PM’s responses to AG Dept. queries – ‘I inisited Mahendran should ensure Aloysius’ resignation as director of PTL’

November 21st, 2017

Courtesy The Island

I, Ranil Wickremesinghe, the Prime Minister and Minister of National Policies & Economic Affairs of “Temple Trees”, Colombo 3 being a Buddhist do hereby solemnly, sincerely and truly declare and affirm as follows,

1. I am the affirmant above named.

2. The PRESIDENTIAL COMMISSION OF INQUIRY TO INVESTIGATE, INQUIRE AND REPORT THE ISSUANCE OF TREASURY BONDS DURING THE PERIOD 01ST FEBRUARY 2015 TO 31ST MARCH 2016, by letter dated 10th October 2017 has sought my replies to the questions set out in the document annexed thereto marked “A”. Accordingly, in response to the said questions I have set out hereunder my answers from my personal knowledge and upon a perusal of the relevant documents.

3. The said questions and my replies thereto are as follows;

[1] Question number 1 is as follows-

“Mr Arjuna Mahendran, former Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) has testified before this Commission of Inquiry that, sometime in early January 2015, you invited him to accept appointment as the Governor of the CBSL.

Is Mr Mahendran’s claim correct?”

My reply is as follows-

Yes. It is correct that sometime in January 2015, 1 Invited Mr Arjuna Mahendran to serve as the Governor of the CBSL of Sri Lanka (CBSL)

[2] Question number 2 is as follows-

“In terms of Section 12 of the Monetary Law Act No. 58 of 1949, as amended, the Governor of the CBSL is to be appointed by His Excellency, the President on the recommendation of the Minister in charge of the subject of Finance.

Was Mr Mahendran appointed to the post of the Governor of the CBSL on a recommendation made by the then Hon. Minister of Finance and/or on a recommendation made by you as the Hon. Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs (which is the Ministry under which the CBSL has been placed)?”

My reply is as follows-

Upon the formation of the new Government in January 2015 there was a general consensus within the Government that Mr Mahendran should be appointed to the post of Governor of CBSL. I discussed the proposed appointment with the then Minister of Finance who agreed that Mr Mahendran was the most suitable candidate. Accordingly, the then Minister of Finance with my concurrence recommended to His Excellency the President that Mr. Mahendran should be appointed. His Excellency the President acting upon the said recommendation appointed Mr Arjuna Mahendran as the Governor of the CBSL.

[3] Question number 3 is as follows-

“If the answer to Question [1] above is in the affirmative and/or the answer to Question – [2] above is that a recommendation was made by you, please briefly state the reasons why you considered Mr Mahendran to be a fit and proper person to be appointed the Governor of the CBSL?”

My reply is as follows-

Mr Mahendran was selected for appointment in view of his professional qualifications and experience in the field of banking and investments. He had functioned as the Chairman of the BOI during the period 2002 to 2004. He had also held senior positions in the banking industry in Middle East and Singapore. The previous incumbent lacked comparable qualifications and experience and the administration of the CBSL during his tenure of his office had been the subject of severe criticism. Hence, prior to the General Election of 2015 there was a general demand from our political allies that a competent person versatile in banking and International finance should be appointed to the post of Governor of the CBSL.

[4] Question number 4 is as follows-

“At the time of Mr Mahendran’s appointment as the Governor of the CBSL, he was not a citizen of Sri Lanka.

Please briefly state your views on the suitability of a person who is not a citizen of Sri Lanka, performing the duties of the Governor of the CBSL.”

My reply is as follows-

Although at the time of his appointment Mr Mahendran had ceased to be a citizen of Sri Lanka, he was nevertheless, of Sri Lankan origin. He used to regularly visit his parents who were resident in Colombo and as such he had an abiding interest in, and connection with Sri Lanka. Many Sri Lankans had left the country for positions abroad due to the unsettled conditions prevalent in the country at various times.

The fact that Mr Mahendran was not a citizen of Sri Lanka did not affect his suitability or eligibility and was not a legal impediment to his appointment as the Governor of CBSL. In this context, it is to be noted that the very first Governor of the Central Bank, namely, Mr. John Exeter had been an American national. Likewise, Mr. Mark Joseph Carney who is not a British subject but a Canadian national is the current Governor of the Bank of England.

[5] Question number 5 is as follows-

“The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, Mr Mahendran’s son-in-law Mr Arjuna Aloysius, was the Chief Executive and a Director of the Primary Dealer named Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd, in the year 2014 and up to sometime in January 2015, when he is said to have resigned from both posts. The evidence also suggests that, even after the aforesaid resignations in January 2015, Mr Arjuna Aloysius continued to be a Shareholder and Director of Perpetual Capital Holdings (Pvt) Ltd., Perpetual Capital (Pvt) Ltd, which was the ultimate owner of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd.

(i) In 2015 and 2016, were you aware of the matters referred to above?

(ii) If the answer to Question [5](i) is in the affirmative, did you consider that, the aforesaid matters raised a potential conflict of interests which could confront Mr Mahendran in the performance of his duties as the Governor of the CBSL?”

My reply to 5(i) is as follows-

I was aware that Mr. Mahendran’s son-in law Mr. Aloysius was the Chief Executive and Director of the primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd.

My reply to 5(ii) is as follows-

When Mr. Mahendran was offered the post of the Governor of the CBSL, I insisted that he should ensure that Mr Aloysius would resign as a Director of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd, and not involve himself in the business activities of that company in anyway. I also strongly recommended that the best course would be for Mr Aloysius to divest himself of his shares in the company. This was conveyed by me both to Mr Mahendran as well as to Mr Aloysius. Subsequently, I became aware that Mr Aloysius had in the month of January itself resigned from the post of Chief Executive Officer and Director of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd. I also became aware that however he remained a Shareholder of that company and he initimated that he would divest himself of the shareholdings as soon as possible. On expressing my concerns on this account, Mr Mahendran reassured me that Mr Aloysius would not under any circumstances play any role in the business activities of the company. I had every confidence in the assurances given by Mr Mahendran and as such I had no reason to apprehend that any conflict of interest would be faced by Mr Mahendran in functioning as the Governor of the CBSL.

[6] Question number 6 is as follows-

“In any event, did you inquire from Mr Mahendran with regard to any potential conflict of interest arising from the fact that Mr Mahendran’s son-in-law, Mr Arjuna Aloysius was known to be closely connected to a Primary Dealer?

If so, what did Mr Mahendran tell you?”

My reply is as follows-

I did on several occasions convey to Mr Mahendran my concerns about a possible conflict of interest arising from his son-in-law Mr Aloysius having a connection with a, Primary Dealer. Mr Mahendran as set out above reassured me that Mr Aloysius would not engage in the activities of the company as indicated above. In view of the circumstances, I was confident as set out above that a situation of a conflict of interest would not arise.

[7] Question number 7 is as follows-

“The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, although Mr Arjuna Aloysius is said to have resigned from the posts of Chief Executive and Director of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd sometime in January 2015, he continued to play an active role in the day to day operations of that Company from then on during 2015 and 2016?

Were you aware that, Mr Arjuna Aloysius continued to play an active role in the day to day operations of that Company even after he is said to have resigned from the posts of Chief Executive and Director of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd. sometime in January 2015?”

My reply is as follows-

I was aware that Mr Aloysius had resigned from the post of Chief Executive and Director of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd, in January itself. But, I was totally unaware of any role that he may have played in that company after his resignation. I was confident that in view of the assurances given to me by Mr Mahendran that Mr Aloysius would not participate in the conduct or affairs of the company.

[8] Question number 8 is as follows-

“Mr Mahendran has testified before this Commission of Inquiry that, in January 2015 and February 2015, he had conveyed to you alleged unsatisfactory features in the then prevailing practice of the CBSL raising funds by way of “Private Placements” [also sometime termed “Direct Placements”] of Treasury Bonds.

Is Mr Mahendran’s aforesaid statement correct?”

My reply is as follows-

The unsatisfactory features in the practice of CBSL raising funds by way of private placements was a matter of grave concern and severe criticism during the tenure of office of the previous Government. This issue had been raised in the public domain by civil society and had been the subject of discussion in Parliament. It was alleged that the favourites of the then Government had been given an opportunity by reason of the acceptance of private placements of making unconscionable profits as there was no transparent selection of the beneficiaries. With the formation of the new Government in January 2015, this subject was discussed at several Ministerial meetings at which relevant officials were present. Mr Mahendran was also present at some of these meetings and he too agreed that the system of resorting to private placements was unsatisfactory.

[9] Question number 9 is as follows-

“Mr Mahendran testified before this Commission of Inquiry that, sometime in early February 2015, you instructed him that, all procurements made by the CBSL should be carried out “in a transparent manner”.

(i) Is Mr Mahendran’s aforesaid statement correct?

(ii) If the answer to Question [9](i) is in the affirmative, did such instructions given by you also apply to the raising of Public Debt by the Public Debt Department?

(iii) If the answer to Question [9](ii) is in the affirmative, what did you intend to convey when you instructed that, the raising of Public Debt by the Public Debt Department should be carried out “in a transparent manner”?”

My reply is as follows-

(i) Yes. This was applicable not only to CBSL but also to all Departments and Institutions under the purview of my Ministry.

(ii) Yes. As I stated above, the raising of funds by way of private placements of Treasury Bonds had been subject to severe criticism as it was completely devoid of any transparency. The Monetary Board had authorized the issuance of Treasury Bonds either by way of private placements or by way of public auctions. It was the view of all concerned in the new Government that in order to achieve more transparency the raising of funds by way of Public Auction was preferable to the private placement method. This view was conveyed to Mr Mahendran.

[10] Question number 10 is as follows-

Mr Mahendran has subsequently claimed before this Commission of Inquiry that, on 24th February 2015, you instructed him that, the practice of accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds should be stopped. Mr Mahendran went on to suggest that, he interpreted that alleged instruction to mean he should immediately stop the practice of accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds.

Did you, in fact, instruct Mr Mahendran, on 24th February 2015, to immediately stop the practice of accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds?’

My reply is as follows-

As I stated earlier, the acceptance of private placements of Treasury Bonds was regarded as unsatisfactory primarily due to lack of transparency. In addition, the policy of the new Government was that the rates of exchange and of interest should be determined by market forces, and not be pegged down artificially. It was for these reasons that we advocated that Treasury Bonds be accepted mainly through Public Auction. Mr Mahendran as the Governor of CBSL was aware of this. At that time the practice was for majority of the bonds to be issued by recourse to private placements and the balance by Public Auction. Therefore, in February 2015 when I was informed that the CBSL was to issue bonds to raise funds, I insisted that Mr. Mahendran should consider the issuance of Bonds by way of Public Auction in accordance with the economic policy of the Government and I expected that he would comply with due procedure.

[11] Question number 11 is as follows-

“The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, any sudden stoppage of the practice of accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds was likely to significantly impact the Government Securities Markets, the Treasury Bond Yield Curve and Interest Rates paid and offered by Bank, especially since, by February 2015, the practice of the CBSL accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds had become entrenched in the Government Securities Market and Private Placements accounted for over 80% Public Debt raised by way of Treasury Bonds during a period of two years or so. Further, the evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, in terms of the Monetary Law Act and the procedures which then prevailed in the CBSL, any proposal to stop the entrenched practice of accepting Private Placements of Treasury Bonds, should be considered by the Monetary Board and decided upon by the Monetary Board, before it was implemented.

If your answer to Question [10] above is in the affirmative, in the light of the aforesaid considerations, what did you expect Mr Mahendran to do in pursuance’ of any instruction you may have given to him, on 24th February 2015, with regard to Private Placements?”

My reply is as follows-

During the tenure of the office of the previous Government, the determination of interest rate in the Government securities market had been distorted by moving away from a market based mechanism. This had led to a loss of investor confidence.

To the best of my knowledge, private placements were not entrenched in the securities market.

Furthermore, as private placements invariably took funds from captive sources such as the EPF, the beneficiaries of such funds received diminished returns on their savings. Our policy has always been to encourage market mechanisms and to further macro economic liberalization including the rates of interest and exchange to be determined by the market. Therefore, traders and other relevant stakeholders would have reasonably expected a return or revival of the public auction system as much as possible as envisaged in the CBSL manual in determining interest rates. Consequently, any adverse impact on the market would have been minimal in the short term and off set by long-term investor confidence.

In the circumstances, it was expected that Mr Mahendran would take appropriate steps in accordance with due procedures to give effect to the objectives of the Government as expeditiously as possible in the light of concerns expressed by me.

If any further clarification is required from a legal perspective, the Attorney General would assist the Commission.

[12] Question number 12 is as follows-

“The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, the Ministry of Finance had identified that a substantial sum of money was required to fund payments which were then due to Contractors on account of road works and other projects and that these fund requirements may not have been previously accounted for and/or provided for by the Ministry of Finance in 2014.

The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, the Monthly Cash Flows forwarded by the Treasury to the Department of Public Debt in the Months of February 2015 and March 2015 do not call for any funds to be raised for the above purpose in February 2015 or March 2015.

The evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggest that, a meeting was held at the CBSL on 26th February 2015 to discuss how to raise the funds required to make these payments and that, the then Hon. Minister of Finance and several others attended this meeting. The evidence suggest that, at this meeting, it was decided -that a Deputy Governor of the CBSL will prepare a report identifying the payments that were due and submit that report to the Ministry of Finance. The evidence also suggests that, it was decided that another meeting was to be held later for the purpose of considering the report to be prepared by the Deputy Governor of the CBSL and to then decide on the payments that had to be made in the short term. Further, the evidence suggests that, the proposed second meeting was held at the Ministry of Finance sometime in early March 2015 and that the Contractors to whom payments were immediately due attended this meeting and decisions were taken with regard to payments to be made to Contractors in the short term.

Thus, at present, the evidence before this Commission of Inquiry suggests that, the funds required for these payments were to be raised only in the months of April or May 2015 and that, there was no requirement for any funds for this purpose to be raised at the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015 or at Treasury Bond Auctions to be held during the month of March 2015.

In this background, did you instruct Mr Mahendran to raise funds for the aforesaid payments at the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015?”

My reply is as follows-

It is incorrect to state that funds for the payment of contractors for road works and other development work were required to be raised only in the months of April or May and that the monthly cash flows forwarded by the Treasury to the Department of Public Debt in the months of February 2015 and March 2015 did not call for any funds to be raised for the above in February or March 2015. Towards the end of February 2015 at the Cabinet Sub Committee on the Economic Management, Budget proposals for which funds were needed and development projects for which payments were due, were discussed. The Minister of Highways stated that there was an urgent need of funds for road development projects, which were undertaken by the previous Government for which the Treasury was unable to provide funds. The Interim Budget also involved additional expenditure including an increase in recurrent and capital expenditure in March. I requested that the concerned Ministers and officials of the Treasury and CBSL meet as soon as possible. Subsequently, they including the Governor CBSL had met on 26th February 2015 and they determined that Rupees Fifteen billion was urgently required. By this time, CBSL has already decided on a bond issue on 27 February, 2015. Mr Mahendran informed me that evening he may be able to raise money far in excess of Rupees One billion in the Bond Auction fixed for 27th February 2015. Any further details of cash flow and fiscal affairs for those months could be obtained from the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance.

(13) Question number 13 is as follows-

“Did Mr Mahendran have any discussions or conversations with you prior to 27th February 2015 and/or 27th February 2015, with regard to the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015?”

My reply is as follows-

Mr. Mahendran did inform me that the Monetary Board had fixed a Treasury Bond Auction for the 27th of February 2015.

In the evening of 26th February he informed me that since it transpired at the meeting held with the Minister of Highways and others, that there was an urgent requirement of Rupees Fifteen billion to pay for the ongoing road works, it may be possible to raise at least a part of it at the Auction fixed for the 27th of February. After the Auction held on the 27th of February 2015, he informed me that in fact Rupees Ten billion had been raised.

[14] Question number 14 is as follows-

“Mr Mahendran has stated to this’ Commission of Inquiry that, subsequent to the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015, Hon. Dr. Harsha de Silva telephoned him a d conveyed that you had requested Mr Mahendran to submit a “Briefing Note” with regard to the events relevant to that Treasury Bond Auction.

Is Mr Mahendran’s statement correct?”

My reply is as follows-

I recall instructing Dr. Harsha De Silva the then Deputy Minister of Policy Planning and Economic Affairs to request Mr Mahendran to provide a note pertaining to the procedure followed at the Auction held on 27th February 2015.

[15] Question number 15 is as follows-

“Did Mr Mahendran submit a “Briefing Note” to you, with regard to the events relevant to the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015?”

My reply is as follows-

Upon receipt of the questionaire forwarded by the Commission I directed my officials to cause a search to be made in my office for briefing notes submitted by Mr Mahendran. Consequently my officials have traced in my Secretary’s computer a briefing note titled “Factual Information on the Issue of 30 year Treasury Bond by the Central Bank on 27/2/2015 – the Procedure Followed” forwarded by Deputy Governor Mr Samarasiri. I have been advised by my officials that there are no other briefing notes traceable at my office. A copy of the said briefing note is annexed hereto marked X1.

[16] and [17] – Question numbers 16 and 17 are as follows-

“[16] If the answer to Question [15] above is in the affirmative, did Mr Mahendran state in his “Briefing Note” that:

(i) He had visited the Public Debt Department on two occasions on 27th February 2015 — i.e. in the morning (alone) and shortly after noon (together with Deputy Governor Weerasinghe and Deputy Governor Silva)?

(ii) During the second visit together with the two Deputy Governors, Mr Mahendran had stated to the officers of the Public Debt Department that Bids up to approximately Rs. 10 billion should be accepted?

(iii) If the answer to Question [16](ii) is in the affirmative, did Mr Mahendran describe such a statement made by him to the officers of the Public Debt Department to be in the nature of a specific instruction issued to the officers of the Public Debt Department on what amount was to be recommended by the Public Debt Department to the Tender Board or to be in the nature of a suggestion for evaluation and consideration by the officers of the Public Debt Department when they were deciding on the amount to be recommended by the Public Debt Department to the Tender Board?”

[17] If the answer to Question [15] above is in the affirmative, did Mr Mahendran state in his “Briefing Note”

(i) Subsequently, in the afternoon of 27th February 2015, during the course of the meeting of the Tender Board held to consider the recommendations of the Public Debt Department and decide on the amount of Bids to be accepted, Mr Mahendran had spoken, on the telephone, with Deputy Governor Samarasiri who was chairing that meeting of the Tender Board?

(ii) During this telephone conversation, Mr Mahendran stated to Deputy Governor Samarasiri that the Tender Board should approve the acceptance of Bids up to approximately Rs. 10 billion?

(iii) if the answer to Question [17](ii) is in the affirmative, did Mr Mahendran describe such a statement made by him to Deputy Governor Samarasiri to be in the nature of a specific instruction issued to the Tender Board on what amount should be accepted or to be in the nature of a suggestion for evaluation and consideration by the Tender Board when the Tender Board was deciding the amount to be accepted?”

My reply to 16 and 17 is as follows-

By way of answer to questions 16 and 17 1 state that the available briefing note marked X 1, relates only to the procedure followed at the Auction held on 27th February 2015. 1 do recollect however that Mr Mahendran did in the course of conversations with me, refer to other attendant circumstances pertaining to the Auction held on 27th February 2015. In this context I have referred to these circumstances in the speech made by me in Parliament on 17 March 2015, to which reference has been made in Question Nos. 18, 19 and 20.

[18] Question number 18 is as follows-

“On 17th March 2015, you made a statement in Parliament with regard to the ‘ISSUE OF TREASURY BONDS’. During the course of that statement, you have said “I insisted on a public auction because private placements have led to corruption and lack of transparency. Previously, parcels of Government Bonds were handed out to selected individuals on a favoured basis through a system of private placement. It took place outside the normal auctions of Government Bonds. These are what the Primary Dealers are saying. You must look at the facts …. Private placements were usually as large as ten times bigger than the amount of Government Bonds sold through the auctions …. This led to an unhealthy link between some of the officers of the Central Bank’s Public Debt Department, Primary Dealers and large corporations who benefitted from such private placements. This practice only enriched a handful of cronies of the previous Government …. Records confirm that private placements had become a norm rather than an exception.”

What were the sources of information you relied on when you made those observations?”

My reply is as follows-

The Commission would no doubt appreciate that this relates to a statement made by me in Parliament which is vested with the control of Public Finance. I have already referred to the criticism that had been levelled against “Private Placements” and the reasons for the policy decision in favour of Public Auction. The then Government was unable to give requisite answers to the questions in Parliament as to what exactly had taken place through Private Placements. The unhealthy links referred to in question No. 18 were gathered by a group of MPs which included, Eran Wickramaratne, Dr. Harsha De Silva, Sujeewa Senasinghe and several others, and also from comments made by other Parliamentarians and News Paper Reports.

[19] and [20] Question numbers 19 and 20 are as follows-

“[19] During the course of your aforesaid statement to Parliament on 17th March 2015, you have also stated that, on 27th February 2015, Mr Mahendran advised [Wmfoia ÿkakd] the Public Debt Department, in the presence of two Deputy Governors [i.e. Dr Weerasinghe and Mr Silva] that, Bids up to Rs. 10 billion should be accepted. You have then gone on to say that, the allegation Mr Mahendran interfered in the decision of the Public Debt Department with regard to its recommendation on the amount of Bids to be accepted, was factually incorrect. [uy nexl=fõ wêm;sjrhd fïlg iïnkaO jQKdh lsh,d lreKq keye’ th i;Hfhka f;drhs

What were the sources of information you relied on when you made this statement?

“[20]. During the course of your statement to Parliament on 17th March 2015, you have also stated that, the allegation that Mr Mahendran interfered in the decision of the Tender Board was factually incorrect. uy nexl= wêm;sjrhd fgkav¾ uKav,fha lghq;=j,g ueÈy;a jQjdh lshk fpdaokdj mokfuka f;drhs’

What were the sources of information you relied on when you made this statement?”

My reply is as follows-

The statement made by me in Parliament on 17th March 2015 was based on information relating to attendant events pertaining to the said auction provided by Mr Mahendran and Mr Samarasiri -Deputy Governor of the CBSL and Chairman of the Tender Board and in the course of conversations with me.

I stated that neither the Monetary Board nor I was the proper authority to inquire into the issue. I also informed Parliament that the Pitipana Committee appointed by me was required to inquire into the matter impartially and I undertook to table their Report in Parliament on receipt of same. I also stated that it was open to Parliament to take appropriate steps including the setting up of a Select Committee in the event that the Parliament was not satisfied with the Report.

[21] Question number 21 is as follows-

“The Report of the “Three Person Committee” chaired by Mr Gamin! Pitipana, Attorney-at-Law inter alia states, with regard to the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015, “The Committee at this stage can only make an observation that the bidding pattern of Perpetual Treasuries and securing nearly 50% of the accepted bids as unusual.” The Committee goes on to observe that “… a full-scale investigation by a proper Government Authority is warranted.”

The Report also states, “The Committee also observes, from the information placed before the Committee, that there is a serious lack of transparency pertaining to the activities of the PDD of the CBSL. There is no proper supervision of the activities of the Primary Dealers and the PDD. There is no recording of calls, there is no log of documents received, no supervision of electronic footprint; such as text messages and emails between officials of the PDD and the Primary Dealers.”

The Report recommends, inter alia, that, a proper supervisory and monitoring mechanism should be implemented with regard to the activities of the Public Debt Department and the Primary Dealers.

The Report also recommends that, a full-scale investigation by a proper Government Authority is warranted upon the activities of the PDD and its officials and any other Department of CBSL and its officers, to ascertain whether there is any truth in the assumptions pertaining to sensitive information of the CBSL being compromised.”

Are you aware of any action taken by the CBSL and/or by the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs, with regard to the aforesaid observations and recommendations?

My reply is as follows-

At that time, the Pitipana Committee of inquiry had not submitted its Report. I apprised Parliament that the Report of the Committee was awaited and that upon receipt it will be placed before Parliament to enable Parliament to take such action as it deemed appropriate. Subsequently, the Pitipana Report was tabled by me in Parliament and a debate ensued in Parliament. It was decided that COPE should go into this matter in full. The COPE Report was received and forwarded to the Attorney General for necessary action at my instance. I am aware that a team of members from the Attorney General’s Department have been appointed to consider the Report. I have instructed the Attorney General to take steps according to law against any persons who are culpable, irrespective of their status or party affiliations.

A new Monetary Law is being prepared which will also address some of the matters referred to in the Pitipana Report. We have also strengthened Parliament’s oversight of the CBSL by establishing the Public Finance Committee and making the Economic Oversight Committee responsible for reporting on the CBSL.

I decided to look into the transactions prior to 2015 once the COPE Report was tabled. This has been postponed until the conclusion of the sittings of the Presidential Commission.

[22] Question number 22 is as follows-

“Did you consider that, it was fit and proper for Mr Mahendran to continue to serve as Governor of the CBSL after the events of the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015?

If so, please briefly state the reasons for that view?

My reply is as follows-

As stated above I had already tabled the Pitipana Report in Parliament and a debate ensued. Parliament decided to refer this issue to COPE and was awaiting a report in order to take appropriate action in this regard in the event that Mr Mahendran was found to be culpable. In the interim, Mr Mahendran went on leave and his tenure of office ended prior to the submission of the COPE Report. As stated above, I have forwarded the COPE Report to the Attorney General to take appropraite action if there has been any transgression of the law by Mr Mahendran or any other person.

[23] Question number 23 is as follows-

“In 2015 and 2016, was the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs (which is the Ministry under which the CBSL is placed), regularly informed by the CBSL [for example, on a daily, weekly, monthly, quarterly, half yearly or annual basis] of the results of Primary Auctions of Treasury Bonds?

If so, what was the information that was provided and how often was such information provided?”

My reply is as follows-

There were weekly meetings of officials evaluating the progress made by the Ministries and the financial situation in the country, as well, as weekly meetings of the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management at which meetings, the Governor of the CBSL was one of the persons in attendance. At these meetings the overall situation of the economy is evaluated. Even though details of Primary Auctions of Treasury Bonds are not discussed or revealed the amount of monies raised through Treasury Bonds and amounts required to be raised in the future inevitably surface at these meetings.

[24] Question Number 24 is as follows-

“In 2015 and 2016, was the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs (which is the Ministry under which the CBSL is placed), regularly informed by the CBSL [for example, on a daily, weekly, monthly, quarterly, half yearly or annual basis] of the transactions done by Primary Dealers on the Secondary Market of Treasury Bonds?

If so, what was the information that was provided and how often was such information provided?”

My reply is as follows:

Transactions done by Primary Dealers on the Secondary Market of Treasury Bonds was not dealt by the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs. The Minister only focuses on the overall economic performance. As such information pertaining to these are not called for or made available to the Minister.

[25] Question Number 25 is as follows-

“In 2015 and 2016, were the Minutes of Meetings of the Monetary Board, Board Papers and Reports considered by the Monetary Board and other Reports of the CBSL, submitted to the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs (which is the Ministry under which the CBSL is placed), on a daily, weekly, monthly, quarterly, half yearly or annual basis?

If so, what was the information that was provided and how often was such information provided?”

My reply is as follows-

The Minutes of meetings of the Monetary Board, Board Papers and Reports considered by the Monetary Board and other Reports of the CBSL are not submitted to the Ministry’ of National Policies and Economic Affairs. The Governor of the CBSL would keep me informed of important decisions and matters relevant to the Monetary Board and CBSL at weekly meetings.

[26] Question Number 26 is as follows-

“A copy of a text message said to have been sent to Mr Arjuna Aloysius by his Personal Assistant [Mr Steve Samuel] on 28th November 2016 and which states ‘Reminder – to request Hon. PM & RK to get a copy of Monetary Board meeting/papers need to be submitted today 28.11.16″, has been produced in evidence before this Commission of Inquiry.

Have you ever provided or agreed to provide copies of Minutes of Meetings of the Monetary Board or any other documents or reports of the CBSL, to Mr Arjuna Aloysius or to any representative of Perpetual Treasuries (Pvt) Ltd.?”

My reply is as follows-

I deny that I had agreed to provide or provided copies of Minutes of meetings of the Monetary Board meetings/papers to Mr Aloysius or any other person. I resent the insinuation.

[27] Question Number 27 is as follows-

“There is evidence before this Commission of Inquiry which suggests that, on 28th March 2016 and 30th March 2016, the then Hon. Minister of Finance met senior officers of the Bank of Ceylon, the People’s Bank and the National Savings Bank and instructed that these three Banks submit Bids at specified Rates at the Treasury Bond Auctions to be held on 29th March 2016 and 31st March 2016. The evidence also suggests that, at these two meetings, the then Hon. Minister of Finance indicated to the officers of these Banks that, the CBSL would not accept Bids at Rates which were higher than the Rates specified by him and that, accordingly, the three Banks submitted Bids at the specified Rates. However, the evidence suggests that, in fact, when these two Treasury Bond Auctions were held, the CBSL had accepted Bids at Rates which were considerably higher than the Rates at which these Banks had placed Bids based on the instructions given by the then Hon. Minister of Finance.

Were you aware, in March or April 2016, of the aforesaid meetings and events?”

My reply is as follows-

I am unaware of the meetings referred to in paragraph 27.

[28] Question Number 28 is as follows-

“Are there any observations, comments or information which you consider will be relevant or useful to this Commission of Inquiry in carrying out its Mandate.

If so please state such observations, comments or information.”

My reply thereto is as follows-

i. The Commission may recommend measures to ensure further transparency in transactions in the Primary and Secondary Government Securities markets.

ii. It may also recommend measures to address the conflict of interest that currently exists in the CBSL due to the Public Debt Department acting as Agent of the Government for its borrowing requirements while the EPF Department of the CBSL being the largest lender to the Government.

iii. The Commission may determine whether the prevalence of insider trading in securities markets is wide spread and if so, suggest remedial measures.

 

Affirmed to on this 20th

day of October 2017, at

Colombo.

AFFIDAVIT

I, Ranil Wickremesinghe, the Prime Minister and Minister of National Policies & Economic Affairs, of “Temple Trees”, Colombo 3, being a Buddhist do hereby solemnly, sincerely and truly, declare and affirm as follws.

1. I am the affirmant above-named.

2. The Presidential Commission of Inquiry to Investigate, Inquire and Report on the Issuance of Treasury Bonds during the period I” February 2015 to 31st March 2016, by letter dated 10th November 2017 has sought my replies to the questions 2, 7, 11, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34 and 35 contained in the annexure thereto. Accordingly, in response to the said questions, I have set out herein my answers, from my personal knowledge and a perusal of the relevant documents.

3. The said questions and my replies thereto are as follows.

4. Question number [21 is as follows:

“[2] Why didn’t you take steps to fill the two Monetary Board vacancies no sooner you filled the Governor’s post? Wasn’t it important and critical to make these appointments without delay?”

My reply is as follows-

There was a general consensus in the new Government, that the several vacancies in statutory boards and corporations should be filled to the extent required to ensure a quorum, and that further appointments be made after an even more thorough vetting process, which would ensure the appointment of the most suited individuals.

In addition to the ex officio office bearers of the Monetary Board, the other Members are appointed by His Excellency the President on the recommendation of the Minister of Finance, with the concurrence of the Constitutional Council. However, with regard to these appointments the Minister of Finance acted on my advise in making his recommendations.

5. Question numbers [7], [27] and [30] are as follows-

“[7] Please see Cabinet Sub-Committee on Economic Affairs Meeting Minutes of 24.02.2015 & 03.03.2015.

(a) In terms of RDA Projects the decision was that all road projects to be prioritized and implemented with available funds? A list to be prepared and finalised next week. (Vide Minutes of Meeting 24.02.2015).

(b) At the next meeting as far as RDA Projects were concerned it had been decided only to evaluate and re-negotiate with the funding agents (Vide Minutes of Meeting on 03.03.2015).

Therefore, having regard to the above there was no urgent funding requirement which was discussed or agreed upon?”

“[27] In response to question No.12, you have stated that it is incorrect to state that funds for payment of contractors for roadworks was not required to be raised in February or March 2015. However, documents in evidence before this Commission, including the relevant monthly cash flows and the minutes of the meeting of the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Management in February 2015 indicate that there was no such requirement. The said Cabinet Sub Committee has in fact decided that these payments should be met with available funds. So, on what basis do you substantiate your position?”

“[30] The briefing note you have produced at X1 does not refer to an urgent funding requirement of Rs.15 billion for payment of contractors for roadworks nor the breakfast meeting held on 26.02.2015. It only refers to the Rs.13.5 billion which was already in the cash flow for the week ending 02.03.2015. In this background, can you explain why you have in your response to question No.12 and in your Statement in Parliament on 17.03.2015 linked the Rs.15 billion for payment of contractors for roadworks and the breakfast meeting held on 26.02.2015 with the funds raised via the treasury bond auction of 27.02.2015?”

My reply is as follows-

Although at the meeting of the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Affairs held on 24th February 2015 it is recorded that “All road projects to be prioritized and implemented with available funds”, I was subsequently informed by the Minister of Highways that only about Rupees One Billion was in fact available to make payments for these projects.

I requested the concerned Ministers and officials of the Treasury and CBSL to give priority to sorting out how the funds could be obtained.

Therefore when the meeting of 26th February 2015 was held they had decided that Rs. 15 Billion was urgently required.

By the next meeting of the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Affairs of 3rd March 2015, the money raised at the Auction of 27th February 2015 was available. It was decided to “expedite and finish the ongoing rural road projects in order to uplift the rural economy” and also that the “cost of highways to be evaluated in a scientific manner and renegotiated with the funding agencies”.

At the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Affairs Meeting on 10th March 2015 it was noted that “A list of outstanding payments on road projects has already been prepared. It was advised to obtain the outstanding lump sum to be paid from Line Ministries. A committee has been appointed to look in to this and approve the payments. Payments related to ongoing work on multilateral, Bilateral Projects and rural roads to be released with immediate effect.”

The Minutes of the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Affairs Meeting on 10th March 2015 states that “It was explained that Highway Review Committee is finalizing the evaluations and negotiations to make the Contract Price of these contracts to the lowest possible sums by optimizing engineering designs and reducing excessive costs from other areas. Considerable amount have been reduced by the negotiations made so far with OCH III contractor. Possible areas of reduction of costs are explored and negotiations has commenced with the Southern Expressway extension Contractor. Minister of Highways to make an announcement in the Parliament once the cost benefit calculations are completed in these two expressways.

It was also explained that both JICA and ADB has shown their interest to fund the Central Expressway (Formally known as Northern Expressway) on concessional terms. Possibilities were explored to obtain funding on concessional terms from other multi-lateral and bi–lateral donor agencies.”

The Ministry of Highways, Higher Education and Investment Promotion confirmed that the cash imprest requirement for February 2015 was Rs.18,445,700,000, and that the allocation available was only Rs.3,000,000. Thus a sum in excess of Rs. 15 billion was required in respect of pending payments due to contractors in respect of highway constructions.

I annex a copy of letter dated 16th February 2015 sent by the Secretary, Ministry of Highways, Higher Education and Investment Promotion (including the annexure thereto) as X1.

Additionally there were numerous other urgent funding requirements of the Republic of Sri Lanka, some of which I adverted to in my speech in Parliament reported at column 73 of the Hansard of 17th March 2015, the relevant portion of which I annex hereto as X2.

The entirety of the sums due to various other contractors for work done prior to January 2015 was not immediately known by February 2015. Cabinet Papers are presented from time to time with regard to monies due in respect of contractual dues arising from work done during the period 1St January 2011 to 31st December 2014. In early November this year a Cabinet Paper was presented with regard to the debts of SriLankan Airlines.

I also annex as X3 a copy of the projected Govt. Daily Cash Flow Statement for the period 16th February 2015 – 27th February 2015 issued by the Cash Management Division, Department of Treasury Operations. In the last column thereof demonstrates the deficit at the end of 27th February 2015.

I annex as X4(a)-X4(c) the Minutes of the Meetings of the Cabinet Sub Committee on Economic Affairs of 24th February 2015, 3rd March 2015 and 10th March 2015.

I also annex as X5 letter dated 13th February 2015 sent by the National Water Supply and Drainage Board with regard to its funding requirements, as an example of some of the other liabilities which were known to us at the time.

6. Question number [11] is as follows-

“[11] Were you aware that Finance Minister Mr. Ravi Karunanayaka and his family were occupying and living a penthouse apartment at Monarch residencies which was paid for by Arjun Aloysius?

(a) This issue was brought up in Parliament by Mr. Mahindanada Aluthgamage, MP who made a statement in this regard?

(b) Do you acknowledge any wrong doing (the Minister of Finance being the Issuer of Government Securities and Arjuna Aloysius being the owner of a Primary Dealer Company trading in Government Securities) on the part of the minister in this regard?

(c) What action did you take in this regard?”

My reply to questions 11 (a) and (c) is as follows:

I was aware that Mr. Ravi Karunanayake, MP was occupying an apartment at Monarch Residences, as he had informed me that he had shifted pending renovations to his residence.

It is correct that allegations were made by Mr. Mahindananda Aluthgamage, MP.

Mr. Ravi Karunanayake, MP countered by denial and there was no material furnished to substantiate the allegation at that point of time.

However, I inquired from Mr. Ravi Karunanayake, MP whether there was any truth in the allegation made that he was occupying an apartment at Monarch Residences which was paid for by Mr. Aloysius. He informed me that the apartment he was occupying was not paid for by Mr. Aloysius.

My reply to questions 11 (b) is as follows:

I am not privy to all the evidence led in this regard. This matter is now pending before the Commission. Therefore, it would not be appropriate for me to express an opinion in this regard.

7. Question number [14] is as follows-

“[14] Did Mr. C.P.R. Perera meet you with Mr. Arjuna Mahendran on 01.04.2016 to inform you of concerns relating to treasury bond dealings by EPF?

(a) If the answer to the above is in the affirmative, did Mr. C.P.R. Perera specifically inform you that EPF was buying treasury bonds in the secondary market from Perpetual Treasuries Ltd. instead of buying directly in the primary market?

(b) What was your response?”

My reply is as follows-

The meeting on the 01st of April 2016 was not a meeting I had with only Mr C P R Perera and Mr Arjuna Mahendran. It was a meeting to discuss Government Securities the request of which came from Mr C P R Perera. The meeting had a number of officials together with other Ministers.

At that meeting concerns were expressed as to how we can improve the system of marketing of government securities. In the course of the meeting reference was also made to the fact that EPF was purchasing excessive securities from the secondary market and not in the primary transactions. I requested them to go into the matters raised at the meeting.

8. Question number [16] is as follows-

“[16] Did you or the United National Party or any member of your party receive any donation or contributions from Arjun Aloysius or any Company of the Perpetual Group of Companies or from Free Lanka Trading Company or W.M. Mendis and Company in the years 2014,2015 & 2016 directly or indirectly?”

My reply is as follows –

Neither I nor the Party received any donations or contributions from Arjun Aloysius or any other entity mentioned therein.

I am unaware whether any other individuals received donations or contributions from the said Aloysius or the specified entities.

9. Question numbers [17], [18] and [19] are as follows –

“[17] A text message sent on 14.01.2017 by Mr. Aloysius’s Personal Assistant Steve Samuel appears to be reminding Mr. Aloysius of a meeting with you regarding the US Treasury. Was there a meeting scheduled between you and Mr. Aloysius on that date?”

“[18] If the answer to the above is in the affirmative, did you in fact meet Mr. Aloysius on 14.01.2017 regarding the US Treasury or any other matter?”

“[19] Have you and, if so, how many times have you, met Mr. Aloysius regarding PTL business-related matters?”

My reply is as follows-

There was no meeting scheduled between Mr. Aloysius and myself, nor did I meet Mr Aloysius, on 14 January 2017, regarding the US Treasury or any other matter.

I have met Mr Aloysius regarding PTL business related matters only in connection with what I have previously stated in answer to Question 5 in my Affidavit dated 20th October 2017 and in answer to Question 35 herein.

10. Question number [21] is as follows-

“[21] There is undisputed evidence before the Commission, including that of several witnesses from Perpetual Treasuries Ltd., that Mr. Aloysius continued to run the business activities of this company throughout the tenure of Mr. Mahendran’s Governorship. In this context –

(a) Do you consider the assurance given to you Mr. Mahendran as having been false?

(b) What action would you recommend against misleading and false statements made to the Prime Minister of the country?”

My reply is as follows-

I believed that Mr Mahendran acted in good faith.

I am not privy to the evidence led before the Commission, and am unable to comment thereon.

The Commission will have to take and / or recommend action according to the evidence placed before it, and the conclusions it reaches thereon.

11. Question number [24] is as follows-

“[24] In response to question No. 10, you have stated that you advocated a system where Treasury Bonds were ‘mainly’ accepted through Public Auctions. You have also state that that you insisted that Mr. Arjuna Mahendran should ‘consider’ issuance of bonds through Public Auctions in accordance with the economic policy of the Government and that you expected him to comply with due procedure. In this context –

(a) When you said ‘mainly’, did you in fact have in mind a hybrid system?

(b) If so, did you satisfy yourself that this was implemented?”

My reply is as follows-

My primary concern was to ensure that Treasury Bonds are raised mainly on public auctions.

The proportion of public auctions and private placements with captive funds was a matter for the Governor to decide as it involves technical issues which, in my opinion, is a matter to be decided by experts.

12. Question number [25] is as follows-

“[25] In response to questions Nos. 10 and 11, you have stated that you expected Mr. Mahendran to follow due procedure to comply with your direction to issue treasury bonds via auctions. In this context –

(a) In your opinion, particularly as lawyer yourself, what should have been that ‘due procedure’?

(b) Shouldn’t that ‘due procedure’ have included approval of the Monetary Board and a considered analysis backed by data and discussion with all relevant stakeholders?

(c) As you were aware of the conflict of interest that Mr. Arjuna Mahendran had, did you not consider it prudent to verify and satisfy yourself that the ‘due procedure’ has been followed?

(d) In light of the procedure that was adopted by the present Monetary Board in moving to a new system of issuing treasury bonds, do you not consider the abrupt stopping of Direct Placements by Mr. Arjuna Mahendran to have been irresponsible and reckless, to say the least?”

My reply is as follows-

25 (a) and (b): As stated previously, my expectation was that the bonds should be raised mainly through public auctions. In my previous response to questions 10 and 11 (in the first set of questions) what I stated was that ‘I insisted that Mr Mahendran should consider the issuance of Bonds by way of Public Auction in accordance with the economic policy of the government.’

In this regard the due procedure I expected Mr Mahendran to follow was to work within the rules and guidelines set by the Monetary Board and follow best practices relating to the running of a Central Bank. Beyond this, I was not expecting to give any instructions or exercise any supervisory role.

(c): As stated earlier, I had no reason to believe that Mr Arjuna Mahendran would face a conflict of interest, and there was no special reason to satisfy myself that due procedure had been followed.

(d): Initially the primary concerns conveyed to Mr Mahendran were the lack of transparency and the failure to take into account the market forces, which arose with regard to private placements. It would appear that Mr Mahendran had secured the stoppage of direct placements to address this issue.

I subsequently became aware that, applying the experience of the Sri Lankan money market, and based on expert advice obtained from experts including the US Treasury, the Monetary Board has reviewed the system and adopted a modified system with regard to the issuance of bonds.

The process is periodically reviewed and thus I do not think that Mr Arjuna Mahendran’s abrupt stopping of Direct Placements could be considered irresponsible or reckless, as it was intended to address the lack of transparency associated with the private placement system, and also as the private placement system was not premised on market forces.

13. Question number [26] is as follows-

“[26] In Response to question No.11, you have stated that the previous government had moved away from a market based system in determining the interest rates in government securities, thereby distorting the market. You also say that there was a loss of investor confidence. In this context–

(a) Why have you now permitted a reversal of the fully auction-based system to a hybrid system, notwithstanding those concerns?

(b) Don’t you agree that the present system permits control of the interest rates in phase one of the system?

(c) Even during the fully auction-based system, wasn’t the Central Bank attempting to control interest rates by issuing treasury bills to itself?

(d) Is your reference to investor confidence accurate, as the outflow of foreign funds continued to take place during the pendency of the fully auction-based system?

(e) Is your reference to market confidence accurate, as the evidence shows that the EPF and other State-owned funds have simply shifted large volumes of purchases from the primary market to the secondary market?

(f) When you refer to the market, did you occasion any study with regard to the nature and structure of Sri Lanka’s Government Securities market?”

My reply is as follows-

26 (a) There has not been a reversal of the auction system.

The CBSL presented to the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management:

i. a short to medium Debt Management strategy to address issues of the Public Debt

ii. Recommendations with regard to liability management of the Public Debt portfolio including a proposal with regard to the enactment of a Liability Management Bill

iii. Proposals for ensuring Low Inflation in Sri Lanka

iv. Proposals with regard to a primary issuance system for Treasury Bonds

Following past experience, and expert advise, the current modified auction system was devised by the Monetary Board after reviewing the working of the ongoing Auction based system. I had no role in devising the said system.

In fact the first phase of the current system also involves a pure auction.

On 19th July 2017 the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management decided that the new system will also be reviewed in March 2018 and improved if necessary.

26 (b) and (c)

Phase I of the present system is purely auction based and therefore provides the best safeguards against fraudulent manipulation of interest rates by third parties. I am informed that since the introduction of the new system for Bond issuance, each of the three issues raised all the money required, solely through auction as envisaged in the first phase.

However the Central Bank has control over interest rates, to the extent that it decided the volume of bids that should be accepted, and the rates upto which bids should be accepted.

The Central Bank can also control rates by issuing bills to itself.

It is correct that CBSL did absorb the Treasury Bills to contain upward pressure on interest rates when they were not aligned with market fundamentals.

However, I am informed that as the Government’s fiscal performance improved, the CBSL has significantly reduced its holding of Treasury Bills.

I am advised that this experience has also been taken into consideration in devising the current bond issuance system.

26 (d) International Capital Flows are influenced by a number of factors such as international trends which are beyond our control.

For instance the United States has embarked on a cycle of raising interest rates. As a result there have been periods when there were large-scale capital outflows from emerging markets as a whole, not only Sri Lanka.

26 (e) For many years investment decisions of the EPF and state owned funds were distorted, as considerations other than commercial logic drove the allocation of their investment funds. The investment behaviour of these entities cannot therefore be considered an effective barometer of market sentiment.

26 (f) This is a matter for the Monetary Board and the management of the CBSL as well as my Advisors.

14. Question number [28] is as follows-

“[28] In response to question No.12 you have also stated that Mr. Mahendran informed you on the evening of 26.02.2015 that he may be able to raise money far in excess of Rs.1 billion through the 27.02.2015 bond auction. in this context

(a) In the history of treasury bond auctions conducted up to that time, generally only 2-3 times more than the advertised amount had ever been raised at previous treasury bond auctions. So, do you know on what basis he gave you this assurance with such confidence?

(b) Did you not raise any concerns about raising volumes far in excess of the amount advertised?

(c) Did you not consider the implications on the interest rates?

(d) Did you not consider it to be a transparency and due process concern, if an amount far in excess of the advertised amount was to be accepted?

(e) Did you question Mr. Mahendran on the tenure of the bond and whether raising large volumes on a long tenor bond was in fact in the best interest of the economy?

(f) Did you satisfy yourself whether the Treasury in fact required such large volumes to be raised through this auction or whether some other funding mechanism would be availed of in respect of the RDA’s request for funds?

(g) There is undisputed evidence that Rs.15 Billion of the Rs.20 Billion worth of bids received at the auction of 27th February 2015 had been submitted by Perpetual Treasuries Ltd. (directly and through Bank of Ceylon). In hindsight, do you consider this as a strange coincidence or a deliberate manipulation?”

My reply is as follows-

28(a) The offer of only Rs. 1 Billion through the 27th February 2015 Bond Issue was in my view, and some of the market participants, an extremely low figure.

The CBSL’s rationale for offering such a small amount was based on their concerns regarding uncertain market conditions in the wake of the formation of a minority coalition government during the previous months. In this context it was considered prudent to offer a small amount to the market as a means of containing the interest rates borne by the bids. Notwithstanding the Central Bank’s opinion, the private sector sentiment (which the Governor and many of us became aware of) was that there was potential for raising a far higher amount.

Furthermore, as can be seen from the Bond issuances since 2010 (which is evident from the document issued by the Central Bank and annexed hereto as X6) the market is capable of raising well in excess of Rs. 1 billion.

Hence, it was not an unreasonable expectation that an amount much in excess of Rs. 1 billion could be raised from the market.

In addition, by the time of the Bond Issuance of 27th February 2015, there was a very strong case for raising a sum far in excess of Rs.1 billion. It was becoming increasingly apparent that large amounts of money would be necessary to meet the Government’s obligations (as I have explained previously) including an extremely large amount of unsettled bills from the period of the previous regime, for which no provisions had been made.

28. (b), (c), (d), (e), (f) – Since I did not concern myself with the day-to-day operations of the CBSL including Bond issuances, these were not matters for me.

28. (g) I am not privy to the evidence before the Commission, or the attendant circumstances. As such I am unable to comment.

15. Question number [29] is as follows-

“[29] In response to question No.15, you have stated that your officials have traced in your Secretary’s computer, a briefing note forwarded by former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank, Mr. P. Samarasiri and you have produced same annexed to your Affidavit dated 20.10.2017 as X1. In this context –

a) On what date did you receive this briefing note?

b) Since the briefing note does not contain a date, author or addressee, was it sent to you with a covering letter?

c) Since it appears that what is available in your possession is a soft copy of this briefing note, was such document sent to your office via email by former Deputy Governor Mr. P. Samarasiri?

d) If the answer to the above is in the affirmative, are you able to produce that email?

e) Did you satisfy yourself of the accuracy of the contents of the briefing note?

f) In paragraph 3 of the briefing note, referring to the past practice of the Public Debt Department, it is stated that the ‘underlying assumption was to prevent high yields in the market due to pressure from high government borrowing’. Did you consider prevention of high yields/cost implications to GOSL as a reasonable policy concern?

g) Paragraph 5 of the briefing note refers to ‘internal senior management concerns” and that ‘at the time of the auction, the senior management was considering to impose an interim suspension on direct placements’. Did you satisfy yourself of the accuracy of this statement?

h) Are you aware that a member of the Monetary Board at the time has denied any such discussion having taken place?

i) Paragraph 6 of the briefing note states that ‘it was an opportune time to stop direct placements… without affecting the long term interest rate structure that prevailed for at the time of the last 30 year bond issue in June 2014’. But, are you not aware that, after the bond auction, the short term interest rates in fact went up abruptly?

j) Did you not call for an explanation on causing such volatility in the market?

k) Did you consider policy justification for considering the interest rates that prevailed for 30 year bonds as far back as June 2014, when the market rates do not remain static and may well have moved downwards?

l) The briefing note refers to the removal of the 3rd layer of the policy rates. Are you aware that once again the briefing note is misleading, as the Governor had in fact removed the so called penal interest rate in the morning of the 27th February 2015, prior to the auction?

m) In light of the evidence that 75% of the bids received at the 27th February 2015 bond auction were submitted by or on behalf of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd., would you consider the statement in the briefing note that the auction was in the interest of the majority of the market to be misleading and false?

n) There is undisputed evidence before this Commission that many of the primary dealers had placed dummy bids at the 27th February 2015 bond auction, as that they did not in fact wish to invest in 30 year bonds. Therefore, isn’t the above statement in the briefing note misleading and false?

0) For the same reasons, isn’t the reference to ‘market information gathered from this auction’ also misleading and false?

p) What action would you recommend in respect of submitting a misleading, inaccurate and false briefing note to the Prime Minister?”

My reply is as follows-

In response to the questions contained in paragraphs 29(a)-(d), I state that, the briefing note was sent to, and received by, the official email of the Secretary to the Prime Minister (secpm@pmoffice.gov.lk) from Mr. P. Samarasiri, then Deputy Governor of the Central Bank (psamara@cbsl.lk) on 11th March 2015. There was no covering letter, and the note was attached to the email, a copy of which is annexed hereto as X7.

In replying to the questions raised at paragraph 29 (e) to (m) at the very outset I wish to state that I am only answerable to Parliament in respect of Ministerial statements made in Parliament.

Without prejudice to this position, I wish to state that whenever I am due to make a statement in a Parliamentary debate I obtain material and briefing notes from the official(s) responsible for the particular subject(s).

However, I do not use the entirety of the matters set out in these material and briefing notes. I only use what I feel is relevant, and which can be dealt with due to constraints of time.

With regard to this briefing note provided by the Chairman of the Tender Board, the only matter that was relevant to what was raised in Parliament was the reference to the events of 27th of February 2015 and that the interest rate was 11.73% compared to 11.75% in June 2014. The briefing note was used by me to that limited extent, and only to assist me in my speech in Parliament.

As far as the query in paragraph 29 (n) and (o), I wish to state that I am not aware of the evidence placed before the Commission.

In view of the matters set out above, the query in paragraph 29(p) does not arise.

16. Question number (32] is as follows-

“[32] In response to question No.20 and the reference in your statement to Parliament on 17th March 2015 that ‘the allegation that Mr. Mahendran interfered in the decision of the Tender Board was factually incorrect”, you have stated that you relied on the information provided by Mr. Mahendran and Mr. Samarasiri. In this context-

(a) In the context of the evidence given before this Commission by Mr. P. Samarasiri that the decision to accept Rs. 10 Billion at the 27th February 2015 was made subsequent to instructions received from Governor Mahendran by telephone, would you now consider the above Statement to Parliament as incorrect or misleading, or a partial rendition of the truth?

(b) As you have stated that neither you nor the Monetary Board were the proper authority to inquire into the issue, and given that you were aware of the lurking potential for conflict of interest, did you not consider it imprudent to deny interference on the part of Mr. Mahendran without first calling for a comprehensive study?”

My reply is as follows-

I note that the question concerns a statement made by me in Parliament, for which I am solely accountable to Parliament.

Without prejudice to this position, I reiterate that I relied on information provided to me by Mr Mahendran and Mr Samarasiri, and that the statement was made by me bona fide and in a responsible manner.

According to the information provided to me, I was informed that the Governor advised that in view of the requirements of the country, bids upto Rs. 10 Billion could be accepted, but had not interfered in the process of the award of bids.

I have already explained that there was no reason for me to suspect that any conflict of interest would arise.

I further state that as I am not privy to the evidence given before the Commission, I am unable to further comment.

17. Question number [33] is as follows-

“[33] In response to question No. 21, you have stated that you have instructed the Attorney General to take steps according to law against any persons who are culpable, irrespective of their status of party affiliation. Can you furnish a copy of these instructions?”

My reply is as follows-

I am producing herewith the following letters:

X8 Letter dated 31st October 2016 written by the Secretary to the Leader of the House of Parliament to the Hon. Attorney General as directed by me.

X9 Letter dated 2nd November 2016 written by my Secretary to the Hon. Attorney General

X10 Letter dated 7th November 2016 sent by the Attorney General’s Department, to my Secretary

In addition, the instructions given to the Attorney General, (who is the chief legal officer of the State, and its primary lawyer) to take steps according to law against any persons who are culpable were given by me orally, as was the established practise.

18. Question number [34] is as follows-

“[34] In response to question No.26, you have denied that you have provided any Minutes of Monetary Board meetings/papers to Mr. Aloysius and that you resent the insinuation. The text message is self-explanatory in that Mr. Aloysius’s Personal Assistant Steve Samuel appears to be reminding Mr. Aloysius to request you or a person named “RV to get a copy of the said documents. Therefore, why do you think Mr. Aloysius expected that he could make a such a request from you?”

My reply is as follows-

I reiterate that I did not agree to provide, or provide, copies of minutes of meetings of the Monetary Board / papers to Mr. Aloysius.

I further note that in terms of the question 26 in the first set of questions sent to me, the authenticity of the alleged text message appear to be doubted.

Thus, while I am unaware as to the authenticity of the alleged text message, even assuming same to be genuine, I am unaware and cannot comment as to the state of mind of the sender of the text message, or of Mr. Aloysius.

19. Question number [35] is as follows-

“[35] Are you aware that the Central Bank has taken regulatory measures against Perpetual Treasuries Ltd. prior to culminating in the suspension of the license?

(a) If so, did Mr. Arjun Aloysius speak to you about these measures?

(b) If so, when and where did Mr. Aloysius speak to you on this matter?

(c) If you had in fact discussed the matter with Mr. Aloysius, do you consider such action as having been appropriate in hindsight?”

My reply is as follows-

Yes, The Governor of the Central Bank informed that they were inquiring into Perpetual Treasuries and they had enough evidence to proceed against them. I therefore advised him to seek and obtain the advise of the Attorney General.

The Hon. Attorney General had appointed Mr. Milinda Gunetilleke, DSG and Mrs. Shaheeda Barrie, SSC to advise on same. In this regard I annex a copy of letter dated 8th November 2016 sent by Secretary, Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs to the present Governor of the Central Bank (and copied to inter alia the Hon. Attorney General) as X11.

(a) Mr. Aloysius sought an appointment from me in November 2016. Although he did not mention the purpose for which he sought the appointment, I granted the appointment.

(b) I spoke to Mr. Aloysius in November 2016, at my office at Temple Trees. He informed me that he wished to discuss the Central Bank inquiry into his Company. I told him that I had no powers with regard to same, and that he should make representations in writing. He subsequently forwarded written representations to me, which I forwarded to the present Governor of the Central Bank, since he is the authority on the matter.

(c) My discussions were limited to the matters set out in (b), which I do not consider inappropriate.

Affirmed to at Colombo on this 18th day of November 2017]

Concluded

Can president Sirisena save SLFP-MS?

November 21st, 2017

By Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka Courtesy The Island

“… A specialist brought down from the US Treasury, said Wickremesinghe, introduced the Government to this system. “We had to go ahead with macroeconomic liberalization to get integrated into the global economy,” he said. Agreements with IMF and other documents were furnished by the Premier to the Commission to show the economic policy of the Government”.(‘Ranil Resolute Before Bond Commission’- Daily FT, Nov 21st 2017)

Will the Local Government election prove to be the “great fall” of the Humpty-Dumpty coalition or will all the Queen’s horses and all the Queen’s men be able to put Yahapalana Humpty together again?

And how many of the UNP’s Humpty-Dumpties will survive the stress-test of the local authorities’ election? Will the new, non-unitary Constitution project survive? Will the Budget, with its policy triad just described by Mangala at a Colombo University forum as “non-negotiable” i.e. “free enterprise, liberalization and globalization”? Will the commitment to implement the 2015 Geneva Resolution survive the electoral reality check?

The stakes for the official SLFP are even higher than for the UNP. In what shape will it survive an election? The SLFP (Official) is caught in a trap. If elections aren’t held in January, any social issue could trigger a riot. SAITM and the fuel shortage almost did. We stopped just short of the brink. Next time it might go over. So an election in January and no later, is a good thing.

When the UNP falls as it will in 2020, it will be to a Silent Revolution as in 1956 and 1970, but the morning after the election will not be silent, and will be at least as turbulent as in 1970 and 1977. Why should the UNP’s junior partner the SLFP face the same prospect? Why doesn’t it just get out from under; hit the ejector button right now?

But then again, surely the question is: why is any of this happening, and why is the prospect so bad for the SLFP faction backed by and backing the incumbent? What’s wrong with this picture?

The problem for the SLFP (O) is that it is about to pay for three political mortal sins.

One SLFP sin is being elected on anti-UNP votes in August 2015 and decamping to a UNP dominated Cabinet the morning after.

The official SLFP’s second sin is going along with the deprival of the bulk of the SLFP MPs elected in August 2015, of the formal post of Opposition, and the substitution in that role of a (minority) party with a minority of parliamentary seats.

The SLFP’s third sin is abandoning the Middle Path of moderate nationalism, allowing itself to be taken in a strategic policy direction, domestic and foreign, economic and political, that is unique to the Yahapalana ‘Gang of Four’ (Ranil-Chandrika-Mangala-Jayampathy) and way beyond the policy paradigm of the classic UNP, let alone the SLFP or a saddle-point between the two.

Testifying at the Presidential Commission into the Bond scam, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe was transparency personified as he disclosed how the economic policy of his government was formulated and therefore how the economic and social destiny of our country and its citizens has been decided:

“…A specialist brought down from the US Treasury, said Wickremesinghe, introduced the Government to this system.”We had to go ahead with macroeconomic liberalization to get integrated into the global economy,” he said. Agreements with IMF and other documents were furnished by the Premier to the Commission to show the economic policy of the Government”.

The even-handed “curate’s egg” verdict by some ‘liberal-progressive’ Yahapalanista commentators on Mangala’s landmark Budget is vastly amusing, with its high marks for reconciliation, environment, women and youth, and low marks for taxes, poverty and inequality. Such eclecticism and empiricism eschew the category of ‘totality’ and holism in analysis, completely ignoring the logic of the political economy, the structural logic,of the neoliberal modelmanifested in Mangala’s Budget. On the heels of Dr. Sumanasiri Liyanage’s conceptually literate critique (‘Budget 2018 & the failure of Neoliberalism’), Prof Kumar David correctly notes in his latest article (‘Oligarchic Capitalism & Party-State structure’) that “the government has made a sharp turn to economic neo-liberalism in the new budget”.

Nowhere has “fast-tracking” “free enterprise, liberalization and globalization” as Mangala espouses and attempts to put into practice, succeeded in protecting the environment, youth and women and fostering reconciliation. Greater equity and less poverty are not apps that can be programmed into the neoliberal model. These are not options that the designers of the neoliberal model have absent-mindedly forgotten and need a gentle reminder to re-install. They are factors that are excluded from the model itself.Growing social inequity, exclusion and marginalization structurally inhere in the model.

When even a Yahapalana intellectual such as Prof Kumar David has noted the discontinuity (“sharp turn to economic neoliberalism”) that the Mangala Budget constitutes, it is disingenuous to equate Mangala’s and the Rajapaksas’policy packages or place them on a continuum, with the worst possible epithet being that Mangala is almost as bad as Mahinda Rajapaksa!The Rajapaksa paradigm of statism, nationalism and ethno-populism, by its very logic, imposed certain parameters on the disposal of strategic national assets, and excessive privatization was a deviation, not an aim and objective of the model and an inevitable result of the strategy.

By contrast, inherent in the very logic of unregulated free enterprise and the enthroning of “market principles” as Mangala calls it, is the growth of inequality and poverty, the ruin of the environment, and super-exploitation or marginalization (or first one and then the other) of youth and women. The retrenchment of the State leads either to left-wing populism (if we are very lucky, and we aren’t), or ethno-religious nationalist populism of the radical Right, or downright anarchy.

The JRJ-Ronnie de Mel model of the Open Economy was itself vastly different from and infinitely superior to the current Ranil-Mangala model. The late Dr. Chanaka Amaratunga used to bemoan the fact that 60% of the economy remained in the hands of the state even under the UNP’s Open Economy– a figure which JRJ used as argument to prove that his Constitutional retitling of Sri Lanka as a ‘Democratic Socialist Republic’ wasn’t simply evidence of his deadpan humor.

The most authoritative evidence of the sharp contradistinction between the JRJ and Ranil-Mangala models comes in a recent interview given by Pradip Jayewardene, who was very close to his grandfather. Making a damning indictment that “the core values of the UNP are eroding”, he emphasizes that:

“My grandfather was of the view that State control had to be maintained in the liberalization process of the economy, to guarantee a social safety net…There is no argument that private sector should run business, but State control and regulation of key areas is vital…”

Right now “the chickens are coming home to roost” (as Malcolm X said), or are about to. The thing is that this is not inevitable. There are still a few moves and a window of opportunity in which to make them, if the official ‘moderate’ SLFP is not to be almost totally eclipsed by the populist–nationalist SLFP/JO.

The SLFP (official wing) is not led, managed and influenced solely by MS, as he shares influence with CBK, whose pro-UNP, anti-Mahinda stance is a huge political liability in the countryside and the SLFP ideological space. Her grip on reality and reason are so tentative that she thinks it credible and politically viable to remain a political partner of the UNP and its leader Ranil on whose watch the unprecedentedly colossal Central Bank bond scam took place, while loudly accusing the Rajapaksas of theft and opposing an SLFP rapprochement! She also thinks that her SLFP audiences would approve her attacks on Mahinda and lack of criticism of Ranil and the UNP.

President Sirisena needs to de-Chandrika-ize the SLFP; politically and ideologically purge it of CBK and her para-UNP influence. The official SLFP must become an SLFP-MS, no more an SLFP-MS-CBK. It is the official SLFP that stands to lose most from the destructive inner party and electoral influence of the cosmopolitan ‘Chandrikaist deviation’, unless mature leaders like Mahinda and Maithri are able to arrive at a “march separately, strike together” (Trotsky) pre-election pact of contesting separately but forming administrations together, post-election, at the local and provincial levels, which freeze out the UNP.

But can President Sirisena, who leads the country and the party, muster the political will and the support to make those moves? Does President Sirisena have ‘The Right Stuff’, or more accurately, the Center-Left stuff, to do likewise, and even more pertinently, to do so in the time frame that can make a difference?

The factor that may enable him to do this is the same as that which enabled Madam Bandaranaike and Mr. Premadasa to do so. He is, as they were, the leader of country, not only the party. It is by leveraging his role as the nationally elected Executive President and head of state (as Mrs. Bandaranaike was not, in 1964), that Mr. Sirisena can save his party or his faction of the party, from ignominy, marginality and near irrelevance if not near–oblivion.

The only way President Sirisena can conceivably change or slow the electoral chain reaction that starts with the Local Government elections is by changing the profile, discourse and strategic direction of the UNP in government and of the Yahapalana government as a whole. He has to shift to Yahapalana Mark II, a radically revised and re-engineered model, making the same drastic change that Premadasa made with, within and to the UNP government in 1988.

President Sirisena can give the UNP the alternative of staying in Government without Ranil-Mangala or staying with the latter duo while leaving the Government. If the UNP thinks it can outwit him by forming a government with the TNA, President Sirisena should let it, and send his wing of the SLFP into Opposition where it can launch a second front or be a claw of a pincer against the UNP-TNA bloc, shattering it at a referendum on a new Constitution and arriving at an arrangement with the JO as part of the inevitably winning coalition in 2020.

An SLFP (MS) presence in Opposition can also dilute the Sinhala Buddhist ultra-nationalism that is building up in and around the expanding anti-Government space.

A loyalist SLFP faction in the Opposition can be an investment for President Sirisena in any second term bid, giving him a chip to bargain with in negotiations with the JO which has no unambiguously obvious Presidential candidate—though Gota, Dinesh, Chamal and Basil are potential frontrunners.

President Sirisena could, if needs be, immediately and urgently split the UNP and unite its progressive liberals with his faction of the SLFP, while extending a generous invitation to the JO and MR, thereby creating a new, moderate-centrist political space, coopting or borrowing from both right and left, a la President Emmanuel Macron of France, while inclined to the center-left.

The SLFP needs a game changer and its leader President Sirisena has to effect that game-changer or be that game-changer, before the year 2017 ends, because it may already be too late when New Year 2018 dawns. Tick-tock. Tick-tock.

Joint Opposition questions propriety of Public Finance Comm. head Sumanthiran being counsel for bond suspect

November 21st, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

Top Joint Opposition (JO) spokesman MP Bandula Gunawardena has found fault with TNA MP and COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) member M.A. Sumanthiran for representing an interdicted Central Bank employee, Sangarapillai Pathumanapan, investigated by the CID in connection with the just concluded presidential commission of inquiry into alleged bond scams.

Former External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris, too, said the issue needed to be further studied and remedial action taken. The former Law Professor asserted that it could be a case of conflict of interest.

MP Gunawardena and Prof. Peiris said so when The Island sought JO’s stand on the bond commission upholding MP Sumanthiran’s right to be Pathhumanapan’s counsel in spite of Senior Additional Solicitor General (SASG) Dappula de Livera strongly objecting to his presence.

The commission comprises Supreme court judges, KT Chithrasiri (chairman) and P.S. Jayawardena and retired Deputy Auditor General K.Velupillai.

The issue was taken up, at JO briefing at Punchi Borella, where the group loyal to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa discussed political implications of what is now dubbed Sri Lanka’s biggest financial crime.

Prof. Peiris said as some members of COPE had a clandestine relationship with previous chief executive and director of primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Pvt Ltd Arjuna Aloysius and the Pathumanapan matter had to be studied carefully. Prof. Peiris said that perhaps Standing Orders would have to be amended.

MP Sumanthiran told the commission that it didn’t have a mandate to look into matters of ethical conduct of attorneys. The commission overruled SASG de Livera’s objections on the basis of Sumanthiran’s defence.

Gunawardena pointed out that Sumanthiran had functioned as the Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance, the highest parliamentary body overseeing the subject.

Colombo District parliamentarian Gunawardena recalled how he had contested for the post of Chairman and was defeated by two votes. Those who agreed to vote for him hadn’t turned up on the day of the voting, he added.

Prof. Peiris said that failure on the part of the Speaker to take immediate remedial measures would cause further erosion of public confidence in parliament and two of its vital committees, the COPE and the Committee on Public Finance.

Prof. Peiris said that parliament had never faced a crisis of such magnitude with some members accused of being associates of a person under a cloud. Pointing out that the Attorney General’s team assisting the bond commission had called PTL a criminal organisation, the nexus between COPE members and bond racketeers couldn’t be condoned under any circumstances.

Prof. Peiris said the issue was not the number of telephone calls received by COPE members but their clandestine relationship with Aloysius. The former minister strongly criticised Speaker Jayasuriya for dragging his feet and looking for an escape route.

Prof. Peiris compared the COPE-Aloysius relationship with that of a judge hearing a murder case secretly having a drink with the main suspect.

The CID report on telephone conversations involving Aloysius, MPs and others using hand phones and other devices used by Aloysius and Arjuna Mahendran had revealed the clandestine operation, Prof. Peiris said.

Prof. Peiris urged Speaker Jayasuriya not to permit members to exploit parliamentary privileges to cover up their misdeeds. Parliamentary privilege shouldn’t be a tool that could be used to thwart, hinder and delay investigations, Prof. Peiris said.

Commenting on UNP claims that over 40 other MPs, in addition to those COPE members, had received calls from Aloysius during the period under investigation, Prof. Peiris pointed out that the problem was the alleged bond racketeer having contacts with members of the second COPE headed by JVP MP Sunil Handunetti.

According to the CID report, there had been 703 viber calls, 61 telephone calls, two sms and two WhatsApp messages between Pathhumanapan and Aloysius alone. Aloysius had used one device whereas Pathumanapan used four devices and among his contacts was Aloysius wife, Anjali, daughter of the then Governor Mahendran.

Sumanthiran told The Island that he hadn’t been a member of COPE in the previous parliament when Pathhumanapan was summoned by the D. E. W. Gunasekera’s COPE. He represents the current COPE.

Former Minister Gunasekera told The Island that as his report had been handed over to the bond commission by Auditor General Gamini Wijesinghe it was part of the inquiry.

SL Politics: genetically it is so !

November 21st, 2017

Gomin Dayasri Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Events in the public realm make politics bizarre. President Sirisena suggests Ranil Wickremesinghe should step down as Prime Minister before he gave evidence at the Bond Commission. So some newspapers report.

  • Can a 9 % minority oust the will of an 80 % majority in a North-South battle at a referendum?
  • Genuine SLFP or UNP supporters are genetically patriotic…
  • Crafty proposals to placate less and cheat more Tamils, yet UNP will find its Sinhala base drifting towards Sirisena …

Phenomenon changes. In with Ranil Wickremesinghe [RW] or Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga [CBK] – good gracious me – he is made out to be the whiz kid on the bloc! By picking him to herald a new constitution, RW has failed to learn a lesson from CBK’s failure. Like RW he presses the wrong button in reading the minds of the voting public
Genuine SLFP or UNP supporters are genetically patriotic. Not so, their opportunistic politicians – many swing between parties in search of benefits and cuckold the leadership.

Prime parties [SLFP & UNP] are deeply entrenched but the weeds from the LSSP enter the fields of the prime parties to ruin crops. They live on the reputation of such as Dr N.M.Perera and Dr. Colvin R. de Silva for sustenance.

Likewise, comfortably lodged in international NGOs, liberal Christian ideologists previously paraded the streets of western capitals screaming to ban the bomb. Bombs proliferate in the arms bazaar while the marches have dwindled to a trickle – their stalwarts are happily cushioned in extravagant chambers of international NGOs, away from it all.

How far have these white nations” helped a friendly Government in the reconciliation process? Referendum is an excuse to beat the Sinhalese and cheat the Tamils

LSSP is a mere name board party and it’s diminishing numbers seek membership to enter Parliament ahead of long standing members of the other two established parties.
One or two LSSP rebels have ruined the reputation of the UNP built on years of toil by the regular members. A divided LSSP is forever in migration, seeking to overcome winters that are year around.

Supporters of the prime parties are disenchanted with their leaders and the majority of the peace loving Sri Lankans of different denominations exercise their franchise enthusiastically, since it is freely offered, seek a peace of mind, after a ruthless war.
They rely on their judgment more than the opinions of politicians and clergy. Laity, more balanced and worldly is preferable to the clergy, pious or otherwise, of all denominations. People’s Power is distressed; will destroy fissiparous contents preventing it being re-churned, in any other form unless differently branded. Tamils should think twice as they are being taken for a ride, as they do not possess a UNP license.

Take One

Peoples’ pulses should be tested after achieving, at least a mock, reunion. Until such time, it should remain dormant. Otherwise there will a breakdown.

Now is not the time for testing tunnels – too premature until a resolute reconciliation process is undertaken.

RW still could look in the eyes of the Tamils and say I did my best for you!! Are they stupid to bite concepts impractical and unachievable at a referendum? Can a 9 % minority oust the will of an 80 % majority in a North-South battle at a referendum? Small minds cannot launch mega projects

Not so for the Sinhalese, that provided a block vote for RW to be PM. Irksome for the majority to let loose a man, to set the purported international community expand on it is theme song – North/South division is too split to bind.

How far have these white nations” helped a friendly Government in the reconciliation process? Referendum is an excuse to beat the Sinhalese and cheat the Tamils.

Tamils of Sri Lanka – less venomous compared to the diaspora – desire to live in harmony in Sri Lanka.

Referendum result will make anti-Sri Lankan forces bellow separation.

Take Two

Present Constitution contemplates a merger of the North and East after a referendum in the North – East is held approving the merger. It is well within the realm of possibility.
The contemplated referendum is island wide – more democratic as this land belongs to all”. Inhabitants in the South will vote overwhelmingly against the Referendum merger and the North may vote strongly for a merger.

UNP can watch out for a division if a free vote is provided. Defeat at the referendum will make the proposal stand rejected – an outcome obvious at present, except to the Sinhala Looney Bin makes blood curdling noises as if on the verge of defeat. A body blow for RW: More than to the UNP.

These are crafty proposals to placate less and cheat more Tamils, yet UNP will find its Sinhala base drifting towards Sirisena and gives ample ammunition for the West and its NGOs to urge a merger in view of the lop sided voting patterns at the referendum.

Undoubtedly the voting patterns in the east will be crucial to determine where the shifty Muslim vote lies presently. Not with their ethnic leaders, for sure? Will it lead to the eclipse of RW from the UNP?

Take Three

Easiest way of eliminating any doubt, if any, is to affix a sure label to the word Unitary’, to include the most deep-rooted meaning to unitary, extracting it directly from valued legal dictionaries and judgments of court, to place the issue beyond doubt.

Instead RW and his guru are taking a blinded Portuguese beyond the customary slow walk to Kotte, to the House in Diyawanna for beheading.

Their favoured word is Oramiththanadu” for unitary (Critics call it union of region” which makes it dicey)

Now we have in the proposals the word Unitary State described with three distinct and different words. Is it back to whimsical times?

Heat waves originating from the war still reverberate in the minds of a war-torn generation on both sides of the divide inclusive of participants and onlookers. Vexed problems can be solved only by a generation that did not participate in combat whether participatory or anticipatory. Economically an under-done” society cannot, provide an answer, as hunger and anger haunts in the forefront.

Economy is the key issue, stupid! Make the youth of North –South meet: ensure personal relationships grow. The value of Royal College comes to the forefront while Ananda College has produced Vickramabahu Karunaratne, D. E. W. Gunasekera, Tissa Vitharane and Chandra Jayaratne. All blend better against pan Sinhala forces showing upbringing means little.

For the Tamils, attend to their genuine grievances –not political – that need be defrosted. By introducing an impractical constitution a division is created more than unison. Assuaging grievances of Tamils, without the needed pampering will be counter – productive; not on the mend – indeed an easy to do, if good mind are at work. Easiest way of reaching the North & South is to make a run for their tummies – make it bellyful: speaking symbolically. Next generation must solve the problem amicably. Proposed constitution is dead before it is born.

Selected spokes-person by RW lacks the down to earth flexibility possessed by the iconic Dr Colvin.R.de Silva (father of the 1972 constitution) and H.L de Silva in making a constitution of 72. The present holder of the venerable title is an off- spring from the lairs of CBK. Revolving Sarath Silva praised Jayampathy Wickremaratne for his draft of 2000 [what would he now say in 2017 of JW – only Silva can craft the response?} crafted in the company of G.L. Peiris revolves around in extreme old age in search of fun LRC deprived him of.

If the 2000 bill brought CBK down: 2017 proposals will be the curtain call for RW. Don’t blame the UNP since RW did pick a man without any UNP antecedents.

Constitutional proposals are a senseless political designs that was rejected by the majority Sinhalese on its appearance; proposals will be jettisoned or run on a low profile, when it dawns on the UNP its disastrous effects, is sure to lose elections for years to come; Tamil minority will soon realize they are been cheated by the UNP on the proposals that can never be implemented. On the contrary best glue to bind the warring factions of the SLFP are the constitutional provisions – leading to the ouster of Ranil Wickremesinghe from the UNP. Bond inquiry findings will.

Add to the unpalatable broth and accelerate the process. Two together will see the decline and fall of RW.

If RW retires gracefully, has twice previously sacrificed his presidential candidature. His days are numbered. He will retire or resign, as he cannot face the blast from twin sources. It will be Mahinda Rajapaksa’s (MR) turn to shiver and for the UNP to look relieved, as MR is likely to lose to many unknown but eminent candidate from the UNP. He will try his best to retain RW, the more unpopular.

Provided the UNP’s new candidate possesses accomplishments, integrity and safeguards national interest to the maximum JO will have to look for a leader outside the present decayed troopers. Life sure will be exciting if both the main parties are in search of dynamic leaderships. A vote of thanks to the great constitutional sage for making a political upheaval and the media that created the environment to ally

Joint Opposition opposed the constitutional provisions that disturbs national interest, is the preferred option. Sirisena, having defeated a war hero and has taken over the SLFP will find it easier to usurp against an anti-war protester (RW) to take over a disturbed UNP in search of a leader. Sirisena may find himself a berth in history as slayer of two giants. He sure will acquire credit for downing RW from the anti RW forces with MR being an exception.

We are in for hilarious times.

Good governance in operation

November 21st, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

In a fine example of good governance and its principle of all being equal before the law, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Monday appeared before the Presidential Commission probing the alleged scams in the Central Bank bond issues and testified for about 90 minutes. Reports say he answered about 48 questions, including some related to economic development strategies, when he was examined by Attorney General
Jayantha Jayasooriya.

Leaving the Commission premises after his testimony, Mr. Wickremesinghe claimed that since independence in 1948, he was the first Prime Minister to have willingly and voluntarily testified before a Commission of Inquiry.

The Commission concluded its public sittings yesterday and its report is expected to be submitted to the president on December 8. We hope that with the publication of this report the people will know what really happened in line with their fundamental right to information of what is taking place or who is doing what with public funds. In this alleged scam the central figure is Perpetual Treasuries Director Arjun Aloysius. His father-in-law Arjuna Mahendran was the Governor of the Central Bank when the alleged scams took place and opposition leaders say billions in public funds was plundered.

When the Commission’s report goes before a court of law we hope that if there is evidence of guilt beyond reasonable doubt the person or persons responsible will be punished with a jail term, fine or both. More importantly, the money they plundered must be recovered and given to the people.

Accountability and transparency are vital especially when huge amounts of public funds are involved. Though the situation now is generally thought to be much better than what it was before January 8, 2015, most people believe that bribery, corruption and frauds have become so widespread that it cannot be rooted out unless tough action is taken against those involved. This action needs to be taken within weeks or months, not in 10 to 15 years because of the slow process in the

legal system. Thankfully a law was passed this month for the appointment of three special High Courts which would probe high profile cases of corruption or bribery, frauds and malpractice or other political crimes by elected representatives or high officials. These special High Courts will conduct trials-at-bar every day, with morning and evening sessions. We hope that through this process the Yahapalanaya National Unity Government will be able to fulfil one of President Maithripala Sirisena’s main pledges that politicians, officials and their lackeys who plundered billions in public funds would be brought to justice and the money recovered.

The president recently complained that the UNP or one senior minister appeared to be blocking the investigations for some reason. Thankfully the UNP’s Working Committee last week decided it would take urgent and effective measures to expedite the investigations and court proceedings in high-profile corruption cases. We hope the Police, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), the Financial Crimes Investigation Department (FCID) and the Attorney General’s Department will rise beyond political issues and act urgently, because justice delayed could be justice denied. Recently a high-ranking FCID officer is reported to have been questioned over his role in the delays.

With local council elections due to be held in late January next year, we believe the effectiveness of action in alleged corruption cases will influence the people as to whom they vote for. Inaction may drive many non-party voters to believe there is little or no purpose in voting because most politicians in most parties are bound by the chains of corruption and do not have the freedom to be servant leaders of the people.

SLFP CRISIS, TAMIL POLITICS AND ELECTORAL ‘JUDGMENT DAY’

November 21st, 2017

By Dr.Dayan Jayatilleka Courtesy The Daily Mirror

It was amusing to see Mr. Sampanthan of the TNA ascending to his full moral height in the Budget debate and making an impassioned oratorical appeal to Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, while sitting in (rising from) the seat that rightfully belongs to Mahinda and which Mr. Sampanthan has no moral (or arithmetical) right to occupy—that of the Leader of the Opposition. Mahinda was gentle, and gentlemanly enough, not to point that out.

I would like to see the TNA take a stand against the Northern Provincial Council’s Education Minister Sarveshwaran’s outrageous conduct. Dr. Sarveshwaran, Suresh Premachandran’s brother, refused to unfurl the Sri Lankan flag, saying he didn’t recognize it because it stood for the notion of Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist state.

Now this being a democracy (unlike ‘Tamil Eelam’), he is entitled to his point of view and to fight for a modification of the flag, but this being a State with a written Constitution, he is not entitled to practise this view and hold office in a sub-state unit. It wouldn’t be tolerated even in a federal state, starting with India and Pakistan, leave alone a unitary state with devolved powers, specially a mere eight years after a Thirty Year War ended in a crushing victory for the State.

The Government must ask the Chief Minister to remove Sarveshwaran or must dissolve the Council if the Chief Minister refuses. If the Yahapalana government and its Governor fail to take action, then the voters should add that to the bill at the local government election and all future ones. Accountability is not only judicial and not only to Geneva; it is political and to the sovereign citizen-voters of Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan armed forces didn’t make the colossal sacrifices it did, to have a Northern Minister of Education refuse to honor the Sri Lankan flag.

The obvious question arises as to what would happen, to what extent Tamil politicians would go, if the Northern and Eastern Provincial Council is conferred greater executive and legislative powers as UNP-TNA bloc seeks through a new Constitution. Ranging from Wigneswaran’s Genocide” NPC resolution, right up to his appointee Sarveshwaran’s atrocious conduct, the evidence is incontrovertible and ample, that there should be no devolution beyond the 13th Amendment in this generation (while 13A must still stand structurally, for geopolitical reasons).

Furthermore, devolution of power over land should not be enhanced, and a moratorium should be imposed on the implementation of the grant of Police powers. The grant of such powers must be explicitly linked to a decade of moderate, constructive and responsible political behavior on the part of the Northern Provincial Council.

The correct liberal notion that the Tamil moderates should be strengthened undergoes surreal distortion in Yahapalana Sri Lanka. At its obvious level, the most moderate Tamil leader and politician around has long been Douglas Devananda, but no one talks of strengthening him. No matter, let us admit that the name of the game is to strengthen the moderates within the Tamil nationalist mainstream, and that means the TNA or its present leadership.

Where the craziness comes in is that nobody talks of similarly strengthening or even accommodating the moderates in the Sinhala nationalist mainstream. These moderates would obviously be the JO and its leaders, Mahinda, Dinesh et al. Who else could it be? The JVP with five seats? Then why not strengthen Douglas and the EPDP instead of Sampanthan, Sumanthiran and the TNA? If the logic is that Sampanthan heads the TNA which has the votes in the North, then the obvious counterpart would be Mahinda. Instead, Mahinda is deprived of the leadership of the Opposition and it is given to the TNA, while he, his family and supporters are legally targeted.

This absurd formula for reconciliation is based on the liberal prejudice that the Tamil nationalists are good guys and the Sinhala nationalists are villains; Sampanthan and Sumanthiran should be boosted, but Mahinda and Dinesh should be marginalized. One reason is that the Tamil nationalists have historically been allies of the UNP, the West and India, while the Sinhala nationalist mainstream and its moderate leaders are nobody’s stooges or class allies. The other is that Chandrika dominates North-South ‘reconciliation’ policy and regards the TNA as an ally while the Rajapaksas are seen as rivals for control of the SLFP.

The Bond Commission revelations of the intense, dense connectivity between ruling party MPs and the bond scammers prove how suicidal it would be to transfer, as envisaged by the UNP-TNA advocates of the new Constitution, executive power from the President to a Parliament full of venal MPs. Between the minority parties’ stranglehold and Diaspora-pumped LTTE black money, this country’s destiny would be determined by a remote-controlled Parliament.

The rise in Sinhala neo-nationalism is sourced in and a reaction to the Government’s policy triad of neoliberal economics of foreignization, Northern (and Geneva) appeasement and federalization, and the displacement, defrauding and partial disenfranchisement of the Southern Opposition.

Electoral Judgment Day is at hand. With the Local Government election results, ‘Dual Power’ could be born, the balance will shift, political space will reopen, and the real Opposition could ‘govern from below’ with the local authorities as ‘liberated base areas’. The dominoes will begin to fall.  The stakes are quite high for the President. If the SLFP faction which is loyal to the incumbent loses badly, it will weaken him and that in turn will weaken the SLFP-MS, which will turn into a downward spiral, affecting and afflicting any chance of re-election.

President Sirisena’s popularity is perhaps significantly less than Mahinda’s but he is more popular than the PM, has rural roots, a reserve of public goodwill, and retains state power (as Mahinda does not), so it should have evened things up on the ground, at least at the SLFP’s base constituency. But it does not seem to be (yet) the case. Why so?

1. CBK has a sphere of influence in the SLFP (Official wing) and the Government, and she just hasn’t the sense to grasp the obvious: you cannot take on Mahinda Rajapaksa at the SLFP grassroots and hope to win.

2. Mahinda is thriving on anti-Government sentiment which is spiking because things are back to where they were under Ranil in 2001-2003, which swept MR to the candidacy and the leadership of the country. In 2015 Ranil started where he left off in 2003. MR has returned to his natural game of populist parliamentary and street politics whenever the UNP is in office, be it under JRJ, Premadasa or Ranil (in the CFA years). He is back on a time machine to 2003-2005. When no longer burdened by two-term incumbency, but as the footballer he is, playing against an unpopular, elitist UNP establishment past halftime, Peronist populist politics is a game in which Mahinda Rajapaksa has no peer.

That said, I’ve seen Sri Lankan leaders under worse pressure than President Sirisena currently is, extricate themselves by a ‘pivot’. Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike pivoted to the left with unexpected balletic grace and invited the LSSP to join a coalition government in 1964, after she had felt threatened by a re-unified Left (1963), the 21 demands of the unified trade union movement, and the Borella by-election result.

In far worse and deadlier circumstances of civil war, newly elected President Ranasinghe Premadasa turned the tables on the JVP-IUSF-SLFP-MEP bloc by pivoting to an anti-IPKF position, thereby seizing the opposition’s patriotic banner while simultaneously stealing the main plank of its social platform by kicking off in the Deep South no less, an ambitious anti-poverty program, Janasaviya.

Does President Sirisena have the political will to do likewise before nominations open for local government elections? Can he pivot politically before the year ends? Will he?

 

The Significance of Article 9 of the Constitution Should or could it be removed

November 21st, 2017

By Canishka Witharana Courtesy The Daily Mirror

  • Buddhist thinking superimposed upon all Eastern thought the notion of the equality of all human beings – C.G. Weeramanthry
  • Social contract theory requires the Govt to use such power for peace, safety and public good of the people
  • Giving foremost place to Buddhism proved to be a sound constitutional machinery
  • Sovereignty is in the people” was a fundamental feature of the Buddhist system of Government – Dr. Wijeyethunga

Article 9 of the Constitution has become the subject of much discussion. Could or should it be removed from the Constitution?

Article 9 reads as follows;

The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring to all religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14 (1) (e). (Emphasis mine).

Critics allege that this Article leads to inequality. According to some it is only a decoration. However, there were historical and practical reasons to include it in the present constitution. Similarly makers of the new constitution cannot disregard or destroy the basic foundation and structure of our civilization. Constitutions of several other affluent countries, e.g. Denmark, Hungary, Norway, most of the Middle East Countries etc., fearlessly safeguard ‘State Religions’ of their respective civilizations. Buddhism has formed the structure and foundation of our civilization for over 2500 years.

C.G.Weeramantry, former Vice President of International Court of Justice and a Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, in his work on Equality and Freedom states; Buddhist thinking superimposed upon all Eastern thought the notion of the equality of all human beings…. Buddhist thinking likewise furnishes some of the earliest recorded thought concerning the conduct of democratic self-governing institutions”.

What assured the stability of our country and society for over 2500 years? It was nothing but the application of Buddhist principles of good governance by the Kings and administrators of the State who gave the foremost place to Buddhism. They gifted us a proud history free from Ethnic or communal conflicts or clashes.

Foremost place to Buddhism 

From the time of arrival of Arahath Mahinda in 236 B.C., giving the foremost place to Buddhism had been the first principle of the unwritten constitution of this nation. Today it is in our written constitution. Buddhism firstly imposes a set of strict rules of good governance” on the Head of the State and secondly assures a working social contract” among the Government/State and its people.

The term Buddha Sasana could be further extended to include Maha Sangha, archaeological sites, villages, lands and properties feeding Buddhist temples and Viharas

In such a State, the King should refrain from Sathara Agathi (4 biases); bias due to (i) liking (ii) anger (iii) ignorance and (iv) fear. He should treat the community with Sathara Sangraha Wasthu (i) Giving (Dana) (ii) pleasant words (iii) working for public benefit and (iv) equal treatment. He shall necessarily practise the Ten Royal Virtues (Dasa raja Darma) (i) Generosity/charity (ii) morality (iii) Sacrifice for the public benefit (iv) Honesty/integrity (v) Kindness (vi) Restraint of senses (vii) Avoid hatred (viii) non-violence (ix) tolerance (x) non-opposition to the will of the people.

There are plenty of other similar rules and practices proclaimed in Buddhism. No Constitution in the world (not even the sub-committee reports or the interim report presented to the constitutional assembly) imposes such strict rules relating to moral conduct directly on the key officials of the three Organs of the State (Executive, Legislature and Judiciary). The main focus of such constitutions (and reports) is only to physically regulate such institutions and organs.

The other unique feature of a State placing Buddhism in the foremost place is the creation or a workable social contract”, promising the complete implementation of Rule of Law. Western concept of ‘social contract’ considers that people hold the absolute power (including the powers of government): We call it Sovereignty (it is inalienable). People entrust or surrender such powers of government to the Government/State, which in return undertakes to protect the People. Social contract theory requires the Government/State to use such power for peace, safety and public good of the people (P/N; this theory is simplified and restricted to the extent as required for this article).

However the people should have the right to take such power back, either at the end of a given term or whenever the government abuses such power and breaches such contract against the expectations of the people. However, the pioneers of this theory, (Thomas Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, John Locke) have no practical answer to the question, ‘how could the people get back the power surrendered to the Government if the Government abuses such power or act against the interest of the people?’ Suggested options are either to ‘rebel against the government’ or to make the law ineffective by disobedience.

The other unique feature of a State placing Buddhism in the foremost place is the creation or a workable social contract”, promising the complete implementation of Rule of Law

These methods need force leading to violence, breach of law and peace etc. and therefore are unconstitutional. This is an inbuilt defect in modern constitutions, but inevitable in the absence of a complete theory of a workable social contract.

On the other hand, giving the foremost place to Buddhism proved to be a sound constitutional machinery that assured a cordial and stable relationship among the King (Government) and the People for over two thousands of years. Kings pledged before people and Maha Sangha (Buddhist Clergy) to give the foremost place to Buddhism and protect and foster Buddha Sasana. This pledge was later symbolized by retaining the custody of the Dantha-Dathun Vahanse (the Sacred Tooth relic of Gauthama Buddha). According to Dr. Harischanda Wijayathunga, Kings were selected with the consensus of the people and the approval of Maha Sangha. However, the Maha Sangha did not incline to interfere with the political affairs or state administration, except when the King abused powers or acted against the expectations of the people. According to Dr. Wijayathunga, the concept that Sovereignty is in the people” was a fundamental feature of the Buddhist system of Government and had been practised for over thousands of years in this Country (That theory is not an invention of West).


Therefore (unlike the Western oriented –so call- modern constitutions) in our historical (unwritten) constitution Sovereignty of the people passed to the King/State through Maha Sangha in a semi-circle path, while maintaining a Triangle of Accountability in between.

The King relied on the approval of Bikkus/Maha Sangha and the consent of the People. Bikkus/Maha Sangha were maintained by the people and protected and fostered by the King. The People in turn depended on the King for their protection, peace, prosperity and governance and on Bikkus/Maha Sangha for Spiritual guidance and upliftment. This triangle of accountability inter-locks them with strong mutual commitments.

What assured the stability of our country and society for over 2500 years? It was nothing but the application of Buddhist principles of good governance by the Kings and administrators

In such a system the people had constant control over the State (King) and had every right to participate in the decision making process. King and the people were constantly advised by Maha Sangha with their knowledge and wisdom. Maha Sangha, being an independent sub-society practising detachment, could conveniently execute their social responsibility without material expectations. People, neither required waiting until the expiration of a specific time to change the King, nor had any reason to protest or be rebellious for their needs, as they had a ready-made channel to communicate their requirements to the King. King/State was duty bound to obey and comply with such requirements. Further, Buddhist principles of good governance did not permit the King to disregard the needs of the people. But, whenever the people found reasons to take back the powers entrusted upon the King, they could easily reverse the earlier process with the intervention of Maha Sangha. This reverse process too was constitutional.

Buddha Sasana 

Buddhist principles of governance were (are) functional on the foundation of Buddha Sasana. The Supreme Court (in SC Determination 1/94 (1994) held; The expression ‘Buddha Sasana’ is wider than ‘Buddhism’ and includes the entire establishment together with objects and places of religious practices and worship of Buddhists”. Hence the term Buddha Sasana could be further extended to include Maha Sangha, archaeological sites, villages, lands and properties feeding Buddhist temples and Viharas. Therefore the Buddha Sasana includes both tangible and intangible features.

For over 2500 years Buddha Sasana has been established throughout the entire territory. Therefore it is mandatory for the country to be under the authority of one supreme central Government in order to give full effect to Article 9; i.e. the Country should be a Unitary State. Further, this constitutional responsibility compels the State to protect the territory and assure the prosperity of every citizen (not only of Buddhists) of the Country, without which the protection and fostering of Buddha Sasana would not be practical.

Therefore every citizen of such a State would equally be benefited by this unique system of government. According to historians, our civilization had (still has) an inbuilt social mechanism whereby the people of different ethnicities, races, classes, religions etc., merged into one community by leaving behind their respective differences. It was a system of harmonization or unification, (which is opposed to the alien concept of reconciliation”). Therefore there was (and still is) no room or reason for communal conflicts. This mechanism prevented our country from segmentation or separation and assured the unity and solidarity of the people for over thousands of years. Therefore, purported the inter-communal conflicts and differences promulgated by racist separatists/politicians are mere fabrications artificially implanted in the hearts of our people with ulterior and vicious political motives.

Our Kings saved the unitary State by uniting the people. For this they used the simple method of Eksesath Kireema/ Ekachathra Kireema”. This means calling the people to group under one umbrella. In the constitutional sense, this term is different from Unitary (State)”, which represents, a Central Supreme Legislature and a Central Government with concentrated executive powers exercisable over the entire country. Unitary State is a concept created by law (constitution) taking the territory as the basis. Eka-Chchathra, on the other hand, refers to a unitary State created by the people with their solidarity and accepting the leadership of one King, State or Government. Our Kings established a Unitary State, not by the force of law, but with the free will of the people uniting with each other irrespective of their religion, caste, race or ethnic origin etc. (this is also another aspect of the theory of social contract; bond between citizens).

As Weeramathri observes, However elaborate or simple, Third Word societies thus afforded a central place for the group concept, without which they could neither be understood or administered…what follows (from this examination) is the lack of appropriateness of Western concepts of individual freedom adopted without adaptation to their Third World setting”.

The authors of the interim report and the sub-committee reports seem to have completely ignored the thinking, traditions, historically established constitutional principles and practices of the very civilization (comprising of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and observers/followers of all religions) that they claim to be making a new constitution for. Therefore, they have messed up the fundamentals. This patent procedural failure shall lead to total rejection of the new constitution or any other similar constitutional amendments.

In my work on this subject (Budusasuna ha Viyawasthava-Desarasa publications) I have further dealt with the nature, scope and the application of Article 9. It assures a stable and a united/ indivisible society and serves equally (without discrimination) the persons of all religions and ethnicities. Article 9 alone forms its own system of government with unique features that cannot be found in any other constitution in the world. It stands above the other Articles in the Constitution and binds the Sate unconditionally. Therefore, the State is bound to give effect to the order of Maha Sangha to terminate the ongoing constitution making process as – obviously- that process has been driven on the wrong track from the very inception.

Unfortunately we have not yet realized the value and the uniqueness of Article 9. Instead of removal, it is high time to look into ways to make it a fully functional provision in the Constitution.

For over 2500 years Buddha Sasana has been established throughout the entire territory. Therefore it is mandatory for the country to be under the authority of one supreme central Government in order to give full effect to Article 9; i.e. the Country should be a Unitary State.

Further, this constitutional responsibility compels the State to protect the territory and assure the prosperity of every citizen (not only of Buddhists) of the Country, without which the protection and fostering of Buddha Sasana would not be practical.

Therefore every citizen of such a State would equally be benefited by this unique system of government.

According to historians, our civilization had (still has) an inbuilt social mechanism whereby the people of different ethnicities, races, classes, religions etc., merged into one community by leaving behind their respective differences. It was a system of harmonization or unification, (which is opposed to the alien concept of reconciliation”).

Therefore there was (and still is) no room or reason for communal conflicts. This mechanism prevented our country from segmentation or separation and assured the unity and solidarity of the people for over thousands of years.

Therefore, purported the inter-communal conflicts and differences promulgated by racist separatists/politicians are mere fabrications artificially implanted in the hearts of our people with ulterior and vicious political motives.

Our Kings saved the unitary State by uniting the people. For this they used the simple method of Eksesath Kireema/ Ekachathra Kireema”. This means calling the people to group under one umbrella. In the constitutional sense, this term is different from Unitary (State)”, which represents, a Central Supreme Legislature and a Central Government with concentrated executive powers exercisable over the entire country. Unitary State is a concept created by law (constitution) taking the territory as the basis. Eka-Chchathra, on the other hand, refers to a unitary State created by the people with their solidarity and accepting the leadership of one King, State or Government.

Our Kings established a Unitary State, not by the force of law, but with the free will of the people uniting with each other irrespective of their religion, caste, race or ethnic origin etc. (this is also another aspect of the theory of social contract; bond between citizens).

As Weeramathri observes, However elaborate or simple, Third Word societies thus afforded a central place for the group concept, without which they could neither be understood or administered…what follows (from this examination) is the lack of appropriateness of Western concepts of individual freedom adopted without adaptation to their Third World setting”.

The authors of the interim report and the sub-committee reports seem to have completely ignored the thinking, traditions, historically established constitutional principles and practices of the very civilization (comprising of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and observers/followers of all religions) that they claim to be making a new constitution for.

Therefore, they have messed up the fundamentals. This patent procedural failure shall lead to total rejection of the new constitution or any other similar constitutional amendments.

Unfortunately we have not yet realized the value and the uniqueness of Article 9. Instead of removal, it is high time to look into ways to make it a fully functional provision in the Constitution.   

In my work on this subject (Budusasuna ha Viyawasthava-Desarasa publications) I have further dealt with the nature, scope and the application of Article 9.

It assures a stable and a united/ indivisible society and serves equally (without discrimination) the persons of all religions and ethnicities. Article 9 alone forms its own system of government with unique features that cannot be found in any other constitution in the world. It stands above the other Articles in the Constitution and binds the Sate unconditionally.

Therefore, the State is bound to give effect to the order of Maha Sangha to terminate the ongoing constitution making process as – obviously- that process has been driven on the wrong track from the very inception.

Unfortunately we have not yet realized the value and the uniqueness of Article 9. Instead of removal, it is high time to look into ways to make it a fully functional provision in the Constitution.

” What’s now being exposed is the mafia behind it “

November 21st, 2017

By Hafeel Farisz Courtesy The Daily Mirror

  • Relationships of this sort are found in white collar criminal gangs 
  • It was clear that they were on the side of Aloysius during the process 
  • The replacement of MP Velu Kumar by Sujeewa Senasinghe shows it was all organised
  • I didn’t go to ask them if the phone calls were from their wives or from Arjun Aloysius, nor did we tell them to leave their phones outside when walking into deliberations
  • In fact I had to leave the Committee in protest at how they conducted themselves. 
  • The Bond scandal is symbol of a failed system 
  • The attempt to derail the COPE report had few stages
  • Tell me, what exactly is there to hide now?
  • Now what has surfaced is the fact that these actions weren’t done in isolation. Rather they were actions which were committed by an organised group
  • As we see now, the workings were wheels within wheels and all this was organised. They were hell-bent on scaling down everything that was to come out of it, but thankfully they could not do so
  • You would remember how the Auditor General was abused

Committee on Public Enterprise (COPE) Chairman Sunil Handunnetti in an interview with the  said that the revelations of COPE members in constant contact with Perpetual Treasuries owner Arjun Aloysius was evidence of a mafia” type organised crime ring. Following are excerpts of the interview done with Handunnetti.

QAs the Chairman of COPE, which investigated into the Bond Scam, what is your take on the recent revelations of phone calls between members of your committee and Arjun Aloyius?  

I’m not surprised at all, really. If you look at the behaviour throughout the process and how they attempted to stall the process it was evident which side they were on. The only thing that has been revealed now is the evidence given regarding the side they were on throughout the process. The actions were clear and the evidence substantiates what was happening all along.

QYou seem to be only focusing on the times that they were in contact which is during the period when the committee conducted hearings. These are times during which there is actual evidence of the contacts going above and beyond the times of COPE hearings. For instance, Sujeewa Senasinghe had been in touch 227 times out of which he was in touch only 63 times during the COPE hearings. Dayasiri Jayasekara was in touch 18 times out of which two were related to COPE hearings. Did these people explain their relationship with Arjun Aloysius to you at any point? 

None of them indicated of having any such relationship with the rest of the COPE members. What really is important here isn’t the number of times they had spoken to each other. What’s of real importance is what they had been discussing. During that investigation, which side they were on is the real question. Were they on the side of parliament or were they on Arjuna Mahendran’s side? These people were COPE members and are in parliament as representatives of the people. They aren’t in parliament because they were appointed by some individual right? The Mandate was that of the people.

If anyone has any doubt as to where these people stood during the process, you must read the COPE report in which their representations are recorded verbatim. That is enough evidence to know how hard they tried to derail the entire process

QWhy this question was asked is because Dayasiri Jayasekara had admitted that he spoke to Aloysius twice and met him once, specifically going by what was publicized- which was that he was in contact twice during the time of the COPE hearings. What failed to receive much publicity was the fact that he had been in touch with Aloysius 18 times in total. What is your take on this?   

Again what I insist on isn’t to focus on the number of calls. Instead the focus really should be on the the contents of what was discussed which is why I have asked the Speaker to get a report on what was spoken during these conversations. Then we will know for sure what was discussed with whom and by whom. I called for these facts to be tabled in parliament, in writing.

Q In the COPE you (All members) sat as judges throughout the entire issue. However what we witnessed was that many members were accused of collusion. This issue, conflict of interest, emerges due to the fact that they were known to each other or were in contact. How do you view this? 

Well, if you remember right, you would know that I was the first person accused of conflict of interest by the Leader of the House Mr. Lakshman Kiriella. The grounds on which this accusation was made was the fact that I was the first to make the revelation regarding the scam. That was how they tried to portray the issue of conflict of interest. Now I would like to know what he and the rest have to say about these conflicts? I would really like to know what Kiriella has to say now about members from his party who have acted like an organised gang of criminals ?

The grounds on which this accusation was made was the fact that I was the first to make the revelation regarding the scam. That was how they tried to portray the issue of conflict of interest. Now I would like to know what he and the rest have to say about these conflicts?

QWhile the investigation was in progress, and while your deliberations were happening, did you feel like there was something larger going on? Did these people walk out in a suspicious manner to answer calls ?   

The members who are appointed to the COPE are appointed by their respective parties right? So they are deemed to be responsible enough to sit on this committee. For example, your editor won’t be checking your phone calls would he? He would assume that you are a professional and as such you are responsible enough to be writing for the newspaper.

Similarly, I never checked on the phone calls received. I didn’t go to ask them if the phone calls were from their wives or from Arjun Aloysius, nor did we tell them to leave their phones outside when walking into deliberations. This is because there is a common trust which prevails upon anyone walking into these deliberations. I actually can’t ask these questions.

This question arises after these revelations right? But if you ask me on which side they clearly were during these deliberations it was crystal clear that they were on Arjun Aloysius’ side and did everything in their power to stop the report from being presented. In fact I had to leave the Committee in protest at how they conducted themselves. You would remember how the Auditor General was abused.

Now what has surfaced is the fact that these actions weren’t done in isolation. Rather they were actions which were committed by an organised group. Like for instance UNP Parliamentarian M. Velu Kumar had to resign and Senasinghe was appointed.

QI want to stop you there. The data that was presented shows that MP Sujeewa Senasinghe was in touch with Arjun Aloysius even during the time of the DEW Gunasekara committee. The contacts were established on July 7, 2015. It was thereafter that he was appointed to your committee, following the resignation of MP Velu Kumar, also from the UNP. In hindsight do you think that this was all planned? 

We are able to know the difference between the sound of a drum and the sound of a door right? similarly, the fact that Senasinghe was appointed midway and the manner in which they all behaved, suggests clearly which side they were on. The attempt to derail the COPE report had few stages. The first was to stop the investigation from taking place. The second was to try and make a mockery of the investigation. Then came the attempt to stop the report. Thereafter they tried to make a mockery of the report itself. Finally when all attempts failed, the fact that they put ‘footnotes’ and the attempts made to absolve the wrongdoings highlight the different stages during which these people tried to scuttle the process.

If anyone has any doubt as to where these people stood during the process, you must read the COPE report in which their representations are recorded verbatim. That is enough evidence to know how hard they tried to derail the entire process.I have no doubt, but anyone who is in doubt must read the representations made by the persons, who have now been exposed, to have been in touch with Arjun Aloysius. That would make it clear as to what they were doing in the committee.

QNow you have called for the recordings to be provided. But we all know that giving such recordings are next to impossible due to the technicalities involved. In fact even Dayasiri Jayasekara has made the same call as you have and asked for the recordings to be tabled. Isn’t this a ruse to hide the entire thing behind the rhetoric of ‘give the recordings?

Tell me, what exactly is there to hide here? Everything is out in the open. The fact that there was a scam where its loss to this country can’t be calculated, the interest rates were affected because of this scam and that the the Central Bank and State Banks and the EPF suffered incalculable losses as a result is crystal clear as daylight. There is really nothing more to be exposed. What’s now being exposed is the mafia behind it. What else is there to hide when everything has now been exposed.

These sort of relationships are relationships which exist in criminal white collar gangs. Not in normal ethical industries and people. All of this is evidence that supports what we have said all along. This evidence substantiates what we really have been saying throughout this time

Q Arjuna Mahendran during his evidence said that he had no knowledge of a person by the name of Kasun Palisena, the CEO of Perpetual Treasuries, nor that he had intimate dealings with Saman Kumara, who was in the charge of the EPF, and Pathmanathan, a rather junior officer of the Public Debt Department. But now it transpires that he in fact was in constant contact with all of them during the period of the Bond issuance.   

Once you open a sack and see what’s within, you don’t need to tap it again and feel what’s inside, do you? This sack is open. Mahendran was the Governor of the Central Bank. Why does he need to speak to brokers? In fact Palisena is the only broker he had spoken to during his entire reign. Why? the reason is crystal clear isn’t it? These sort of relationships are relationships which exist in criminal white collar gangs. Not in normal ethical industries and people. All of this is evidence that supports what we have said all along. This evidence substantiates what we really have been saying throughout this time.

Q Also about Karunanayake who during his evidence said that he only knew Arjun Aloysius as a family friend and that he had met him ‘occasionally’. It now transpires that he had been in touch over 350 times and his wife over 320 times during this period..   

All I have to say is let us take Karunanayake’s testimony for a moment as true. Then he really must have some concern regarding the relationship between Aloysius and his wife. Isn’t that something he needs to worry about? The fact that she was in touch 320 times while he had admittedly not knowing Aloysius very well, is something a husband should be concerned about isn’t it?


QFinally Mr. Handuneththi how do you view this entire scam in terms of the capitalist economic system? The fact that people with a few computers and phones were able to amass such a large amount of wealth without adding or contributing to the manufacturing or production process. How do you analyse it?   

Prior to that, I must say that I am proud to have been able to present the report to parliament despite the enormity of pressure applied to stop me from presenting the report. As we see now, the workings were wheels within wheels and all this was organised. They were hell-bent on scaling down everything that was to come out of it, but thankfully they could not do so. I wish to say that it was our report that gave rise to the Bond Commission. If it wasn’t for our report and the public outcry that followed, the commission would never have been appointed. It really was a victory for the people who oppose corruption. The dirt the people, who present themselves as Mr. Cleans, carry is now exposed and I am glad that I contributed to this expose.

Secondly and more importantly to your question on the system, what we are witnessing now is not free market capitalism. Rather a crony capitalism, in which brokers and dealers rob wealth. It’s the stage of daylight robbery. What we see is the personification of greed. Capitalism now doesn’t exist in the manufacturing process, rather it exists today in the capital itself; where the capital robs the capital. That is what has happened. The industrial capital is being robbed of the owner of the capital.

So to explain this further, what happens is the wealth taken in by Industrial Capital is first robbed by the Banks through the processes in place. It is that wealth thus taken in by banks that is being robbed by the brokers and the dealers. The entire bond scam is a symbol of the failure of this corrupt and dirty system.

Bond Commission and Parliamentary Privileges

November 21st, 2017

By Ranga Jayasuriya Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Government parliamentarians and their peers in the joint opposition seem to agree at least on one thing; their opposition to the Attorney General’s Department for revealing secret telephone conversations among government members of the Committee on Public Enterprise (COPE) and Perpetual Treasuries Ltd. owner Arjun Aloysius. Since it is not about one missed call or two, but regular telephone conversations spanning over the period of COPE investigations into the Central Bank’s dodgy bond deal involving Perpetual Treasuries, this is a clear-cut case of conflict of interest and is possibly an effort to obstruct and manipulate the dealings of the parliamentary watchdog on public enterprises.
According to details revealed by the Attorney General’s Department last week, Mr Aloysius had spoken a total of 227 times to Minister Sujeewa Senasinghe, 18 times to Minister Dayasiri Jayasekara, 176 times to MP Harshana Rajakaruna and 73 time to MP Hector Appuhamy from January 2015.

Had some COPE members acted in good faith, those like MP Rajakaruna ought to have recused himself from COPE

Mr. Rajakaruna had been in contact with Aloysius since February 2015. There were a total of 176 calls between each other and 18 during the period of the COPE hearings. MP Appuhamy had taken and received 73 calls from mid-July 2016 to mid-June 2017 with a total of 23 calls during the period of COPE sittings. Minister Senesinghe who was appointed in the mid-way of the COPE investigations, had received and made 227 calls during the period July 4, 2015 to March 3, 2017.

In any other civilized country, revelations of this magnitude would have seen resignations of the accused MPs from the COPE and from Parliament. Instead, the government MPs are now accusing the Attorney General of violating their Parliamentary Privileges.

UNP MP Ashu Marasinghe was quoted as saying: As a country which hails democracy, we are of the view that telephone conversations of MPs should not be tapped or publicized in such a manner as it is a breach of their privileges. The Speaker has also agreed to look into the breach of privileges.”

Parliamentary privileges are part of law and not something that places parliamentarians above the law. Parliamentary privileges are meant to provide legal immunity from civil or criminal liability arising from statements made or actions taken, often within the grounds of Parliament, when carrying out their legislative duties. Whereas clandestine phone calls with Mr Aloysius, while his company was under investigation by COPE imply a greater deal of conflict of interest.

Parliamentary privileges does not provide blanket immunity. For instance, in the House of Commons and the House of Lords, (on which, Sri Lankan Parliamentary traditions and privileges are modelled) parliamentary privileges are overseen by the Committee on Standards and Privileges, which also has power to suspend (or even expel) members who are found to have breached rules.

In fact, the Code of Conduct of Parliamentarians in Sri Lanka which was passed last year by the current government also states: 7 (f) The Members shall declare any private interest or conflict of interests if any relating to their public duties and take necessary steps to resolve any conflict arising thereby in a way that the public interest is protected.”

Had some COPE members acted in good faith, those like MP Rajakaruna ought to have recused himself from COPE in the first place, since he claims Mr Aloysius was his childhood friend, and many others could have revealed their phone conversations before Attorney General exposed them at the Bond Commission.

In a more nuanced take on things, this is not something where naïve MPs being duped to receive and make phone calls with an individual who is under investigation.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) into the CB bond issue is a watermark of enhanced capabilities and the independence of Sri Lankan judiciary

The scandalous revelations should even be a good enough case for the President or the Speaker of Parliament to order an investigation to ascertain whether there had been a collusion between some members of the COPE and PTL — though such a measure would definitely cause further estrangement between the two main constituent partners of the Yahapalana government.
Rather than holding the faulty MPs responsible, some quarters of the government are trying to delegitimize the Attorney General’s Department. They have crooked bedfellows: Ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa, who last week faulted the AG Department and claimed Sri Lanka has become a police state. That is rich coming from Mr. Rajapaksa who turned the Sri Lankan Police Service into a Medamulana Police and Sri Lanka’s judiciary to a Medamulana court. Mr Rajapaksa has reasons to worry about an assertive judiciary, because, that would mean an end to covert official protection against criminal liability of his past deeds.

The biggest danger to the independence of the judiciary in this country has, throughout the history,been politicians themselves

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) into the CB bond issue is a watermark of enhanced capabilities and the independence of Sri Lankan judiciary — though one would feel that a greater deal of freedom of action of the PCoI emanates from the President’s blessings. The competitive relationship between the SLFP and the UNP partners in the government also makes it hard to suppress the activities of the commission. Whatever its current limitations, the success of PCoI would set a precedent for the future and truly empower the judiciary.

The biggest danger to the independence of the judiciary in this country has, throughout the history,been politicians themselves.

If leaders can destroy institutions, they can also help empower them. The first step is to let independent institutions to exercise their constitutionally mandated independence. Second, they ought to be defended from retrograde influence and intimidation by the gutter. That could be from goons mobilized in exchange for a ‘buth packet’ and a bottle of booze.
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Healing the Wounds of War

November 21st, 2017

Ed Tick, Ph.D

In contrast to our modern situation, traditional and indigenous peoples had extensive spiritually and communally based warrior medicine, practices and lineages. They lived immersed in and part of nature and its processes, conceived of themselves not as independent agents but as members of interdependent communities, and stood in wonder before a living cosmos. They considered soul and spirit to be life forces that were essential to preserve and protect those most endangered by warfare and violence. Their guidance of warriors through the life cycle, interpretations and treatments of trauma, and orchestration of the return journey were spiritual, communal, nature-based and practical. And their guidance was extensive, specific and designed to bring spirit back into their warriors’ souls.

Let us explore some traditional interpretations of combat trauma that illustrate soul wounding and give direction for restoration. The Hopi people call trauma tsawana, meaning a state of mind that is in terror.” The Hopi name the condition directly; the mind and heart are frozen in the terror of traumatic experience as if it were happening in an eternal present.

Since the traumatic wound is this terror, healing our war wounds is Qa tutsawanavu, living in a way not intimidated by terror. The warrior learns once again to live as King David when he rediscovered faith: I will fear no evil … ” Warriors learn to act with courage, as Hemingway said with grace under pressure,” or Colonel Henderson, with … the willingness to act in the face of fear.” The warriors’ spirits grow larger than their fears, confident they can master the ordeal and not be crippled by terror.

A Hopi woman soldier, Lori Piestewa (White Bear girl) was the first Native American to die in recent wars and believed to be the first Native American servicewoman killed in foreign wars. The daughter of a Vietnam veteran and granddaughter of a World War I vet, she was following both her people’s and the American warrior lineage. There is a long tradition of Hopi women taking part in raids and defending villages.” Caught in the same attack during which Jessica Lynch was captured, Lori drove her truck trying to get her battle buddies out of danger. She died without firing her weapon. Her friends and family increasingly opposed the war and were pleased that Lori did not harm anyone, ‘the Hopi way,’” her father proudly said.

The Lakota called trauma nagi napayape, meaning, the spirits leave him.” Trauma was that condition in which the spirits left the person so that the body feels like an empty shell. The worst cases of shock come not only from physical processes but also from seeing such horrors that the soul flees the body. Many warriors report such experiences. Art, a machine gunner at the siege of Khe Sanh, reported his soul’s flight  during a firefight in vivid detail.

When the source of disorder is spirit loss, then healing can occur through restoration of spirit aided by community. Many cultures, Lakota and Vietnamese among them, practice community rituals for calling the souls and spirits back. In the Vietnamese countryside, a traditional belief holds that illness comes from one or more of the seven souls leaving the body.

Healing can occur when the village people gather to call the lost soul back or a shaman journeys to seek it. Reverend Jackson, who had served as a chaplain in Viet Nam, returned with us thirty-seven years later. He asked our group to surround him on his old battlefield where my heart went dead.” Together Americans and Vietnamese called for his soul to return. It was a clear, quiet and sun-drenched day. As we cried out together, lightning suddenly flashed and exploded on the mountaintop opposite.

Sri Lanka is an island nation south of India brutalized by a civil war from 1983 to 2009. Sri Lanka reports extensive traumatic suffering among its military and civilian populations. According to Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, Sri Lanka has had much historical trauma from both natural and human disasters and cultural and religious traditions that provide protection against and tools to deal with it. Sri Lankan written history dates back more than 2,500 years. As written in the Mahavamsa, the history of Sri Lanka and one of the world’s oldest chronologies, the Battle of Vijithapura fought in 161 or 162 B.C. was massively destructive and deadly. The triumphant King Dutthagamani became severely depressed  soon after the battle.

The Portuguese first invaded Sri Lanka in 1505. For the next 300 years the native population fought against the Portuguese, Dutch and British. King Seethawaka Rajasinghe entered the wars in 1560 at age sixteen. A courageous and effective warrior, he fought many battles and witnessed much suffering. He finally defeated the better-equipped and trained invaders, saving his country from becoming a colony. But after years of combat the king was exhausted and unquestionably suffered from battle fatigue. In later years he displayed outbursts of anger, irritability, deep mistrust, alienation, emotional numbing and various other PTSD-related symptoms …[The] King … is believed to have suffered from combat-related trauma.”

Dr. Jayatunge concludes that combat trauma has been known and manifested through several thousand years of Sri Lankan cultural history, was recorded in their literature as long ago as Homer and the Bible, demonstrably occurred in ancient as well as modern times, and though tragic also helped their people develop endurance and resilience through cultural and religious practices.

The Xhosa people of South Africa believe that a warrior leaves part of his soul on the battlefield with the souls of the fallen. The warrior cannot reclaim his own soul without making peace with the dead of both sides.To the Xhosa, Professor Brooke explains, Kanene (k-u-n-e-nn-y”) is the warrior’s insight into the depth and burden he carries, following him like a shadow reminding him of what he has done.” Healing occurs through direct community-based response to this burden. It entails being forgiven by both the living and the dead, including the enemy dead.

The Xhosa healing ceremony called Ukubula (Oo-koo-boo-la”) is a confessional telling of what you have done before the community. The community’s role is to tolerate the pain of listening, no matter how difficult. The community carries the burden and pain of what happened and the warrior is forgiven and healed from private suffering.” Professor Brooke points out that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in South Africa that helped the country heal from apartheid were national practices of ukubula. Ukubula highlights the critical role the community plays in listening and witnessing horrors without judgment and welcoming the trauma survivor back into community after confessional cleansing.

Also in southern Africa are the Shangaan, a Nguni people who are tribal cousins of the Xhosa and Zulu. They populate the areas in what are now Mozambique and the eastern border of South Africa. The Shangaan maintain extensive rituals for post-war trauma that affirms the intimate relationship between the slain, the slayer and surviving family members, all of whom become involved in community restoration.

Among the Shangaan,A man who kills another, even in war, must build a hut with the name of the dead. He must keep it maintained for the dead’s spirit. His own daughter is then married” to the deceased man. She must look after the hut as she matures. If she falls in love or wants to marry, then she and her father must ask permission from the dead enemy for her to be allowed to marry.

Shangaan practices demonstrate the lifelong intimacy that occurs as a result of taking a life, an intimacy many contemporary veterans feel but are at a loss to complete. Their practices also express, Brooke observes, a truth we see in our families every day. Daughters are imprisoned by their father’s wounds, unable to live their own lives until their fathers have been released by the spirits of the dead.” We heard this same lesson from Greece in Agamemnon’s sacrifice of his daughter in exchange for winds to sail his fleet to Troy.

In another corner of the planet are the Maori, who settled New Zealand about 800 years ago and are one of the oldest, fiercest, most successful warrior traditions. Maori spirituality and lives are shaped around their relationship with the Divine, the Creation, their tribes—iwis—and each other. Increasing mana or spiritual power, protecting tapu or sacred being, and service and devotion to the community are at the core of Maori culture.

For the Maori, primary to any healing is the healing of relationship based on a sense of sacred being, tapu. When there is violence, a wound or a crime, tapu becomes negative and must be set aright. Maori restoration rituals focus on healing relationships that have been harmed in order to cleanse and restore tapu.

Warfare was a way of life for the Maori. They believed that mana, spiritual power, prestige or influence, was given by the ancestors or attained through combat and that combat was sacred to the ancestors. They fought for mana, expressing a widespread ancient belief that the powers of a slain warrior could enter the victor.

The United Kingdom invaded New Zealand in 1845 and fought the Maori until 1872. Though the British have significantly influenced their culture and there is internal violence due to their troubled social status and warrior traditions, the Maori retain much pride, honor and influence because they were never defeated.

One aspect of Maori culture that has gained worldwide attention is the haka, their traditional war dance. Haka is a group dance with intense foot stomping and body movements accompanied by rhythmic shouting. Haka can be performed by women and children as well and can be used for many purposes—entertainment, to welcome dignitaries, before sporting events, to honor important events or achievements, and for funerals. War haka were specifically meant to intimidate enemies by showing warriors’ prowess and fierceness. Made famous by the New Zealand rugby league, haka are used for many purposes today. Each branch of the military service and every army unit has its own haka, performed by all members of the units no matter their ethnic backgrounds. Haka have thus been integrated from the Maori into mainstream and military New Zealand cultures and are used at military funerals as unit rituals for bidding farewell to fallen comrades.

Korea holds an ancient belief also applied with special attention in the military. It has similarities to tapu as a core spiritual property and individual and collective karma following us through life, shaping our fates.

In Korea, the word han, from the ancient Chinese, means the injustice that must be set right in the world. Those emotions arising from life’s injustices—resentment, sorrow, regret—originate from disturbed han. Most Korean people, especially the elderly, have long believed that retaining han will cause various traumatic wounds and disorders.

Jae-sung Chung was a first lieutenant in the Republic of Korea Army. He served as liaison officer attached to U.S. Army headquarters in Vietnam from 1970 to 1971. Jae explains, To maintain sound health, individuals must be free from such han as worry, anger, resentment, sorrow or regret. This applies to everyone, including the men and women in uniform.” Although people face different challenges, Koreans recognize that each person must be able to get rid of accumulated han. In the Korean military, soldiers are periodically educated about han by commanding officers and chaplains. On weekends ROK soldiers in military camps commonly attend church or temple to receive character guidance education by chaplains or Buddhist monks along with the respective religious service. In addition, soldiers are taught about han by their commanding officers through Troop Information and Education (TI&E).

Belief in and care of han is common in the South Korean military. Jae believes that the majority of soldiers will resolutely manage their spiritual attitude of han.” The military itself tries to set han right. Within the military Christian chaplains and Buddhist monks do their best to heal han.

During the Vietnam War, as a nearby Asian nation Korea felt a genuine and immediate threat. Thus Korean veterans felt more appreciated, justified in service and welcomed home than did American veterans. On the other hand, war inevitably disturbs han. In order to cleanse his han after service, Jae has used self-reflection, meditation and contemplation.

The spiritual principle declares that what was made wrong must be put right. Traditional cultures considered not just individuals but the cosmic order out of balance until the souls of the living and dead were reconciled and wounded psycho-spiritual and cultural patterns and relationships reconciled and restored.

These ancient beliefs have been carried into modern conflicts and used for resolving them after bloodshed, as in South Africa after apartheid. Soldier’s Heart co-director Kate Dahlstedt presented another example:

In Papua New Guinea a brutal civil war occurred from 1975?1998. It was set off by destructive environmental practices during 1960s Australian copper mining. It was then enflamed when local people rose up and the government manipulated the native population to resist the uprising. As a result, families, friends and clans were set against each other and 15,000?20,000 people died.

A cease-fire was declared in 1998. There was so much grief, loss, remorse from the extreme violence and bloodshed among traditional families and friends that the only way to rebuild and establish unity was through a reconciliation ceremony.” The local people spent three years discussing the crisis” and how to reconcile. They finally came together on the island’s northwest coast for a ceremony that included preparing special foods, wearing sacred garb, sharing losses and decorating the community with flowers to chase away negativity and attract sweetness.

The ritual consisted of dancing with arrows to symbolize the old conflict, then passing betel nuts as a gesture of peace. The people then passed a pig for roasting between former foes, joined hands and together touched a peace stone. They then lowered it into the ground, throwing their broken weapons over it. To these people, this ritual was irrevocable.

Individuals who had killed returned the reclaimed and purified bones of the slain to their families in carefully constructed coffins. Slayers publically apologized to families who had lost members, offered compensatory gifts, exchanged betel nuts again, and together buried the coffin in its final grave. The ritual thus is a rite of passage for both individuals and community, giving meaning to the harm caused, lifting heartache, providing restitution, creating new personal and collective identities and rebalancing the universal scales.”

From North America Nupkus Roger Shourds gives us a portrait of the warrior tradition as practiced by his Pend D’Oreille people:

When warriors went out the first time they sang Canvas Dance songs the night they were leaving and then all the warriors would leave during the night. They prayed and painted before going to protect themselves and their horses. New apprentice warriors were given tasks by the leader, such as going for water for the proven warriors. The leader noted if they performed their tasks with honor. If the novices performed well the leader would tell about them when the warriors returned, sang the Victory Song and reentered camp where the entire population gathered to hear the stories. 

The leaders would tell how each warrior performed in battle, how many marks could be put on their coup sticks and how many eagle feathers they earned. Each warrior would plant his ceremonial stick or spear in the ground as his hand grasped the upright spear. Then he recounted the details of each deed, stating whom he had killed, wounded or counted coup on. He spoke slowly and plainly, wore only moccasins, breechcloth, necklace, armlets and headband. His body was painted yellow except the right leg below the calf, which was painted red, because of what he had done during the battle.

As each warrior recounted his deeds, sounds from the drum and cries from the crowd followed. The drum beat one, two, three or four times, depending on the importance of each warlike deed. If the action was great the drum beat four times. If small then the drum would be hit only once. At each pause, drumbeats and war cries were given as emphasis or applause. In the center of the arena was a pole in the ground with pegs sticking out like nails. While a warrior told of his deeds, members of his family hung blankets, shawls, necklaces, moccasins or beaded bags on the center pole. Money was gathered, tied in a scarf and hung on the pole. The gifts were distributed to the poor after he completed his story. The entire tribe sat and listened to all the stories until they were finished. Then the returned warriors would start special war dances until they could dance no more.

Our culture honored our warriors right after they returned and listened to each and every warrior tell their war stories. This fact along with the survival reasons we fought and killed assisted in eliminating any PTSD.

Ed Tick, Ph.D., is,  a psychotherapist, poet and writer, educator, and overseas journey guide. He holds an M.A. in psychology from Goddard College and a Ph.D. in Communication from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. Tick is a clinical member and has held various officer positions with the American Academy of Psychotherapists and the American Holistic Medical Association, as well as many other professional organizations. 

A practicing psychotherapist for more than 30 years, Tick specializes in extensive and innovative work with survivors of severe trauma and violence — particularly combat war veterans — sexual and Substance Abuse   victims, those with severe mental and emotional disorders, men’s issues and deeply rooted psycho-spiritual healing. In all of his work, Tick applies his own innovative model of PTSD treatment based on worldwide research of spirituality, mythology and war/the warrior archetype, in order to develop a new, broadened and strengthened psycho-spiritual identity

Jayampathi/Sumanthiran to introduce ISGA as the new constitution

November 21st, 2017

By: A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Do we need a new constitution for the country and who wants it? Neither the ordinary Sinhala nor Tamil people nor people belonging to other communities ask for a new constitution. What all of them ask for is for a peaceful country in which they can live without fear and favour and without economical hardships.

The 1972 and the 1978 constitutions (difference between the two relates to the Executive Presidency and the electoral process) have served the country without any hindrance to anyone.  It is obviously on the behest of some foreign elements (countries and organisations) and the Tamil diaspora that this government in collaboration with separatist Tamil elements (the dormant/sleeping and turncoat terrorists) attempts to bring in a tailor made new constitution.

The proposed Jayampathi/Sumanthiran constitution, however, will definitely be nothing other than a sugar coated version of the notorious Interim Self Government Authority” (ISGA) proposal made by the LTTE on 1st November, 2003 to Ranil Wickremasinghe’s  UNP Government through Norwegian facilitation.

The abridged version of the preamble of this document states that bearing in mind that successive Governments of Sri Lanka have perpetrated persecution, discrimination, State violence and State-orchestrated violence against the Tamil People;

Noting that the Tamil people mandated their elected representatives to establish an independent sovereign, secular State for the Tamil people in the elections subsequent to the Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976;

Determined to establish an interim self-governing authority for the NorthEast region and to provide for the urgent needs of the people of the NorthEast by formulating laws and policies and, effectively and expeditiously executing all resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development in the NorthEast;

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Government of Sri Lanka, hereby agree to the following provisions:  The provisions of the proposal included:

An Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) shall be established comprised of the eight districts namely: Amparai, Batticaloa, Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu, Trincomalee and Vavuniya in the NorthEast.

The composition of the ISGA shall be, Members appointed by the LTTE, Members appointed by the Government of Sri Lanka and. Members appointed by the Muslim community in the NorthEast and there shall be an absolute majority of the LTTE appointees in the ISGA.

Free and fair election of members shall be held every five years in accordance with international democratic principles and standards under international observation.

The people of the NorthEast shall be accorded all rights as are provided under international human rights law. Every law, regulation, rule, order or decisions of the ISGA shal1 conform to internationally accepted standards of human rights protection.

No religion shall be given the foremost place in the NorthEast. It will be a Secular entity.

The ISGA shall ensure that there is no discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, national or regional origin, age or gender in the NorthEast.

The ISGA shall ensure that no bribery or corruption is permitted in or under its administration.

No law, regulation, rule, order or decision that confers a privilege or imposes a disability on any community, which is not conferred or imposed on any other community, shall be made concerning culture or religion.

The ISGA shall have plenary power for the governance of the NorthEast including powers in relation to resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development, including improvement and upgrading of existing services and facilities, raising revenue including imposition of taxes, revenue, levies and duties, law and order, and over land.

Separate institutions for the administration of justice shall be established for the NorthEast, and judicial powers shall be vested in such institutions. The ISGA shall take appropriate measures to ensure the independence of the judges.

The ISGA shall prepare an annual budget.

There shall be a Financial Commission consisting of members appointed by the ISGA. This Commission shall make recommendations as to the amount out of the Consolidated Fund to be allocated to the NorthEast. The GOSL shall make its good faith efforts to implement the recommendation.

The ISGA will, giving due consideration to an equitable distribution, determine the use of funds placed at its disposal. These funds shall include the NorthEast General Fund, the NorthEast Reconstruction Fund (NERF) and the Special Fund.

The GOSL agrees that any and all of its expenditures in or for the NorthEast shall be subject to the control of the ISGA.

The NorthEast General Fund shall be under the control of ISGA and shall consist of:

The proceeds of all grants and loans made by the GOSL to the ISGA and the proceeds of all other loans made to the ISGA.

All allocations by the GOSL from agreements with states, institutions and/or other organizations earmarked for the NorthEast.

All other receipts of the ISGA, other than the funds specified below.

NorthEast Reconstruction Fund

The NERF shall continue to exist in its present form except that control over it will be transferred to the ISGA.

All grants given for the reconstruction of the NorthEast, will be received through the NERF. Utilization of resources from NERF will be directly determined and supervised by the ISGA.

Special Fund  – All loans and any grants which cannot be channeled through the NERF for the specific purpose of RRRD will be received into the Special Fund. As in the case of other Funds, the ISGA shall control the Special Fund.

The ISGA shall have powers to borrow internally and externally, provide guarantees and indemnities, receive aid directly, and engage in or regulate internal and external trade.

The ISGA shall appoint an Auditor General.

All Funds referred to in this Agreement shall be operated, maintained and audited in accordance with internationally accepted accounting and auditing standards. The accounts will be audited by the Auditor General. The auditing of all moneys received from international sources shall be subjected to approval by an internationally-reputed firm appointed by the ISGA.

In the effective exercise of its legislative and executive powers, the ISGA may create District Committees to carry out administration in the districts and delegate to such Committees, such powers as the ISGA may determine. The Chairpersons of such committees shall be appointed by the ISGA from amongst its members in order to serve as a liaison between the ISGA and the Committee. The Chief Administrator of the ISGA shall appoint Principal Executive Officers in the districts, who shall also function as the Secretaries to the Committees. The Chief Administrator shall have the powers to suspend or terminate any such appointment.

The ISGA shall have direction and control over any and all administrative structures and personnel in the NorthEast

The ISGA may, at its discretion, create expert advisory committees in necessary areas. These areas will include but are not limited to Economic Affairs, Financial Affairs, Judicial Affairs, Resettlement and Rehabilitation Affairs, Development of Infrastructure, and Essential Services.

The ISGA shall have the power to alienate and determine the appropriate use of all land in the NorthEast that is not privately owned.

The ISGA shall appoint a Special Commission on Administration of Land to inquire into and report on the rights of dispossessed people over land and land subject to encroachment, notwithstanding the lapse of any time relating to prescription.

The occupation of land by the armed forces of the GOSL, and the denial to the rightful civilian owners of unfettered access to such land, is a violation of the norms of international law. Such land must be immediately vacated and restored to the possession of the previous owners. The GOSL must also compensate the owners for the past dispossession of their land.

The ISGA shall be responsible for the resettlement and rehabilitation of civilians and refugees in such lands.

The ISGA shall have control over the marine and offshore resources of the adjacent seas and the power to regulate access thereto.

The ISGA will have control over the natural resources in the NorthEast region. Existing agreements relating to any such natural resources will continue in force. The GOSL shall ensure that all monies due under such agreements are paid to the ISGA. Any future changes to such existing agreements should be made with the concurrence of the ISGA. Future agreements shall be entered into with the ISGA.

Upper riparian users of river systems have a duty to ensure that there is a fair, equitable and reasonable use of water resources by lower riparian users. The GOSL and the ISGA shall ensure that this internationally recognized principle is followed in the use of water resources.

All future agreements concerning matters under the jurisdiction of the ISGA shall be made with the ISGA. Existing agreements will continue, but the GOSL shall ensure that all proceeds under such agreements are paid to the ISGA. Any changes to such existing agreements should be made with the concurrence of the ISGA.

Where a dispute arises between the Parties to this Agreement as to its interpretation or implementation, and it cannot be resolved by any other means acceptable to the Parties including conciliation by the Royal Norwegian Government, there shall be an arbitration before a tribunal consisting of three members, two of whom shall be appointed by each Party. The third member, who shall be the Chairperson of the tribunal, shall be appointed jointly by the Parties concerned. In the event of any disagreement over the appointment of the Chairperson, the Parties shall ask the President of the International Court of Justice to appoint the Chairperson.

Undoubtedly the foregoing will be the ayampathy/Sumanthiran constitution that this government will attempt to impose and none of these conditions can be accepted. This is in another word granting of the illusory Eelam which megalomaniac Prabhakaran failed to achieve through 30 years of brutal war.

On 4th November, 2003   Mr. Lakshman Kadiragamar on behalf of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party issued a statement completely rejecting this Norwegian/LTTE proposal saying that the proposal lays the legal foundation for a future, separate, sovereign state and it clearly affect the sovereignty of the Republic of Sri Lanka and violate its Constitution.

Mr. Kadiragaamar emphasized that any final constitutional arrangement must preserve and protect the unity of our people and the unity and territorial integrity of the Republic of Sri Lanka. It must promote unity, not encourage division. The democratic structure of our polity must extend to the whole country. Democracy cannot be enjoyed by the people of the south and be denied to the people of the north and east. He said that there cannot be two governments in Sri Lanka; there can only be one. The SLFP has noted that in the LTTE’s proposals the expression “Republic of Sri Lanka” has never once been mentioned. This omission is not without significance.

He pointed out that Sri Lanka is referred to throughout the proposals as “an island,” as though it were merely a geographical entity consisting of a vacant space within which new contractual (not even constitutional) arrangements could be erected at will by two parties – the UNF government and the LTTE – without any recognition of the indisputable fact that there are many other legitimate stakeholders in the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Sri Lanka.

Rejecting the proposal completely Mr. Kadiragamat also gave a detailed analysis of the proposal and hence it is the prime duty of Sirisena and his lap dog SLFPers in the government to reject the Jayampathy/Sumanthiran constitution totally and vote against it..

The veteran journalist Mr. Iqbal Attas writing to Sunday Times pointed that the ISGA is clearly outside Sri Lanka’s constitution and Laws.  He pointed out that the arrangements demanded will be without any Government control. Yet the rebels want funds from the Government, including those accruing from the North-East.

Mr. Attas also stressed that the LTTE want the armed forces immediately to vacate land in the North and East and allow civilian owners “unfettered access.” They also want compensation paid to these civilians for past dispossession. Conceding this demand in the northern Jaffna peninsula would make both the Palaly airbase, the only air link to the rest of the country, and the ports of Karainagar and Kankesanthurai vulnerable. Similarly, in Vavuniya, it will make the airstrip and a large military base totally vulnerable. The north-eastern China Bay airbase in Trincomalee would also be placed in a precarious position, he said.

ගිරුවායේ චානකගේ බැදුම්කර බරඅවි ප‍්‍රහාරයෙන් ‘සුජීවයි අනාගතේ’ චප්පචෝරු වෙයි..

November 21st, 2017

බැදුම්කර මගඩිය සම්බන්දයෙන් චෝදනා එල්ල වී ඇති අර්ජුන් ඇලෝසියස් සමග විශලා දුරකතන ඇමතුම් ප‍්‍රමාණයක් ලබා ගත්තේ යයි හෙලිව සිටින රාජ්‍ය ඇමති සුජීව සේනසිංහට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ප‍්‍රබල විවේචනයකට ලක් වන්නට සිදු විය.

පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී ඩී.වී. චානක එක හුස්මටම ඇමති සේනසිංහට චෝදනා එල්ල කලේ කිසිවක් කීමට ඉඩක් නොතබමිනි.

එල්ල වන චෝදනාවන්ට රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයා සුළ මැදිහත්වීම් කරන්නට උත්සාහ කලද මන්ත‍්‍රී චානකගේ දැඩි ප‍්‍රහාරය වලකන්නට හෝ බාධා කරන්නට ඒ ප‍්‍රමාණවත් නොවීය.

වෘතියෙන් නීතිඤයෙක් උවත් රාජ්‍ය ඇමති සුජීව සේනසිංහට අපරාධ විමර්ශනයක් කරන අතර චූදිකයෙක් හා සම්බන්දයක් පැවැත්වීම සදාචාරයට පටහැනිබවත් අවශ්යතාවයන්ගේ ගැටුමක්  (Conflict of Interest) ඇත්වෙන බව නොතේරුනත් වෘතියෙන් නීතිඤයෙක් නොවන පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී ඩී.වී. චානකගේ පිලිතුර ඉතා ප්‍රසංසනීයයි. පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී ඩී.වී. චානක කී පරිදි කිසිම උසාවියක විනිසුරුට හෝ ජූරි සභාවේ සාමාජිකයින්ට චූදිකයෙක් හා සම්බන්දයක් පැවැත්වීම දඬුවම් පැමිණවිය හැකි වරදක් බව ඔහු ඉතා දක්ශලෙස පෙන්වා ඇත.

https://youtu.be/vHcH9vhAfWU

වීඩියෝව මෙතනින්…

: Central Bank Robbery : “We have nothing to hide – PM” : True – All has come out

November 21st, 2017

“We have nothing to hide – PM” : Yes, True : Every things has come out. 

(1st  Nominated  3 goons to investigate the robbery by himself, blackmailed  & framed the Junior UNP MPs to protect his corrupt acts,  setup  the UNP goons  to messed with  the COPE  enquiry & ..  : despite all ,  everything  things has come out)

End of the Yahapalanaya and the Democracy.

What MR did (bring the goons by buses to courts or to the enquiry) Ranil W has done the same by bringing over 30 UNP goons but by officials vehicles.

Disgrace to Sri Lanka! Disgrace to the decent UNPers.

We have nothing to hide – PM

We have nothing to hide – PM

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe today stated that mistakes can happen, but the government will continue forward with good governance as it has nothing to hide.

The Premier was speaking to reporters outside the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, probing the Central Bank treasury bond scam, after appearing before the commission this morning following a request made to testify.

Wickremesinghe stated that for the first time a Prime Minister appeared before a commission to make a statement.

He expressed gratitude to the Chairman of the commission for providing him with this opportunity and said that he was able to make clarifications with regard to many facts.

I was given the opportunity to explain about our economic policy, the damages caused to the country and many things,” he said.

Therefore I would like to specially state that myself, the chairman of our party, secretary and ministers came forward without any fears. We will take good governance forward because we have nothing to hide. Mistakes can happen, there can be shortcomings but we will continue with good governance.”

Wickremesinghe today became the first sitting Sri Lankan PM to testify before a commission. He was questioned for nearly an hour by the commission and the Attorney General, who participated in the session today on a special invite to lead the questioning.

A number of ministers representing the United National Party (UNP) were also present at the commission for the session today.

Questions raised by Shamindra Fernando Rupavahini video

November 21st, 2017

“මහින්ද සමග එක්ව ඡන්දය ඉල්ලන්නේ නෑ.. සරමක් ඇදගෙන මට ඒක කරන්න පුළුවන්ද..’- ජනපති මෛත‍්‍රී කියයි…”

November 21st, 2017

ඇම්  ඩී  පී  දිසානායක විසිනි

 

තාප්ප කණුවෙ තනි කකුලෙන් හිටපු    මට

කෝප්ප නැතුව පොල් කට්ටෙන් බීපු    මට

ආප්ප කකා මහරජු ගොන් කරපු        මට

හෙලුවෙන් වුනත් රජකම කලහැකිය    මට

Environmental issue related to Hambanthota Industrial Zone

November 20th, 2017

Dr. P. Attanayake.

I am writing to bring up an important environmental issue related to Hambanthota Industrial Zone.  If this issue is not addressed now, it may result in serious ecological and human health problems in the near future.

As we all know, foreign companies will be setting up industries in the newly created Industrial Zone (IZ).  Regardless of the industry, most of these facilities will be generating wastes that will be hazardous to the environment and human health.  The area is currently farm land and not likely to contain any toxic substances in significant quantities (perhaps some fertilizers and herbicides may be present) in the soil, water and air.  As we have seen in places such as Taiwan, Malaysia and Vietnam, computer chip manufacturing is likely to be one of the major industries in the IZ.  Poor waste management at such facilities have resulted in environmental disasters in many places around the world.  Silicon Valley in California, is a good example.  The soil and water resources in many parts of the Silicon Valley are beyond cleanup.  Cancer causing industrial solvents such as TCE, PCE are used extensively in these facilities and if discharged with no controls, they can be present in the soil and water for many decades.  These contaminants are long lived and migrate in the environment for long distances.  Once contaminated, cleaning up is almost impossible.  Similarly, air pollution from these manufacturing facilities can travel long distances by air dispersion and affect health of the people down wind of the facilities

This is just one example.  Waste from manufacturing facilities contains many other toxic chemicals that can have adverse effects on the environment and human health.

So here are some of the main issues:

  1. How can we measure the impacts of the industries on the environment?
  2. How can Sri Lanka protect its environment and people from the toxic chemicals that will be byproducts of the industries?
  3. How can we make sure the waste is handled properly and disposed of it properly without impacting our ecology and human health?             .

To answer above questions, Sri Lanka must be proactive.  We have a to act now, before any industry is established.  First, environmental background conditions of the general area must be established.  Then, when a manufacturing facility is proposed, a more industry specific background conditions should be established for the locale area.  That will establish the background environmental conditions so that appropriate authorities can monitor and compare environmental conditions during operation of these facilities against the background to make sure no adverse effects occur.  Second, a rigorous waste management practice should be established and implemented.  The waste management must be industry specific, and the manufactures must identify the industrial chemicals used in their facilities, their quantities.  They also must identify the type and the volume of waste generation and the plan for its disposal.  These plans should be reviewed and approved by appropriate local authorities.

Shame on the politicians

November 20th, 2017

Dr. Mareena Thaha Reffai,

After massive damage had been caused at Gintota, to people’s lives, property and morale,  the Muslim politicians visiting the  place, having meetings and expressing their views and promises is – to say the least –  shameful.

Where were they when the problem was brewing, when the damage was being enacted by planned group of thugs from outstations? When the social media was giving  details ball by ball, with live videos and audios, what were the politicians doing? Their phone numbers are regularly circulated  by the social media as a long long list but how come none of them could be contacted during the crisis? It is not as if it happened in the dead of the night.  And this is not the first or second time such co incidences” of the phones of all the politicians going non functional at times of crisis happened.

Having gone through Aluthgama crisis, and many more attacks on shops, places of worship and individuals, still the reactions of the politicians come always too late.

Why? Are they scared to face the mob? Are they powerless to wake up the powers that be? Or – Are they too part of the plan anyway? These are questions the people are asking – not unfairly.

Enough is enough.  It’s time the politicians rise to the occasion as and when the calamity is happening. Not long later when the dust has settled. When a few lives are lost. When irreparable damage is done.  It’s time every politician set up hot lines – preferably more then one at each ministry – to receive warnings when any trouble is brewing in any part of the country. It’s time the politicians give up their beauty sleep once in a blue moon to attend to the crisis BEFORE IT HAPPENS.

IT’S TIME PEOPLE DMEANDED THE POLITICIANS TO  PROTECT AND SAVE THE PEOPLE WHO VOTED FOR THEM. After all, they did come to power by promising a better tomorrow. When is that tomorrow due?

Sent by:

Dr. Mareena Thaha Reffai,

23A, Auburn side, Dehiwela

Island in Dire Peril

November 20th, 2017

IMRC Iriyagolle

Ayubowan,

We cannot allow India, any other country or any other force to dictate to us.  The country must develop a strategy to destroy the enemies within first,  the corrupt, destructive, selfish and sadistic politicians who have become ‘pawn brokers’ to remain in power by any means.   The nation should consider rejecting demagogues as well.

Our ancient rich Buddhist cultural heritage, an ancient superior civilisation cannot be, should not be destroyed by hostile forces from within or without.  The Sinhalese have portrayed self destructive  traits.  JVP launched an insurgency to kill the Sinhalese to combat this the United National Party(UNP) government unleashed forces to ‘kill the brutes’ as JR Jayawardena gave the orders to exterminate the JVP, all Sinhalese.   The Buddhist Cultural Heritage was ignored.

Torture of the victims became an industry during this period (1987-1990) of UNP initiated savagery,  Ranil Wickremasinghe one of the main perpetrators of this savagery has been rewarded, being appointed as the Prime Minister of this great island.   The UNP and Ranil Wickremasinghe has not been held accountable for the atrocities committed.   The UNP with the blessings of the Sinhalese majority is guilty of treason and continues to commit acts of treason without any hindrance from anybody in the practical sense.

The island is ‘pawned’, stripped of its Sovereignty, armed forces betrayed and the UNP carries on relentlessly to destroy the Sinhalese and the Buddhist Cultural Heritage.  In the past  there were punishers, snipers, armed forces, law enforcement agencies, and patriots to eliminate the enemy.  Many politicians perceived to be traitors were assassinated.  Today traitors thrive as the whole island is in their grip with the support and blessings of all communities.

The nation and  the island is gifted to traitors, mass murderes, rapists, fraudsters and drug traffickers.   The inertia, the inaction in the practical sense and the complacency of the Sinhalese is deplorable.

If there were strong, great, honourable, dynamic, visionary Sinhalese statesmen, political leaders as in the past no one, no country or the UN would dare to act against Sri Lanka.   Recent history has shown how some Sinhalese jealous and selfish in the different spheres themselves rise up against the good and the great Sinhalese to destroy them.   Whether in the political arena. social, religious or educational spheres society should punish and shun the destructors not reward them for there betrayal and treachery.  Then there would be a chance for the survival of the Sinhalese, the sacred Buddhist Cultural Heritage and our sacred island.

Theruwan Saranai

IMRC Iriyagolle

www.savethesinhalese.org

Caesar’s wife,brave volunteers et al

November 20th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

There are many Sri Lankans who evince a fetishistic interest in George Orwell’s immortal works. They may wonder whether the literary genius had a premonitory vision of the future of a tiny, teardrop-shaped island in the Indian Ocean, when he authored the dystopian, allegorical novella, The Animal Farm, in the early 1940s though it is popularly thought to be about the Stalinist Russia. For, the post-2015 situation in that resplendent isle, where ‘every prospect pleases’ and only politicians are vile, bears uncanny resemblance to the metaphorical representation of the turn of events in the aforesaid unputdownable book.

Having ousted the Rajapaksas, the yahapalana leaders vowed to restore the rule of law and ensure that everyone would be equal before the law al la the motto of The Animal Farm—‘All animals are equal’. But, today, the self-appointed liberators have emulated the ruling pigs in The Animal Farm, which, after savouring power for a while, proclaim, “All animals are equal but some animals are more equal than others.” They are no better than their predecessors!

Members of the Fourth Estate who covered yesterday’s proceedings of the presidential commission of inquiry probing the bond scams were pleasantly surprised to find a convivial ambience characteristic of a ladies’ tea party. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was there to testify with his evidence led by Attorney General (AG) Jayantha Jayasuriya himself. One could hardly believe it was the same place where the likes of Saman Kumara et al had been grilled by the AG’s Department officials and the good commissioners alike on bond scams. We are reminded of the hospitable atmosphere in otherwise hostile court house, under the Rajapaksa government, when the then Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa once made a grand appearance.

Two former Presidents, to wit, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa, have had the nasty experience of being hauled up before courts and special presidential commissions over what they did while in power. Many of the top guns of the Rajapaksa regime now have to appear before courts or commissions for having allegedly abused power and public property in their heyday.

What’s this world coming to when political leaders fail to be beyond reproach? A true leader worthy of the name must be above suspicion like Caesar’s wife.

When it comes to charges against the Joint Opposition firebrands, the yahapalana leaders promptly order arrests. But, when someone connected to the incumbent administration is found to be on the wrong side of the law, they opt for endless probes like the one into bond scams.

The government would have us believe that the PM appeared before the bond commission entirely of his own volition. But, it has only sought to make a virtue of necessity, we reckon.

We believe President Sirisena, too, owes an explanation to the public anent his executive action which prevented the submission of the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report on the yahapalana government’s maiden bond scam in 2015 to Parliament. He should also explain why he baulked at sacking the then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran under a cloud before the August 2015 parliamentary election. Good governance consists in accountability and transparency among other things, doesn’t it?

It may be recalled that President Rajapaksa had a grand pratfall at the last presidential election because he was seen to be shielding the corrupt. Minister Rajitha Senaratne has gone on record as saying that he never accused Mahinda of corruption and it was those near and dear to the latter who were responsible for corrupt deals. This shows that any leader who protects the corrupt runs the risk of being punished at elections even if there are no specific, provable charges against him or her. No wonder the yahapalana leaders are scared of facing electoral contests!

As for the government propagandists’ claim that the PM volunteered to appear before the bond commission reminds us of an interesting yet apocryphal story. A group of lifesavers, upon the completion of a special training programme, asked the guests present on the occasion, whether anyone would kindly volunteer to jump into the deep water so that they could demonstrate their newly acquired skills. There was pin-drop silence around for a few moments and, then, suddenly, an elderly man, in a lounge suit, of all people, plunged into the icy cold water––slap bang. After he had been rescued and profusely praised for being a brave volunteer he was asked by a journalist what he got to say about his daring plunge. “Well,” the man fumed, gnashing his teeth, “if I find the rascal who pushed me into the water, I’ll beat him to a pulp.” So much for some volunteers and their heroics!

No policy decision to ask state banks to make lower bids at bond auctions PM testifies before bond probe commission

November 20th, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday said the government hadn’t taken any policy decision to instruct the state-owned banks to make bids at the treasury bond auctions at lower interest (yield) rates.

PM Wickremesinghe said so answering a question posed by Attorney General Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, who led the Attorney General’s Department team assisting the Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing treasury bond scams involving the Central Bank of Sri Lanka and Perpetual Treasuries Pvt Ltd (PTL).

The commission comprises Supreme Court judges K. T. Chitrasiri (Chairman), P. S. Jayawardena and retired Deputy Auditor General K.Velupillai.

Asked whether the state banks had made bids at lower yield rates in accordance with a government policy decision, the Prime Minister emphatically denied having taken any such policy decision.

The chairmen and senior officials of three major state banks––the Bank of Ceylon, the People’s Bank and the National Savings Bank––early last month told the commission that on two occasions in 2016, they had received instructions from the then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake to make bids at the treasury bond auctions at lower interest (yield) rates.

At the commencement of the proceedings, Justice Chitrasiri said that the commission had requested AG Jayasuriya to lead his team of officers on the final day of the proceedings.

Justice Chitrasiri said that PM Wickremesinghe was there to make some clarifications with regard to the questions he had provided answers to by way of affidavits previously. He explained that the commission had received the PM’s responses to 28 questions first and 20 more questions sent to him later on.

Justice Chitrasiri emphasised that the question of compelling PM Wickremesinghe to appear before the commission had never arisen.

In answer to another query, the PM said the Banking Supervision Division had been weak and some non-banking finance institutions were on the verge of collapse.

The PM has, in his affidavits, denied having knowledge of the meetings the then FM Karunanayake had had with senior officials of the state banks.

Asked whether R. Paskaralingam had been present at those meetings, the PM said that, in his capacity as advisor to the PM, Paskaralingam had attended many meetings. He said that Paskaralingam didn’t report to him on a daily basis.

PM Wickremesinghe was also asked whether he was aware that Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran’s son-in-law Arjun Aloysius being Chief Executive and a director of the primary dealer PTL. The PM said he had asked Governor Mahendran to ensure that the latter’s son-in-law did not get involved with the company and divested his shares. The PM said he had received repeated assurances from Governor Mahendran that his concerns would be addressed, but those promises hadn’t materialised.

The commission also sought further clarification from the PM as regards a controversial government decision to do away with direct placements and introduce public auction mechanism. The PM, while acknowledging that he had told Governor Mahendran to consider issuance of bonds through auctions, said that he had expected the Governor to follow the due process.

PM Wickremesinghe explained four telephone calls that had been received from Mahendran in late February with regard to the issuance of treasury bonds and perhaps some other matters. He quoted Governor Mahendran as having told him, ‘Don’t worry Rs. 10 bn have been raised at the auction’.

Answering query about changing of CBSL practice of raising funds by way of direct placements after the change of government in January 2015 to pave the way for the auction method and then reverting to the old system in July this year, Wickremesinghe said it was due to a role played by the US Treasury; a mix system had been adopted by Sri Lanka. He said the July 2017 change had been introduced following a thorough study though it hadn’t been the case in 2015.

Referring to Governor Mahendran’s involvement with W. M. Mendis, PM Wickremesinghe pointed out that former Governor’s (Ajith Nivard Cabraal’s) sister had been with Perpetual Treasuries during the previous administration.

The PM explained the circumstances under which he had appointed the three-member Pitipana Committee. He mentioned the first COPE Committee headed by the then MP D. E. W. Gunasekera.

Toxicity of heavy-metal toxins to earthworms and cattle.

November 20th, 2017

By Chandre Dharmawardana

My article entitled Why do ‘Vanniye-Attho’ and NCP Farmers get CKDu while their cows don’t?
produced several curious responses (Lanka Web, 17-11-2017) which fit in with the well-known way in which proponents of pseudoscience and conspiracy theories extend their claims when faced with the actual facts. Basically, they spin additional explanations that are unsupported by facts, but seemingly  plausible at first sight.
The myth makers introduce these  additional extensions  to cover qualitative but poignant observations (e.g., that Kokku” flocking to eat earthworms is evidence of a healthy soil, or that cows too should be affected by the alleged toxins). They construct denials of established facts – a form of ostrich policy. The more detailed  quantitative facts (e.g., results of chemical analysis) are ignored, i.e., another form of ostrich policy.  Such patently incorrect extensions and denials  need to be rebutted to ensure that they do not take a life of their own.

Some of the responses suggest that cows are unaffected by metal toxins because they have a different digestive system”, while it is claimed that the presence of earth worms is no indication of soil toxicity”.  Another remarkable claim is that Cows with a very short lifespan and a very large body mass cannot be compared to humans”. These contravene the  well known fact that  toxicity tests are routinely effected using creatures with even shorter life spans like amoeba, fruit flies, rabbits, guinea pigs,  and mice.  In fact I referred to the important experiments on CKDu by Dr. Wasana, Dr. Bandarage and their team on mice, published in the world famous journal Nature in 2016.

Heavier humans and heavier animals eat more and accumulate more toxins. So the body mass is not directly a problem in specifying toxicities. The chronic toxicity of a substance is measured or quoted   as a daily intake per kilogram of body weight and usually the extent of the scalability is also established in the experiments used to measure experiments.

It is well documented that arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), lead (Pb), and mercury (Hg) among many other substances are the most toxic to humans, animals and birds. Even though As is  not ‘heavy’ and not a proper metal, it is put together with  Cd, Pb, and Hg for convenience are called heavy-metal” toxins. Even those who have not studied these materials in college courses (in toxicology or environmental science) can find information on them in the internet.

Of course, a lot of  information on the internet tend to be partially or completely untrue. However,  when it comes to matters of doom and gloom, it does not fail to report them. So, the toxicity of heavy metals to livestock is well recorded, and one may download technically specifications and discussions from the regulatory agencies of the European Union, Canada or Ireland, etc.. They are all very similar, and show that parts per million quantities of heavy-metal toxins can cause chronic diseases in livestock. Livestock include calves much smaller than humans, and they are very vulnerable to toxins. Even fully grown cows are far more sensitive to lead toxicity than are humans.

Within the above picture one may consider the following surprising claims made in response to my article.
(i) the cattle that feed on the grass and straw grown on soil containing toxins need not get sick because they have differences from humans”.
(ii) a first sign of the  toxicity of the soil is the death of earthworms and other soil organisms, and the effect on birds and other  predators who might feed on any remaining soil organisms. And yet, some have come forward to question even this. We will discuss these in greater detail below.

A third uncanny and utterly lame argument is that chronic diseases like CKDu did not exist prior to 1970, and hence it must be caused by the introduction of agrochemicals around 1970 to the Rajarata,causing its residents to get CKDu within a decade.

The latter  question is often asked by those who come discuss CKDu without  (a) realizing the difficulty in detecting and diagnosing CKDu in a patient. (b)  The  Agrochemicals have been introduce to the whole country, and NOT just to the Rajarata. It was the tea plantations and the Nuwara-Eliya vegetable gardens that first began to use agrochemicals. Farmers in low country areas (e.g. Agalawatte or Deniyaya) also have used (and continue to use) agrochemicals in much larger quantities than the paddy farmers in the Rajarata.

Prior to 1970, or even in the 1980s, there were no hospital procedures to detect CKDu in a patient. The modern tests, based on the value of the ratio of two proteins found in the blood (and also in urine) became available only in the 1990s, and that too  in advanced University hospitals. Today it is routinely available. The first reports of CKDu, attributed to Dr. Ramachandran in some publications are tentative and unconfirmed, but more well confirmed  detections were made later, by Nephrologists like Dr. Tilak Abesekera (Consultant Nephrologist, Kandy). The disease may exist in a patient with no outward signs until he is left with only the equivalent of less than half a kidney in good condition. Then various symptoms begin to set in and the patient degrades and dies very soon. Even today villagers only know of the illness when they come to the last stage and attribute it to various other causes like the delayed effect of snake bites, hornet attacks, the attack of an evil spirit like Mahasona”, or the wrath of `Daedimundi’ or `Kadawara’  (regional gods).

It should also be noted that until the coming of the Accelerated Mahaweli Program (AMP) came, people were living in thinly populated settlements where their water supply was the local river,  canal or Wewa. People were not settled far away from agricultural canals and there was NO NEED for private HOUSEHOLD wells. According to the mainstream view (e.g., see  the article by Dr. Tilak Abesekera, kidney specialist, Kandy,   in the Daily News, 9-March-2017),  it is the fluoride-rich hard water from these wells that cause CKDu which is listed among the many possible causes. Such house hold wells became necessary only with influx of more settlers under the AMP.

Chemical analysis of the well water confirm that the well water contains fluoride and hardness. Also, chemical analysis of the Mahaweli water up-stream and down stream (e.g., by Dr. Diyabalanage et al., University of Peradeniya, 2016) , as well as the water in the local irrigation canals and tanks do not show any heavy-metal toxin levels above the WHO specified values. It was such water that was (and is) consumed by the early settlers and those who live close to the irrigation network. It is confirmed that agrochemicals bring in excess phosphates and increase algae growth, but no increased metal toxins have been found by at least five independent research efforts. And yet, the anthropologist Amarasiri de Silva and the swedish student take it for granted that the environment is awash with agrochemical toxins and caused CKDu.

Let us take the responses in detail:

5 Responses to Why do `Vanniye-Attho’ and NCP Farmers get CKDu while their cows don’t?”

Senerath Says:
November 16th, 2017 at 3:21 pm

Digestive system of cows is not the same as humans ( we don’t eat grass, specially dried grass). Cows have a shorter life span. If humans get the decease after 10 years of exposure, by the time cow gets it, it is dead.

If we ate grass, we will be worse off, because leaves of plants like grass or paddy concentrate toxins that they suck up with the water during the lifetime of the plant.  If the soil and water only contained three parts per  billion of lead, or cadmium, the material accumulates in the plant and one may have100  times more amounts of toxin in the leaves. Once the leaves are consumed, and the toxin gets into the body, it finds its way to organs like the liver and ultimately to the kidney in the effort of the animal or human body to excrete it. But the toxin breaks up the epilayers of the kidney glomerulus and tubules, be it they of  human or bovine. This begins to happen in even a few weeks as seen in experiments on mice who live only a few months. Even in a human, CKDu begins as soon as water or food containing toxic agents exceeding the maximum allowed limit given by, e.g., the WHO. So you don’t have to wait 10 years for the onset of CKDu. In 10 years a man, or a cow would have lost most of both kidneys and then the disease becomes manifest. But detecting CKDu earlier to that is difficult without lab facilities.  In the case of cattle, it will be observed  that  calves affected by the diseases will not grow and have to be eliminated as there is no economically useful veterinary intervention available.

aloy Says:
November 17th, 2017 at 3:39 pm

Here is an expert who doesn’t understand the difference of life span between a cow and a human.

You don’t have to wait till the end of a human’s life or animal’s life for it to get CKDu. The cells in humans or mice or cows are very similar, and any given cell (irrespective of the source)  gets affected by toxins at the same rate, right from the first day, gradually. Cows have a life span of about 20 years (i.e., shorter than human life span of about 70-80 years) and hence the effect of CKDu is seen in bovines   sooner than in humans. Mice have an even shorter lifetime and so they are preferred for lab experiments.

There is a saying a that ‘kanna ona unama kabaragoyath thalagoya’. These are serious matters affecting lives of our farmers. They have been doing the farming for thousands of years without any problem. Suddenly CKDu appears.

I believe some people want to eliminate Sinhalas from Rajarata.

Conspiracy theory! A better conspiracy theory could be:
The government, by banning the herbicide known as glyphosate has ensured the death of modern agriculture not only in the Rajarata, but in most parts of the country. Once the farmers are bankrupt, the megalopolis planners and  the multinationals like Dole can just buy up the land at fire-sale prices.

So why does CKDu appear  ONLY in the Rajarata? Agrochemicals began to be used in the rest of the country even before the Rajarata, and much more intensely. There is no CKDu in Nuwara Eliya although their soils are full of agrochemical residues (phosphates). Same is true for, say, Jaffna peninsular  soils, as shown by a recent study by the International Water Resources Board) . This is a result of   decades of intensive farming (including during some Eelam-war years when smuggled fertilizers were allegedly available in plenty). Any explanation of CKDu must explain its specific geographic distribution.

Dilrook Says:
November 17th, 2017 at 6:11 pm

   A very poor comparison on more than two counts.

    Presence of worms in soil is no indication of lack of toxicity. Cows with a very short lifespan and a very large body mass cannot be compared to humans.

An ex cathedra statement is made that the presence of earthworms  is no indication of lack of toxicity”. On the contrary, it is the accepted scientific position that As, Cd, Pb, Hg etc are deadly to earthworms and the presence of thriving earthworms is a sign of a healthy soil not containing such toxins; the amount of toxins in an earthworm’s body is directly proportional to that in the soil and toxifies the worm. See for instance, the report by Janssen et al.   in the Journal of Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry, 1997, and the 2004 study by Lukkari et al published in Ecotoxicology and Environmental Safety.

As for the body mass, calves  are less heavy than humans and their growth is atrophied if they feed on grass or fodder containing more than a few parts per million of metal toxins. Hence the livestock industry follows the appropriate maximum allowed limits specified by farm-regulatory organizations. Furthermore, such toxins imbibed by cattle can come into the human food cycle via meat and milk. Hence there are strict controls.

Senerath Says:
November 17th, 2017 at 7:02 pm

    I seriously think LTTE and their supportes have poisoned waterways and Wevas of certain areas and are still doing it secretly. This cannot be ruled out.

This can be, and has been totally ruled by the analysis of water. It is also ruled out by the existence of fish and other aquatic life in the water.

But here we have a typical  conspiracy theory. The more common conspiracy theory is that the agrochemical companies have bribed the vast majority of agricultural scientists, kidney specialists,  chemistry professors, government civil servants  etc., and hence they are falsely claiming that the  agrochemicals are safe to use and are not the cause of CKDu. The rare maverick scientist (or sometimes a person with no scientific credentials) who makes statements in agreement with public beliefs becomes and an eco-hero and his message is internationalized through questionable websites like those of Dr.” Mercola.

People who drink water from Wewas (tanks) do NOT get CKDu as has now been established fairly well.  Prof. Kamani Wanigasuriya of the SJP University medical faculty had already conjectured that the use of household wells may be linked to CKDU in an early research paper. The WHO-NSF study of CKDu in the Rajarata (published 2013, 2014)  was the first to show that the irrigation water had no significant amounts of heavy metal toxins or pesticides by studying some 250 water samples.

Senevirath Says:
November 18th, 2017 at 11:36 am

අහෝ,, පනුවෝ සහ හරක් ද නරයන්ට සමානලු බොහෝ දෙනෙක් ලියු හෙයින් මේ ගැන වැඩිදුර නොලියමි
Worms, cattle and humans are all aggregates of cells like those of an amoeba, and hence these cells are extremely similar to each other. The metal toxins also act on cells in worms, mice, rabbits, cows, monkeys or humans by disrupting the epilayers of cells where the toxins accumulate; so they all get sick in the same manner. In addition, there are other pathways for toxification. For example, cadmium can replace the calcium in bones of humans or cows and form human or bovine versions of the itai-itai disease.

On Thursday, November 16, 2017, 3:26:40 PM EST, Chandre dharma-wardana <chandre.dharma@yahoo.ca> wrote:

Regarding Kidney disease among the Vanniye-Aththo.

Unfortunately, this author (Dr Amarasiri De Silva, an anthopologist)  has not checked his facts and instead simply followed what a young Swedish Research student who had come to write a social studies  thesis on Anthopology has said, ignoring the excellent work done by local scientists and medics.

Even for the correct word form for “sinhalese”, this author relies on the Swedish student, as to whether we should write it as “Singhalese”, or “Sinhalese”. English is not a phonetic languages. Even the Sidath Sangara (mdieval sinhalese grammar and literary style book) says that common usage dictates the “right usage”.

Same for  the usage  “Vanniyala-Aththo” where he  follows the swede.

The attached note (included also as text below) may help in clarifying the issues).

——————————————————————————————————-

Why do `Vanniye-Attho’ and NCP Farmers get CKDu while their cows don’t?

Dr. Amarasiri de Silva (AS), a retired anthropologist, has made a provocative contribution (Island, 15-11-2017) on chronic kidney disease of unknown origin (CKDu)  that goes counter to  main-stream scientific discourse (e.g., by Dr. Tilak Abesekera, Consultant Nephrologist of the Kandy Hospital, see:  Daily News, 9-3-2017), while strongly echoing the  beliefs immensely popular with a section of the wider public.  A young Swedish student named Wiveca Stegeborn (WS)  who prepared a social-anthropology thesis on the  Vanniye-Attho, i.e,  Veddahs”,  is his main source of information.  We are told that the Vanni-Attho contracted CKDu when they joined the Mahaweli settlements, adopted  urban foods,  and became farmers using toxic agrochemicals”.

If AS and WS also imply that DDT and GMO seeds are being used, then we have some truly astounding claims in the article.  AS pushes to extremes the seemingly  credible public view of agrochemicals creating a  toxic environment and causing chronic diseases. Accordingly,  (i) the use of agrochemicals since the 1970s has poisoned the soil, the water and the diet;  (ii) the NCP gets a `double whammy’ because  the  agrochemical runoff from the tea estates gets  to the NCP via the Mahaweli irrigation system. The NCP farmers get chronic kidney disease (CKDu) in due course.

The present author held similar views prior to 2012.  They had to be  drastically modified  during 2012 to 2014 when important field studies appeared. The first was the NSF-funded  WHO  study which medically bench-marked CKDu, and also showed that  toxins in the soil, water and the diet were well below the maximum allowed limits (MALS) for toxicity and hence safe. There was no arsenic or glyphosate, as claimed by the Natha Deviyo” devotees linked to Dr. Jayasumana.

Dr. Sarath Amarasiri, a retired Director General of agriculture points out that when farmers tilled the land, vast flocks of egrets (Kokku”) follow the ploughs to eat the exposed  earthworms and other bugs. If the soil had become toxic, it will not be teeming with organisms, and if they are toxic, the egrets should  also get sick. Clearly, the NCP soil and water are not awash with toxins”.

The present writer used to ask, if the people in some NCP villages get sick, why not the cows? If it is a presence of cadmium and other agrochemicals in the rice, the cows get even more of it from the straw and the grass which also accumulate cadmium and other toxins.  Today many scientists think that they understand these puzzles, and why some Rajarata villagers get CKDu while their cows don’t, while other villagers and their  cows also don’t get CKDu!

Studies  of the blood and urine of the patients showed that 97% of them had no significant traces of glyphosate, the most commonly used herbicide. A mild warning was raised in the WHO-NSF report about possibly elevated levels of cadmium in the diet, but this was also true of the  diet used in the rest of the country that does not have CKDu. The traces of cadmium found in the rice are  amply counteracted by the presence of other substances like zinc and selenium (just as is the case with cadmium-containing shell fish sold in Europe).

The lack of toxic agents in the soil and water were confirmed by independent research including a Japanese-Sri Lankan study led  by Dr Nanayakkara.   A  National Water Board (NWB) study by Dr. Pathmakumara Jayasinghe showed that the canals, rivers and reservoirs in the NCP had clean water, and that expensive Reverse-Osmosis (RO)  machines are cleaning” water which is already clean! The poor farmers, frightened by the threat of CKDU and toxins buy bottled RO water at Rs 2-3 per litre while Colombo gets water for pennies.

Dr AS has ignored the good work of the local medics and scientists. The NSF-WHO study, the Japanese study, the NWB study etc. , have been summarized  in popular articles by Dr. Waidyanatha, Dr.  Tilak Abesekera and others.  The young Swedish student prepared her thesis on the Vanniye-Aettho, but not on the chemistry of the local environment.

Social anthropologists like AS and WS should study the two adjacent villages named Badulupura and Saaragama, both in Girandurukotte, with common life styles, food, and kinship. And yet Badulupura has CKDu, while Saaragama is healthy.  The Badulupura residents who use their private well water get CKDu, while neighbouring Saarapura , being closer to the agricultural land,  gets its water from irrigation canals or private wells connected  to the groundwater of the paddy fields. Research groups like CERTKID of the Kandy Hospital and the University find that  the consumption of water in isolated shallow household wells  may be causing CKDu.

Peradeniya Chemists like Prof. Illeperuma,  and Geologists like Professors Dissanayake, Chandrjith and others had noted that the endemic areas have hard water and a geology rich in fluoride.  The present author  and several colleagues argued (in a research paper) that Panabokke’s redox mechanism worked in the stagnant wells to progressively leach out fluorides and other mineral salts (known as Hofmeister-active salts) into the  well water.

Hard water has dissolved magensium and calcium. If hard water containing fluorides were the cause of CKDu, one can immediately explain why the people in Badulupura got CKDu, and why those in Saaragama are healthy. We also understand why the cows don’t get CKDu. The cows do not drink water from wells, but drink surface water in canals and fields connected to the agricultural system.  AS and SW claim agricultural water to be contaminated, where as it is not.

A milestone  in CKDu research was the work of Dr. Wasana, Dr. Bandarage et al. of the IFS, Kandy. They fed HARD water containing fluoride to laboratory rats, and established a dose dependent causal relationship between damaged kidneys in the rats, the fluoride, and hard water. If the water was free of fluoride, or if the water was soft, no kidney damage!  Both hardness and fluoride were simultaneously necessary. The present write provided evidence that the magnesium in hard water joined itself to the fluoride forming a pair. Magenisum is not toxic; but it synergistically augments the toxicity of fluoride. Independent  experiments by Dr. Tammityagoda et al. (veterinary science) used water from endemic village wells and showed that mice fed on such water contracted CKDu, while mice given normal water remained healthy. These experiments, the geology of the endemic villages and the chemistry of the well water  led most scientists  to  conclude that CKDu in the NCP  is caused by consuming hard water  containing fluoride. Professor Gamini Rajapaksa’s Moneragala studies confirmed these conclusions.  Provision of cheap clean water by harvesting rain water has been launched.

Scientists have shown that farmers are using agrochemicals in excess, especially with the free market in 1977 cutting out the agriculture department’s control on agrochemicals.  Such excessive use leads to algae blooms and environmental problems. The agriculture department has issued 25 booklets for the 25 districts, indicating where fertilizers are NOT needed, or how much is needed.  Agrochemicals are used thorough out the country, and especially in the hill plantations. But no CKDu and other diseases attributed to agrochemicals have been detected. We now understand why some villagers get CKDu while their cows stay healthy, or why other villagers escape the  illness. Fluoride and hard water are not found together in the hill country, or in Jaffna where there is heavy agrochemical usage, and so there is no CKDu in those areas.

Finally, let us look at the Swedish student’s views on the rural food culture, since they apply equally well to most of the country without CKDu.
(quote)… with time diabetes started to spread. It came with junk food, and with Cokes, Seven-Ups and Fantas … welfare coupons for sugar and white flour… The tea was no longer taken with honey or hackuru [Kithul jaggery], it was with refined sugar. …This is a common ailment among indigenous people introduced to a ‘western’ excessive food culture (end quote).

Honey and jaggery are nearly as bad as refined sugar. Sugar is 50% fructose and 50% glucose, while honey (i.e., bee’s vomit) contains 40% fructose, 30% glucose while the remaining 30% is water, pollen and bio-matter from the bee. Honey has  some 31% more calories than sugar. The pollen can cause botulism especially in children younger than 12. Honey has similar effects as sugar on blood glucose levels, causing problem for diabetics, whether they are Vanniye-Attheo or not. The digestive tract absorbs fructose poorly, and the fructose end up in the liver, leading to metabolic problems including type-II diabetes. The American Diabetes Association regards  palm sugars (e.g, Jaggery) to be no better than pure sugar.

The embrace of western food culture”, or the equally unhealthy Kalu dodol, Kaevum, athiraha, kiri-paeni, ala dosi” or baedum, ghee rice” etc by the Vanni-Aetto or anybody else reflects the lack of nutritional education in Sri Lanka. There were no courses on food science, environmental science etc., in any Sri Lankan university until the mid 1970s.  The present writer, as a Professor of Chemistry and as a  Vice Chancellor of the Vidyodaya (SJP) University  worked to introduce them to the university curriculum.   Course units in nutrition, health and environmental science  are badly needed even in our schools.

Chandre Dharmawardana.

Resonance of the Massacre 1818-2018: Art Exhibition depicting Colonial Crimes of Portuguese, Dutch & British – November, 25,26,27

November 19th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

 History cannot be kept hostage by lies or kept hidden because it exposes the perpetrators many whom project themselves as human rights angels expecting us to forgive and forget the crimes they committed as policy during 500 years of colonial rule. To depict the suffering inflicted by these foreign invaders upon our people 20 canvas paintings will be on public display at the Sri Sambuddhatva Jayanthi Hall from November 25-27th 2017 from 0900a.m. to 0730p.m. All parents & children are specially requested to attend and view the paintings that are accompanied by a historical summary to prove authenticity of the events that occurred.

When foreigners landed, inspired by their rulers entitling them to declare all non-Christian lands as Christian and engage in commerce and conversion of inhabitants of every country they stepped ashore in, our island became one of the many victims of colonial rule. Our people never expected the white colored men in unusual clothes to be cruel with murderous intent. The friendly smiles of welcome were returned with fire & fury until they took possession of the entire island and began dividing the people to their advantage and taught our people to be at loggerheads with each other, planting evil thoughts and evil motives. We are yet to recover from the seeds of hate and anger that colonial rulers planted to facilitate their rule. These problems have become unsolvable as these very colonial countries deem it their right to again interfere into our internal affairs in more sophisticated methods than what was adopted during colonial rule.

The art exhibition encapsulates some of the most horrific incidents by these 3 invading foreign occupiers. Accepting the white man’s word and the assurances given proved how naïve the natives were and the first attempt of the natives to win back their country from foreign rule was in 1817-1818. The struggle to regain the nation that was betrayed to the British in 1815 began in 1816 itself after realizing that the British had not honored the promises pledged in the Kandyan Convention. The response by the British was gruesome. Led by Governor Robert Brownrigg and applying the ‘Scorched Earth Policy’ orders were given to not even spare babies or nursing mothers. The specific orders were to destroy livelihood, homes, cattle & set fire to everything and kill anything moving. It is believed that some 10,000 Sinhalese were brutally murdered. The murders earned Brownrigg the name ‘Butcher of Uva-Wellassa’. The entire country-side became a lake of blood and no one was left to mourn or even count the dead.

In 2018 it will be 200 years since that brutal genocide one of many others that have gone unaccounted because the perpetrators are the one’s who have drafted present international laws making themselves immune from accountability hiding behind laws that they created for their own advantage. The injustices that Sinhalese suffered have thus gone ignored, unnoticed and unaccounted. But the very nations that are guilty of genocide as a policy today proudly preach accountability and justice. Do they have a moral right to do so? We think not. Yet how many of us know of these facts? When a country’s history is being removed from school syllabus it is denying the future generation the right to know the history of their birth nation. Simply because the bloodied past is an embarrassment to those that committed the act and to those that worship the perpetrators, it should not deny the facts from being known by all.

Resonance of the Massacre 1818-2018” is an art exhibition that will depict in 20 canvass paintings the cries of thousands of majority Sinhalese, native Tamils & Muslims who were assassinated brutally during colonial rule. The sorrow is something that all citizens shared.

They say a picture speaks a thousand words and the art exhibition organized by Sinhala Sangedama (Sinhalese Struggle) has attempted to do what no organization has by bringing to picture form the brutal acts of the 3 colonial rulers.

It is to commemorate how the colonial rulers ruled over local gluttonous Sinhala chiefs, and how Tamil & Muslim minorities exploited to weaken ancient Sinhale nation (present Sri Lanka). We must never forget that we are still trapped in the conspiratorial political reticulations of colonial jurisdication instead of fighting against or among us, ignoring the rea foe” says Dr. Chamila Liyanage, convenor of the Sinhala Sangedama and chief organizer of the exhibition. 

The paintings will be accompanied by a historical summary citing sources to confirm authenticity.

What is poignant about the exhibition is that it is coming at a time when the very perpetrators are screaming accountability for crimes in Geneva & among diplomatic circles. Why are the crimes of these colonial rulers never investigated and asked to compensate for the war crimes, plunder and genocide?




The exhibition is open to the public from 25th, 26th & 27th November, 2017 at the Sri Sambuddhathwa Jayanthi Mandira (Level 3) from 0900a.m. to 0730p.m. Entrance Free. The organizers are planning to take the exhibition to other parts of the island too.

The organizers will be inviting Members of the Government, Opposition, Diplomatic Community, UN & associate bodies, Schools & Universities, researchers & media too.

Parents are asked to accompany their children and view the exhibition and read the background of each painting to realize what our ancestors had gone through under colonial rule for over 440 years.

Shenali D Waduge

කාවන්තිස්ස වැඩපිළිවෙලක්!

November 19th, 2017

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

ඉවරයක් නැතුව උදේ දවල් රෑ දේශපාලනඥයන්ට බැන බැන හිටියා කියලා අපිට විසඳගන්න පුළුවන් ප්‍රශ්නයක් නෑ. පුළු පුළුවන් විදිහට පොඩි පොඩියට හරි අපේ ප්‍රශ්නවලට විසඳුම් හොයාගන්න වැඩේ අපි පටන්ගන්න ඕන. ඉතින් මේ ලිපි පෙළ ලිව්වේ ඒ විදිහේ විසඳුම් හොයද්දි යොදාගන්න පුළුවන් මූලික අදහස් කීපයක් ගැන මූලික සංවාදයක් ඇතිකරගන්න අදහසින්. අද අපේ සමාජය පෙළන ප්‍රශ්න දවසකින් දෙකකින් විසඳන්න පුළුවන් කියලා මේ ලේඛකයා විශ්වාසකරන්නේ නෑ. ඉතින් මේ ලිපි පෙළින් ඉදිරිපත් කරපු අදහස් අදාළවෙන්නේ තරමක් දීර්ඝකාලීන, සැලසුම් සහගත වැඩපිළිවෙලකට. තමන් ගේ ප්‍රශ්නවලට ක්‍ෂණික විසඳුම් හොයන සමාජයක ජීවත්වෙන අපිට මේ වගේ දීර්ඝකාලීන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ගැන හිත යොමුකරන එක ඒ තරම් ලේසි වැඩක් නෙවෙයි.

මේ වගේ සැලසුම් සහගත දීර්ඝකාලීන කටයුත්තක් සසඳන්න පුළුවන් කාවන්තිස්ස මහ රජතුමා අනුගමනය කරපු වැඩපිළිවෙලත් එක්ක. එතුමා යෝධයෝ හැදුවා. තමන්ට ගෑණු ඇඳුම් එවද්දී පවා ඒ අපහාසවලින් කම්පා නො වී පිළිවෙලකට අපේ හමුදා බලය තරකළා. ඉතින් අපේ ජාතියේ මහා වීරයා කියලා අපි සළකන දුටුගැමුණු මහ රජතුමා බිහිවුනේ ඒ වැඩපිළිවෙලේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් විදිහට. ඉතින් ඒ විදිහේ ක්‍රමවත් දීර්ඝකාලීන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ගැන හිතන්න ඕන කාලයක් ආයෙත් ඇවිල්ලා. මේ වගේ වැඩපිළිවෙලක ප්‍රතිඵල අපේ ජීවිත කාලය තුළ නොලැබෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. මේ හැම දෙයක් ම තීරණය වෙන්නේ අපේ අය කොච්චර බුද්ධිමත් ද අපේ අයට කොච්චර ඉවසීමක් තියෙනවා ද කියන කාරණා උඩ. ඉතින් අපේ සමාජය අපි කරන කියන දේ අගයකරන්නේ නෑ කියලා, අපි කරන කියන දේවල්වල ප්‍රතිඵල තරමක් කෙටි කාලයක් ඇතුළත අපිට දකින්න නො ලැබුනා කියලා කලකිරෙන්න පුළුවන්කමක් අපිට නෑ. මේ හැම දෙයක් ම වෙද්දි වෙනදාටත් වඩා ඉවසීමකින් හා ධෛර්යකින් ඉස්සරහට යන්න පුළුවන්කමක් අපිට තියෙන්න ඕන.

මේ විදිහේ වැඩ විවිධ මට්ටම්වලින් වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ආරම්භක අවස්ථාවේ දී මේවා හුදෙක් ම තනි තනි පුද්ගලයන් ගේ අදහස් පළකිරීම්වලට සීමාවෙච්ච හුදෙකලා සටන්. මාක්ස්වාදී අදහස් සමාජයට මුලින් ම ඉදිරිපත් කළේ තනි පුද්ගලයෙක්නේ. සමාජවාදය ගැන, ආර්ථිකය ගැන තමන් ගේ අදහස් මාක්ස් මුලින් ම ලිව්වේ පත්තරේකට. ඒත් පස්සේ කාලයක ඔහු ප්‍රංශයේ පැරිස් නුවර පදිංචියට ගියා. එහි දී මුණගැහිච්ච ෆෙඩ්රික් එංගල්ස් තමයි වැඩකරන පංතියක් ගැන අදහස මාක්ස්ට කියලා දුන්නේ. ඒ දෙන්නා එකතුවෙලා කොමියුනිස්ට් ප්‍රකාශනය කියන ලියැවිල්ල ලිව්වේ ඊටත් අවුරුදු හතරකට පස්සේ. ඉතින් තවත් කාලයක් ගතවුනාට පස්සේ තමයි ඒවාට යම් ආකාරයක හරි සමාජ පිළිගැනීමක් ලැබුණේ. කොමියුනිස්ට් ප්‍රකාශනය ලියලා අවුරුදු තිස්පහකට පස්සේ මාක්ස් මියගියා. ඊට පස්සේ තවත් අවුරුදු තිස්පහක් විතර ගතවුනා ම තමයි ඒ කොමියුනිස්ට්වාදී අදහස්වලට ලෙනින් ගේ අදහසුත් එකතුවෙලා සමාජවාදයේ නාමයෙන් මුල් වරට විප්ලවයක් සිද්දවුනේ.

ඉතින් යම් අදහසක් සමාජයට ඉදිරිපත් කරපු පමණින් ඒක සමාජගත වෙයි කියලාවත් ඒ අදහස්වලින් බලාපොරාත්තු වෙන සමාජ විපර්යාසය සිදුවෙයි කියලාවත් හිතන්න බෑ. කොහොම වුනත් අපේ සමාජයට ඕනකරන්නේ මාක්ස් බලාපොරොත්තු වුනා වගේ සමාජය උඩ යට පෙරලන වෙනසක් නම් නෙවෙයි. ඒ විදිහේ පෙරැලිවලින් වෙන්නේ සමාජයේ එක පැලැන්තියක් වෙනුවට තවත් පැලැන්තියක් බලයට පත්වෙන එක විතරයි. මොන පැලැන්තිය බලයට ආවත් ඒ අය විසින් හසුරුවන බලය අවම කරන විදිහක් ගැනැයි අපි හිතන්න ඕන. මේ ලිපි පෙළේ දී ඒ පිළිබඳවත් යම් පමණකින් අදහස් ඉදිරිපත් කළා. රටේ හමුදා පාලනය කරන වැඩේ, නීති හදන වැඩේ වගේ ලොකු ලොකු වැඩ ආණ්ඩුව තියාගත්තාට කමක් නෑ. ඒත් අනිත් වැඩ මිනිස්සුන්ට ම පවරගන්න විදිහක් ගැන අපි හිතන්න ඕන.

අනිත් වැදගත් ම කාරණය තමයි මාක්ස් වගේ අයන්නේ ආයන්නේ ඉඳලා ම මුල ඉඳලා හදාගත්ත මතවාදයක් අපි ඉදිරිපත්කරන්නේ නෑ කියන එක තේරුම්ගන්න එක. අපි උත්සාහකරන්න ඕන අපේ අතීත අත්දැකීම් උඩත් පදනම්වෙලා අද තියෙන දේවල්වලිනුත් පාඩම් ඉගෙනගෙන අපිට ගැලපෙන සමාජ ආර්ථික ‍ක්‍රමයක් ගැන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් සකස් කරගන්න එක. ඉතින් මාක්ස්වාදීන් බලාගෙන ඉන්නවා වගේ මහා දීර්ඝ කාලයක් බලාගෙන ඉන්න අපිට සිද්දවෙන එකක් නෑ.

ඒ වගේ ම, මුළු ලෝකයේ ම තියෙන සියළු ලෙඩ රෝග සනීපකරන තෛලයක් හිඳින්න ඕනකමකුත් අපිට නෑ. අපිට ඕනකරන්නේ අපේ දැන් තියෙන අවුල් නැති කරගන්න පුළුවන් විදිහේ විසඳුමක් විතරයි. අනිත් රටවල්වල අයත් ඒ අයට කැමැති කැමැති විදිහට ඒ අය ගේ ප්‍රශ්න විසඳාගත්තාවේ.

ඉතින් මේ කරුණු කාරණා ගැන සළකලා මේ ලිපි පෙළෙන් ඉදිරිපත් කළේ අපේ සමාජ – ආර්ථික ප්‍රශ්න විසඳගන්න පුළුවන් ආකාරයේ මූලික අදහස් කීපයක්.

ආර්ථික වශයෙන් අපේ ගම් ශක්තිමත් කරගන්න පුළුවන් ක්‍රම කිහිපයක් ගැනත් ඒ අදහස්වලින් ප්‍රකාශ කෙරුනා. දැනට ආණ්ඩුව පවරාගෙන ඉන්න තැපැල් සේවා, ප්‍රවාහන සේවා වගේ දේවල් මිනිස්සුන්ට පවරාගන්න පුළුවන් ක්‍රම ගැනත් කරුණු කිව්වා. අලුත් රැකියා, ආදායම් මාර්ග උත්පාදනය කරගන්න මග සලස්වගන්න පුළුවන් ජාත්‍යන්තර බෙර වාදන සහ වෙස් මුහුණු උත්සවයක් ගැනත් සිංහ කුසලානයක් වෙනුවෙන් සූරියවැවේ පවත්වන්න පුළුවන් ජාත්‍යන්තර පාපන්දු තරගාවලියක් ගැනත් කරුණු කිව්වා. අපේ ආර්ථික ශක්තිය තර කරගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් කරන්න පුළුවන් දේ තවත් තියෙනවා. ඒත් ඒ හැම දෙයක් ම කියව කියවා ඉඳලා හරියන්නේ නැහැනේ.

අද අපේ සමාජය පෙළන ලොකු ම ව්‍යාධිය තමයි අපි කල්ලි කණ්ඩායම්වලට බෙදිලා කා කොටගන්න එක. ඒ ගැනත් මේ ලිපි පෙළින් පෙන්නලා දුන්නා. මමත්වය ඉස්මතු කරගෙන අනුන් හෙළා තලා කතාකිරීමේ රෝගය ගැනත් කරුණු කිව්වා. යෝධයෝ හදාගන්න ඕන බවත් වීරයන් නොමැරිය යුතු බවත් පෙන්නලා දුන්නා. විවිධ බාහිර උපද්‍රව හින්දා අපේ සමාජය තුළ ඇතිවෙලා තියෙන ගැටලුවලින් ගොඩ එන්න කියලා හිතාගෙන අපි කරන කියන දේවල් ඉතා උපක්‍රමශීලි ව කළ යතු බවත් පෙන්නලා දුන්නා.

අවසාන වශයෙන් සාකච්ඡා කළේ අපේ අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය ඇතුළේ තියෙන එක්තරා අඩුවක් ගැන. අපි අපේ ළමයින්ට ගම ගැන කියලා දෙන්නේ නෑ. අපේ රටේ ජනගහනයෙන් බහුතරයක් ගම්වල ජීවත්වෙන වාතාවරණයක් ඇතුළේ ගම ගැන කියලා නොදෙන එක විශාල අඩුවක්. ඇත්තෙන් ම ළමයින්ට උවමනාකරන ප්‍රාථමික අධ්‍යාපනය ලබාදෙන එක ගමට ම වුනත් කරගන්න පුළුවන්. ඒකට උවමනාකරන උදව් ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ලබාගත්තා ම ඇති. 1960 අවුරුද්දේ මැතිවරණයක් වෙනුවෙන් එල්. එච්. මෙත්තානන්ද මහත්තයා ඉදිරිපත් කරපු ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශනයක ප්‍රාථමික අධ්‍යාපනය ගම් සභාවට පවරන්න ඕන කියලා තිබුණු බවක් මේ ලේඛකයා කියවලා තියෙනවා.

කොහොම වුනත් මේ කිසිම දෙයක් සමාජය ඇතුළේ වර්ධනය වෙන්න ඉඩ නො දී පිටින් ගෙනැල්ලා පැළකරන්න පුළුවන් කියලා මේ ලේඛකයා හිතන්නේ නෑ. අද අපිට ඕනකරන්නේ අපේ රටේ මිනිස්සුන් ගේ අදහස්, ආකල්ප වෙනස්කරන්න පුළුවන් විදිහේ සමාජ ව්‍යාපාරයක්. ස්වශක්තියෙන් නැගිටින්න පුළුවන් කියලා හිතන මිනිස්සු ඇති වුනොත් තමයි ඒ විදිහේ අදහස් තියෙන දේශපාලන නායකයෝත් බිහිවෙන්නේ. දේශපාලනඥයෝ කියන්නේ සමාජයෙන් ම බිහිවෙන පිරිසක්නේ. ඉතින් තමන් ගේ වැඩ වෙනත් කවුරුවත් කරලා දෙයි කියලා හිතන සමාජයකට බෑ හොඳ ශක්තිමත් නායකයෝ බිහිකරගන්න. ඒ හින්දා දේශපාලනඥයන්ට ම දොස් නොකියා තම තමන් ගේ අඩුපාඩු හොයලා බලන්නත් අපි පුරුදුවෙන්න ඕන.

මේ විදිහේ ලිපි ලියන එක අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන සැලසුම් සහගත සමාජ ව්‍යාපාරය වෙනුවෙන් කරන මූලික කටයුත්තක් විතරයි. ලිවිල්ලෙන් විතරක් මේ වැඩේ කරන්න බෑ. මේ කියන්නේ ලියන්න ඕන නෑ කියන එක නම් නෙවෙයි. ඒ වැඩේ විතරක් කරලා අපි බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන දේවල් ඉෂ්ටකරගන්න බෑ කියන එකයි මේ කියන්නේ. අපිට මේ වෙනුවෙන් මිනිස්සු අතරට යන්න වෙනවා. ඒ කියන්නේ මිනිස්සු අතරට ගිහිල්ලා දේශන කරන්න ඕන කියන එක ද? දේශනත් කරන්න ඕන තමයි. ඒත් ඒකත් තවත් වාචික සන්නිවේදන කටයුත්තක් විතරයි කියන එක අපි අමතක කරන්න හොඳ නෑ.

එහෙම නම් අපිට තව කරන්න පුළුවන් මොනවා ද?

අපි යමක් කරලා පෙන්නන්න ඕන. එක ගමක් හරි පණගන්වගන්න අපිට පුළුවන් වෙන්න ඕන. ඉතින් මේ දේ කරන්න පුළුවන් කොහොම ද? ඇත්තෙන් ම අපේ රටේ ජාතියේ අභිවෘද්ධිය ගැන වදවෙන කොච්චරක් නම් පිරිසක් අපි අතර ඉන්නවා ද? ඉතින් ඒ අයට බැරිකමක් නෑ මේ විදිහේ වැඩපිළිවෙලක් වෙනුවෙන් මුල්වෙන්න. මේ වගේ දෙයක් වෙනුවෙන් සංවිධානය වෙන්නේ කොහොම ද, ඒ වෙනුවෙන් අවශ්‍ය අරමුදල් හොයාගන්න පුළුවන් මොන මාර්ගවලින් ද කියන එක ගැනත් හිතන්න ඕන තමයි. ඒ වගේ මූලික කාරණා ගැන යමක් මී ළඟ ලිපියෙන් – ඒ කියන්නේ මේ ලිපි පෙළේ අවසාන ලිපියෙන්; කියන්නම්.

කොහොම හරි අපි ගොඩ නගාගන්න ඕන සැලසුම් සහගත දීර්ඝකාලීන සමාජ ව්‍යාපාරයක්. අපේ ඉතිහාසයෙනුත් පාඩම් ඉගෙනගෙන ඒ කටයුත්ත කාවන්තිස්ස වැඩපිළිවෙලක් විදිහට නම්කරන්න මේ ලේඛකයා කැමැතියි. මේ වගේ කාර්යයක් වෙනුවෙන් උවමනාකරන දැනුම, උපදෙස්, අවවාද අනුශාසනා පාඨකයන්ගෙන් ලබාගන්නත් මේ ලේඛකයා කැමැතියි.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති ෴

ගිංතොට ප්රහාරයට – සැලසුම් සහගත දේශපාලන ක්රියාවකි.

November 19th, 2017

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් කැෆේ සංවිධානයේ හා ශ්රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ

ගිංතොට ප්‍ර‍හාරයට – සැලසුම් සහගත දේශපාලන ක්‍රියාවකි. ප්‍ර‍හාරයට ඉඩ දෙමින් STF ඉවත් කළේ ඇයි? වචනයෙන් නොව ක්‍රියාවෙන් නීතිය රැකීම රජයේ වගකීමකි

ජනමාධ්‍ය ද, ෆෙස් බුක් ද, කොතරම් සැගවීම උත්සහ දැරූව ද, සත්‍යය නම් ‘අලුත්ගම‘ වැනිම වූ ‘සිදුවීමක්‘ ගිංතොට ද සිදුව ඇත. සැගවීම තුල සංහිදියාවක් ඇති කර ගත නොහැකි අතර සත්‍යය හෙළි කළ යුතුව ඇත.

රෝද දෙකේ බයිසිකලය ‘තනි රෝදයෙන්‘ පදින්නට ගොස් මුස්ලිම් තරණයෙකු අනතුරට පත්වීම හා එය සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් තරුණයින් අතර ගැටුමක් බවට පත්වීම අරුමයක් නොවේ. එම සිදුවීම කලබැගෑනියක් බවට පත් කොට ඇත්තේ ‘බුදුන්ගේ ධාතුවක්‘ ඇතැයි කියන අනුරාධපුර පන්සලක නමින් ඇති පන්සලකට රැස්වු ‘තංගල්ල හා අම්බලන්ගොඩ‘ නම් ඇති දෙදෙනෙකු විසිනි. මුස්ලිම් ජනයා බහුලව සිටින පෙදෙසේ පිහිටි ‘සෝමාරාමය හා ගංගාතිලකය‘ යන පන්සල් මෙයට සම්බන්ධ නැත.

සිංහල ජනතාව බහුලව සිටින ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටි උක්වත්ත චන්දිම හිමියන් බෝපේ පොද්දල ප්‍රාදේශීය සභාවේ හිටපු සභිකයෙකි. නෙළුම් පොහොට්ටුවෙන් ඡන්දය ඉල්ලන්නට සුදානම් ය.

මෙවර මැතිවරණයේ එජාපය නියෝජනය කරමින් සභාපති ධූරය ලබාගන්නට නියාස් හා අමිල නුවන් ලොකු තරගයක සිටී. සැබෑ ලෙසම ගැටුමට එක් හේතුවක් වන්නේ එජාප ලැයිස්තුවේ ඇති මේ හබය යි.
ඊයේ මුල් සිදුවීමෙන් පසුව පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය බලකාය ප්‍රදේශය වෙත යොමු කර තිබුණි. ගාල්ලේ දේශපාලනඥයෙකු විසින් රාත්‍රීයේ එම සෙබළුන් ඉවත් කිරීමට උපදෙස් දී ඇත. රාත්‍රී 08.30 ට පමණ ගැටුම් ඇති වී ඇත්තේ පොලීසිය ඉවත් කිරීමෙන් පසුවය.

ගැටුම් හේතුවෙන් නිවාස හා වෙළෙද ස්ථාන 66 ක්, වාහන 14 කට කුමන හෝ ආකාරයක අලාභයක් සිදුවී ඇත. එයින් බහුතරය මුස්ලිම් ජාතිකයින් සතු දේපල වුව ද, සිංහල ජනතාව ගේ දේපල ද මේ අතර වේ. ගිණි තැබීම් හේතුවෙන් හානි වූ නිවාස ද ජාතීන් දෙකටම අයත් පිරිසගේ ය.

අද ගැටුමෙන් පසුව සාම කමිටුවේ සභාපති ලෙස පත් කොට ඇත්තේ ‘ගැටුමට සම්බන්ධව ජනතාව එක් වූ පන්සලක හිමිනමකි. ගැටුමේ පාර්ශයක් යැයි චෝදනා එල්ල වූ තැනක උදවිය ‘සාම කමිටුවක‘ ප්‍ර‍ධානීත්වයට පත් වන්නේ ‘ගැටුම් නිරාකරණයේ‘ කුමන නිර්ණායක යටතේ ද යන්න ඇමති වජිර අබේවර්ධන හා ගාල්ලේ දිසාපතිගෙන් ඇසිය යුතුව ඇත.

ගැටුමක් ඇතිවිය හැකි තැනක, රාත්‍රීයේ පොලීසිය ඉවත් කිරීම, හා ඉන් පසුව ප්‍ර‍හාර එල්ල කිරීම අලුත්ගම, දර්ගා නගරයේ ද ප්‍ර‍හාරයේ ස්වභාවය විය. ගිංතොට ද සිදුව ඇත්තේ එයම ය. මෙය සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් ගැටුමකට වඩා පළාත් පාලන ඡන්දය ඉලක්කකොට ගත් ‘ඉඩ කඩ ලබාදීමෙන් පසුව සිදුවූ ගැටුමකි‘.

කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්
කැෆේ සංවිධානයේ හා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ

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ගිංතොට ගිණි තැබූ දේශපාලනයේ කථාව

ගිංතොට දී බරපතල සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් ගැටුමක් ඇති විය.  එහි දී දෙපාර්ශවයේම පුද්ගලයින්ගේ දේපලවලට බලවත් හානි සිදුව ඇත.  සත්‍ය ලෙසම මෙම ගැටුම පිටුපස දේශපාලනය තේරුම් ගැනීම තුළින් පමණක් මෙය සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් කෝලාහලයක් නොවන බවත් නින්දිත ජාතික දේශපාලනයේම කොටසක් පමණක් බව වටහා ගැනීමට හැකිවනු ඇත.

සිද්ධිය සැකෙවින්

මහහපුගල දී නොවැ. 13 බයිසිකල් අනතුරක් සිදුවන අතර සිංහල යතුරුපැදිකරු රු. 25,000 ක් අගතියට පත් මුස්ලිම් පාර්ශවය වෙත ගෙවා සිද්ධිය පොලීසියේ දී සමතයක පත්වී ඇත. 

නොවැ. 16 දින සිංහල පුද්ගලයින් කිහිපදෙනෙකු විසින් මුස්ලිම් පුද්ගලයින් දෙදෙනෙකුට පහර දී ඇත.  ඔවුන් කිසිවෙකු 13 දින සිදු වූ බයිසිකල් අනතුරට සම්බන්ධ නැති පිටස්තරයිය.    නොවැ. 16 දින හිටපු එජාප නාගරික මන්ත්‍රී කීයාස් (කයිම් හුසේන්) සමග පැමිණි කණ්ඩායමක් සිංහල පුද්ගලයින්ගේ නිවාස 2 කට පහර දී ඇත. පොලීසිය අමාත්‍ය වජිර අබේවර්ධන ගේ සමීපතමයෙකු හා මැතිවරණයේ දී සභාපති ධූරය අපේක්ෂා කරන  කීයාස් අත්අඩංගුවට පත් විය.  පසුව කීයාස් නිදහස් කරනු ලැබීය. පොලීසිය විසින් මුස්ලිම් අයට පහර දුන් සිංහල පුද්ගලයින් දෙදෙනා ද අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන ඇත. දැන් ඔවුන් රිමාන්ඩ් බන්ධනාගාරයේ ය.

පොලිස් මාධ්‍ය ප්‍ර‍කාශක පවසන්නේ ගිංතොට ථුපාරාමයේ දී අම්බලන්ගොඩ සුමේදානන්ද හිමි හා තංගල්ල අනුරුද්ධ හිමි විසින් ප්‍රකෝප කරවන ලද පිරිස් නොවැ. 17 දින රාත්‍රී ගැටුම් ඇති කළ බවයි. එය සත්‍යයකි.  (එය ඊයේ මා ලියූ සිටහනේ ද නම් රහිතව දැක්වේ.)

1997 බෝපේ පොද්දල සභාවට පුටුව ලකුණින් තරග කළ .උක්වත්ත චන්දිම හිමියන්ගේ  පන්සලට එදින සවස මොල්ලිගොඩ, බිම්බිරිගොඩ හා උක්වත්ත ගම්මානවල වැසියන් එක් වී ඇත.  එම පිරිස අතර ‘හපුගල‘ ගමේ වැසියන් ද විය.  රාත්‍රී 8.30 ට පමණ ප්‍ර‍හාරය එල්ල කළේ ද, උත්සන්න කළේ ද එම පිරිස ය. 

පිටතින් පැමිණි මෙම පිරිසගේ ප්‍ර‍හාරයෙන් මුස්ලිම් බහුතරයකගේ දේපල පමණක් නොව සිංහල අයගේ දේපල ද හානි වී ඇත.  මෙහි දී අවධාරණය කළ යුත්තේ ගැටුම ඇති වූයේ එකම ගමේ මුස්ලිම් – සිංහල අය අතර නොවන බවයි!  චන්දිම හිමි සහ ගැටුම සිදුවන විට එහි සිටි අනෙක් ප්‍රාදේශීය දේශපාලනඥයා වන මාදුගොඩ මහතා  පොහොට්ටුවෙන් ඡන්දය ඉල්ලන්නට සුදානම් අය ය.  (හිටපු සභාපති මාදුගොඩ මහතා හපුගල පදිංචිකරුවෙකි)

අමාත්‍ය වජිර අබේවර්ධන මහතා ගේ ප්‍ර‍ධාන එජාප අපේක්ෂකයින් දෙදෙනා කීයාස් හා අමිල නුවන් ය.  ඔවුන් දෙදෙනාම සභාපති ධූරයේ තරග කරුවන් ය.  දෙදෙනාම සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් විරෝධය මත තම දේශපාලන පැවැත්ම සකසා ගෙන ඇත. දෙදෙනාම ගැටුමට සෘජුව සම්බන්ධය.

මෙම ගැටුම ඇරඹීමට පෙර ගාල්ලේ එජාප ප්‍ර‍බලයින් ඇතිවිය හැකි තත්වය පිළිබද රටේ ඉහළම දේශපාලන නායකත්වයට දැනුම් දී ඇත.  ඒ අතර, ගිංතොට පාරම්පරික එජාප බලවත් ද වෙති.  නමුත්, ගැටුම වලක්වන්නට අතිරේක පොලිස් ආරක්ෂාව ලැබුණේ නැති වා පමණක් නොව තිබූ ආරක්ෂාව ද දැවැන්ත දේපල විනාශයක් සිදු කිරීමට අවශ්‍ය ලෙස සැලකිය යුතු වේළාවකට ලිහිල් විය.

මෙය ගැටුම දර්ගා හා මාවනැල්ල ගැටුම්වල මුලික ව්‍යුහය හා සර්ව සම ය.  ඒ ලෙසම අවසනාවන්තය.  ඒ ලෙසම දේශපාලන අවස්ථාවාදය පෙරදැරිව සිදුව ඇත.

මෙම ගැටුම නිසා සෘජු වාසි බලන කණ්ඩායම් තුන කි.

  1. එයින් පළමු කණ්ඩයම, ගිංතොට සභාපති පුටුව කීයාස් ට හිමිවීම වැලැක්වීමට උත්සහ කරන එජාපයේ හා පොහොට්ටුවේ කණ්ඩායම් ය. (ප්‍රාදේශීය දේශපාලනය)
  2. සදුදා බැදුම්කර කොමිසමේ දී සාක්ෂි ලබාදෙන විට රට ගිණි ජාලාවක් කොට එහි අවධානය වෙනතකට යොමු කිරීම තුලින් වාසි ලැබිය හැකිව තිබූ පිරිස ය.  (ජාතික දේශපාලනය)
  3. තෙවැන්න, අද ලංකාවේ සෑම දෙයකටම බැනුම් ඇසු, එදා දර්ගා හා මාවනැල්ලේ මුස්ලිම් – සිංහල ගැටුම්වලින් දේශපාලනික අවාසියක් ලැබූ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ගේ නෙළුම් පොහොට්ටු කණ්ඩායම ය. (එජාප රජයක් යටතේ ද, මුස්ලිම් ජාතිකයින් අනාරක්ෂිත බව තහවුරු කිරීමට මේ සිදුවීම ප්‍ර‍මාණවත් ය.  සැබවින්ම, රජයටත්, රජයේ දේශපාලනඥයින්ටත් අවශ්‍ය නම් මේ ගැටුම වලක්වාගත හැකිව තිබුණි.  එය සිදු කළේ නැත.)

නොවැ. 13 දින පළමු සිදුවීම සාමාන්‍ය රිය අනතුරකි. (ලංකාවේ දිනකට රිය අනතුරු 130 ක් පමණ සිදුවන අතර 8 දෙනෙකු එයින් මිය යයි.)  නොවැ. 16 දින මුස්ලිම් අයට සිංහල අය පහරදීම මගින් ජාතිවාදී ගැටුමක් බවට පරිවර්ථනය විය. එජාප මුස්ලිම් දේශපාලනඥ කීයාස් හා කණ්ඩායම විසින් එළිපිට සිංහල ජාතිකයින්ගේ නිවෙස් 2 කට පහර දී එය ජාතිවාදී ගැටුමක් බවට පත් කළේය.  එමගින් ඔහු මුස්ලිම් ජාතික ඡන්ද කදවුර ස්ථාපනය කර ගැනීම අපේක්ෂා කරන්න ඇත.  ඉහළ දේශපාලනඥයින් රට පුරා ගැටුමක් බැදුම්කර සාක්ෂිය වෙත ඇති අවධානය අවම කිරීම අපේක්ෂා කළ බව පැහැදිලිය.  උක්වත්ත පන්සලේ සිට සිදු වූ මෙහෙයුම ‘පොහොට්ටු‘ දේශපාලනය යි. ජාතික දේශපාලනයේ දී ගැටුමේ උපරිම වාසිය එම කණ්ඩායමට නුදුරේ දී ලැබෙනු ඇත!

මේ සියල්ලේම එකතුව පහත ඡායාරූපවලින් දැක්වෙන ව්‍යසනය යි.  මෙය සිංහල – මුස්ලිම් ගැටුමක් නොව ‘ප්‍රාදේශීය හා ජාතික දේශපාලනයේ කොටසකි.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය හා කැෆේ සංවිධානය

 

ජනාධිපති ඉස්සරහ තියාගෙන විමල් අද (18) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කළ අපූරු කතාව

November 19th, 2017

Wimal Weerawansa

 

රොබරිපාලලා අලුත් රටක් හදන්න ඇවිත් දින විස්සෙන් මහ බැංකුව කැඩුවා.. මේව කුරුදුවත්තෙ රොබරි.. ජනපති ඉදිරියේදී විමල් කියයි..

November 19th, 2017

lanka C news

බෙදුම්වාදී ව්‍යවස්ථාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගෙන නොඑනා ලෙස මොන මත වෙනස්කම් තිබුනද පොලොන්නරුවේ හැදුනු වැඩුනු පුද්ගලයෙකු ලෙස ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාගෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටින බව පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී ඔහු මෙම අදහස් පල කරද්දී ජනාධිපති මෛත‍්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතාද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අසුන් ගෙන සිටියේය.

ආණ්ඩුවේ මන්ත‍්‍රීවරුන්ම මන්ත‍්‍රීවරයාගේ එම ප‍්‍රකාශයට බාධා කරද්දී ඔහු කියා සිටියේ ‘ඔ්ගොල්ලන්ගෙ ජනාධිපතිතුමාට එහෙම කියනකොට මොකද්ද ඔ්ගොල්ලන්ට තියෙන අමාරුව. සංතෝසම් මහත්තයො හිනාවෙන්න. කෑගහන්න.

දැං ජනාධිපතිතුමාට තේරෙනවනෙ එතුම ගැන අපි පොඩි හරි දෙයක් කියනකොට කලබල වෙන්නෙ කවුද කියල. කලබල වෙන්නේ ඇයි කියල’

‘රොබරිපාලලා දින සීයෙන් අලුත් රටක් හදන්න ඇවිත් දින විස්සෙන් මහ බැංකුව කැඩුවා’ යයිද මන්ත‍්‍රීවරයා කියද්දී ජනාධිපතිවරයා සිනාසෙනු පෙනින.

විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේදී කරන ලද සම්පුර්ණ කතාව මෙතනින්

අදාල වීඩියෝ මෙතනින් 01 02

https://www.facebook.com/WimalWeerawansa.sl/videos/1415866648531151/

PM summoned by Commission only to clarify certain points

November 19th, 2017

BY GAGANI WEERAKOON Courtesy Ceylon Today

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe will appear before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Treasury Bonds scam tomorrow in an unprecedented incidence. Much has been said about the matter with Government and Opposition ranks arguing on the correct position – that is whether the Prime Minister has been summoned by the Commission or whether he is voluntarily appearing before the Commission.

Ever since PM Wickremesinghe ‘offered’ to appear before the fact finding Commission, much had been said. By last week, speculation was circulating amongst both United National Party (UNP) and Sri Lanka Freedom Party ranks to the effect that President Maithripala Sirisena might ask the PM to step down from the post before the latter’s expected appearance at the Commission. It was also reported that three senior UNP Ministers met President Sirisena and protested against the PM being ‘summoned’ to give evidence.

With all these stories starting to circulate, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and Ministers Malik Samarawickrema and Kabir Hashim met the President on Monday (13). They had pointed the finger at President’s Coordinating Secretary Attorney-at-Law Shiral Lakthilaka of being responsible for all these stories being circulated, a UNP source stated.

Premier Wickremesinghe who will go before the Commission, will most probably be not questioned by the officials of the Attorney General’s Department as he is only being requested to come and clarify certain answers he had already forwarded to the Commission through an affidavit. The questionnaire was sent to him by the Commission on an earlier date.

The PM made a statement to Parliament on 17 March 2015 about the Bond issue. That was the first official statement on behalf of the Government on the matter after the commotion following the 27 February 2015 Bond issue.

“The entire speech is in the Hansard of the day. Based on that, there are some of the questions that have to be asked for clarification, verification and explanation from the PM in the public interest. Why did he appoint a committee of inquiry on the 27th itself? Who asked him to do it? Why did he select three UNP lawyers for this investigation? Why didn’t he nominate a financial expert or a person knowledgeable on the subject?” the Anti-Corruption Front stated yesterday.

Meanwhile, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) said in Parliament that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is directly responsible for the Treasury Bonds scam.

JVP’s Kalutara District MP Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa participating in the third reading stage debate on Budget 2018 said: “When we look in retrospect from the taking of the Central Bank under his ministerial purview to appointing the Central bank Governor and to the matters which had been revealed in the COPE and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, it is crystal clear that the Prime Minister should be held responsible for the massive loss caused by the Treasury Bond scam. He cannot get away from this crime.

His complicity in the crime is now very clear”.

MP Dr. Jayatissa said that the Prime Minister’s involvement in the scam is proven with ten factors and outlined them one by one. “The first factor was the Prime Minister taking over the Central Bank separating it from the Finance Ministry. The Central Bank had always been under the Finance Ministry. His taking over of the Central Bank under his wing was similar to then President Mahinda Rajapaksa keeping the Attorney General’s Department and Legal Draftsman’s Department under his purview.

“The second factor was appointing a foreign citizen for the post of Governor of the Central Bank irrespective of opposition from various quarters.

“Third factor was appointing three lawyers connected to the Sirikotha, UNP headquarters to investigate the Bond scam. The three lawyers had no credentials to prove their ability to investigate a Bond transaction.

“The fourth factor was removing UNP MP M. Velukumar from the COPE in the middle of the investigation of the Bond scam and filling the vacancy with Deputy Minister Sujeewa Senasinghe who had already written a book titled ‘Ettha Nettha’ (Truth and Untruth) on the issue. Senasinghe had already given his judgment on the matter in his book so he was prejudiced in the investigation.

“The fifth factor is that former Central Bank Governor Arjun Mahendran’s statement to the COPE that it was he who ordered the direct placement method for Bond sales.

“The sixth factor was the behaviour of UNP members at the COPE sittins during the Committee’s probe on Bond scam. The UNP members of the COPE behaved on the direct instructions of the Prime Minister. Their actions in the Committee proved that they received instructions from a single source.

“The seventh factor was the addition of some facts which had no relevance to the COPE report by the UNP members of the Committee.

“The Governor of the Central Bank Arjun Mahendran was kept in the same position till his term ended though the entire country was shouting against it. That was the eighth factor. The Prime Minister was against the removal and insisted that Mahendran should be there till the latter’s term ends.

“The ninth factor was to get Ven. Thiniyawala Palitha Thera of the UNP’s Bhiikhu Front to file a petition before the Supreme Court against the COPE report after the release of the report.

“The last factor was not taking any action against those responsible for the crime of the Bond scam even after its exposure and revelation.

“These ten factors would indicate to anyone that the Prime Minister is directly responsible for the Bond scam. He cannot absolve himself of the crime now. The case is proven before the eyes of all,” MP Dr. Jayatissa said.

Speaker should probe members of COPE committee – Mahinda

November 19th, 2017

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated that the speaker of parliament should investigate the undocumented communication between the members of the COPE committee and those accused of being involved in the Central bank bond scandal.

He further stated that the behavior of those parliamentarians has destroyed the faith bestowed in the COPE committee.

The former President expressed these sentiments following his visit of the Asgiriya chief prelates earlier today (19).

Match at Hulftsdorp

November 19th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Monday, November 20th, 2017

The government is left with egg on its face, having done its damnedest to cover up the bond scams, but in vain. It, initially, ordered a sham probe in an abortive bid to hoodwink the public and unleashed its propaganda hounds on its critics who flagged the issue. Today, everybody knows that some yahapalana cronies have made huge profits through fraudulent Treasury bond transactions.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is scheduled to appear before the presidential commission of inquiry probing bond scams, today. All eyes are on commission proceedings.

Meanwhile, some UNP MPs are reeling from the findings of a CID probe into their links with Arjun Aloysius, the owner of the Perpetual Treasures Pvt. Ltd (PTL), involved in the bond scams. Pretending to be the victims of a political witch-hunt, they claim they have been singled out whereas about 40 MPs have received calls from Aloysius.

Let these protesting politicians be told that the problem is not MPs calling Aloysius or receiving calls from him. The problem is that some of the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) members called him and/or were called by him while they were conducting a parliamentary investigation into bond scams his company was held responsible for.

The Joint Opposition (JO) is flogging the telephone issue hard and baying for blood in a bid to gain political mileage. What moral right does it have to do so? Its cantankerous members did not make a whimper when it was revealed, while they were in power, that the then Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne had issued a letter to the Customs, requesting priority clearance for a container, which was later found to contain a massive haul of heroin. The CID did not probe the PM, who should have been arrested, interrogated and remanded pending investigations. We, in this space, called for legal action against Jayaratne, but to no avail.

In a country, burdened with ‘governments of rogues by rogues for rogues’, any citizen, in his proper senses, needs a national government like a hole in the head. For, the coming together of inveterate thieves of all political stripes is bad for the people. Between the Jan. 2015 regime change and the general election that followed a few months later, the UNP and the SLFP, having formed a national government, got on like a house on fire and, together, covered up the first bond scam (Feb. 2015). President Maithripala Sirisena prevented a COPE report on that mega financial crime being presented to Parliament. Thus, he ensured that the damning COPE findings would not have an adverse impact on the UNP’s general election campaign. He wanted the UNP to win so as to thwart his bete noire, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attempt to make a comeback as the Prime Minister and claw his way up through the political rubble. If President Sirisena had acted out of principle rather than expediency, letting the COPE findings be publicised, people would have been able to make an informed decision at the August 2015 general election, and the second bond scam could have been prevented in 2016. However, he deserves the credit for appointing the current presidential commission which has dug much deeper into the bond scams than the COPE headed by JVP MP Sunil Handunnetti.

It was the relentless efforts by a section of the media, intrepid Central Bank officials and a handful of courageous Attorney General’s Department counsel, backed by some CID officers of integrity that helped prevent the truth anent the bond scams being suppressed. The government shamelessly continues to defend the bond racketeers. It is flaying Senior Additional Solicitor General Dappula de Livera et al for not giving the rogues who appear before the bond commission kid glove treatment. The errant COPE members are out for the scalps of the CID officers who obtained their call data. The police did not release their findings to the media. A document pertaining to the telephone calls at issue was placed before the bond commission and the media picked it up.

The ground was craftily prepared for Attorney General Jayantha Jayasuriya’s cameo performance before the bond commission today. He is expected to lead the PM’s evidence. Government propaganda hit men demonised De Livera et al as persons who couldn’t question witnesses in a decent manner.

Everybody will be watching today’s match, as it were, to be played at Hulftsdorp, where a batting wicket is believed to have been prepared. The ball is expected to be tossed. De Livera, the much-feared pacie, known for his toe crushing yokers, won’t be played today, we are told. Cheerleaders are ready. But, let the yahapalana worthies be urged to bear in mind that it is not the decisions of the two umpires on the field that matter in this encounter but those of the independent third umpire—the discerning public.

WILL BRITAIN DO THE RIGHT THING BY SRI LANKA?

November 19th, 2017

By SANJA DE SILVA JAYATILLEKA Courtesy The Island


On Tuesday, 14th of November 2017, Dinesh Gunawardena introduced a resolution in Parliament requesting that in view of Lord Naseby’s revelations in the House of Lords on the number of civilian deaths during the last stages of the war, “Sri Lanka should take action to pursue this matter with Britain’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office and with the Human Rights Commission[sic] to change their unjust position in regard to Sri Lanka…and that the Government should also report back to Parliament on this matter.”

State Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Vasantha Senanayake responding, informed the House that he had already written to Lord Naseby in his official capacity, thanking him for his efforts. More importantly, he also said he suspects that should the Foreign and Commonwealth Office remove the redacted sections of the letters obtained by Lord Naseby, it would prove that “the Sri Lanka Army fought a much cleaner war than is often alleged in the international arena” and that “the sincerity of the armed forces will become undisputed”.

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The UK was one of the drivers of Resolution 30/1 on 1st October 2015. Were Britain’s representatives in Geneva aware at the time that UKwas in possession of information that could radically alter the estimates of civilian deaths?

Before that Resolution was taken up for discussion, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights presented the “Comprehensive report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on Sri Lanka on its investigation on Sri Lanka”.

Responding to the presentation of this report, the British representative at the UN Human Rights Council said:”Without facts, there can be no justice, no end to impunity… We therefore welcome the report’s conclusion and recommendations…seeking the truth, ensuring justice…are essential.”

Indeed. But not all the facts were at hand. When these sentiments were being expressed at the Human Rights Council by its representative, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) already knew that not all the facts had been considered. The facts that had been withheld were of critical importance to the conclusions of the investigation by the Office of the Human Rights High Commissioner, not least because of the principle of proportionality in war.

The British representative, making General Comments after the co-sponsored Resolution was adopted, said significantly:”And I wish to express my deep appreciation to the

High Commissioner and his OISL team who produced such a professional and significant report which has formed the key basis for this resolution.”

Since Britain was a leading sponsor of Resolution 30/1, one has no reason to doubt this. It therefore has to be questioned as to why Britain did not proffer to the High Commissioner’s team of investigators, information that would be critical to their conclusions, and proceeded instead to sponsor a Resolution that they knew was based on a report that lacked the completeness of information that would perhaps have led them to a different conclusion.

The Human Rights High Commissioner’s report, under the section “Impact of hostilities on civilians and civilian objects”, starts its first paragraph with the sentence:

“On the basis of the information in the possession of the investigation team, there is reasonable grounds to believe that many of the attacks reviewed in the present report did not comply with the principles on which the conduct of hostilities, notably the principle of distinction.”

It further speaks of “large scale crimes” and “system crimes” which necessitate going beyond Sri Lanka’s existing legal system:

“Effective prosecution strategies for large-scale crimes, such as those described by the investigation team, focus on their systemic nature and their planners and organizers. The presumption behind such “system crimes” is that they are generally of such a scale that they require some degree of organization to perpetrate them. Even sophisticated legal systems like those in Sri Lanka – which may be well suited to deal with ordinary crimes – may lack the capacity to address system crimes and to bring effective remedy to their victims.”

It has now been convincingly revealed thanks to Lord Naseby, that the OISL reportdid not possess an adequate basis on which to come to those very damaging conclusions.

The High Commissioner’s comprehensive Report, which the British representative said “formed the key basis” for the Resolution, says under the same heading, “… the investigation was not conclusive on the proportionality assessment for each of the incidents in the present report…” This is an important principle in arriving at a conclusion of whether a state has committed genocide or crimes against humanity. These are the most serious crimes that a state can commit, and no state in the world would want to be falsely accused of it.

A solution based on a falsehood can never benefit humanity, as we all saw after the “WMD” intervention by the US-UK in Iraq. The tale of the “dodgy dossier” is now the stuff of International Relations history. It only led to breeding more, and more vicious, terrorism. Withholding information which could help arrive at the truth,damages any country’s credentials as a champion of human rights.

In his impressive address to Parliament on the matter,the State Minister of Foreign Affairs Vasantha Senanayakespoke of the long standing friendly relations with Britain and “the level of trust we have always enjoyed with the UK”. He hopes his letter to Lord Naseby will help to bring “real justice” for Sri Lanka while questioning why the British authorities had gone to such “extraordinary lengths” to deprive Lord Naseby of “pertinent information”.

It is curiousthat if there exists any evidence that would assist in removing false allegationsof a very serious sort against a friendly country that the FCO would refuse to provide that information. It is fairly clear that they have a moral obligation to comply with Lord Naseby’s request for further information. Lord Naseby revealed that it wasn’t easy to get hold of the dispatches from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and that he had to resort to the Right to Information Act to get them.

At the UPR in Geneva this week, Sri Lanka has accepted 177 of the 230 recommendations presented to it. The full report of the summary of proceedings after editorial adjustments, including the recommendations, will be made available on the 24th of November 2017. No attempt was made by Sri Lanka’s delegates to the UPR to bring the new evidence unearthed by Lord Naseby to the attention of the Human Rights Council, nor formally request the British government to release the information to the Council. Instead, they reiterated the Government’s firm commitment to implementing Resolution 30/1.

In the meantime, the second edition of Gordon Weiss’ book ‘The Cage’ is out with its back cover screaming in capital letters of “TENS OF THOUSANDS OF CIVILIANS KILLED”.

Sri Lankan citizens are not interested in a cover-up of past misdeeds. Nor however are they happy to be pawns in a wider game of international politics or electoral politics in Britain, and would do what they can to ensure that the truth about an important period of their country’s history will be established. Hon. Dinesh Gunawardena and State Minister Vasantha Senanayake showed that parliamentarians on both sides of the aisle are of the same view. Sri Lankans want to live in a decent society, enjoy human rights and have no desire to encourage impunity in their government or their military. But above all, they want justice based on truth, notfalse allegations.


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