවරයා විසින් පත් කරන ලද අගමැතිවරයා වන මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පිලිගැනීමටයි.

එසේ පිළිගැනීමෙන් පසුව එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය ආණ්ඩුව ලෙස ද පිළිගැනීමට සිදුවන අතර සභා නායක වරයෙක්, ආණ්ඩුපක්ෂ සංවිධායකවරයෙක් මෙන්ම විපක්ෂනායකවරයෙක් විපක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායකවරයෙක් ආදී තනතුරුවලට පුද්ගලයන් පත් කළ යුතුද වෙයි.

ඉන් අනතුරුව ස්ථාවර නියෝග අනුව විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් විපක්ෂයට ඉදිරිපත් කල හැකි අතර එය පාර්ලිමේන්තු න්‍යාය පත්‍රය සකස් කිරීමේදී ඊට ඇතුලත් කල හැක.

විශ්වාස බංගය ගැන කටයුතු කිරීමට පක්‍ෂ නායක රැස්වීමේදී තීරණයක් ගත යුතු අතර  පාර්ලිමේන්තු න්‍යාය පත්‍රයේ දින යොදා විවාද කිරීම සඳහා ද සැලකිය යුතු දින ගණනක් ලබාදීමෙන් පසු ඡන්ද විමසීමට ගත හැක.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විධිමත් පිළිගත් ක්‍රමවේදය වන්නේ එයයි. ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේද එම ක‍්‍රමයටයි.

එජාප ප‍්‍රබලයන් තිදෙනෙකුට අගමැති වෙන්නැයි ජනපති ආරාධනා කරලා..?

බහුතරය පෙන්විය හැකිනම් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ ප‍්‍රබලයන් තිදෙනෙකුට අගමැති ධූරය සදහා ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන මහතා විසින් ආරාධනා කර ඇති බව එජාප හිතවාදී අන්තර්ජාල මාධ්‍ය කිහිපයක්ම වාර්තා කර ඇත.

නමුත් රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අගමැති කර ඔහු සමග කටයුතු කිරීමට තමන් කිසිසේත්ම සූදානම් නැතැයි ජනාධිපතිවරයා දන්වා ඇති බවද එම වාර්තාවන්හි සදහන්ය.

 

යා දෙක නොරත රත; වත්මන් දේශපාලන අර්බුධය විනිවිද දකිමු – 1

November 15th, 2018

ආචාර්ය චමිල ලියනගේ

මේ පබැඳුම අලගියවන්න මුකවෙට්ටිතුමාගේය. කාලත්‍රය දැකීමට සමත් පඬිවරුන්ගේ සංකල්පනාවන්හි අදාළත්වය සර්ව කාලීන වන්නේය; සර්ව භෞමික වන්නේය. ලාඞකේය දේශපාලනයේ අද උද්ගත වී ඇති තත්ත්වය විග්‍රහ කරගැනීමෙහි ලා මේ සංකල්පය වෙසෙසින්ම  ගැලපෙන බව අපගේ අදහසයි. ඊට හේතුව පසුගිය 2018.10.26 දින අපේ රටේ දේශපාලනතන්ත්‍රයේ සිදුවූ අනපේක්ෂිත ‘විප්ලවයට’ පාදක වූයේ ‘නොගැලපීමක්’ නිසාය. එම පරිවර්තනය මෑත කාලීන දේශපාලනික හෝ දේශපාලනික නොවන ප්‍රවෘත්ති අතර උණුසුම්ම පුවත බව අප අවිවාදයෙන් පිලිගන්නේ තවමත් එම උණුසුම පහව ගොස් නොමැති බැවිණි.

එහෙත්, එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය, ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉවත් වීමද, රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරයෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමද,  පසුව හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා වශයෙන් පත්කිරීමද යන ප්‍රධාන සිද්ධීන්ද, අමාත්‍යවරුන් පත්කිරීම වැනි අවශේෂ ජවනිකාද පදනම් කරගත් ඒ තරමක් ත්‍රාසජනක අත්දැකීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් නිවැරදි විග්‍රහයක් සමාජගතවී ඇත්ද? ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගත් තීන්දුව වැරදියැයි කියන්නට ව්‍යවස්ථාව පෙරලන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ දේශපාලනඥයන්ගේ හා එම පක්ෂයට හිතවත් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරීන්ගේ අවලාද එක් අතකින්ද, එම ව්‍යවස්ථාවම පෙරළා, ජනාධිපතිවරයා ගත් තීරණය නිවැරදි බව හඬගා කියන වත්මන් ආණ්ඩු පක්ෂ දේශපාලනඥයින්ගේ තර්ක අනිත් අතින්ද ඇසෙන පොර පිටියක ස්වරූපය සමස්ත ජනමාධ්‍ය භූමි දර්ශනය තුළ පෙනෙන්නට තිබේ. ඊට අමතරව යමක් ඇත්නම්, ඒවා අමාත්‍යාංශ වල වැඩ භාරගැනීම්ය; දිව්රුම්දීම්ය. මෙවන් සංධර්භයක් තුළ මීට වැඩි යමක් අපේක්ෂා කරන, සබුද්ධික පුරවැසියකු මේ රටේ නැද්ද? අප සිතන්නේ කවුරුන් කෙසේ තක්සේරු කළත්, උද්ගත තත්ත්වය පිළිබඳ නිවැරදි විග්‍රහක්  අපේක්ෂා කරන ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රයේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය බලය හිමි  බුද්ධිමත් පුරවැසියන් බොහෝ පිරිසක් සිටිනා බවය.   

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා වශයෙන් පත් කිරීමෙන් පසු ඔක්තෝබර් 28 වනදා ජාතිය අමතා ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා කළ කතාවෙන් හා පසුගිය නොවැම්බර් 5දා පාර්ලිමේන්තු වටරවුමේ ‘ජනමහිමය’ රැළිය අමතා එතුමා කළ කතාවෙන් මතුවන කාරණා හුදු දේශපාලන ප්‍රලාප අභිබවා ගිය කරුණු කිහිපයක් මතු කරයි. මෙම අවස්ථාවන් ද්වයෙහීදීම එතුමාගෙන් කියවුනු ප්‍රධාන කරුණ වන්නේ ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩු වසර තුනහමාර තුළ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය තම පක්ෂයටත්, විධායකයේ ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස තමන් හා ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකයේ ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස හිටපු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අතර වූ වෙනසයි. ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ වදන්ම උපුටා දක්වන්නේ නම්, ඒ වෙනස ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය හා සංස්කෘතික වෙනසකි! එපමණක් ද නොව, ඒ වෙනස, පරස්පරය අවම කිරීම සඳහා ගනු ලැබූ සෑම උත්සාහයක්ම අසාර්ථක වී ඇත. මේ රටේ පුරවැසියා ඉදිරියේ දිව්රා සමාරම්භ කරනු ලැබූ ‘යහපාලනය’ මාස තුනක් වැනි කෙටි කාලයකදී බිඳවැටුන බවද ජනාධිපතිතුමා පවසයි. ඉහත කී අවස්ථාවන් දෙකට අමතරව, 2017 වසරේ දෙසැම්බරයේ මගේ කඩුවට කවුරු කැපෙයිද කියන එක මා දන්නේ නැහැ. මොන පක්ෂයේද, මොන වර්ණයේද, කාගේද, මගේ ඥාතීන්ද, කවුද කියන ප්‍රශ්නය මට නැහැ. පවිත්‍ර දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරයක් සඳහා රටේ ජාතියේ අනාගතය උදෙසා කඩුව අතට ගන්නවා” යැයි කළ ප්‍රකාශයද, ඔක්තෝබර් 26 දාට හරියටම මාසයකට ප්‍රථම එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ 73 වන සමුළුව අමතා කිසිදු විදේශ බලපෑම්, විදේශ තර්ජන ස්වාධීන රටක් විදියට අපට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ නැහැ. ඒ නිසා අප සෑම අතින් ම ශක්තිමත් රටක් විදියට සියලු දෙනාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින්නේ, අපට තියෙන ප්‍රශ්න විසඳගන්න අපට ඉඩ දෙන්න” යැයි කළ ප්‍රකාශයද මේ සන්ධර්භය තේරුම් ගැනීමේදී වැදගත් බව අපි සිතන්නෙමු.

මහ බැංකු මහ කොල්ලය පිළිබඳ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයාගේ හා හිටපු මුදල් අමාත්‍යවාරයාගේ භාවිතාව හා ස්ථාවරය,  ජනාධිපති කොමිශන් සභාවක් පත්කිරීම එ.ජා.ප ප්‍රධානින්ගේ බලවත් අප්‍රසාදයට ලක්වූ ආකාරය, ඒ පිළිබඳ නිසි පියවර ගැනීමට සිදුකළ අල්ලස් හා දූෂන අණපනත් සංශෝධන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභානායක කාර්යාලයේ හමස් පෙට්ටියට ගිය අයුරු,  එම පනත් සම්මත කිරීම් දින නියමයක් නොමැතිව කල්යෑම, ඊ.ඒ.පී. මාධ්‍ය ජාලය විකුණා දැමීම පිළිබඳ කුප්‍රකට ගණුදෙනුව ආදිය පිළිබඳ සිද්ධීන් උක්ත නොගැලපීමට පදනම් වූ හේතු සමහරක් ය. ස්ථාපනය කර තෙමසක් ගතවෙද්දී, වියවුල් වන්නට පටන්ගත් යහපාලන ‘දිගය’ කෙසේ හෝ හරිමගට ගැනීමට ජනාධිපතිතුමා බොහෝ කරුණු දැඩිව ඉවසා දරාගෙන තිබේ. ඒ අතරතුර, 2018 මුළදී පැවැත්වූනු පලාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේ ප්‍රතිඵල වලින් ප්‍රතීයමාන වන පණිවුඩය තේරුම්ගැනීමට එ.ජා.ප නායකත්වයට බලපෑම් කිරීමටද, කරූ ජයසූරිය, සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස වැනි විකල්පයක් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය තනතුරට පත්කර නොගැලපීමේ පරතරය අවම කරගන්නටද එතුමා උත්සහ දරා තිබේ. තමා හා හිටපු ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ඝාතන කුමන්ත්‍රණය ඔක්තෝබර් 26 දින  තමා විසින් ගනු ලැබූ දැඩි තීරණයට ආසන්නතම හේතුව බවද ජනාධිපතිතුමා පෙන්වා දෙයි.

එම නොගැලපීම් සඳහා හේතුව  ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂයේ හා එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ දේශපාලන දෘෂ්ටිවාද, දිශානතීන් අතර ඇති ඓතිහාසික පරස්පරතාව යැයි ඇතැම් දේශපාලන විචාරකයෙක් පෙන්වා දෙන්නට පිළිවන. එහෙත් අප දකින්නේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා විස්තර කළ නොගැලපීමද ඇතුළත් පසුගිය දශක ගණනාවේ අප අත්දුටු සියලු දේශපාලනික ත්‍රාසජනක ජවනිකා, අපේ රටේ ජනමතය පාලන තන්ත්‍රය තුළ නියෝජනය කරන්නට හා පුරවැසියාට වගකියන්නට,  උත්තරාරෝපිත මෙම දේශපාලන ක්‍රමය හා එහි නිමග්න සාතිශය බහුතරයක් කළු සුද්දන්ද අනාර්යයන්ද, දක්වන පූර්ණ අසමාර්ථ්‍යතාව නිසා උපන් ආසාත්මිකතාව නිසා වරින් වර උද්ගත වී උත්සන්න වන රෝගී තත්ත්ව ලෙසිනි. මහා සම්මත ප්‍රජා-තන්ත්‍රයක පුරවාසීන් වූ අප, පැරණි ග්‍රීසියේ 72%ක් කම්කරුවන් රවටා දුර්දාන්ත ලෙස පාලනයට 28%ක් වු ධනපතියන් විසින් අටවාගත් ‘ඩිමොක්‍රසි’ නම් න්‍යායවාදය හා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යය වෙස්ට් මිනිස්ටර් පාර්ලිමේන්තු ක්‍රමය ගිලදමා දිරවාගත නොහැකිව සිටිමු.

ඒ දේශපාලන අජීර්ණයද, විවෘත ආර්ථිකය නම් වූ කොඩිවිනය ද නිසා  ඊනියා ලෝක බලවතුන්ගේ අත්රූකඩයක් බවට පත්වූ (බොහොමයක් තුන්වන ලෝකයේ රටවල් මෙන්ම) අපේ රටේද පුරවැසියා, පරම්පරා ගණනාවක් යනතුරු ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය සංගතයන්හි ණයගැතියකුද, අභ්‍යන්තර වශයෙන් වාර්ගික, පක්ෂ ආදී අනවරත ගැටුම් ඇතිකරගත් විපිළිසර වින්දිතයකුද වී සදාකාලික වහලකු ගේ තත්ත්වයට පත්ව සිටී. අපේ පාලකයින් අප පත් කරන්නේ යැයි සිතුවද, එය හුදෙක් එක් භ්‍රාන්තියක් පමණි. අපේ පාලකයින් යනු යථෝක්ත ඊනියා බලවතුන්ගේ හා ආයතනයන් අප සූරාකෑම නියාමනය කිරීමට උන්ගේ අනුසරණින් නම් කර ඇති ඒජන්තයකු පමණකි. ඔහු උඩමලුවට යන්නේ, දළදා වහන්සේ වන්දනා කරන්නට යන්නේ කෝවිලයක කට්පූර තට්ටුවකට අත ගසන්නේ පලිල්යක යාඥා කරන්නේ ස්වකීය යටත්වැසියා රැවටීමට පමණි. ඔහු, ඔහුගේ ගැලවීමද, පැවැත්මද, ආරක්ෂාවද අපේක්ෂා කරන්නේ අයදීන්නේ තානාපතිවරුන්ගේ ඉදිරිපිට දණින් වැටීගෙන දුක කියමින් ය.

අපේ රටේ බලය වෙනස් වූ සුසමාදර්ශීය තත්ත්වයන් විග්‍රහ කරන්නේ නම්, අපි පලමුව එය මහා සම්මත යුගයක්ද, පසුව සේනා සම්මත යුගයක්ද, ඉන් අනතුරුව රාජ සම්මත යුගයක්ද, අවසාන වශයෙන් 1800න් පමණ පසු ප්‍රභූ සම්මත යුගයකටද අවතීර්ණ වූයේ වෙමු. ඉංග්‍රිසි යටත් විජිත සමයේ මතුව එන ප්‍රභූ සම්මත යුගයේ පසුකාලීන අත්දැකීම් අනුව ඒ ප්‍රභූ සම්මත යුගයේ පරාධීන ප්‍රභූන්ද ස්වාධීන ප්‍රභූන්ද හඳුනාගත හැකිවේ. ඉහත විස්තර කළ පරිද්දෙන්, විදෙස් බලවේග ඉදිරිපිට දණින් වැටීම සිය ප්‍රතිපත්තිය කරගන්නා වූද, ඒ ප්‍රවාහයන්හි ප්‍රතිපත්ති සංස්කෘථික පාදඩකම් අනුගමනය කරමින් ඒවා ව්‍යාප්ත කරළීමට කැපවූ තමන්ට හසුරුවාගත හැකි පාලකයින් පරාධීන ප්‍රභූන් වන අතර, ඒ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදී බලවේග නොතකන්නා ස්වාධීන ප්‍රභූවරයකු වේ. අප දකින ආකාරයට ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ තීරණය පිටුපස ඇත්තේ මේ ස්වාධීනත්වය හා පරාධීනත්වය අතර පරස්පරය යි. එ නිසාම, යහපාලනය සඳහා ජනතාවට වූ පොරොන්දුව මහා මූල්‍ය සොරකම් වලින් හා තවත් බොහෝ නොපනත්කම් වලින්, නීතියේ අධිපත්‍යය බිඳවැටීමෙන් විනාශවත්ම ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ හෘද සාක්ෂිය අවදි වූයේ ය. නව ව්‍යවස්ථා මර උගුල වැනි මාතෘභූමියේ ස්වෛරීත්වය විනාශ කරදමන්නා වූ මන්ත්‍රණ  හා පාදඩ සංස්කෘතික  වසංගතයන්ට රාජ්‍ය අනුග්‍රහය ලබාදීම වැනි නොපනත්කම් නිසාද රට ජාතිය හා ශාසනය වෙනුවෙන් ස්වකීය යුතුකම ඉටු කරන්නට එතුමා අවශ්‍යම අවස්ථාවේදී විධායකයේ කඩුව අතට ගත්තේ ය.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට වගනොකියා ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යය තුට්ටුවකට මායිම් නොකරන, තම පක්ෂයේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට වගකියන දේශපාලනඥයාට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සිහිපත් වන්නේ බලය අහිමි වෙද්දී ය. ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කුමක් ලියා තිබුනද, රටේ සිදුවන දේ ඇත්ත ඇතිසැටියෙන් දැක ඒ අනුව තීන්දු ගැනීමේ හැකියාව හා අයිතිය එළඹ සිටි සිහියෙන් සිටින රාජ්‍ය නායකයා සතු බව අපි විශ්වාශ කරන්නෙමු. තම ජීවිතයද අනතුරට පාත්‍ර වෙමින්, රටද ආගාධයට යනු දැනෙන්නේ නම් ඒ සඳහා වහා ක්‍රියාකිරීම සබුද්ධික පාලකයාගේ වගකීමයි. එය නීතිමය වශයෙන් අභියෝගයකට ලක්කිරීම, මුත්තා එරුණු පසු පොත පෙරළන පොල්බෑ මූණලාගේ, රබ්බඩ අයියලාගේ, කෝටු කිතයියලාගේ වැඩකි. නව තත්ත්වය සම්මත කිරීම හා පිළිගැනීම සඳහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ බහුතරය සෙවීමද අප දකින්නේ විහිලුවක් ලෙසය. එයද යටකී මහදැන මුත්තාගේ උපාය තේරීමකි. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයට පෙර මෙම වසර මුළදී පැවැත්වූ පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණයේ ප්‍රතිඵල තුළ ප්‍රකාශිත ජනමතය තේරුම් ගතයුතුය. ඉන් තෝරාගත්තේ පලාත් පාලන ආයතන සඳහා නියෝජිතයින් වුවද, පක්ෂ වෙත ලැබුනු ඡන්ද ප්‍රමාණය අනුව, ජනාධිපතිතුමා මෙම තීර්ණය පෙබරවාරි මස 12, 13 වැනි දිනකදී ගත්තා නම් එයද සාධාරණ බව අපගේ අදහසයි.  

පළාත් පාලන මැතිවරණය වැනි අවස්ථාවකින් ජනමතය ප්‍රකාශ නොවූයේ වුවද, රාජ්‍යයේ ප්‍රධානියා වශයෙන් රටෙහි පාලන තන්ත්‍රයේ සංස්කෘතිකමය ඉදිරි දර්ශනය හා රාජ්‍ය පාලනය, ආර්ථික කළමනාකරණය වැනි කාරණා සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගනු ලබන තීන්දු තීරණ අනුව රාජ්‍යයේ ආරක්ෂාව, භෞමික අඛණ්ඩතාව, ස්වෛරීත්වය මෙන්ම ශ්‍රී ලඞකාව වැනි සංස්කෘතිකමය වශයෙන් සංවේදී රටක සංස්කෘතික අනන්‍යතාව සළකා විධායක තීන්දුවක් ගැනීමට කොන්ද පන ඇති නායකයකුට හැකියාව තිබිය යුතුය. ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම මේ රටේ සාතිශය බහුතරය ජනාධිපතිතුමා ඔක්තෝබර් 26 අපරභාගයේ ගනු ලැබූ තීරණය අගය කරන්නේ (රතිඤ්ඤා පත්තු කිරීමෙන් හා කිරිබත් කෑමෙන් ඔබ්බට) තම තම නැණ පමණින් වටහා ගත් අනතුරින් ගැළවීම නිසාය. (ඒ අනතුර පශ්චාත් නූතනවාදී, ලිබරල්, කල්ලතෝනීන්ට නොතේරෙන බව අපි දනිමු). එම දේශපාලන තීන්දුව සාධාරණීකරණය කෙරෙන ප්‍රධානතම සාධකය ජනතා ආශීර්වාදය නොහොත් ජනමතයේ බහුතර ඉච්ඡාව මිස පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පක්ෂ කරපින්නා ගත්තවුන්ගේ 113 නොවන බවද අවධාරණය කරනු කැමැත්තෙමු.

මහා පරිමාණ මූල්‍ය වංචා, බදු බර, අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය පාරිභෝගික භාන්ඩ හා ඉන්ධන මිල ඉහලයෑම ආදී තත්ත්වයන් ජනතාව අත්විඳී පීඩනයේ ද්විතීයක තත්ත්වයන් වූ අතර, සියල්ලන්ට දැඩි ලෙස දැනුනේ, ව්‍යවස්ථා මර උගුල, ථේරවාදී කතිකාවත් පනතින් ශාසනය පාලනය කිරීමේ උත්සුකතාව, රණ විරුවන් දඟගෙයි ලෑම හා දෙමුහුම් අධිකරණ පෝරකයට දක්කමින්, කොටි ත්‍රස්තයින්ට වන්දි දීමේ පිළිවෙත, උතුරු නැගෙනහිර  හා සමස්ත දේශයේම ජාතික හා රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂාව අනතුරේ හෙළීම, බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථාන ප්‍රමුඛ ජාතික උරුම සංහාරය, ජාතික සම්පත් කුණු කොල්ලයට විකුනා දැමීම, මේ රටේ සාතිශය බහුතරය වන සිංහලයන්ගේ සමාජ දේශපාලනික ස්ථාවරත්වය සොලවාලන අණපනත් සම්මත කිරීම, සමලිංගික සමුළු සම්මන්ත්‍රන කොළඹ පැවැත්වීම ආදී මරු පහරවල් ය. මේ දේශපාලන තීන්දුව යුක්ති යුක්ත වන්නේ ඒ පීඩාවන් තීව්‍ර ලෙස දරාගෙන සිටි ජනතාව මේ පරිවර්තනය ඉක්මනින් අපේක්ෂා කළ නිසාය. ජනතා ඉච්ඡාවෙන් තොර ව්‍යවස්ථාව කඩදාසි ගොන්නක් පමණි.

කවුරුන් කුමක් කීවද, දශක දෙකහමාරක් තිස්සේ විවිධ සාවද්‍ය හේතු ගෙනහැර පාමින් හිඟන්නාගේ තුවාලයක් බවට පත් කරගත් දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යාපාරය මිලිටරිමය වශයෙන් නවතාලන්නට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා ප්‍රමුඛ රජයට හැකිවිය. එනිසාම එතුමාට ඉතිහාසය තුළ හිමිවන තත්ත්වය කිසිවකුටත් අභියෝගයට ලක් කළ නොහැක. නමුත් 2015 වසර සමාරම්භයේ සිදුවන දේශපාලනික පර්වර්තන සමගින් උදා වන්නේ 2009 මිලිටරිමය වශයෙන් සමාප්ත කළ බෙදුම්වාදී ක්‍රියාකාරීත්වය දේශපාලනිකව, හා ජාත්‍යන්තර මැදිහත්වීම සමග රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රිකව වඩාවර්ධනය වන යුගයකි. ඒ අති බිහිසුනු දේශපාලනික සංග්‍රාමය කරන්නට 2015දී පරාජය වන රාජපක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුවට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්ෂයේ ස්ථානයවත් හිමි නොවේ. ඒ වෙනුවට විපක්ෂ නායකත්වය හිමිවන්නේ හොරාගේ අම්මා වූ සම්පන්දන්ට ය. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේත් ද්‍රවිඩ ජාතික සන්ධානයේත් දේශපාලන මංගල්ලයට පිරුවට රෙදි වියන් පාවාඩ සපයන්නා වන්නේ විපක්ෂයේ ප්‍රධාන සංවිධායකත්වය හිමිවන වන ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණයි. ඒ ආකෘතිය සකස් කරගැනීමට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය ඔස්සේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වුනු බෙදුම්වාදයේ බලල් අත් සූක්ෂම විය. එහෙත් 2009 දී බෙදුම්වාදය ප්‍රාන දාන, කාය දාන, සේවා දාන දී මිලිටරිමය වශයෙන් පරාජය කරන්නට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා සමත් වූවා සේම, රටේ අනාගතය සම්බන්ධයෙන් වූ ඊළග දේශපාලන පරමානු බෝම්බය නිශ්ක්‍රිය කරන්නට මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිතුමා සමත්විය. ඒ ඓතිහාසික තීරණයෙන් එතුමාට ඉතිහාසයේ හිමිවන ස්ථානයද කිසිවකුටත් අභියෝගයට ලක්කල නොහැකි බව අපගේ අදහයි. ඔක්තෝබර් 26 දායින් පසුව ඉතා නින්දිත අයුරින් ජනාධිපතිතුමාට පරිභව කළ දේශපාලනඥයින්ගේ වේදනාව රටපාවාදී තම බඩ වඩාගැනීමේ බලාපොරොත්තුව ඉටු නොවීමේ වේදනාව හා ඉන් උපන් වෛරය මිස අන් කිසිවක් නොවේ. එහෙත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ සිටින සුවහසක් දේශප්‍රේමී ශ්‍රී ලාඞකිකයන් තේරුම් ගත යුත්තේ, මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා ජනාධිපති අසුනේ හිඳුවාලීමට දායක වූ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට එතුමා ද්‍රොහී වූ බව නොව, අන් සියලු සාධක පසෙකලා තම මාතෘ භූමියේ ස්වෛරීත්වය ගැන සිතූ බවය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පිහි ගෙන ඒමේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ඊළග කොටසින්…

ආචාර්ය චමිල ලියනගේ

What happens when politicians get tired of talking…… They behave like animals ???

November 15th, 2018

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Would you believe that Parliamentarians do fight not only in Sri Lanka bur all over the world?

They do not fight for democracy. They fight over the rights they may lose .They fight for pensions, they fight to keep the facilities they enjoy

They fight for sumptuous meal they get almost free .They fight for car permit, They fight for retaining the spouse or siblings or children in their staff pay-roll .They fight to retain rights to travel all over the world .They fight to keep mistresses as secretaries. They fight to get money from president to cover medical expenses on Singapore. .They fight to retain the title honourable

None of them fight for Silva.Perera ,Appuhami ,Sirisena ,Chelliah ,Mansoor ,Decker or Veddah Hura –Chief,

They do not fight to get us a square meal daily .They do not fight for our children to get education .They do not fight for getting my pension in time, They do not fight to get trains and buses running on time, They do not fight to get free medical services and medicine .They do not fight for environment protection, They do not fight to give is cheap power or water.

They do not think about us .They think about themselves

An advise to all is whole of Sri Lanka is to  refrain from  voting anybody .

All of us should protest against the democratic farce of selecting a parliament.

 

රටපුරා වස බෙදන ලවුඩ්-ස්පීකර් කැරොල් කරත්තය තිස්ස ගුණතිලක

November 15th, 2018

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක සිඩ්නි නුවර සිට

කුමරි ඹබසර පුදා නෙක ගැහැට වින්දාය මෑ

සලෙළුනට රැවටෙමින් සිය රැසිරැ පිදුවාය මෑ

ඉසුරැ සඳහා මොවුන් උගසටද තැබුවාය මෑ

අසරනව අද මෙසේ මහමගට වැටුනාය මෑ

මැගේ නම ලංකාය……..

ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය නැවත ප්‍රතිෂ්ඨාපනය කිරීම ලබන දෙසැම්බර් 07 වනදාට කල්දමා ඇ‌ත. එදිනවත් එය සිදුවේදැයි ජනතාව විමසිල්ලෙන් බලා සිටී. අවුරැදු 70කට වඩා වැඩි කාලයක් ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය සදහා කැපවුනු ලක්මෑණියන් අද මුවින් නිහඩය. ඇ‌ය සුසුම් සලන්නීය. දෙසැම්බර් 07 වනදා එම සුසුම කඳුලකට හැරේ දෝයි ඇ‌ගේ දූපුතුන් පපුවට තබාගත් දෝත් ඇ‌තිව බලාසිටී. අසරණව වැතිර සිටින ඇ‌යගේ දේහය මතින් තම කැරොල් කරත්තය පැදවීමට දතකට මැදගෙන ලවුඩ්-ස්පීකර් තුමා ඇ‌තුළු ගෝත්‍රිකයින් බලාසිටි. එහි නැග සිටින්නේ මුදලට තම ආ‌ත්මය පාවාදුන් මහජන නියෝජනයයි. ලවුඩ්-ස්පීකර් කෙවිටෙන් අසරන හරකාට තඩිබාමින් උජාරැවෙන් ‘විධායකය තඹසතයකට මායිම් නොකරන’ ලෙස පාරම්බාමින් වස කරත්තය දක්කයි, තම සහජ හැකියාව මොනවට විදහා පෙන්වයි.

අමතකවීම ‘අල්සයිමර්’ රෝගයේ ලකෂණයකි. මෑතකදී දෙවතාවක්ම ව්‍යවස්ථාව දිවිහිමියෙන් රකින බවට දිවුරැම් දුන්න මෙතුමාට ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ විධායකයක්ද ඇ‌තිබවත්, විධායකයට හිමිතැනත් අමතකවී ‘පාර්ලිමේන්තුව (ව්‍යවස්ථාදායකය) හා අධිකරණයේ තීරණ මත පමනක් පිහිටා කටයුතු කරන දෙන ලෙස’ ජනතාවගෙන් ඉල්ලයි. මේ නම් අල්සයිමර් ලකෂණයි. මෙවැනි රෝගින් ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය රකින ස්ථානයක හෝ වගකිවයුතු රාජකාරියකට හෝ සුදුසුද? තීරණය ඔබට බාරයි.

තවත් වරක් මොහු එජාපයේ ඇ‌මතිවරයෙකුව සිට ආ‌රාධණා ලැබ ජවිපය සංවිධානය කල ‘අතුරැදහන්කල තරැණයින්’ සැමරීමේ වැඩමුළුවකට සහභාගි වුනාලු. ඉතාම හරබර කතාවකට සූදානම්වී ගිය මොහු ගිහින් ඉදගත්තාටත් පසුවලු දැනගත්තේ මේ සමරන්නේ එජාපය ’88-’89 වසරවල අතුරැදහන්කල ජවිප තරැණයින් බව. තමා ඇ‌තුළු එජාප පාලනය එවකට දසදහස් ගනනින් අපේ සිංහල බෙෳද්ධ තරැණයින් ඝාතණය කලබව මෙතුමාට මතක්වී ඇ‌ත්තේ එවිටලු.

අල්සයිමර් වැලඳී බොහෝකල් බවයි මෙයින් ගම්‍යවන්නේ.

වරක් රනිල් ඇ‌තුළු එජාප නැලය එවකට ජනපතිටත් හොරෙන් උතුර හා නැගෙනහිර ත්‍රස්තවාදින්ට පවරාදුන්නා ඔබට අමතක නැතයි සිතමි. එසේ නැවතවරක් ලක්මෑණියන්ව බටහිරට උගස්කර පවාදීමට පෙර මොවුන් කුදලා ලක් ඉතිහාසයේ කුනුබක්කියට දැක්කීමට කාලයයි. ඒ‌ සදහා ජනතා වරමකට ඉඩ ලැබෙනතුරැ ජනතාව නොඉවසිල්ලෙන් බලාසිටී. ලබන දෙසැම්බර් 07 වනදා අපේ අධිකරණය ධර්මාධිකරණයක්ම වේවායි ජනතා පැතුමයි.

Please note: Alzheimer’s disease is a progressively worsening mental condition which slowly causes people to forget basic information and impairs the ability to carry out everyday tasks.

ඔබට සුභ පැතුම්

තිස්ස ගුණතිලක සිඩ්නි නුවර සිට

2018 නොවැම්බර් මස 15වනදා

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පිහි ඇණුමක්.. ලේ සෙලවෙයි.. මන්ත‍්‍රී ඝාතනයක් නූලෙන් වැලකේ.. එජාප මන්ත‍්‍රීන් දෙදෙනෙකු පිහි ගෙනැත්.. කඩු පොලුත් ගේන්නැයි කතානායක කියලා..

November 15th, 2018

lanka C news

අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඇති වූ ගැටුමට වගකිව යුත්තේ කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය මහතා බව ඇමති දයාසිරි ජයසේකර මහතා කියයි.

කථානායකවරා පුටුවේ රැදී සිටීමෙන් මෙම නොසන්සුන්කාරී තත්වය ඇති වූ බවත් ඔහු අසුනෙන් ඉවත්ව ගියේ නම් මෙම තත්වය ඇති නොවන බවත් ඔහු කියා සිටී.

අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුලට එජාප මන්ත‍්‍රිවරුන් දෙදෙනෙකු තියුණු පිහි රැුගෙන පැමිණ සිටි බවද ඔහු පැවසීය.

මේ සම්බන්දයෙන් කතානායකවරයාට කී අවස්ථාවේ පිහි බැරිනම් කඩු පොලු හරි ගේන්නැයි කතානායකවරයා කී බවද ඔහු කිවේය.

මේ අතර පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රි ජයන්තර සමරවීර මහතා සදහන් කරන්නේ දිලුම් අමුණුගම මහතාට තුවාල වූයේ පාලිත තෙවරප්පෙරුම මන්ත්‍රීවරයා පිහියක් වැනීම නිසා බවයි.

රන්ජන් රාමනායක හා පාලිත තෙවරප්පෙරුම යන එජාප මන්ත‍්‍රිවරුන් පාර්ලිමේකන්තු සභා ගැබට පිහි රැගෙන ආ බවට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී ඉන්දික අනුරුද්ද විසින් පැමිණිලි කර තිබේ.

මන්ත‍්‍රී ජොන්ස්ටන් ප‍්‍රනාන්දු නිසා මන්ත‍්‍රී ඝාතන තැතත් වැලකී ගිය බවද ආණ්ඩුවේ මන්ත‍්‍රිවරුන් කියති.

 

Anarchy, here we come!

November 15th, 2018

Editorial Courtesy The Island


People dislike governments and politicians. In advanced democracies the public asks for less government because meddlesome politicians make people’s lives miserable. We, the inhabitants of this land like no other, are apparently without a government at present. Speaker Karu Jayasuriya declared in Parliament, yesterday, for everyone to hear, that the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of ministers appointed by President Maithripala Sirisena recently had ceased to hold office with effect from Nov. 14 owing to the ratification of a ‘motion of no confidence’. The President has rejected out of hand the Speaker’s position that the pre-Oct. 26 status prevails in Parliament with Ranil Wickremesinghe as the PM.

The Supreme Court has earned plaudits for its interim injunction which suspended the dissolution of Parliament till 07 Dec. Our legislators never try to bring order out of chaos; they do it the other way around. Now, Parliament finds itself in the same predicament as a patient with a serious bowel obstruction, given a potent laxative. The country has come within the hailing distance of anarchy.

Our lawmakers cum lawbreakers must have been Guy Fawkes and his confederates in a previous incarnation. Fawkes et al failed in their attempt to destroy the British Parliament with gunpowder. Our guys are not using explosives; instead, they are hell bent on destroying the image of Parliament through their despicable conduct. Some of them represent a former southern terrorist outfit which, about three decades ago, carried out a grenade attack in Parliament in an abortive bid to eliminate the then President and the entire Cabinet. There are some others who backed a northern terrorist group which was all out to bomb Parliament sky high, but could not achieve its objective.

Local government (LG) bodies remained rudderless for more than two years. Elections to the dissolved Provincial Councils (PCs) are long overdue. Now, the national legislature is stuck in limbo. The current situation reminds us of the elephant in the room at Hulftsdorp.

In January 2015, President Sirisena, egged on by the UNP and some prominent members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL), removed the then Chief Justice Mohan Peiris ab initio. He deemed that Peiris had never held the Chief Justice’s post, which, he said, had not fallen vacant because the ‘impeachment of’ Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, in Jan. 2013, was not legal. So, there were two CJs from Jan. 2013 to 2015—the one appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the other reinstated by President Sirisena retroactively. Or, there was no CJ (physically present at the SC) if we are to go by Sirisena’s contention that Peiris was never the head of the judiciary; Dr. Bandaranayake did not function as the CJ for two years. The yahapalana government did not take any action against Peiris for having held the CJ’s post for two years, delivering judgments, drawing the CJ’s salary, enjoying perks of office and signing vital documents during the aforesaid period!

It may be recalled that the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration even considered keeping an elephant without a permit a violation of the Offences against Public Property Act. President Sirisena and ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the BASL ought to explain why they allowed an outsider who had held the CJ’s post ‘illegally’, to go scot free.

Thus, it may be seen that President Sirisena, ably assisted by Wickremesinghe, vapourised a Prime Minister (D. M. Jayaratne) and a Chief Justice immediately after the 2015 presidential election. Nearly four years later, Sirisena ‘vapourised’ Wickremesinghe! The incumbent Speaker is all out to ‘varpourise’ PM Rajapaksa and the Cabinet!

Now, all three tiers of government are in chaos; the newly introduced, harebrained electoral system has rendered most LG bodies hung and, thereby, ungovernable; the PCs are without elected representatives and the Speaker does not recognise the ruling party in Parliament and the President has refused to accept the party which, the Speaker says, is in power.

Anarchy, here we come!

(Thankfully, Wijeweera and Prabhakaran are pushing up daisies.)

President tells party leaders to prove majority properly

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

A special meeting was held this evening (15), between President Maithripala Sirisena, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and the leaders of all political parties affiliated with United National Front (UNF) and Tamil National Alliance (TNA).

The meeting, which lasted for nearly two hours, was focused on the existing political situation of the country.

According to the President’s Media Division (PMD), the group of party leaders had stated that they hold the parliament majority and requested the President to accept this fact.

In response, the President has emphasized that he always acts in accordance with the Constitution of the country and that he respects it.

The President also informed them to respect the Parliamentary traditions and to prove the parliament majority properly.

The meeting has also discussed the removal of Clause 01 of the resolution that was presented to the Parliament yesterday and resubmission of the resolution tomorrow (16).

The President informed the party leaders to call for the vote by name and to prove parliament majority accordingly in order to take subsequent constitutional measures in this regard.

President Maithripala Sirisena requests all representatives of the Parliament to ensure peace within the Parliament and to act in accordance with democracy and standing orders, the President’s Media Division noted.

Govt. ready to defeat NCM if UNF-led alliance adheres to protocols: SB

November 15th, 2018

Sandun A. Jayasekera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

If the UNF-led political alliance follows proper Parliamentary procedures and Standing Orders when bringing in a no-confidence motion (NCM) against the government and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the government is ready to face it and defeat it, Chief Whip and Highways Minister S.B. Dissanayake said today.

He said the government would easily secure a minimum of 125 votes in Parliament to defeat the NCM.

Addressing the media at his office, the minister said the UNP-led alliance against the government could hand over the NCM to Speaker Karu Jayasuriya after Parliament met this afternoon and ask for an early date for the debate and vote.

The NCM must remain in the Order Book for a minimum of five days. The party leaders must then decide a date for the debate and vote at the Business Committee meeting. Usually, an NCM can be given an early date for debate on the priority basis and we are ready to accept the outcome of the NCM if and when it is debated and voted. EPDP leader Douglas Devananda will bring three members to the government from the North. M.L.M. Hizbullah will bring another three. There will be three others joining the government from Mano Ganesan’s and Palani Digambaram’s parties. Arumugam Thondaman will bring five members to expand the government to 125. The UNP will be reduced to 65 and will fail to garner the magic number of 113 even with the support of the TNA, JVP, SLMC and ACMC. However, we are not ready to loosen the government from our grip. We will continue to rule the country. There will be selling and buying of members in days to come once again,” he said. The minister said Speaker Jayasuriya acted arbitrarily on Wednesday and violated Parliamentary proceedings and Standing Orders. He said lawyers representing the government should have asked the Supreme Court for an injunction against the reconvening of Parliament until the final determination of the case and admitted it was a mistake on the part of the counsel of the government.

“The counsel arguing the case on behalf of the government will make a request to the Supreme Court for a bigger bench of five or seven judges or even more,” he said.

Pix by Pradeep Dilrukshana

Thewarapperuma brandishes knife in House

November 15th, 2018

By Kelum Bandara, Sandun A Jayasekera and Yohan Perera Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The conduct of some parliamentarians stooped down to such low levels today that, for the first time in history, there were allegations that some UNP MPs smuggled in sharp knives into the Chamber of the House for any untoward action.

The photos went viral in the internet and social media showing UNP MP Palitha Thewarapperuma brandishing a knife in an apparent brawl with UPFA MP Prasanna Ranaweera behind the Speaker’s Chair during commotion in the House.

UPFA MPs Johnston Fernando and Mahindananda Aluthgamage were seen trying to stop him from attempts to strike Mr. Ranaweeera who was also behaving menacingly.

Government MP Jayantha Samaraweerra also charged that MP Palitha Thewarapperuma had a knife which he pointed at the government MPs.

Highways and Road Development Minister S.B.Dissanayaka told reporters at his Ministry that he was disgusted, disappointed and ashamed of what happened in Parliament.

“They should not have behaved in this manner and degrade themselves. Some of them behaved like cats and dogs. There was blood letting as two Deputy Ministers had smuggled knives to the House,” he charged.

All Members of Parliament must be determined to safeguard parliamentary tradition decorum and discipline in and out of the House, he added.

Pix by Sajeewa Chinthaka

Knife brandishing: Complaint lodged against Ranjan, Palitha

November 15th, 2018

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The government yesterday said it had lodged a complaint with the police over UNP MPs Ranjan Ramanayake and Palitha Thewarapperuma who had allegedly threatened government MPs in Parliament with a knife.

Govt. MP Indika Anuruddha said a complaint has been lodged with the police post at the Parliamentary complex.

Both Ranjan Ramanayake and Palitha Thewarapperuma threatened me with a knife inside the chamber. When I brought Speaker’s attention to this, he said not knives but swords should be brought in because of the current state of affairs.

“This is unacceptable. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa’s seat was a few rows away from these unruly MPs. This was a threat to all MPs. Therefore, we lodged the complaint with the police,” he told a news briefing held at the Prime Minister’s Office.

MP Johnston Fernando said the MPs who allegedly threatened others with a knife should be arrested. We have to find out how a knife was brought into parliament. We will bring this issue to the attention of both the President and IGP as well,” he said.

ජනාධිපතිතුමා රැකිය යුත්තේ එක එක පක්ෂවල ප්‍රතිපත්ති නොව ව්‍යවස්ථාවයි

November 15th, 2018

ක්‍රිෂාන් පතිරත් ජයසූරිය උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෑත කාලයේදී ගත් තීන්දු හා තීරණ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලව නිවැරැදි ක්‍රියාදාමයන් බව එළිය සංවිධානය වෙනුවෙන් අදහස් දක්වමින් එරන්ද ගිනිගේ මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කරයි.

ඊයේ (13දා) එළිය සංවිධානයේ මාධ්‍ය හමුවකට එක්වෙමින් ගිනිගේ මහතා මෙසේ ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

එරන්ද ගිනිගේ මහතා මෙසේද පැවසීය.

“දැන් අපේ රටේ ඇති වී ඇති තත්ත්වය සමහරු අර්ථකථනය කරනවා ව්‍යවස්ථා අර්බුදයක් ලෙස. මේ කතා කරන බොහෝදෙනා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව කියවලා නැහැ.

ඔබ ව්‍යවස්ථාව අරගෙන කියවන්න. සමහරු කියනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රිවරු 225 තමයි උත්තරීතර කියලා. එය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වැරැදි ප්‍රකාශයක්. ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජන රජයේ උත්තරීතර නීතිය හා ආයතනය ව්‍යවස්ථාවයි. එහි තිබෙනවා ශ්‍රී ලංකා ජනරජයේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය ජනතාව කෙරෙහි පිහිටා ඇත්තේය. පරමාධිපත්‍යය අත්හළ නොහැක්කේය. මේ රජයේ පාලනය කිරීමේ අවසාන බලය තිබෙන්නේ ජනතාවටයි. මේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් තරම් බලය බෙදලා නැහැ වෙන කිසිම ව්‍යවස්ථාවකින්. සියලුම ජනතාවට එක හා සමානව බලය බෙදලා තිබෙනවා ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්. එයයි ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය කියායි තිබෙන්නේ.

ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය කියන්නේ බරපතළ වචනයක්. ඒ වචනය ජනතාවට තේරුම් ගැනීමට ටිකක් අමාරුයි.

ජනතා පාලනය කියලා කිව්වා නම් එය නිවැරැදියි. ජනතාව විසින් සිදුකර ගන්නා පාලනයක් විය යුතුයි එය. එය කරන්නේ කොහොමද කියලා ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ පැහැදිලි කරලා තිබෙනවා. එය ජනතාවගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක බලය ඇත්තේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හා ජනමත විචාරණයකයි. ජනතාවගේ විධායක බලය ජනාධිපති හරහායි ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ. ඒ වගේම තියෙන්නේ ජනතාවගේ අධිකරණ බලයයි.
අපේ රටේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය සකස් කරලා තිබෙන්නේ 1978 ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙනුයි.

අපිට ඉන්නේ ජනතාව විසින්ම පත්කර ගත් නායකයකුයි. ජනාධිපතිවරයායි රටේ නායකයා. ජනාධිපතිවරයායි රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න බැඳී සිටින්නේ.

එතුමා ඉන්නේ එජාපයේ හෝ ශ්‍රී ලනිපයේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්න නොවේ.

ජනාධිපතිතුමා ව්‍යවස්ථාව ආරක්ෂා කළ යුතුයි.

මේ වෙනස හදිසියේ ඇතිවුණේ නැහැ. මේ වෙනස ජනතාව බලාපොරොත්තු වුණේ අවුරුදු 3ක විතර ඉඳලායි.

නොගැළපෙන කඳවුරු 2ක් එකතු වෙලා හදපු අසාර්ථක වැඩපිළිවෙළ ජනතාව ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරමිනුයි සිටියේ. ඒ මහ බැංකුවේ සිදුවුණු මහා සොරකම නිසායි. ඒ නිසා මේ රටේ ව්‍යවසායකයා ඉතා අසරණ තත්ත්වයකට පත් වුණා. ඒ නිසා පොලී අනුපාත වැඩිවුණා. ව්‍යාපාරවලට ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්න ප්‍රාග්ධනයක් නැති වුණා.

බදු බර වැඩිවුණා. ජීවන වියදම වැඩි වුණා. ඒ නිසායි මේ වෙනස සිදු වූවායින් පස්සේ මිනිස්සු ප්‍රීති ඝෝෂා කළේ. ඒ අප්‍රසාදය පසුගිය මැතිවරණයෙන් අපි දැක්කා.

රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ප්‍රමුඛ එජාපය සහ ඔවුන්ගේ එන්.ජී.ඕ. නඩයයි මේ රටේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය විනාශ කළේ.

2015දී මේ රටේ වුණු පාලන වෙනස ඇමෙරිකාව ආදී රටවල් ඒ රටවල ජනතාවගේ බදු මුදල් යොදා ගෙන කරපු දෙයක්. එය එදා ජෝන් කෙරී පවා ප්‍රකාශ කළා. ඇයි එහෙම කළේ.

2009දී අපි ලබපු නිදහස ඔවුන්ට දරාගන්න බැරි වුණා. මේ රට දියුණු රටක් බවට පත්වෙනවාට ඔවුන් කැමැති නැහැ. ඇමෙරිකාවට තමන්ගේ ජීවන රටාව පවත්වා ගන්නට නම් අනිත් රටවල් දියුණු නොවී තිබිය යුතුමයි. ඇමෙරිකාව වගේ මුළු ලෝකයම දියුණු වුණොත් පෘථිවියන් හතරක පමණ සම්පත් අවශ්‍ය වෙනවා. එයයි විද්‍යාව.

පසුගිය කාලයේ මේ රටේ ඇත්ත විපක්ෂය විදියට වැඩ කළේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයයි. ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට අද මොකක්ද වෙලා තියෙන්නේ.

ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ අද එජාපයේ කුක්කන් වෙලා. 20 වැනි සංශෝධනය ඔවුන් ගෙන ආවේ ඒ නිසායි.

ජ.වි.පෙ. 1977දීත් එ.ජා.ප.ය සමඟ කුමන්ත්‍රණ කළා. 1983 දෙමළ කෝලාහල පිටුපස ජ.වි.පෙ. සිටියේ කොහොමද කියලා අපි දන්නවා. අදත් ජ.වි.පෙ. එ.ජා.ප.ය සමඟ කුමන්ත්‍රණ කරනවා.”

ක්‍රිෂාන් පතිරත් ජයසූරිය

President lashes out at Speaker over his ‘conduct’

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Ceylon Today

President Maithripala Sirisena reminded Speaker of the House, Karu Jayasuriya that on 9 January of 2015, he had appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister on the request of the United National Party (UNP), the political party the Speaker represents, even though the UNP had only 41 seats in the House.

The President responded to the letter sent by the Speaker in relation to the Parliamentary matters on 14 November 2018 (reconvening of the House).

When appointing a Premier in accordance with the Constitution, the provision is that I shall appoint a Member of Parliament, who, in my opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of the Parliament and there is no requirement or Parliamentary tradition that the Prime Minister or the Government has to show the majority of the confidence of the Parliament,” he pointed out.

The President stated that the Speaker had ignored the Constitution, standing orders and Parliamentary conventions.

The President further stated that the Speaker’s ‘conduct’ when there is a Judicial process underway regarding the Parliament, is detrimental to the legal process concerning the case before the Court.

He said that the Gazettes referred to by the Speaker were issued by him in accordance with the powers vested in him by the Constitution.

The letter further stated: The procedure for submitting a No-Confidence Motion against the Government and the steps that have to be taken to adopt it are mentioned in the Constitution and the standing orders, but, you have acted in disregard of the Constitution, the Standing Orders and the Parliamentary conventions. Furthermore, your attempt to prove that the said motion was duly adopted by sending me a document with signatures that has not been certified by the Parliament is regrettable. The Parliament making attempts to define the Constitutional validity of the Gazette Notifications issued by me is tantamount to usurping the powers of the Supreme Court, which has been entrusted with the sole power to interpret the Constitution. Finally, I remind you regrettably that the Speaker, whichever the political party represented to enter Parliament, once appointed as Speaker has the responsibility to work independently to safeguard the dignity of the August House and the trust kept by the people in it. I completely reject your statement in Proposal Number One that the appointments made and orders issued by me are contradictory to the Constitution. I have taken those steps listed in Proposal Number One in accordance with the Constitution. The old date of the document that contained signatures of MPs’ sent by you has been erased and the date has been suffixed as 14 November. Moreover, I, with respect, inform you that the President has the absolute power to appoint a Prime Minister in accordance with the Constitution.”

Lankan opposition agrees to move fresh No Confidence Motion as per established norms

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, November 15 (newsin.asia): Opposition parties in the Sri Lankan parliament are expected to submit a fresh Motion of No Confidence (MNC) against Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa soon, following an agreement they had reached with President Maithripala Sirisena here on Thursday.

President Sirisena told opposition leaders who met him, that he is not opposed to moving an MNC against the government headed by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. According to Mano Ganeshf Tamil Progressive Alliance, the President also promised not to prorogue parliament again.

Lankan opposition agrees to move fresh No Confidence Motion as per established norms

But he made it clear that he would insist that the MNC is worded in the proper way and the set procedure for presenting, debating and voting on it, is followed.

The President had called a meeting of the opposition parties which supported the MNC on Wednesday, such as the United National  Party (UNP), the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA).

He pointed out that unwarranted and unconstitutional remarks had been made in the motion statement motion. These have to be removed. Statements disputing the constitutional status of the Prime Minister and his cabinet ministers sworn-in by him have to be deleted.

The set procedure for accepting and fixing a date for debate and voting, which were flouted ,have to be followed. Electronic voting or voting by the showing of hands and not voice voting should be adopted, the President said.

Timetable

According to the Democratic Left Front (DLF) leader and MP, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, who is part of Prime Minister Rajapaksa’s United Peoples’ Freedom Front (UPFA), said that if proper procedure is followed, it will take about two weeks to complete the entire process.

Government is ready to accept the result of the vote on the motion. But it wants to ensure that it is done as per the set procedure,” Nanayakkara said.

As on date, the Rajapaksa government does not have the numbers (at least 113 out of 225 ) to defeat an MNC. The opposition is claiming the support of 122 MPs. 122 MPs had signed on a statement saying that they had supported the motion which had been adopted by voice vote earlier.

The President pointed out a flaw in that statement too. It was not certified by parliament. The date had also been changed giving rise to suspicion about the authenticity of the list.

Given the fact that Rajapaksa is far from having the required number ( with some crossing over to the opposition even on Wednesday), defeat is likely.

Wickremesinghe’s Chances

Asked whether UNP leader and ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe will be appointed again, Nanayakkara said that the new appointee need not be Wickremesinghe.

It is the prerogative of the President to call upon any MP, who in his opinion enjoys the confidence of the House, to be the Prime Minister. It need not be Wickremesinghe. It may be somebody else,” Nanayakkara said.

Persistent Conflict

President Sirisena and former Prime Minister Wickremesinghe have been having a running battle since they established a coalition or National Unity government in January 2015.

They differed on economic, social, domestic and foreign policies. While Wickremesinghe hardly consulted the Prime Minister when taking decisions, the President overturned decisions he did not favor, using his over-riding power as the directly elected Executive President. As a result, the administration of the country came to a standstill.

The President had, for some time, been toying with the idea of sacking Wickremesinghe and appointing  Speaker Karu Jayasuriya  or UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa as Prime Minister. But both Jaysuriya and Premadasa turned down the invitation.

Meanwhile, leaders and cadres of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the UPFA were pressing the President to make Rajapaksa the Prime Minister, given his grassroots level popularity and the  brilliant performance of his Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) in the February 2018 local bodies elections.

And after all, Rajapaksa was a chip of the old SLFP block.

On October 26, President Sirisena summarily sacked Wickremesinghe and appointed Rajapaksa as Prime Minister triggering a domestic and international uproar.

The President then prorogued parliament from October 27 to November 15 to help Rajapaksa  get 113 MPs to sustain himself in power. When Rajapaksa appeared to be failing in this, the President dissolved parliament and fixed January 5, 2019 as the date for fresh polls.

The opposition went to the Supreme Court challenging the dissolution. The court gave leave to proceed and passed a stay order effective till December 7.

With parliament brought back to life, the opposition hurriedly brought a Motion of No Confidence against the Rajapaksa government, disregarding the set procedure. The motion was passed amidst an uproar by a voice vote. A statement with 122 signatures was submitted to the Speaker as proof of voting for the motion.

Prime Minister Rajapaksa and President Sirisena vehemently opposed the manner in which the motion was introduced and passed. There was no debate.

While Rajapaksa said that he is not enamored  of the Premiership, and prefers to come back to power through a fresh election, the President said that he will allow an MNC and accept parliament’s verdict, provided the process adhered to the sanctioned procedure.

(The images at the top is that of ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and incumbent PM Mahinda Rajapaksa)

Sri Lanka’s UNP says ready for elections, but only if held legally

November 15th, 2018

Addressing the rally, Wickremesinghe said that a no confidence motion on Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse which was presented in Parliament on Wednesday had been passed by a majority and called on President Maithripala Sirisena to accept the results declared by Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

Wickremesinghe said his party was ready to face a parliamentary election but only if it was held according to the country’s Constitution.

We will protect out Parliament. We are not scarred to hold an election. We are ready to hold  Presidential and a General Election both, but only if its held legally,” Wickremesinghe said.

Sri Lanka’s UNP says ready for elections, but only if held legally

Thousands of people attended the rally held on Thursday afternoon under tight security with police unable to confirm an exact number.

Security was heightened in several areas in Colombo and several roads were cordoned off as a result of the demonstration.

Earlier on Thursday, delivering a special statement in Parliament Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse called for all parties to agree to hold a parliamentary election in order to resolve the weeks long political crisis.

He said true democracy would only prevail if the public were given a mandate to decide their future government.

Sri Lanka has been embroiled in a severe political turmoil, when on Oct 26, President Maithripala Sirisena surprisingly sacked his cabinet and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and appointed former president Mahinda Rajapakse to the post and appointed a new caretaker government.

Lankan Prez accuses Speaker of violating parliamentary procedures

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy NewsIn.Asia

Colombo, November 14: Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena on Wednesday refused to accept a letter sent by parliament Speaker Karu Jayasuriya explaining  the happenings in the House earlier in the day, according to a ruling party member Dayasiri Jayasekara. Instead, he issued a statement saying that the Speaker had flouted parliamentary procedures in getting the No Trust Motion passed.

The President said that the Speaker had failed to adhere to Standing Orders and other Parliamentary procedures when it came to the No Confidence Motion against Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government.

Lankan Prez accuses Speaker of violating  parliamentary procedures

The list of signatures attached with the motion has not been certified by Parliament,” Sirisena said whilst adding that the date of the motion had also been changed in an unacceptable matter.

Sirisena said the Parliamentary tradition does not make it necessary for a newly appointed Prime Minister to prove  majority support.

The President has the power to appoint any member of the house as Prime Minister, who, in his opinion, has  majority support in Parliament.

Sirisena said he is the sole ‘appointing authority’ in regard to the Prime Minister.

Earlier, released a copy of the No Confidence Motion and the letter sent to President Maithripala Sirisena.

The letter signed by 122 members of parliament stated that the cabinet and the Prime Minister were appointed in violation of the constitution.

The release added that copies of these letters and documents were sent to the President in order to facilitate the next course of action in line with the constitution.

Parliament convened at 10am on November 14) in accordance with Gazette notification 2095/50 which was issued by the President.

After general announcements made by the Speaker, Tamil National Alliance MP M. A. Sumandiran submitted a proposal to suspend the Standing Orders.

Thereafter members of the JVP (Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath) submitted a No-Confidence Motion against the Government.

The JVP members had called on the Speaker to assess the opinion of the House. A vote was held on the NCM and a majority of the members who were present in Parliament voted in support of the NCM.

Thereafter MP Lakshman Kiriella proposed that the parliamentary session be adjourned till 10 am tomorrow November 15.

ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යට ඉඩ දෙමු

November 15th, 2018

මාධ්‍ය නිවේදනය 2018 නොවැම්බර් 15 වෙනි බ්‍රහස්පතින්දා ගරු අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කළ කතාවේ පිටපත

ගරු කථානායකතුමනි,

පැවති ආණ්ඩුව විසිරුවල  ඊලඟ මහ මැතිවරණය තෙක් අන්තර්කාලීන ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටවපු හේතු ජනාධිපතිතුමා පැහැදිලි කරලා තියෙනවා. පසුගිය ඔක්තෝබර් 26 වෙනිදා වෙනකොට ජනතාව හිටියේ විශාල පීඩනයකින්. ඉන්ධන මිල සූත්‍රය හා රුපියලේ කඩාවැටීම නිසා දිනෙන් දින වැඩිවෙන ජීවන වියදම, කිසිදාක අත්නොදුටු ආකාරයේ බදු බර, මහ බැංකු මංකොල්ලය නිසා දෙගුණයකින් වැඩි වුණු පොලී අනුපාතය, රටේ වරායවල්, ගුවන් තොටුපොලවල්, රජයට අයත් ලාබදායි ව්‍යාපෘති, ඇතුලු සියලු රජයේ දේපොල විදේශිකයන්ට විකිනීමට සැරසීම, ඉඩම් සින්නක්කරව විදේශිකයන්ට විකිනීමට නව නීති සැකසීම, විද්වතුන් හා දේශීය ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ගේ මතය නොසලකා විදෙස් ගිවිසුම් වලට එළැඹීම, අයෝජකයන්ගෙන් මහා පරිමාන අල්ලස් ඉල්ලීම වගේ කාරණා නිසා පැවති ආණ්ඩුව ගැන රටේ විශාල අප්‍රසාදයක් තිබුණා.

අපි දැක්කා ජනාධිපතිතුමා පසුගිය කාලේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂෙය් ආර්ථික කළමණාකරන කමිටුව විසිරුවල රටට වෙමින් තිබෙන විනාශය අවම කරගන්න යම් උත්සාහයක් ගන්නවා. මේ කාරණා ගැන අගමැතිතුමා සමඟ කැබිනට මණ්ඩලයේ බහින්බස්වීම් ගැනත් අපිට අහන්න ලැබුණා.  ඒ අවස්ථාවේ තමයි පොලීසියේ පිරිසකුත් හවුල් වෙලා ජනාධිපතිවරයාවත්, හිටපු  ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම්වරයාවත් ඝාතනය කරන්න එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂයේ පිරිසක් කුමන්ත්‍රණය කලායි කියන ආරංචිය පටිගත කරපු සාක්‍ෂිත් සහිතව අපිට අහන්න ලැබෙන්නේ. තත්වය එතනට ගියාට පස්සෙ තමයි, ජනාධිපතිවරයා තීන්දු කලේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධාන පාර්ශවය ඉවත් කරගන්න. එජනිසය ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉවත් වෙනවත් එක්කම පැවතුණු සභාග ආණ්ඩුව විසිරුනා. ඒ අවස්ථාවේදී ජනාධිපතිතුමා ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් ඔහුට ලැබී ඇති බලතල අනුව මට ආරාධනා කලා අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ධූරය භාර අරගෙන ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවන්න කියලා.

ඒ අවස්ථාවේදී මට තෝරා ගැනීමක් තිබුණා එක්කෝ ඒ ආරාධනය පිළිගන්න, නැතිනම් ප්‍රති‍ක්‍ෂේප කරන්න. මට ඕනනම් කියන්න තිබුණා  UNP එක අවුරුදු හතරකට කිට්ටු කාලයක් හිටපු විදියට ඉතිරි ටිකත් හිටපුදෙන් කියලා. තව අවුරුද්දයි තිබුණෙ. නමුත් අපි තමයි ප්‍රධාන විපක්‍ෂ බලවේගය. අපි තමයි රටේ ලොකුම දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂය. අපිට යුතුකමක් තියෙනවා රටේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා මුලු රටටම වෙන්න ගිය මහා වින්නැහියක් වලක්වාගන්න අපිට රට බාරදෙනකොට, ඒ වගකීම් බාරගන්න. ඒ අනුව මම ඒ වගකීම  බාරගත්තා. ඒ වගේම මට තිබුණු ප්‍රශ්නය තමයි එජාප ආණ්ඩුව තවත් අවුරුද්දක් තිබුණනම් රටට මොනවායින් මොනව වෙලා තියෙයිද කියන එක. 2015 ජනවාරියේ ඉඳලා එජාප ආණ්ඩුව විදේශ විනිමය ණය විතරක් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 21 ක් ලබාගෙන තියෙනවා. 

මේ ඉවක් බවක් නැති ණය ගැනිල්ල තමයි රටට වෙමින් තිබුණු ලොකුම විනාශය. අපි පිහිටෙවුවේ මහ මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන තුරු අන්තර්කාලීන ආණ්ඩුවක් පමණයි. ඒ නිසා තමයි, ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂෙයේ සුළු පිරිසක් පමණක් ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමතිකම් බාර ගත්තෙ. රට ප්‍රපාතයට යනවත් එක්කම අපි ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය හැටියට පසුගිය කාලේ දිගින් දිගටම මහ මැතිවරණයක් ඉල්ලා හිටියා.

නමුත් පැවති ආණ්ඩුව මැතිවරණ සිතියම අකුළලයි තිබුණෙ.  2015 මාර්තුවේ විසිරුවපු පලාත් පාලන ආයතන වලට ඡන්ද පවත්වාගන්න අවුරුදු තුනක් ගියා. පලාත් පාලන මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කරලා, සීමා නීර්ණය ගැටළු තියෙනවය කියල ඡන්දය කල් දැම්මා.  උසාවියේ නඩු දාලා පලාත් පාලන ඡන්දය නොතියන තැනට වැඩ සලස්සන්න හදන කොට මැතිවරණ කොමිසමේ සභාපතිවරයා, සීමා නීර්ණ ගැටළු නැති පලාත් පාලන ආයතන සඳහා ඡන්දය පවත්වන්න සූදානම් වුනහම තමයි ආණ්ඩුව අවසානයේදී ඒ මැතිවරණයවත් පැවැත්වූයේ. අද වෙන විට සබරගමුව, උතුරු මැද හා නැගෙනහිර පලාත් සභා විසිරුවලා අවුරුද්දකට වැඩිය කාලයක් ගතවෙලා තියෙනවා. පසුගිය මාසය වන විට උතුරු පළාත් සභාව ඇතුලු තවත් පළාත් සභා තුනක් විසිරිලා ගියා, නමුත් ඡන්ද නෑ.

ජනාධිපතිතුමා තමාට ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් හිමි බලතල අනුව පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරුවලා ඡන්දයක් කැදෙවුවාම, ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ පලමු වතාවට එජාපය, ජවිපේ ඇතුළු පක්‍ෂ ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට ගිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වනවට විරුද්දව. මේ පාර්ශවම තමයි ගිය අවුරුද්දෙ කිසිම හිරිකිතයක්, ලැජ්ජාවක් නැතුව පලාත් පාලන ඡන්දයත් පලාත් සභා ඡන්දත් දින නියමයක් නැතුව කල් දාගන්න, වෙනත් කාරණා වලට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තිබුණු පනත් කෙටුම්පත්වලට කාරක සභා අවස්ථාවේදී පස්සා දොරෙන් සංශෝධන ගෙනල්ලා ඡන්ද ක්‍රමයත් මුලුමනින්ම අවුල් කරලා ඒ ඡන්ද කල් දාගත්තේ. මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේ ඡන්දය දැමීමේ අයිතිය එදත් මේ පිරිස විසින්ම පැහැරගත්තා.

අද මම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට එනකොට දැක්කා පෝස්ටරයක් – මහ මැතිවරණයකින් මූලික මිනිස් අයිතිවාසිකම් කැඩෙන්නේ කාගේද?” මේක වැදගත් ප්‍රශ්නයක්.

අපේ රටේ 1947, 1951, 1956, 1960 පත් වෙච්ච සියලුම පාර්ලිමේන්තු කලින්විසිරුවලා මහ මැතිවරණ තිබ්බේ ජනතාවට තම පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය තුළින් තමාට කැමති ආණ්ඩුවක් පත් කරගන්න ඉඩ දෙන්නයි. ඒකෙන් තමයි ඒ කාලේ ජනතාවගෙ පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය රැකුණෙ. පැවති ආණ්ඩුවට මේ රටේ ප්‍රශ්න විසදන්න බෑ කියලා අවබෝධ වුණු නිසා තමයි ජනාධිපතිතුමා මට රට භාර ගන්න කියලා කිවුවෙ. මම අගමැති හැටියට දිවුරුම් දීපු ගමන්ම රට පුරා නව බලාපොරොත්තු සහගත  හැඟිමක් පැතිර ගියා.

අපේ කථානායකතුමා බටහිර තානාපති කාර්යාල හා තමන්ගේ පක්‍ෂය එක්ක එකතුවෙලා රටේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවටත්, පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ස්ථාවර නියෝගවලටත් පටහැනිව මට විරුද්ධව ශබ්දය අනුව” විශ්වාසභංග යෝජනාවක් සම්මත කර ගත්තයි කියලා කියනවා. සද්දෙන් බෑ යෝජනා සම්මත කරන්න. කථානායකවරයාගේ ඊනියා විශ්වාසභංගයේන්  පස්සෙ  හිටපු අගමැතිතුමා නැවතත් අගමැති වෙලයි කියලා හිටපු ඇමතිවරු ඒගොල්ලන්ට කලින් තිබ්බ අමාත්‍යංශ වලටත් ගිහිල්ලා තියෙනවා. රටේ අගමැතිවරයා ඇතුලු ඇමති මණ්ඩලය පත් කරන්නෙ ජනාධිපතිතුමා. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට හෝ කථානායකවරයාට ඒ බලය ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් දීල නැහැ.

නමුත් දැන් මෙතන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දෙපාර්ශවයක් අතර මත ගැටුමක් තියෙනවා. මේ ආරවුල පාර්ලමේන්තුවේ ඉන්න 225 දෙනා අතරේ විසදාගන්න හදන්නේ නැතුව මේ රටේ ලක්‍ෂ 150 ක් ඉක්මවන ඡන්ද දායක ජනතාවට බාර දෙමුයි කියලා මම යෝජනා කරනවා. ඒකයි පාර්ලිමේන්තු සම්ප්‍රදාය. දේශපාලඥයෝ හැටියට අපි හැමෝම තේරුම් ගන්න ඕන, අපේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව පරමාධිපත්‍ය බලය තියෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට නොවෙයි, ජනතාවටයි කියන එක. මම සංතෝස වෙනවා ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ ඊයේ කිවුවා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරුවලා ඡන්දයකට යන්න යෝජනාවක් අවොත් ඒගොල්ලෝ ඒකට පක්‍ෂ වෙනවා කියලා. එක්සත් ජාතික පක්‍ෂය ඒ ගැන දරණ ස්ථාවරය මොකක්ද කියලා මේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ අද ප්‍රකාශයක් කරයි කියලා මම බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා. 

ජනතාවට තමන්ගේ අභිමතය අනුව නව රජයක් තෝරා පත්කරගන්න සාධාරණ, යුක්තිසහගත මැතිවරණයක් පවත්වන්න මා සමඟ අත්වැල් බැඳගන්නා ලෙස පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගරු මන්ත්‍රීතුමන්ලා 225 දෙනාගෙන්ම මම ඉල්ලා සිටිනවා.

ස්තුතියි. 

 

Let the people’s sovereignty prevail

November 15th, 2018

MEDIA RELEASE Text of the speech made by the Hon. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa in Parliament on Thursday the 15th  November 2018.

 Hon Speaker,

The President has explained why he dismissed the previous government and appointed an interim government until the conclusion of the next general election. By the 26th of October, the people of this country were living under enormous pressure. The cost of living was increasing on a daily basis due to the fuel pricing formula and the rapid depreciation of the Rupee. The unprecedented tax burden, the doubling of interest rates as a result of the Central Bank bond scam,  the preparations being made to sell off harbour terminals, airports and profitable government ventures to foreign parties, the laws being drafted to enable foreigners to purchase freehold land in Sri Lanka, the signing of free trade agreements against the advice of professionals and local businessmen, the soliciting of bribes from potential investors were all weighing down on the people and there was a great deal of popular resentment against the previous government on that account.

We saw the President making some effort to mitigate the damage that was being done to the country by taking steps such as dismissing the UNP’s economic affairs committee. We heard that there had been sharp exchanges between the President and the Prime Minister in cabinet over these issues. It was at this stage that the media began to broadcast voice recordings relating to a conspiracy by persons associated with the UNP to assassinate the president and the former Defence Secretary with the involvement of certain elements in the police. It was only after things reached such a pass that the President decided to take the UPFA out of the coalition government. The withdrawal of the UPFA led to the dissolution of that government and the President under the powers vested in him by the Constitution, invited me to accept the Premiership and form a government.

I had the choice of either accepting that invitation or declining it. I could have simply said that it was best to allow the UNP government to continue in office for the remaining one year or so.  However, we were the main opposition force in the country. We are the largest political party in the country. When the President hands the country over to us in order to prevent a major catastrophe from taking place, it is our duty to accept that responsibility. I accepted the responsibility of running the country on that basis. Another matter that I had to take into consideration was what would have happened to the country if the UNP had continued in power for another year. Since January 2015, that government had borrowed more than USD 21 Billion in foreign currency loans.

This reckless borrowing spree was by far the most serious damage that was being done to the country. What we formed was only an interim government until a general election is held. That was why only a handful of Joint Opposition members accepted portfolios in the new government. As the situation in the country deteriorated, the Joint Opposition had been consistently calling for Parliament to be dissolved and fresh elections held.

However the previous government had literally ‘rolled up the electoral map’. It took nearly three years for elections to be held for the local government institutions that had been dissolved in March 2015. They postponed elections on the pretext of issues pertaining to the delimitation of wards. When that government filed action in court and attempted to put off local government elections indefinitely, the Chairman of the Elections Commission announced that they would hold elections to the local government bodies that did not have any delimitation issues. It was only then that the government finally agreed to hold that long delayed election. For more than one year, there have been no functioning Provincial Councils in the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern provinces. Last month, three more provincial councils including the Northern PC stood dissolved. But there have been no elections.

When the President dissolved Parliament and called a general election, for the first time in the history of this country, the UNP and the JVP have petitioned courts against the holding of a general election. These are the same parties that shamelessly perverted the entire law making process by bringing in committee stage amendments to change the entire system of elections to the local government institutions and Provincial Councils to Bills that had been introduced in parliament for completely different purposes in order to postpone elections to those bodies. The same parties that have gone to courts against holding an election, deprived the people of the right to vote at that time as well.

The Parliaments of 1947, 1951, 1956, and 1960 were all dissolved early to enable the people to exercise their franchise and elect a government of their choice. That was how the people’s sovereignty was safeguarded at that time. It was because the President realised that the previous government was not able to solve the problems of the country that he invited me to form a new government. There was wave of relief throughout the entire country when I was sworn in as Prime Minister.

Our Speaker who acts hand in glove with certain Western embassies and his political party has in violation of the provisions in the Constitution and the Standing Orders of Parliament, announced that a no confidence motion has been passed against me in Parliament by a voice vote. Everyone saw that a proper vote was never taken in Parliament. After the Speaker announced the purported result of a no-confidence motion, former Ministers of the previous government had gone to their previous ministries claiming that Mr Ranil Wickremasinghe was now once again the Prime Minister. Only the President can appoint a Prime Minister and a Cabinet. The Speaker and Parliament have no role in making such appointments.

However, there is now a dispute in Parliament. I suggest that we take this matter before the 15 million plus voters in the country instead of trying to resolve this among the 225 persons sitting in this House. That is the parliamentary tradition. We politicians must realize that according to our Constitution, sovereignty resides in the people not in Parliament. I was pleased to hear the JVP stating at a press conference yesterday that if someone brings a resolution to dissolve Parliament and hold a general election, they would support that motion. I expect the UNP to make their stand on this matter known today on the floor of this house. I invite all 225 Members of this House to join me in paving the way for the sovereign people to decide.

Thank you.

Speaker to decide on new seating arrangements today??

November 15th, 2018

Sudath Gunasekara

15.11.2018

Nov 15 (FT) T 2018.

New seating arrangement in Parliament will be decided by Speaker Karu Jayasuriya this morning.

The Speaker, though he madly thinks, pretends and tries to acts as the Head of the State, being completely out of his normal senses, should at least now understand he is not yet the Head of the State or the Government of this country under the Constitution. Therefore it is illegal and unconstitutional for him to make someone else to sit there. Fortunately for the country he is not the authority constitutionally empowered to appoint the Prime Minister in this country. Besides, it is common sense that no one can sit in the seat reserved for the Prime Minister in Parliament, when it is in session, unless he or she has been legitimately appointed as the PM by the President under his signature, as he is the only person who has the power to appoint the Prime Minister in this country under the Law.

Anyone who tries to do that should be tried for high treason first and then warded in Angoda until the day of hanging comes. Looking at the way he is behaving and acting even an ordinary man or women will think that this man by accident has been put on the wrong place, mistaking Parliament to be  Angoda, though  in reality Angoda is million times better than our present Parliament.

In any case for the record he holds, he will go down in history as a mad man who was trying nakedly to unsuccessfully, to execute the neck of the Goddess of democracy in this country, at the Public Executioners block.

”ගජා” සුළි කුණාටුව හේතුවෙන් සිදුවිය හැකි හානි

November 15th, 2018

දිනසේන රතුගමගේ

ගජාසුළි කුණාටුව හේතුවෙන් සිදුවිය හැකි හානි අවම කිරීම සදහා ගත හැකි සෑම පියවරක්ම ගෙන ඇති බවත් යම් හෙයකින් ජනතාව විපතට පත් වුවහොත් ඔවුන්ට ඉතා කඩිනමින් සහන සලසා දීමට අවශ්‍ය සෑම පියවරක්ම ගෙන ඇති බවත් උතුරේ දිසාපතිවරු සදහන් කරයි.

යාපනය දිසාපති නාගලිංගම් වේදනායගම් මහතා කියා සිටියේ යාපනයේ ධීවරයින්ව මුහුදු යාමට නොදී නාවික හමුදාව හා ධීවර නිලධාරීන් ඔවුන් පිළිබදව දැඩි විමසිල්ලෙන් සිටින බවයි.

යාපනයේ කන්කසන්තුරේ පේදුරුතුඩුව යන පළාත් කෙරෙහි දැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කොට ඇති බව කී දිසාපතිවරයා මන්නාරම හා වවුනියාව යන පළාත් වල දිසාපතිවරු සමග මේ කටයුත්තේදී ඉතා දැඩි සබදතාවයකින් සිටින බවද කියා සිටියේය.

එම පළාත්වල දිසාපතිවරුන්ගෙන් හා නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් යම් හෙයකින් උදව්  අවශ්‍ය වුවහොත් උදව් ලබා ගැනීම සදහා සාකච්ඡා කොට ඇති බව කී යාපනය දිසාපතිවරයා යුද හමුදාව ඇතුළු සියළු ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරීන් සමගද උදාවිය හැකි ඕනෑම තත්ත්වයකට මුහුණ දීමට අවශ්‍ය පියවර සාකච්ඡා කොට ඇති බව කියා සිටියේය.

මේ අතර වවුනියාව දිසාපති මොහොමඩ් හනීෆා මහතා කියා සිටියේ මෙම ගජාසුළි කුණාටුව පයකට කිලෝ මීටර් 660 ක් පමණ වේගයෙන් හමායන බවට විශ්වාස කෙරෙන නිසා ඉන් යාපනයට පමණක් නොව උතුරේ බොහෝ පළාත් වලට හානි සිදුවිය හැකි බවයි.

මේ තත්ත්වය නිසා පළාතේ ආරක්ෂක නිලධාරීන් හා ආපදා කලමනාකරණ නිලධාරීන් දැණුවත් කොට ඇති බව කී වවුනියාව දිසාපතිවරයා  සිදුවන සිදුවීම් වලට ශක්තිමත්ව මුහුණ දීමට හැකි අන්දමට  අවශ්‍ය සම්පත් කලමනාකරණය කොට ඇතැයි කියා සිටියේය.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s full speech in Parliament-Let the people’s sovereignty prevail

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

The full text of the speech made by the Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa in Parliament on Thursday (November 15).

Let the people’s sovereignty prevail

Hon Speaker,

The President has explained why he dismissed the previous government and appointed an interim government until the conclusion of the next general election. By the 26th of October, the people of this country were living under enormous pressure. The cost of living was increasing on a daily basis due to the fuel pricing formula and the rapid depreciation of the Rupee. The unprecedented tax burden, thedoubling of interest rates as a result of the Central Bank bond scam,  the preparations being made to sell off harbour terminals, airports and profitable government ventures to foreign parties, the laws being drafted to enable foreigners to purchase freehold land in Sri Lanka, the signing of free trade agreements against the advice of professionals and local businessmen, the soliciting of bribes from potential investors were all weighing down on the peopleand there was a great deal of popular resentment against the previous government on that account.

We saw the President making some effort to mitigate the damage that was being done to the country by taking steps such as dismissing the UNP’s economic affairs committee. We heard that there had been sharp exchanges between the President and the Prime Minister in cabinet over these issues. It was at this stage that the media began to broadcast voice recordings relating to a conspiracy by persons associated with the UNP to assassinate the president and the former Defence Secretary with the involvement of certain elements in the police. It was only after things reached such a pass that the President decided to take the UPFA out of the coalition government. The withdrawal of the UPFA led to the dissolution of that government and the President under the powers vested in him by the Constitution, invited me to accept the Premiership and form a government.

I had the choice of either accepting that invitation or declining it. I could have simply said that it was best to allow the UNP government to continue in office for the remaining one year or so.  However, we were the main opposition force in the country. We are the largest political party in the country. When the President hands the country over to us in order to prevent a major catastrophe from taking place, it is our duty to accept that responsibility. I accepted the responsibility of running the country on that basis. Another matter that I had to take into consideration was what would have happened to the country if the UNP had continued in power for another year. Since January 2015, that government had borrowed more than USD 21 Billion in foreign currency loans.

This reckless borrowing spree was by far the most serious damage that was being done to the country. What we formed was only an interim government until a general election is held. That was why only a handful of Joint Opposition members accepted portfolios in the new government. As the situation in the country deteriorated, the Joint Opposition had been consistently calling for Parliament to be dissolved and fresh elections held.

However the previous government had literally ‘rolled up the electoral map’. It took nearly three years for elections to be held for the local government institutions that had been dissolved in March 2015. They postponed elections on the pretext of issues pertaining to the delimitation of wards. When that government filed action in court and attempted to put off local government elections indefinitely, the Chairman of the Elections Commission announced that they would hold elections to thelocal government bodies that did not have any delimitation issues. It was only then that the government finally agreed to hold that long delayed election. For more than one year, there have been no functioning Provincial Councils in the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and Eastern provinces. Last month, three more provincial councils including the Northern PC stood dissolved. But there have been no elections.

When the President dissolved Parliament and called a general election, for the first time in the history of this country, the UNP and the JVP have petitioned courts against the holding of a general election. These are the same parties that shamelessly perverted the entire law making process by bringing in committee stage amendments to change the entire system of elections to the local government institutions and Provincial Councils to Bills that had been introduced in parliament for completely different purposes in order to postpone elections to those bodies. The same parties that have gone to courts against holding an election, deprived the people of the right to vote at that time as well.

The Parliaments of 1947, 1951, 1956, and 1960 were all dissolved early to enable the people to exercise their franchise and elect a government of their choice. That was how the people’s sovereignty was safeguarded at that time. It was because the President realised that the previous government was not able to solve the problems of the country that he invited me to form a new government.

There was wave of relief throughout the entire country when I was sworn in as Prime Minister.

Our Speaker who acts hand in glove with certain Western embassies and his political party has in violation of the provisions in the Constitution and the Standing Orders of Parliament, announced that a no confidence motion has been passed against me in Parliament by a voice vote. Everyone saw that a proper vote was never taken in Parliament. After the Speaker announced the purported result of a no-confidence motion, former Ministers of the previous government had gone to their previous ministries claiming that MrRanilWickremasinghe was now once again the Prime Minister. Only the President can appoint a Prime Minister and a Cabinet. The Speaker and Parliament have no role in making such appointments.

However, there is now a dispute in Parliament. I suggest that we take this matter before the 15 million plus voters in the country instead of trying to resolve this among the 225 persons sitting in this House. That is the parliamentary tradition. We politicians must realize that according to our Constitution, sovereignty resides in the people not in Parliament. I was pleased to hear the JVP stating at a press conference yesterday that if someone brings a resolution to dissolve Parliament and hold a general election, they would support that motion. I expect the UNP to make their stand on this matter known today on the floor of this house. I invite all 225 Members of this House to join me in paving the way for the sovereign people to decide.

Thank you.

Tense situation in Parliament; Speaker leaves chamber

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

UPDATE (10.56 a.m.) – Speaker Karu Jayasuriya got up from his chair and left the chamber amidst the uproar during the Parliamentary session and arguments between MPs from government and opposition.

He left, without adjourning parliament, as MPs from both sides surrounded him and continued to argue and clash.

The legislators refused to return to their seats and let the session resume despite the repeated calls by the Speaker to do so.

However, a large number of MPs representing both the government and opposition still remain within the Chamber with some even chanting slogans in protest.


A tense situation has been reported during the Parliamentary session today (15), after the conclusion of the special statement made by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.

After the PM concluded his speech, MP Lakshman Kiriella moved a motion of no-confidence against the statement made by Rajapaksa.

The Speaker then inquired whether the House would like to go for a vote on that, resulting in objections from members of the ruling party.

Several MPs approached the Speaker and voiced their disapproval to his actions while the MPs of the UNP also gathered around the chair, leading to an exchange of verbal barbs and profanities amidst pushing and shoving.

PM Rajapaksa is his speech had accused the Speaker of misusing his powers and being biased towards his party.

The Parliamentary session commenced at 10.00 a.m. this morning, however, proceeding of the session has been obstructed due to the behavior of the parliamentarians.

The Parliament reconvened today following its adjournment last morning (14).

A no-confidence motion was passed against PM Rajapaksa during the Parliamentary session yesterday.

Speaker is misusing powers – Mahinda Rajapaksa

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

Mahinda Rajapaksa says that the Prime Minister is appointed by the President and not the Speaker and accused Speaker  Karu Jayasuriya of misusing his powers and acting in a baised manner.

He also said that he does not care about the premiership and that he accepted the position to save the country from the brink of disaster.

Prime Minister or not, I am still Mahinda Rajapaksa. I don’t care about the Prime Ministership,” he responded to accusations from opposition MPs, saying he was no longer PM, as he commenced his speech in Parliament this morning (15).

It may be big for him. But not for me. I didn’t come here for the premiership. I have been prime minister before and I have been president,” he said.

Don’t think I am here talking for the premiership,” he asserted.

Rajapaksa said that he had never seen a darker day” like yesterday in Parliament of the country, referring to the no-confidence vote.

He said that when the President invited him to take over the position of Prime Minister he could have said no and to let the UNP continue for another year.

But we have a duty to save the country from the brink of disaster, he said.

Referring to the passing of a motion of no-confidence against him and the government at parliament yesterday, which was taken by voice vote, Rajapaksa said that such important votes cannot be taken by voice.

He stated that the Prime Minister is appointed by the President and not the Speaker.

Don’t misunderstand your powers,” he said pointing to the Speaker. Parliament has not given you those powers.” He also accused the Karu Jayasuriya of misusing powers of the Speaker.

We are expecting an independent speaker not a biased speaker,” he said.

The Prime Minister expressed his regret that the Speaker is acting for his party and friends abroad”.

Rajapaksa expressed his gratitude to the JVP for stating yesterday that they would support a motion to dissolve parliament and go for polls. What is UNP’s stance?” he questioned.

He invited all 225 Members of the Parliament to support him to hold a General Election and not think about their pensions at this moment.

We want an election. A general election,” he emphasized.

The Prime Minister said that the government will reduce fuel prices once again tonight to give relief to masses.

Will not recognize any PM or Cabinet hereafter – Speaker

November 15th, 2018

Courtesy Adaderana

Speaker says hereafter he will not accept any Prime Minister or Cabinet of Ministers in the parliament since a No Confidence motion had been passed yesterday (15).

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya mentioned this at the parliamentary session held today (15).

He says that he will not recognize all current ministers, state ministers, deputy ministers as well as the current Leader of the House and the Chief Government Whip.

I can be challenged only within the parliament. Outside of the parliament, I cannot be criticized”, he further said.

The Parliamentary session commenced at 10 am this morning; however, proceeding of the session has been obstructed due to the behavior of the parliamentarians.

The Parliament reconvened today following its adjournment last morning (14).

A no-confidence motion was passed against PM Rajapaksa and the new Cabinet during the Parliamentary session yesterday.

YAHAPALANA AS A PUPPET REGIME Part 1

November 14th, 2018

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Pub 14.11.18  Rev 15.11.18

The Yahapalana government elected in 2015 is Sri Lanka’s very first puppet government. Analysts were quick to spot this. Lasanda Kurukulasuriya asked in 2015 ‘is Lanka being micro managed from afar.  In 2016, the media said, ‘Yahapalana is acting on a preplanned scenario.’  ‘Government is following a foreign agenda.’ The public agreed. ‘Certain countries were exploring every possible political avenue, by hook or crook, to topple Mahinda Rajapaksa and to install a puppet regime to achieve their goals,’ said S. Akurugoda. Ranil was acting according to the dictates of the western masters, said Vasudeva Nanayakkara.

If Yahapalana is a puppet government then who is pulling the strings? It is the United States of America, chorused analysts. The USA favors the creation of democratically elected puppet regimes, which will thereafter act on behalf of the USA, explained Tissa Vitarana. Sri Lanka will be a puppet of the USA like the Philippines, he added. Yahapalana government, is   a ‘fully pro-Washington regime’, said Tamara Kunanayagam.  The regime change of 2015 was to secure for USA, through a puppet Prime Minister, the strategic prize of Trincomalee, said Dayan Jayatileke.

Tissa Vitarana stated that the Yahapalana conspiracy started in London with America and Delhi joining in.  The people involved were Chandrika, Ranil and Mangala and they had worked on it for 18 months.  This was reported by Ashok Mehta in Hindu in January 2015, said Vitarana. Maithripala was brought in, in the last two months. Sirisena will find that he cannot control the process, those forces are too powerful, observed Vitarana.

The general election was held on 8th January 2015. The results were announced on 9th January at around 8 am and Sirisena was sworn in as President on the same day at 6.20 pm. This was therefore a very hurried swearing in.  We saw on television, an uncertain Sirisena, guided along by Chandrika Kumaratunga. A few minutes after Sirisena took oaths as President, Ranil Wickremasinghe was installed as Prime Minister, despite the fact that there was a sitting Prime Minister. This was noted by the watching public and put aside for future use.   We could not hear what Ranil Wickremasinghe was swearing to.

The plan was that Sirisena would thereafter abolish the Presidency and hand over executive power to Ranil as Prime Minister. This was reported by Chandraprema as early as November 2015. In 2018, Rajiva Wijesinha confirmed this. While he was ‘heavily involved in preparation of the manifesto for the 2015 Presidential election’ he was told that it had been agreed that the presidency would be abolished and power transferred to the Prime Minister within a day if Maithripala Sirisena were elected.

On 28TH April 2015 Parliament passed the 19th amendment to the Constitution. It was passed unanimously. According to the 19th amendment, the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe could not be removed    and   Parliament could not be dissolved for the next four and half years.

The 19th amendment was brought in solely to keep Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister and   keep the UNP government in place for the full period of five years. Recently, it was found that the clause saying ‘Parliament cannot be dissolved for 4 ½ years’ was not in the original draft sent to Supreme Court for clearance. It has been added on later.

The UNP, utterly pro USA, held the ruling position in Parliament. Other key positions were   given to the two  political parties which were loyal to  USA, namely, the TNA and JVP. The Speaker refused to recognize the ‘Joint Opposition’ which had over 50 SLFP MPs as the Opposition. Instead the position of Leader of the Opposition was given to R.  Sampanthan of the TNA which had 16 MPs.  The JVP which had six MPs was given the position of Chief Opposition Whip. The result was a Yahapalana Opposition as well as a Yahapalana government, said critics.

The TNA   which is the main ‘opposition party’, votes with the government and cooperates with it, inside and outside Parliament, hooted critics. R.  Sampanthan, the Leader of the Opposition voted with the government at the 2016 Budget debate. This was the first time an opposition leader has voted in favor of an annual budget of any government in Sri Lanka, said critics. Sampanthan is making history as a unique Leader of Opposition, anxious to save the government from being ousted.

The Tamil National Alliance is definitely anti Mahinda Rajapaksa .They will not support Mahinda Rajapaksa under any circumstances. A four-member TNA delegation led by its leader R. Sampanthan made this position clear to President Sirisena. The JVP which is a CIA outfit is working in tandem with the UNP and TNA. This was seen in Parliament when it assembled on November 14, 2018  after the interim court order. Sumanthiran wanted the   standing orders suspended, the Speaker agreed and JVP then came in with a resolution against Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The Yahapalana puppet government is wholeheartedly supported by the ‘minorities’, the Tamil, Muslims and the estate Tamils. This became clear In November 2018, when 13 Fundamental Rights petitions challenging the President’s decision to dissolve Parliament were filed in Supreme Court. These petitions had been filed through Tamil National Alliance leader R. Sampanthan, UNP General Secretary Kabir Hashim, JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader Rauf Hakeem, All Ceylon Makkal Congress Party leader Rishad Bathiudeen, Democratic People’s Front  and Tamil Progressive Alliance  leader Mano Ganeshan and five others.

Once Yahapalana government was installed, the US moved in and took control of the administration and the economy. Secretary of State John Kerry, arrived in triumph, followed by Nisha Biswal, his assistant.  US involvement in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs, constitution reform, the UN HRC resolutions and the armed services training is no secret, observed Ladduwahetty. When ordinary citizens went to open Fixed Deposits they were asked ‘are you a citizen of USA’

UN Under Secretary General for Political Affairs, Jeffrey Feltman, a former US Assistant Secretary of State arrived in Sri Lanka in 2018. Feltman is a neo-conservative hawk, who has been involved in breaking up sovereign states into ethnic enclaves. Within the UN, he is also responsible for a team working on arrangements promoting federalism as a response to ethnic minority grievances, said critics.

The US recently admitted the release of millions of USD in support of projects in Sri Lanka, in response to a query raised through Freedom of Information Act. The report said USD 40 million had been released from Complex Crises Funds (CCF) in support of governance, rule of law and economic reform in Sri Lanka. The same report said Sri Lanka received CCF amounting to USD 13,589,951 in 2015.

The Center for International Development (CID) of Harvard University took over economic planning.  Executive Vice President of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) visited Sri Lanka in October 2018. OPIC is the U.S. government’s development finance institution. OPIC said it came to promote U.S. investment in the region and strengthen cooperation with regional allies. OPIC wanted American companies given the opportunity to compete for government tenders in Sri Lanka. OPIC also wanted to invest in Sri Lanka‘s ports.

The US 7th fleet came visiting, and had training session with Sri Lanka navy. These joint operations and military exercises, where ships    planes, ground forces and special ops take part, are  actually practicing for war, said TIME. They are executing defined war plans. President Maithripala Sirisena on a visit to South Korea, in association with South Korean President Moon Jae-in, strongly condemned North Korea testing long-range ballistic missiles.

Other western counties linked to the USA were also active. The ambassadors of UK, France, European Union, Germany, Netherland, Italy and Romania were present at a high level meeting chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe to discuss the Code of Criminal Procedure Act, anti-terrorist legislation, extensive amendments to the Public Security Ordinance.

Yahapalana government was given the deadly task of totally annihilating the sovereign state of Sri Lanka and its people. Yahapalana was expected to weaken the central government, weaken the economy and   create a restless population so that the west could intervene.

Yahapalana is also planning to shrink the Lankan state by selling the country’s lands and ports. Recently, a Gazette gave 8 acres of land in Colombo to a foreigner, added a critic.  Yahapalana plans to sell off or give on long lease, swathes of this small island thereby effectively shrinking Sri Lanka as a sovereign state, confirmed Dayan.  What remains of the shrinking State will be converted into a repressive State, said Tamara Kunanayagam.

The first task of the puppet government was to deliver Trincomalee to USA. ‘Yahapalana plans to   give Trincomalee as a military base to the USA,’ warned Vitarana. For the first time after British colonial rule, a foreign base is being established in Sri Lanka he said. We will become part of the chain of military bases, which has been established by the USA worldwide, patrolling the Indian Ocean for them at our expense. Trincomalee will be a beachhead in the Indo-US axis against China. A beach head is a position from which an attack can be launched.

Yahapalana also plans to give a part of Sri Lanka to India. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe plans to create a Tamil Nadu-Trincomalee-Vavuniya axis, said Dayan Jayatilleke. He knows full well the implications of what he is planning. Ranil Wickremasinghe said at an election rally in Vavuniya in February 2018, ” the rapid development of neighboring Tamil Nadu,  and the development of the Trincomalee area will empower the island’s North and East, including Vavuniya.

Yahapalana plans to allow foreign companies, to buy land in the North-East, said Dayan. Indian and Tamil Nadu companies    would buy land and this would create a de facto Tamil Eelam or a Greater Tamil Nadu. The North and East will be converted either into a separate state, or annexed to India.  India’s border will shift from India into this island itself. India has launched a housing project in Trincomalee   and is reconstructing the railway line from Talaimannar to Medawachchiya reported the media. India will also fund Palaly Airport, inaugurating direct air links from South India to Palaly and Batticaloa.

On the 26 of October, 2018, President Sirisena removed Ranil Wickremasinghe and    appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister. The public who had yearned to see Ranil go and Rajapaksa come back, lit crackers and cheered. Ranil Wickremasinghe refused to accept his dismissal and stayed on in Temple Trees. He invited the ambassadors of EU, USA, India, Japan, Australia and Canada for a discussion at Temple Trees after he was deposed as Prime Minister.

Then he wrote to the ambassadors of USA, UK, Germany France, Norway and Italy, on the letter head of the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, saying that he sought their cooperation to protect Sri Lanka and its peace. He said, please consider the possibility of deploying UN Peacekeeping Force here, and let me know. A photo of this letter is available on Lankaweb (https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2018/10/31/call-for-ranil-to-be-indicted-for-high-treason) .

It is of note that instead of seeking the support of his own people when removed as Premier, Ranil Wickremasinghe turned to his mostly Western friends and allies, said Tamara Kunanayagam. The intention was to agree on a narrative that helps legitimize external intervention, she said.

The change of Government in Sri Lanka, following the unceremonious sacking of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe by President Maithripala Sirisena, has given rise to a crescendo of alarmist commentary in the Western media said Palitha Kohona. No other country appears to have generated so much interest in the west  . One after the other, the Western media outlets have taken a critical approach to the change and have begun to characterize the replacement of the Prime Minister as a Crisis.”

This ‘crisis’ brought out into the open the countries which were loyal to USA. Several European countries came out in open support of Ranil Wickremasinghe .These countries had never complained about the Bond scam, or the postponing of elections.    When Ranil Wickremasinghe was removed as Prime Minister they rushed in, said observers contemptuously.

The EU Heads of Mission as well as the Ambassadors of Norway and Switzerland resident in Colombo issued a statement saying. “The Ambassadors of the European Union, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Romania, United Kingdom, as well as the Ambassadors of Norway and Switzerland wanted a vote in Parliament to decide who the Prime Minister was.”

Canada issued a separate statement. “Canada is very concerned by the recent events in Sri Lanka and is closely monitoring the situation. A number of countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, European Union and several other European countries, Australia and India have expressed concern over the sudden transition of power by President sacking Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and appointing former president Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister, concluded Canada. Australia said it is seriously concerned at reports that the opportunity for a confidence vote will be denied when Sri Lanka’s Parliament reconvenes. UK Parliament said that they recognize Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister.

Ambassadors of EU, UK, Canada, and Germany   had also met the Speaker and warned of the unfriendly situation the country could face over the unexpected transfer of political power. ’ There was also a comment that the crisis could lead to a “bloodbath” on the streets if   Parliament does not hold a vote soon.  The Speaker’s Office said that the Speaker had urged the delegation not to take action against Sri Lanka.  Speaker told the media that he saw nothing wrong in meeting diplomats.

USA which was so brash and confident in 2015 has turned cautious within Sri Lanka . The acting US Ambassador together with the Head of the Political Division in the embassy had met with Speaker. They     said they were surprised at the developments and they were watching. In Washington, the spokesman for the Secretary of State was evasive when   asked whether USA would take action on the coup. The spokesman replied that the United States believes the determination should be made in accordance with the Sri Lankan law and due process. But others were more extreme. Samantha Power, former US representative  at the UN, said USA should suspend aid and impose sanctions.

The US embassy was however, quietly working with the public. There was a meeting of trade union leaders and US Embassy’s Economic and Commercial Officer at the Colombo office of the Solidarity Centre, a US- based labor rights group. US Embassy officials had wanted to ascertain the view of the unions on the present crisis. After this meeting one trade union issued a statement saying the country was slipping into anarchy and urged the authorities to call a Parliamentary election.

Japan is USA’s military front in Sri Lanka. Japan knows that the pro-USA puppet government will continue. Japan said it plans to further expand defence cooperation and exchanges with Sri Lanka. Japan’s activities will move from navy to the Army and Air Force. Sri Lanka is a maritime country located at a strategic point in the middle of the Indian Ocean sea lane. Therefore Sri Lanka is important for Japan to maintain and promote our foreign policy. Sri Lanka is important for smooth operations of the Japan – Self-Defence Forces (JSDF) since ships and aircraft of JSDF make frequent port calls in Sri Lanka.

There were veiled threats too, but they were made abroad. Jeffrey Feltman said at Brookings Institute, said that UN and the International community should  intervene  to prevent conflict. The International Commission of Jurists  had issued a statement saying The Human Rights Council will be watching closely to assess whether Sri Lanka is in breach of its commitments. Any serious threat to progress on human rights accountability will compel the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism.”

Kohona said  there was no crisis. Mahinda Rajapaksa ‘s appointment as Prime Minister was a very popular one. Fire crackers exploded all over the country, including in Jaffna. there is little chance of a descent in to violence as anticipated by Jeffrey Feltman. Sri Lanka  is the oldest democracy in Asia, the oldest country to enjoy universal adult franchise in Asia, a country that has faced elections on a regular basis and held its course .

It is quite clear that there is a concerted intentional conspiracy to destabilize Sri Lanka, said Rohana Wasala. There is no coming back for this country if it goes through, observed Dayan Jayatilleke.  Certainly, Sri Lanka is a resilient nation that has withstood challenges. But Sri Lanka will find that it will not be as easy to get rid of Yahapalana as it was  voting it in. USA will not let a country go once it has got its claws into it.  Look at Iran. Yahapalana Series One has ended. Await Yahapalana Series Two. It will not be arriving at a cinema close to you. It will arrive with a thud on your front doorstep. (continued)

At Last the President has taken the best decision to solve the present political crisis allowing the people to sort it out peacefully and democratically in the interest of the country and the people, when RW opts for a blood bath uprising to keep him in power by calling his butterfly supporters to stage a nationwide protest for 13 days. 

November 14th, 2018

Dr Sudath Gunasekara

12.11. 2018.

Since I am not a lawyer I do not propose to comment on the legal side of this issue. I leave it for legal luminaries to do that job. But as a layman and a retired senior public servant and also as an apolitical man who puts the country and its people first, I have the right to express my personal opinion.

Regarding the now confused legal opinion, suffice it to say the President’s decision to dissolve the Parliament in terms of the powers vested in him by the Constitution of the Republic under 33 (2) and Sec70 and furthermore the Supreme Court decision 2015 April on the 19th Amendment is conclusively legitimate and constitutional that no court can challenge. It is also should be noted that powers reposed by the Constitution in a President directly elected by the people cannot be removed by an act of Parliament as he is not elected by it.    That could be done only by a referendum

However legal opinion on either side of the political divide is, as usual, divided on this Issue.  They perhaps look at it from their own perspectives and party affiliations more than the sanctity of the law or justice for the people. Moreover lawyers always argue tooth and nail to prove their preconceived point of perception to safeguard their personal interests rather than the client’s interests. When they fail to convince court through legal arguments they resort to subtle legal points to prove their point, the ordinary man cannot understand and where even the judges get confused at times. Finally judgments in courts all over the world are given the way the Judge sees or understands as right and proved. The question of whether that is the right or the wrong judgment is immaterial once it is given and it remains the judgment. Apparently there is no room to punish a judge for a wrong judgment either. Of cause the aggrieved party can go for an appeal even though one cannot have full hope to win. On the other hand even the judges could be influenced either by bribe or by appealing to their emotions. This reminds me of the story of an American judge who was used to declare any one coming before him convicted, one day suddenly found change his attitude and was going all out to defend the accused, to find that, that day the accused was his own son. This may be why I think the common adage that the ‘law is an ass’ has come to stay in the present day society.

These intricacies also remind me of the judicial process that comes in the celebrated Ummagga Jataka story in the days of the Mahasudha Panditha. In the Jataka story the adjudications were done personally by the judge based only on the direct evidence available. The prosecution, defense and the judge-all three were in one man. There were no defense or prosecution lawyers either. Isn’t it a socially and culturally a worthy exercise to explore the possibility of introducing such a system in litigation at least in countries like ours brought up in a tradition completely different from the western legal tradition as an experiment?  But of cause in present day society the probability of getting judges of the character and caliber of Mahusadha is almost zero.

In present day court proceedings usually both the prosecution and defense are represented by lawyers. They argue in court for money and not for justice. As such most judicial decisions are conditioned by factors like money, the cleverness of lawyer’s submissions or the personal convictions of judges. As such since there is a very big margin of risk in an unjust judgment being delivered? Therefor the safest and the best solution in my opinion is to go for General elections or a referendum so that the people with whom sovereignty lies can directly decides without depending on their unreliable and corrupted representatives in Parliament. To buy over few MPP as required to form the majority in the present day context is very simple. But you can’t buy the people of a whole country.

To digress I propose to make few observations as an ordinary but responsible citizen concerned about the good of the country and the people, in the following pages particularly for the benefit of the general public.

Why it should not be left to the present Parliament to decide on this all important national issue

First and foremost the present parliament has no legitimate mandate to sit on judgment on this type of broader national issues that decides the fate of the nation for the following reasons.

1 The present Parliament is obsolete as the mandate it is supposed to have got deceptively in August 2015 is now outdated as the results of the 2018 Feb 10th Local Government elections have completely nullified it. I presume that 50 % voted for them in August dropped down to even less that 30 % in Feb 2018. I guess it could be even less now perhaps around 20% or even less. As such the wishes of the majority of people are not represented in the present Parliament. It was clearly displayed at the 2018 Feb Local Government elections where the RW camp was reduced to mere 32 % of the total voted in the country whereas MR and MS Camps together polled 54 %. Any court of law cannot ignore this hard fact   which is an irrefutable ground reality.

2 Most of the MPP of the present Parliament are illegally appointed persons. 29 of them have been appointed through the so-called national list. They are either defeated candidates at the August election or political stooges picked by dirty political manipulations whereas the purpose of the National list was to bring in men and women who have rendered a distinguished service to the country. Therefore they are not at all representatives of the people whose sovereignty they are supposed to uphold and protect. They only represent their own interests and those of their corrupt leaders who appointed them. To that extent they are a bunch of undemocratically placed men and women.

3 All these fellows could be easily bought over by bribe as they are there only to make money and never to serve the people or the country and not answerable to the people either.

4 The appointments of the PM, Leader of the Opposition and even the Chief Organizer of the Opposition in this Parliament were illegal and unconstitutional. Therefore the legality of the whole Parliament is   highly questionable.

5 The behavior of the Speaker of the House is also not democratic. He does not know his role either in the house or outside and always acts partially and behave like the speaker for the UNP and its Deputy leader in the House rather than the Speaker of the Parliament and who always takes the side of the UNP is also not consistent with the supreme parliamentary traditions.

6 Furthermore even those other elected MPP are not true representatives of the people of any electorate although the 196 electorates are demarcated with the basic principle of electing representatives to Parliament to represent the voters of such electorates actually they do not represent their electorates. Firstly they represent the districts and not the electorates as laid down in the principle of electoral division thereby making democracy a mockery. Secondly the elected are mostly outsiders and not residents of the particular electorates. Thirdly all of them are only nominees of the Party leaders very often out siders who have nothing to do with the electorates they are supposed to be representing in the Legislature. One could argue that since they were elected under the proportional and preferential system under the Constitution their membership in the legislature is legal. But yet the fact remains that they were not directly representing the local people of the respective electorates.  They represent only their party leaders and themselves. This is a new kind of democracy peculiar to Sri Lanka.

7 As such how can one expect this Parliament and its proceedings to be legitimate and constitutional?

8 To this extent I raise the very vital question as to what extent the constitution of the present Parliament is democratic in the first place.   Does it actually represent the peoples will?  The answer in my opinion is not at all. Therefore their being in Parliament is undemocratic and illegal.

Secondly the 2015 Local Government elections results have very clearly nullified the 201August mandate. Therefore those who got elected or appointed to Parliament in 2015 have ceased to be true representatives of the people long before the President sacked RW as PM.

In my opinion therefore if RW pretends to be a democratic leader he should have resigned immediately after the 2015 Local Government elections. At least he should have stepped down from the Party Leadership giving room for someone who is capable of leading it. He didn’t and he waited until he was sacked and kicked out. Even after he was kicked out this man is still sticking on like a leach to Temple Trees Therefore if he has an atom of self-respect and decency at least now when he is legally sacked owing to his miserable record as the PM he should honorably go home. Obviously he is no more the PM of this country. He ceased to be so on the 18th of October 2018. As such he should immediately leave the Temple Trees, the Official residence of the legally appointed Prime minister without behaving like a child crying for the spilt milk to draw the attention of his Western friends at the expense of the innocent people of this country without creating an artificial state of anarchy in the country as if the reign f anarchy he  steered for the past  4 years is not enough.

The whole country knows that he has been the miserable Leader not only who ruined the country but also completely ruined the UNP that provided bread and butter for him for over 4 decades beyond recovery. The fact that three is not a single man or woman in the UNP to take over as its future leader in spite of its countrywide losses at 29 elections under his miserable leadership alone is enough for him to be sacked from the Party. I pity those who still want to keep him as their Leader and I am lost to understand as to what their heads contain if they have any. In this backdrop I see the present UNP as a   corpse without a head.

Under such unprecedented inconsistencies, risks and un certainties, as I see it,  going for general elections or a referendum is the best option as you cannot bribe the whole country unlike a few self-centered power and money hungry MPP in Parliament. This is particularly relevant to our present parliament as most of the MPP there are illegally appointed persons come through the back door purely through   treacherous political manipulations and therefore don’t care a damn for the people.

Ranil urges public to continue 13-day protest against corrupt dictatorship Ranil Wickramasinha and Karu Jayasuriya the Speaker continue to behave like children crying foul to get the attention and sympathy of the people and their so-called International friends.  Moreover the way how RW sticks to Temple trees and also talks with unbelievable confidence even when 70% of the people in this country excluding   his own party men on his leadership are not with him, I also suspect some big international support and another conspiracy just like in 2015 to keep him in power as their darling.

In this backdrop the President has taken the most appropriate decision by dissolving the Parliament so that the people with whom the country’s sovereignty is deposed can select and elect their true representatives, a new Parliament and a new Government  to end four years of absolute state of anarchy  so that firstly,  people of this country can get relieved of uncertainty and confusion and the country can once again forge ahead with peace and sanity towards political stability, social and economic prosperity.

That is the only way to end the present political impasse and the current state of anarchy brought about by an undemocratically and illegally constituted Parliament and manipulated by power hungry and self-seeking political leadership at home and conspirator foreign powers and to restore sanity and peace to the Motherland and its people.

I only hope and wish the Supreme Court will take these in to consideration when it delivers its final judgment on the dissolution of Parliament by the President in the broader interest of the future of the country and its people

So that it will bring this unfortunate situation immediately to an end and pave the way to change the prevailing corrupt system of Government by the politicians, for the politicians and of the politicians and replace it with a   government of the people, by the people and of the people where the age old Buddhist concepts of good governance of dhammena pare ranjetiti Raja and Bahujana hitaya bahujana sukhaya” are enshrined once again on this land of righteousness.  The wheel of power should revolve on the wheel of Dhamma as it had been so for the past 2600 years on this Islan

It is uncivilized, barbaric and despotic for unpatriotic politicians to hang on to power for their own benefit and personal aggrandizement totally ignoring the wishes of the people.

PS

This was written before the Supreme Court decision was announced. Now under the new situation unfortunately we have to wait and see what next.

But one thing is certain. The country has now fallen even from the frying-pan to the fire. It is utterly chaotic and confusing to see. No one can say what is going to happen next. It is so unpredictable and unimaginable. I feel the whole country is caught in a disastrous mega tempest at mid sea.  It appears that no one in authority is concerned about the plight of the country or the people. They are concerned only about their own power, vanity and gain. Curse be on all those who brought about this disastrous situation to this country.

Although the SC has issued an interim order to take more time to hear the case, I don’t think it will suspend elections in view of the chaotic situation that might follow in the country. I only pray and wish the SC will seriously take in to consideration the actual ground political situation in delivering its final verdict. Assuming that elections will be held sooner than later I propose that election should be held on the first-past the post system for the 196 electoral districts and suspend the appointment of 29 nominated MPP on the National list. In the event the 29 list cannot be suspended I suggest it be filled by appointing only people who have rendered a distinguished service to the country in some professional fields.  That will firstly eliminate undesirable people getting in to the Parliament through the infamous national list and will also enhance the quality of House.  Even if the elections are held this way the UNP will not get more than 17 seats under RW’s leadership. If the leadership is replaced with Sajith they might get about 30 seats the most in the 196 Parliament. If elections are held under the PR system this could be slightly higher.  Nevertheless a repeat of 1956 for the UNP cannot be avoided in any case, going by the ground situation created by RW during the past few years.

I also propose the SLPP nominate at least one new outstanding candidate of impeccable character and   proven quality who can command the respect and support of the people so that they could vote with   new hopes for better democracy and good governance. In the event the SLPP leadership takes this suggestion and conduct the election in the proper manner I can predict it can hit the target of over 150 seats in the next Parliament to secure the 2/3 so that it can have a strong and stable Government without  wooing the communal minorities.

It it uncommon to have a Minority government ?

November 14th, 2018

minority government, or minority cabinet or minority parliament, is a cabinet formed in a parliamentary system when a political party or coalition of parties does not have a majority of overall seats in the parliament. It is sworn into office, with or without the formal support of other parties, to enable a government to be formed. Under such a government, legislation can only be passed with the support of enough other members of the legislature to provide a majority, encouraging multi-partisanship.

A minority government tends to be much less stable than a majority government because if they can unite for the purpose, opposing parliamentary members have the numbers to vote against legislation, or even bring down the government with a vote of no confidence.

In most Westminster system nations, each constituency elects one member of parliament by simple plurality voting. This system heavily biases the vote towards increasing the number of seats of the top two parties and reducing the seats of smaller parties, a principle known in political science as Duverger’s law, and thus minority governments are relatively uncommon. Advocates of this system see this as one of its advantages. A party with less than 40% of the popular vote can often win an outright majority of the seats. (For instance, in the 2005 UK General Election, the governing Labour party won by a majority of 66 seats in the House of Commons with only 35.2% of the popular vote.) If support for some parties is regionally concentrated, however, then Duverger’s law applies separately to each region, and so it is quite possible for no party to be sufficiently dominant in each region so as to receive a majority of the seats. This was the situation in Canada in the 20042006, and 2008 federal elections, with no party obtaining a majority due in part to the dominance of the Bloc Québécois in the province of Quebec.

There have been few occasions since 1900 when a single party has not commanded a parliamentary majority. The 2010–2015 Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government was the first of its type in Britain since the National Government between 1931 and 1945.

The Labour Party, led by Harold Wilson, formed a minority government for seven months after the General Election of February 1974. That situation lasted until the prime minister called another election in October that year, following which the Labour Government obtained a tiny majority of three.[1]

The following administration also became a minority government after the collapse of the Lib–Lab pact in 1977, and the then British Prime Minister James Callaghan’s Government fell in March 1979 as the result of a vote of no confidence which was carried by a single vote.

A minority Government held power in the UK between December 1996 and the general election in May 1997. The Conservative Party, led by John Major, had won the 1992 General Election with an absolute majority of 21 seats over all other parties. That majority was progressively whittled away through defections and by-elections defeats, the most notable of the latter including those in NewburySouth East Staffordshire and Wirral South, resulting in the eventual loss of the Major government’s majority in Parliament. However, the Conservatives maintained support from Northern Ireland‘s Ulster Unionist Party and Democratic Unionist Party.

Westminster and the British media tend to perceive minority governments as unstable and ineffective, possibly because recent examples of minority governments (Callaghan and Major) occurred as the result of governments in decline.[2]

In the 2010 General Election, the Conservatives won the most seats and votes, but only a minority of seats in parliament. There was some discussion after the election of the possibility of creating a Conservative minority government and, because the then Prime Minister Gordon Brown had the first opportunity to form a government, there were also talks about creating some sort of alliance between the Labour Party, the Liberal Democrats and other smaller parties. However Brown waived his right, acknowledging that because the Conservative Party had won the largest number of seats in the House of Commons, it should have the first opportunity to form a government. Further discussions then led to the establishment of a formal coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats, which enabled the formation of a majority government, because it was thought that would ensure more stability.

In the 2017 General Election, the Conservatives won the most seats and votes, but lost their majority in the House of Commons. The Conservative Party, led by Theresa May, formed a minority government, with 317 seats, on 9 June 2017. On 10 June, the Prime Minister’s Office announced a deal with the Democratic Unionist Party which would see the DUP support the Conservative government on a confidence and supply arrangement.[3] However, the DUP later announced that no such deal had been reached.[4] This remained the case until 26 June 2017, when a deal was agreed and announced between the two parties.[5]

Canada[edit]

During the history of Canadian politics there have been twelve minority governments on the federal level, in eleven separate minority parliaments (there were two minority governments during the life of 15th Parliament). One of these minorities, the 14th Parliament, was only a minority for half of its duration owing to floor-crossings and by-elections. The tenth and eleventh were elected twice in Canadian federal elections of 2006 and again in the 2008 election. There have also been numerous minority governments in provincial legislatures, particularly in provinces such as Ontario where there are strong third parties.

At the federal level, the party which has won the most seats in a general election has formed the government in all but the 15th Parliament.[6] There have also been instances of parties which did not win a plurality forming the government at the provincial level (notably under David Peterson). For information about minority governments at both the federal and provincial levels see Minority governments in Canada.

Denmark[edit]

Since 1982 most of the coalition government in Denmark are in minority, that the minority government coalition need to make deals and reach support with the opposition parties.

Estonia[edit]

Estonia has had several minority governments. A minority cabinet can occur:

  1. when the governing coalition loses support due to a coalition member leaving the governing coalition (Vähi II and Ansip II cabinets);
  2. when MPs leave party factions (Ratas cabinet);
  3. when a minority government is appointed with additional parliamentary support (Tõnisson IV, Vähi Interim, Siimann and Kallas cabinets); or
  4. when the government is voted into office with a plurality and some MPs abstain from voting (Birk, Tõnisson II, Piip and Akel cabinets).

Additional support is possible also because MPs leaving a party faction are not allowed to officially join another faction until the next elections. A government can be a minority government either throughout its term or just a part of its term, usually the later part. A list of minority cabinets:


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