Dr Sarath Obeysekera

 Sri Lanka cricket legend Kumar Sangakkara publicly grouching about the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) not answering his calls has sparked a social media storm with both helpful tips and barbs thrown at him.

IS this how aN important government agency responds .I myself had the same problem and tried to contact CEB for action during a long power failure .Few weeks back I had similar encounter with  the Water Board also .Water supply was cut off for our New Shipyard by the Kotehena water board office in the evening .Next day at 7 am over 100 workers were to report to work .They have cut the water without properly checking bill payments .We have paid all the bills as per their invoices .

I was desperate to get it connected and called the are Additional General Manager whom I personally knew ,As soon as he took the phone at 8 pm on the same day ,he was asking me why are calling me this time of the Day and he was rude and told me that I may  not have paid bills .I confirmed that we are up to date and wanted him to call Kotahena office and as them to reconnect immediately .He ignored my request and asked me to send a SMS !!!

I wonder whether he was intoxicated at that time ( later I found that he as that habit) .He knew who  I was and yet he said I cannot help

These top officers in CEB ,Water Board Telecom enjoy so many perks and spend comfortable life .They do not bother about the citizens who pay bills to maintain them

I fully endorse what Sanga did and I hope everyone can write twitter complain so that top managers in these organization heed to complains and take action.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

BY Ruwan Laknath Jayakody Courtesy Ceylon Today

Much decorated soldier, one time Commander of the Sri Lanka Army, Diplomat and now author, General Gerry H. de Silva is a man of many parts. His memoir ‘A Most Noble Profession – Memories That Linger’ (2012) and more recently ‘War Heroes Killed-In-Action’ have been launched and is currently working on the biography of Lieutenant General Denis Perera titled ‘The General of all Generals’.

In a wide ranging interview he expressed his frank opinions on a variety of subjects.

Here are excerpts of the interview:

What were the main challenges the military faced during the war, when you were at the helm of the Army?

A : Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa were the persons behind the military victory. They gave the Army all the facilities including the increase in manpower strength (approximately 300,000 in the Army alone and the Navy and the Air Force had corresponding increases), state of the art weaponry ammunition and communications, even ships and aircraft respectively for the Navy and the Air Force, to fight the war.

Having insufficient strength was always an issue. When I commanded the Army, it was 120,000 and it was not possible to fight in the North and the East simultaneously. This is probably why the campaign and the war went on for so long.

This is because politicians are never happy with a large Army as they fear the Army will take power. When I mentioned this to then Minister of National Security Lalith Athulathmudali, he said “Look, I am convinced, but please come and try and convince my Cabinet colleagues that you need this amount of manpower.” Actually, right throughout we were telling them that we needed at least twice the number of troops we had. This was to fight and to hold. When one goes forward and brings areas under the Government’s control, one has to place troops on the ground. This denudes one’s fighting strength as the troops are reduced. We could not do both. We could not convince the Governments at the time. We asked for the troops but never got.

We got the strength and the combat supplies was during the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government because Gotabaya Rajapaksa had operational experience (part of the Vadamarachchi campaign). He had knowledge of what was required to finish the war (and what we lacked) and also about the measly treatment given to us.

We could have finished the war during the Vadamarachchi operation. Deceased LTTE Leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran and his troops were beaten in Vadamarachchi and were packing their bags to go to India.

Unfortunately, the Indians intervened then and we had to stop the war at a time when we were moving towards Jaffna, following Vadamarachchi. I as the overall operations commander was summoned from the field when Lieutenant General Denzil Kobbekaduwa was leading from the West axis from Keerimalai to Jaffna (and had come up to Chunnakam) and Major General Vijaya Wimalaratne was leading the second brigade group with the axis from Achchuveli to Jaffna, and we were asked to stop. I was called to the operations room and General S. Cyril Ranatunga told me, “Stop, and consolidate where you are. Otherwise, the Indians will come.”

Indians had ideas of invading Sri Lanka, because the Tamil politicians of then, who were in India at the time, had influenced the Union Government (the Tamil Nadu factor was important as they formed part of the then Indian Government) to in turn influence the Indian Government to get us to stop the operations in Jaffna.

What did you make of the proposed political solution to the issue?

A: Successive governments tried to bring about a political solution. Just before Kumaratunga came in, we discussed with the Prime Minister of the then UNP Government, Ranil Wickremesinghe from 1 January, 1994 till the election took place. He approved of our plan to take Jaffna but when it went to the President, he said that there would be too many civilian casualties. Two weeks later, he dissolved the Parliament and called for an election.

When Chandrika Kumaratunga became President, we briefed her. Then she told the BBC that we were warmongers and that as she had come on a platform for peace, let us negotiate. The LTTE had the same organization operating in Kilinochchi. I said if you do not allow us to go to Jaffna, at least allow us to take Kilinochchi because our troops were in Elephant Pass and also even if one wanted to negotiate with the LTTE, having Kilinochchi would leave one in a better bargaining position. She said “I will let you know next week,”, and came back and said ‘sorry’. This is how the negotiations started.

What was the role of the then General and current Field Marshal, Sarath Fonseka?

A : Actually, even the Government recognized that Fonseka was the only Commander who could deliver. Mahinda Rajapaksa, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Fonseka got together and worked out a strategy, which was the success of the entire final operation where we destroyed the LTTE. He must be given a lot of credit for all that.

He was a very strong willed commander. He could motivate his troops, enhance the morale of the troops to fight the war and win it, especially the senior officers and get them to see his way of thinking.

The biggest drawback for the LTTE was the Deep Penetration Patrol (DPP) Units, which they called Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols, which is a misnomer because reconnaissance personnel do not fight. These guys secretly went behind enemy lines and knocked off a lot of the LTTE leaders. So much so that they were so scared to come out, they said “We are not going to come out.”

Then the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) signed by Wickremesinghe came in 2002. Wickremesinghe never referred the matter to the Army or didn’t let us know. Even Kumaratunga did not know. We were kept in the dark about the CFA.

In the CFA, one of the clauses was that we had to stop all these DPPs. Fonseka, when he took over, got four-man and eight-man small teams of DPPs, who went behind enemy lines, breaking into enemy territory, got information, called on enemy fire, and bumped off a lot of their leaders. This was most effective. When the campaign started in 2005, there were only 1,500 DPP personnel. By 2009, he had approximately 35,000. They were given special commando training on how to call down artillery fire and fire from aircrafts. This was one of the biggest factors in the victory.

There was controversy surrounding the procurement of weapons during this period. What do you know of this?

A : I do not think that intimate details of the purchase of MiGs were ever given. There was a lot of controversy over that.

What do you make of the war crimes allegations?

A: It is totally unfair to label a soldier, a war criminal. The thing is that we were fighting a war. The allegations are concerning the last stages.

All civilians in the area, over 250,000, were captured by the LTTE and were used as human shields in their last, sort of hasty form of defence, around Nandikadal and Vellamullivaikkal. They fired mortars and guns from within the no-fire zones (NFZs). One has to react. In any war, there are casualties including civilians.

Parties to the conflict must agree to abide by NFZs. If the other side does not agree, there is no point in having NFZs. The LTTE did not abide by these rules. When one returns fire, there are bound to be casualties. When a bomb falls killing two of one’s fellow soldiers, what is the reaction of the soldier whose comrades are dying? He has been taught to fight a war. He goes to their rescue, and naturally he has to take action and react to the situation.

The people who are propagating this theory of war crimes, like the Western powers such as the United States of America (USA), are the ones involved in the most number of war crimes.

What happens if a soldier is taken to Courts? What will be the morale of the troops? If there is a situation like this in the future, they will hesitate to react. They reacted to save the unity, integrity and sovereignty of the country and to bring back peace, where all ethnic communities can live together in harmony and in justice. That is the purpose of the soldier.

Does this mean that a blanket immunity should be provided to soldiers for criminal offences?

A: A blanket immunity should not be given. If they exceed, as in cases where soldiers at roadblocks had stopped women, and raped and murdered, they should certainly be taken to Court. These are acts of indiscipline which bring a bad image to the military and the country.

Why have you all not raised a voice against this?

A : It is a good idea to appeal to and get civil society groups to stand up to this.

The only thing is that military men do not like to get involved in politics. This requires a lot of discussion and thinking. The Citizens’ Movement for Good Governance and the Organization of Professional Associations can take it up and must be encouraged to do so.

How should the military face this transition following the war?

A : Actually, this is peacetime. The number one priority must be given to training, where one preparesfor war and peacekeeping operations.

The rehabilitation of the troops and their families must take place. A lot of these people need counselling. In fighting the war at the front, they have gone through so much of tension and trauma, also their families. Other countries found that if the soldiers are not counselled and put on the correct path (mentally), and given some sort of occupation, he goes haywire. He is a misfit in society who creates a lot of problems as a result.

I do not think that enough is being done in this regard. There must be civil society organizations that cater to these and organize counselling programmes. It has to reach out to the families. In my own experience, my wife and children would be found kneeling, hoping and praying for my safe passage when I would sometimes come home from the operational area.

Building houses alone is not enough.

What is the role of the military now?

A : The military is being used to help out in national development tasks. This is a very good idea, where they can improve the conditions of the country for the poor and the marginalized.

It is in peacetime that control and discipline must be at the highest.

Did the LTTE have a legitimate cause?

A : They just wanted power. To quote politician Douglas Devananda, “It is not Tamil nationalism now. It is obvious that Prabhakaran wants power to rule with the power of the gun.”

Indian Tamils all over the world saw him as the champion of the Tamils.

They did not want peace. Four times they came for negotiations and they pulled out on some flimsy excuse. Their entire thing was power.

What is the role of reconciliation?

A : If we do not reconcile with all, the Tamils, all of this will go by the boards, if they still do not get a package for the people. It is true that they were discriminated against and they have to be looked after. How the problem started must be analyzed and that problem must be approached and one must attempt to solve it. The Governments, although they have said that they would bring about a package of devolution two years after the end of the war, now almost eight years after the end of the war, there is still nothing.

We have to accept them. They are part of our country and people. We have to live with them. Whatever said and done, in the future we have to live with all communities. We have to accede to their requests. Of course, they should be reasonable requests and we should not accept the fact that they want a separate State.

Some sort of package of devolution where we will keep them happy and they have some sort of autonomy must be given, so something must be worked out. We have still not done that. Till then we will have a lot of disgruntled people. Every day is a day too late.

Nalaka Godahewa accuses govt of bending the law නීතිය නමන්න පටන් අරන්

දිනේෂ්ගේ වෙන්ව යන යෝජනාව සම්මතයි

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

හිටපු ජනපති චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග පහුගිය දා වේයන්ගොඩ උත්සවයකට සහභාගී වෙමින් මේ රටට කොන්ද පණ ඇති නායකයින් අවශ්‍යයි යැයි පැවසුවා.  

ඔව්.  අවශ්‍යයි.  හිතන දේ කියන, කියන දේ කරන, කරන දේ කියන, වංගු ගහන්නේ නැතුව, ඇල වෙන්නේ නැතුව, ඇඹරෙන්නේ නැතුව කෙලින් කතා කරන, කෙලින් වැඩ කරන අය අවශ්‍යයි. කොන්ද පණ ඇති නායකයෝ වගේ ම කොන්ද පණ ඇති වෘතිකයින්,  කොන්ද පණ ඇති රජයේ සේවකයින්, මාධ්‍යවේදීන්, ගුරුවරු, ආචාර්ය මහාචාර්යවරු අවශ්‍යයි.  

ඒ වගේ ම කොන්ද පණ ඇති පුරවැසියෝ අවශ්‍යයි.  

කොන්ද කෙලින් වුනාට මදි.  

චන්ද්‍රිකා ට කොන්ද පණ ඇති නායකයෙක් අවශ්‍ය වෙන්නේ රට හදන්න වත් දූෂණය වංචාව ට තිත තියන්න වත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ස්ථාපිත කරන්න වත් නෙවෙයි.  එයාට ඒවා වැඩක් නැති බව 1994 සිට 2005 දක්වා හොඳට පැහැදිලි කෙරුව.  එයාට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ (හැමදාම වගේ) සිංහලයා වගේම බෞද්ධයත් දුර්වල කරන්න. ඒ සුළු ජාතින් ගැන ඇතිවුන මහා කරුණාවක් නැත්නම් අනුකම්පාවක් නිසා නෙවෙයි, එයාගේ පන්තිය නැත්තම් පැලැන්තිය ආරක්ෂා කිරීම ට එය අනිවාර්යය කොන්දේසියක් නිසා.  

හොඳටම කෙලින් කොඳු තියෙන අය හොඳ වැඩ ම කරන්නේ නැහැ.  ඍජු කොඳු තියෙන අයට ජඩ වැඩ අකැපත් නැහැ. ජඩ වැඩ  නොකරන්නේත් නැහැ.  අවශ්‍ය කොඳු තියෙන හොඳ මිනිස්සු.  හොඳ මිනිස්සු (මම දකින විදිහට) තමන් ගැන නිවැරදි තක්සේරුවකින් ඉන්නේ.  තමන් ගැන මෙන්ම සමූහය ගැනද අවබෝධයක් තියෙනවා හොඳ මිනිස්සුන් ට.  වෛරය, ඊර්ෂ්‍යාව එයාලට නැහැ. සමූහයක් වෙනුවෙන් කැප වෙද්දී පුද්ගලික න්‍යායපත්‍ර නැහැ.  දන්න නොදන්නා දේ වගේම කල හැකි නොහැකි දේ ද දන්නවා.  බැරි දේවල් බාර ගන්නෙත් නැහැ කරන්න යන්නෙත් නැහැ — එත් පුළුවන් දේ අවංකව හැකි උපරිමයෙන් කරනවා.  මිනිසුන් අතර ඇති වෙනස් කම් දකින පිළිගන්න අතර සමානකම් පොදුකම් වලට වැඩි වටිනාකමක් දෙනවා. ඒ හැම ගුණාංගයක් ම ප්‍රගුණ කරන්න නම් කොන්දක් තියෙන්න ඕන.  මේ කිසි දෙයක් නැති  ඒත් කොන්දක් තියෙන නායකයින්ගෙන් රටට වැඩක් නැහැ.   අපට ඇත්තේ කොන්ද ඇද වෙලා තියෙන තක්කඩි නායකයෝ. 

තේරුම් ගත යුතු යමක් තියෙනවා.  අපට අවශ්‍ය විදිහෙ නායකයෝ උඩින් පාත්වෙන්නේ නැහැ. අවශ්‍ය විදිහේ නායකයෙක් ලැබෙන්නේ එවන් නායකයෙක් අවශ්‍ය රටකට, ජනතාවකට.  තක්කඩි ජනතාවකට, කොන්ද පණ නැති ජනතාවකට සුපිරි ගණයේ නායකයින් ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැ.  තක්කඩි නායකයින් ම ලැබෙනවා.  

ලැබී ඇති නායකයින් දිහා බලන කොට අපිට අපි මොන ජාතියේ ජනතාවක් ද කියල හිතා ගන්න පුළුවන් වෙනවා.  

එහෙනම් අපි වෙනත් ආකාරයක රටක්, ජනතාවක් බවට පත් විය යුතුයි.  ඇද වුනු කොඳු කෙලින් කර ගත යුතුයි.  නායකත්වය ගැන කතා කල යුත්තේ පසුව යි.

කියවන්න:
ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය මහජන උවමනාව සහ දේශපාලන උවමනාව පටලවා ගෙන ද?
කොලේ ඉරාගෙන ඇඟේ හලාගන්නේ නැතුව ඉන්න නම්….
මැච්-ෆික්ස් කරල ඇප නැති කර ගැනීම

By Usvatte-aratchi Courtesy The Island

On 11 November in the evening news, President Maithripala Sirisena claimed that his state (mage rajaya) would not permit anyone who fought in the war against LTTE to be brought to court for his conduct in battle. Leave aside the legality and morality of that statement, no President can claim ownership of this state. Nor can Xi Jining claim that Chong Guo is his state. Sri Lanka is not the President’s state.

A few years ago, there was a President who acted as if this state was his estate and paid dearly for his folly. Four centuries ago, there was an unwise king dubbed Sun King who claimed ‘L’ etat c’est moi’ (The state, am I) and his successors paid for that folly with their heads on the guillotine. In contrast, this government is the President’s. He created it, at least in law, he preserves it and may destroy it, a sort of three in one, a tihai, of which the President is very fond. He would have been perfectly lawful had he said, ‘My government will not permit …’, although whether that statement is right or wrong is another matter. In Britain there is no government but Her Majesty’s. That is because for everything that the queen does, there is one of her ministers legally responsible, beginning with the First Minister.

In the US, there is the President’s Administration, with ‘government’ rarely used in that context. This practice, where a President appoints his Cabinet of Secretaries (as they are called, derived from 18th century English usage) subject to approval by Congress (Parliament), is a practically useful one. It is a part of the principle of separation of powers in practice. It answers, in part, to the murmur here that professionals take part in government. (I do not have that faith that professionals are men and women of high integrity implicit in this argument. There are too many instances of corruption and dishonesty among them for me to accept that. In Cabinets we have had professionals, who have displayed the most deplorable traits of character!) What is significant is that given pervasive jealousy in this society (no matter, the recitation several times a day ‘suvaco ch’assa mudu anatimani), members of Parliament, who will have lost opportunities to make money hand in fist, will swell to go after ministers to get them by the throat. We may be able to set thieves to catch thieves.

Perhaps, we may be able to reduce abuse of power in including corruption – a double perhaps – because corruption seems to be something well entrenched. (Do we say well enshrined?) in Sri Lanka culture. Abuse and misuse of terms, either out of ignorance or with malice forethought, is quite common here and it is a good beginning to start correction with an instance from the President of the Republic.

Governments, the most stable of them, are short-lived. In some states, it is written in to the basic law of the state that government shall not live beyond a short specified period of time, for instance four years in US. In others, governments end when those who created a government indirectly, tell it that they do not support it to last anymore. That happens when a majority of members in Parliament pass a vote of no confidence in a government. In some, a government may end when the army or the people rebel against the continuance of that government. The most recent instance is the revolt against Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. We have seen many times over governments in Asia change in similar processes, Thailand most frequently. The state of Lanka has existed for a very long time, although with interruptions. The state of the United States of America has existed continuously since 1776. The Republic of India is a young state. Some states have disintegrated as did USSR in1989 and Yugoslavia a few years later. Others have merged with another, e.g. GDR with West Germany. State and government are separate and distinct entities and to confuse one with the other misleads the reader. The terms in Sinhala are rajaya (state) and anduva (government) and are used entirely without care.

Government revenue and income

That same day in Parliament, Minister Pathali Ranawaka, one of the most intelligent and well instructed men in the House, spoke of income of government from taxation. A highly reputed tuition master in economics made the same remark at a press conference. Surely, both these men knew, better than most, that revenue of government was not its income. Anyone who runs a kade (chaiwala) knows that revenue is different from income. Income comprises wages, profits, interest and rent. Tax receipts of government are none of these and are a part of the income of taxpayers. A government collects profits when an enterprise it owns, earns them. It collects interest on the money it lends to its employees. It collects rent when it leases its buildings or land. It does not earn wages though it pays out a lot. Total annual income of government in our country does not exceed 4% of its annual revenue. All students in Year 12 in school and university men and women who study Economics or Commerce know that. Why confuse everybody when with a little bit of sense (a little bit of sense, as Alfred Doolittle, the dustman, might have sung, with a step, after a beer, which the good minister has made cheaper) in the use of common terms, that confusion can be avoided?

All taxes are paid by people. Neither commodities (commodity taxes or goods and services taxes) nor corporations pay taxes. Taxes on imports as well as income taxes are paid by people. All taxes on corporations are paid by its owners. All taxes, however collected, transfer a part of people’s income to government. So, all taxes, no matter direct or indirect or inflation, call forth the same reactions from taxpayers. Consequently, the claim by government that they imposed taxes without burdening the people is baloney. If a government increases the ratio (note well, ratio not proportion) of tax revenue to GDP, there is no way it can do so without increasing the burden of taxation on the people. That verse in budu guna alankaraya, ‘ron aragena semin-yana bingu lesin kusumin- satata duk no demin- ganiti puda panduru pera niyamin’, which some in Parliament sometimes quote, is written out of poetic licence and has no practical relevance. The idea that government earns income may lie behind the common clamour for larger layout for education, health or for higher wages to government servants, without making it explicit that that demand requires that either less is spent on other functions and more commonly that the burden of taxation on the people increase. I am perplexed every time that the President, who is the Head of Government, offers to spend large sums of money without reference to the Ministry of Finance. How can the head of government put his own government in jeopardy with such cavalier commitments? Every demand by the public for increased expenditure by government is by itself (ipso facto) a demand for raising the burden of taxation. When present day citizens pay increased taxes they bear the burden of taxation. People who will live in future will pay out of their earnings when a government borrows now and spends now and pays back the lenders from future tax revenue. Some might find this immoral and unfair. How dare we compel future generations who cannot vote now to pay for our expenses now? One answer could be that we borrow now for repayment later to create irrigation works, power plants, universities and factories all of which will raise incomes of people in the future. That is why it is doubly criminal, when borrowed money goes to add to the private wealth of those now in government and that that money which is black is held overseas providing investible resources in those countries or held in secret domestically, producing no capital. Government may raise expenditure by printing money. That expenditure will permit government to take away real resources from the public. This competition for resources between government and the rest of the economy will raise prices. Resources pass on to government in the same way as taxation does. But unlike taxes which are designed by government to distribute the burden of taxation in some manner, the burden of taxation with price inflation will be distributed haphazardly and probably most unfairly. Inflation is the most unfair tax of all!

Direct and indirect taxes

Most people, both inside and outside Parliament, ask that the proportion of revenue collected from direct taxes be increased because indirect taxes allegedly distribute the burden of taxation unfairly. A friend of mine, last month, bought a small Japanese car, paying $57,000.00. (These prices are crazy, as Crazy Eddy might have said.). His daughter in the US, three months earlier, bought a slightly better car paying only $22,000.00. The father paid $35,000 (= Lkr. 5.2million), more as taxes to government. If he takes a meal at a restaurant, he pays some 12 percent of the bill as taxes to government. His utility bills include high taxes to government. Now my friend is not among the high income earners in this country; nor does ne derive any income from property but lives on savings from earlier employment. High income earners probably pay much more, all as indirect taxes, than low income earners. Those that pay taxes on their income also pay taxes on their expenditure because they like all others pay indirect taxes as well. Taken together high income earners probably pay a greater portion of their income than taxpayers in lower income brackets. Consequently, you cannot say simply that this scheme of taxation is equitable because it relies heavily on direct taxes and that is not equitable because it relies heavily on indirect taxes. It all depends on who pays how much and that you would not know, even approximately, until you have the results of a reliable survey. There is no necessary consequence that all indirect schemes are iniquitous. Even if you have information on which income groups pay what proportion of their income in taxes you cannot conclude that that scheme of taxation is iniquitous. (That income in this country is distributed unequally is a different matter altogether.) Tax revenue is spent to pay for goods and services, provided by government and, of course, for bribes to politicians and bureaucrats. We have to know the benefits that accrue to each income group from government expenditure to know whether fiscal operations increased inequality or reduced inequality.

One of the wise men at a recent seminar sagaciously observed that in our country government expenditure benefited mostly the higher income groups. Where is the information? My casual observation does not support that contention. If you walk past the National Hospital in the morning on a working day you would see mostly poor people waiting in queue to see medical personnel. When the GMOA called out doctors in government hospitals on strike, the men and women who complained before television cameras were mostly poor people. There were no masses of people with capacity to pay who flocked to private sector hospitals, because those people had suffered from the strike of doctors. The rapid fall in average infant, child and maternal mortality rates could not have come about without widespread availability of public health and medical care services. (The rationale for taxing people to provide them with certain services is that some services must be provided collectively. You cannot live free of dengue fever by keeping your own compound free of mosquitoes without our neighbour and his neighbour and so on keeping their compounds dengue mosquito free.) It is at best careless to assume simplistically that any indirect tax is iniquitous. A whole lot more work needs to be done to pronounce on the re-distributional effects of government fiscal operations.

There is no way that the wide variety of services provided by government in this country can be paid for without the large mass of people paying for it. It is a matter of administrative feasibility how you collect those payments. When a large part of the economy runs without its transactions in written form, there is no way that income taxes can be administered effectively. Hence, indirect taxes! Yet, there is much tax evasion and avoidance.

‘Attack on free education’ hoax

A hoax, when used to deceive people, is in a category somewhat but not entirely, different from the earlier concerns. The foundation of Free Education laid by Kannangara was that education was available free of payment of tuition fees from kindergarten to university. Sirimavo Bandaranaike buttressed that edifice when her government took over many schools in the private sector. It follows that major attacks on this massive structure must consist of a denial of that foundation and the weakening of those buttresses that strengthened the edifice. Facilities for education at the primary level became universally available as is evident with the universal enrolment in school of children aged 5-10. From age 11 years, opportunities are not available evenly over the country.

Educationally disadvantaged districts in the country are evidence of the uneven distribution of educational facilities at higher levels. This problem was to be resolved partly by providing scholarships, enabling bright children from poor families to seek education in higher quality schools. That process ran into problems as children of better off families grabbed opportunities to study in better schools using various subterfuges and by performing better at scholarship examinations. That opening was enough for Panzer Division attacks on the lightly fortified structure that was free education. Expensive private tuition as a determinant of how well a student performs at examinations dug in with mighty guns, with spies and weapons both light and heavy. It was teachers (spies and fifth columnists) in government schools who neglected to teach students well in schools and opened the gates to the citadel and dropped the bridge to permit the invasion. Teachers themselves put up shop to provide the market for private tuition. So died the scheme for free education that Kannangara had set up! It was then necessary to set up camps from where what was left of the free education system could be weakened. Those camps came disguised in the form of ‘international schools’, a misnomer if there ever were one.

Almost every member of the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) came into medical schools because their parents spent their private funds to pay to enter good schools and spent lavishly on private tuition classes. What more direct assault on Free Education? It is true that those who enter a medical faculty have scored the highest marks at the relevant examinations. It does not follow that they were the most intelligent students in their age cohort. They were the most intelligent and tenacious students1} in their age cohort whose parents could afford to get them into good schools and pay the high fees charged by tuition masters, precisely the situation that prevailed before 1944 and which the Free Education Scheme was designed to end. (It is necessary to bear in mind that before severe competition to enter medical faculties emerged, a few schools in Colombo and Jaffna sent whole broods of students to medical faculties. [The information is in the Annual Reports of the Director of Education for those years.] They did not have to cross a high bar of a Z score. The great advances in health conditions in our country were made under the care of these men and women and now we speak of them with the highest adoration. These graduates have done exceedingly well whether at home or abroad. The levels of intelligence and education were no bar to high performance in the profession.)The fundamental principle of Kannangara’s FREE EDUCATION scheme buttressed by Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s takeover of private schools was that education was free, free from the payment of tuition fees from kindergarten to university. The irony of it all lies in GMOA and university students parading streets in support of GMOA and in defence of ‘free education’, when every member of GMOA had entered the medical faculty by joining forces that brazenly attacked the free education scheme! The participation of the Inter-university Students’ Federation is an exhibition of the poverty of cognitive skills that they have developed at school and university. The irony of ironies is that the most successful tuition master was the Minister of (Free) Education in the country with the most successful entrepreneur with fee levying schools was a Deputy Minister of (Free) Education! That minister, faithful to his profession, now supports the claims of GMOA! SAITM was a logical extension of the market for higher secondary education that had developed to satisfy the demand by parents with sufficient resources (not necessarily rich) to buy the services offered. All kinds of shops with fanciful names have come up to teach other disciplines. If one conducted a survey to find the social and economic characteristics of parents of students who entered government medical faculties and SAITM medical school, say in 2016, he/she would find no statistically significant differences between the two groups. Members of the GMOA stopped paying for education when they entered medical schools and now want to prevent their erstwhile colleagues from continuing the practice in which they were colleagues. These doctors are perpetrators of a mighty hoax that has brazenly attacked the scheme of free education and now stand as a phalanx to guard their monopoly to earn rent on the scarcity that they were heir to.

Look at the business model that most medical practitioners follow. The exceptions are medical practitioners entirely in the public sector (of whom there are many) or entirely in the private sector (of whom there are a few). Most practitioners work in both sectors. They are in the nature of independent contract workers who work for a multiplicity of employers with different employment contracts with each. Take someone who teaches in a Faculty of Medicine. She has an employment contract with the university in which she undertakes to teach in the university and to participate in other functions of a university teacher. She might function as a Dean of the Faculty, Head of a Department and in many other roles. A part of that contract may be that she receives a monthly salary and a pension on retirement at a stipulated age. She might also work in a number of hospitals, not necessarily teaching hospitals, and enter into a different contract with each employer. She would work at a private for-profit hospital for an entirely different pay structure. She would earn as much as she would like depending on the demand for her services. She would earn depending on the quality of services she sells in contrast to the contract with the university where she has permanent tenure of employment and it is very rarely that her employment contract would be terminated for incompetence.

A medical practitioner working in a government hospital and a private sector hospital has a very busy schedule. How much more busy would be a person teaching in a university, working in a teaching hospital and working in several private hospitals, all within the twenty four hours of the day? It is not rare, though perhaps uncommon, for a patient to see a consultant at 11.45 in the night after that doctor had taught in the university and worked in a private hospital, since morning. He surely must need time to renew his lecture notes, which he began writing some15 years ago. The cost to the medical practitioner is his health, his leisure and any social life. (Try inviting them to an evening meal!) The costs to society are the services of an experienced doctor working with a relaxed and lively mind and time to spend more than three minutes seeing a patient, a university teacher abreast of writings in the advanced medical journals and someone who has the time to contribute to growing knowledge in his own field. Not even a common practitioner of medicine can effectively function now without acquiring new knowledge emanating from universities and labs and disseminated faster and wider than we have ever earlier. (The tendency to prescribe antibiotics in large quantities to patients is partly an outcome of this practice of not keeping up with developments in their field of work.) Yet, the best minds in the country can find hardly eight hours to sleep because of pre-occupation with concerns other than the pursuit of knowledge. Some scientists in the Faculty in Colombo are reputed to write good papers in micro-biology. It is common to speak with derogation about the lack of research by university teachers in the humanities and social studies. With the business models that teachers in the Medical Faculty follow, I cannot see how they can even keep abreast of writings in their fields, far from undertaking any research. The GMOA was vociferous in their denunciation of private sector medical education lest people’s lives should be in danger. Did they ever examine the ever present danger to patients consequent upon the business model that their members follow?

Robber barons, robber knaves and robber knave-barons

I am aware that robber barons inhabit the private sector of the economy. (This genus first appeared in the late 19th century in the Eastern sea border of US.) I am also aware that robber knaves grow and thrive in the public sector of the economy. Both politicians and bureaucrats are members of this Contemptible Order of Robber Knaves (CORK/with sash). Haven’t we learnt that lesson when a mansion appeared with no owner or when an expensive pent house changed hands with a third party paying some Rs.175 million for it? Haven’t we learnt that lesson when a court convicted two senior bureaucrats of malfeasance in the use of public funds, of course to shorten to their journey in sansara? (Can’t we draw a new map that shows a shorter and less arduous route subject to the proviso that one used one’s own resources?) A robber knave-baron is born when e. g. a primary dealer in government bonds in the private sector is in miscegenation with bureaucrats in the government sector (even with the danger of incest) to do precisely what Raj Rajaratnam did in the New York stock market to enjoy the privileges of a long prison term. We, in Sri Lanka, are reputed for greater hospitality and it would displease many, especially those from the deep south if our courts did not uphold that reputation.

Conclusion

The abuse of terms when it is not due to unfamiliarity with them is a clever but contemptible way to confuse and mislead the public to get them to believe that what the perpetrators say is true. This is ‘1984’, déjà vu, all over again! To betray one’s state as Velupillai Piripaharan did is a heinous crime with grave consequences. But to betray a government and switch to the opposition to bring down that government is not. It is noble to defend one’s state but to defend a government may be to serve selfish ends. For a private sector organisation to sell medical education under any conditions is anathema. It is fine for private sector establishments to sell medical care services for a fee and run at a profit. There is the same irresoluble conflict in objectives when providing medical care in private sector hospitals or under other arrangements or when providing medical education under parallel arrangements. The public has been massively confused and grossly misled by GMOA and university students simply for the benefit of agents who send students to second rate medical schools overseas to collect fees from such schools as well as from students and for the GMOA to perpetuate the monopoly of medical practice to maximise earnings for its members. Their pretence that they protect free education and free health services has been a clever hoax. If the objective of GMOA were to ensure high quality medical education, there would be far less stupid ways to achieve that. These men shout themselves hoarse that government expenditure on education and health must increase and, unbelievably, at the same time, castigate government for raising tax revenue to pay for that increased expenditure. Keep your eyes peeled lest these hypocrites, robber barons, robber knave-barons and robber knaves should steal everything that you value.

Dr Hector Perera          London

There are far too many cooking programmes in British TV but the only thing is I didn’t figure out any technique of energy saving in cooking. The contestants or even the famous chef’s just cook without due care for any wastage of energy, may be because they do not have to meet the energy bill.

Poisonous gases given out while cooking

Researchers now understand that the process of cooking food and even simply operating stoves particularly gas appliances can emit a cocktail of potentially hazardous chemicals and compounds. Within our homes, these pollutants are less diluted than they are outdoors, and in the absence of proper ventilation, they often get trapped inside. In cold weather countries they hardly open the windows to let these gases escape may be because they are unaware of these poisonous gases. Most of the times, the houses have double glazed doors and windows to prevent any heat loss and that is quite natural but what about the poisonous gases that emit while cooking? Most of the times they have extractor fans to get rid of these gases but there must be some ventilation in the kitchen while cooking. I think these little points must be pointed out but the TV chefs hardly care about the safety. The cooker rings are at full blast while they cook and they are do not care about the energy wastage.

In Sri Lanka they never close doors while cooking

Back in Sri Lanka they never close the doors and windows while cooking because it is a hot weather country and they are not worried about heat lost as the country is gifted with hot sun. In cold weather countries like England and Canada they need to warm the air inside the houses by spending gas and electricity. Even when cooking is done in the kitchen, the doors and windows are not open to get rid of the poisonous gases given out while cooking.

How these poisonous gases are formed

When we cook in gas or with electric cookers, there are a numbers of gases emit from the reaction. In high temperature, nitrogen burns with oxygen to form oxides of nitrogen that react with more oxygen to form nitrogen dioxide which reacts with water vapour to form nitrous and nitric acid. That means even if we inhale these gases they can react with our breath. That is one of the reasons I pointed out one must not cook in high temperature or with gas on full blast.

British TV cooking discourages to home cook

You might have noticed in some British TV cooking programmes those chefs pay no attention to the cooker flame and cook or toss the food on a cooking pan. The food and oil in contact with very hot cooking pan gives out loads of fumes but they ignore and just cook and say something totally irrelevant while cooking.  They do not know any science in cooking, they just add this and that to the pan and sometimes they catch fire because those cooking aroma chemicals are volatile. In my opinion that kind of cooking do not teach the children or the adults but some children get discouraged to cook.

Anybody can cook with no qualifications

Don’t forget anybody can cook that is not a problem. In Sri Lanka they used to employ some servants to cook but now they are gold dust as some of them have gone abroad for better paid jobs in countries such as in Middle East. When I studied for my Advanced Level in Sri Lanka, I had to eat takeaways for some time but soon I started to cook at the boarding house. There were three of my friends as well but they all left the place when they got selected to Medicine. We hardly applied any science in cooking, no energy saving, we just cooked like any other ordinary people that means showering with cooking aroma.

I discovered the scientific method of cooking in England

When I came to England for further studies, at the start I had to study, sleep and cook in a single. I realised this cooking aroma deposited on me and on the clothes and for a while I had to walk to the University like a Tandoori Chicken. Soon I found an abended storage room next to my room then I moved my cooker to that room for cooking. That helped me to avoid any cooking aroma getting inside the bedroom. Then thinking in the right direction, soon I realised how to cook without too much cooking aroma getting out while cooking. Then thinking more scientifically about the molecules and their speed, I discovered how to cook by saving energy as well.

Contacted the Sustainable Energy Authority

After a long a time, I thought to show my work to The Sustainable Energy Authority in Sri Lanka for their approval. A whole team visited our apartment to witness my work. I realised that they are visiting me to witness how to save energy in cooking but not to see how I added the ingredients in cooking. When they arrived I showed the pot of chicken that was already left to marinate with the ingredients then it was ready to cook. I let it start to cook and placed a measured quantity of water on the cooker while I washed a measured quantity of rice. By the time I washed some rice water was just getting to boil. Then added the washed rice and explained to them that I was waiting for the thermodynamic equilibrium condition before I could reduce the flame and the same explanation about the chicken curry. Unlike any other chef, I didn’t open the chicken curry to stir and shower any cooking aroma like most of the British TV chefs do while cooking. Once it reached the thermodynamic equilibrium condition then I reduced the flame to as low as 30% of the original flame. By long experience I knew how long it would take the rice to cook and also how long chicken curry to cook. After about 45 minutes I shut the flame in the chicken curry but didn’t open to sir it. The reason I didn’t open the lid is because all the volatile molecules are in a state of very unrest or at high entropy state. The same explanation was done to rice as well. I explained to convince the team of authorities who were watching my cooking. They might have expected me to open the chicken curry and stir it up or to mix them up but I gave a proper explanation for my method of cooking. I didn’t check for any water at the bottom of the pot just like most Sri Lankan ladies do while cooking. I asked the team about the amount of gas I used at the start of thermodynamic equilibrium condition. They admitted that I used about 30 or 35% of the original flame that means I didn’t use nearly 70 or 65% of the original flame that means I have saved that much of the gas while cooking. This explanation must be accompanied with a cooking demonstration then only anybody can understand it properly. My work is based on science and I used gas laws that are more than 200 years old. If those laws are valid for the last 200 years or more and still valid and if I used those laws in cooking and if it worked then my work should be right. A whole team of Sustainable Energy Authority witnessed the method of cooking and they admitted that I used around 30 or 35% of the original flame.

I didn’t kept on stirring the boiling chicken curry and shower with cooking aroma like most of the British TV chefs love to do while cooking. I waited for the unsettled molecules to settle down before I started stir the curry then served it so that it was ready to eat. When the molecules are settle there was not enough vapour to deposit on anyone serving or eating.

I am prepared to help the nation

Now this is the technique that I would like to share with others so that they also can cook and save that much of energy. I contacted Sirasa TV a few days ago then on the same day afternoon I demonstrated my work to The Sustainable Energy Authority, I received a call from the TV people on the same evening so that I had to appear in the TV on the following morning. I was really surprised to receive a call to show my work to the nation on a live TV programme on the following morning. I prepared some chicken curry and left them to get marinated so that I could cook them in the following morning. I took a measured amount of rice but didn’t wash them until it was ready to cook. These are my own ideas I used in energy saving and smell avoiding cooking. If my idea was disproved by any energy saving expert or even a British TV chef, still there is a huge sum of money to give away. Again let me remind, my work is based on science and according to that every action has an equal and opposite reaction.  If my work is good enough to any Sri Lanka TV why not it is good enough to any British TV to show my work to the whole nation? Your comments are welcomed perera6@hotmail.co.uk

by Shamindra Ferdinando

December 5, 2017, 10:34 pm

The British High Commission has declared that Lord Naseby’s recent statement in the House of Lords pertaining to accountability issues in Sri Lanka doesn’t reflect UK’s stand.

The British HC said so in response to The Island query whether the BHC had discussions with the Foreign Ministry here or the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) as regards Lord Naseby’s call for reviewing Geneva Resolution 30/1. The following is the text of the BHC statement: “Lord Naseby was not speaking for the British Government when speaking recently in a debate in the House of Lords.  As a Member of Parliament he is entitled to express his own views.”

“A point that has not been in dispute in all that has been written and said since Lord Naseby spoke is that many thousands of civilians died during the conflict.   We continue to encourage the Sri Lankan Government to implement the commitments it gave and which are set out in UNHRC resolution 30/1 and reaffirmed in UNHRC resolution 34/1, including the undertaking to establish a truth-seeking commission.  Resolution 30/1 emphasises the importance of a comprehensive approach to dealing with the past, incorporating the full range of judicial and non-judicial measures, including truth-seeking. The resolution affirms that the commitments given, if implemented fully and credibly, will help to achieve reconciliation.  Achieving reconciliation is in the clear interests of every community in Sri Lanka.”

Lord Naseby urged UK to take up Sri Lanka’s issue with Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The Conservative member called for amending the Resolution on the basis that 40,000 hadn’t been killed in the Vanni offensive and of the 7,000-8,000 killed, one fourth were LTTE cadres. Naseby also declared that the then government hadn’t deliberately targeted civilians

 By Nirmala Kannangara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Alleged Bond Scam:

The alleged Treasury Bond scam is probably the largest financial scam to affect this country in its post-independence history. For sheer impunity and involvement of a wide spectrum of politicians in collusion with a section of the corporate sector and regulatory authorities it is hard to beat. The muted response of the opposition exemplifies the rot in the governance of this country. It is unforgivable it took place under a so-called ‘Yahapalanaya’ Government which was elected with much hope under trying circumstances to usher in ‘good governance’ after the traumatic Rajapaksa years.

The expectations included holding those concerned under the Rajapakse regime accountable for alleged (i) egregious corruption (ii) abuse of power (iii) violence to dissenters (iv) undermining democratic governance. Not only has the ‘Yahapalanaya’ Government blatantly reneged on these undertakings – but worse is its own contribution to alleged corruption and abuse of power which in terms of sheer speed exceeds the Rajapaksa regime! For example, after being elected in January 2015 the first alleged bond scam took place February 2015.

This has given a shot in the arm for a Mahinda Rajapaksa led comeback. A Deputy Minister in a KEY ministry, held by the PM, who while in the opposition was arguably the most virulent critic of alleged wrongdoing under the Rajapaksa presidency, has suddenly after almost 3 years found merit in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s efforts in beautifying the City of Colombo”! Is this a sign of ‘coming colours’?

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/141426/Harsha-praises-Gota-for-beautifying-Colombo)

However, one notable gain under ‘Yahapalanaya’ must be flagged – its relative ‘openness’. This most likely isn’t due to altruistic reasons, but compulsions of ‘Realpolitik’ in the hodgepodge arrangement that passes for governance. If it was genuine, why is their lack of transparency in most things – the alleged bond scam being a prime example?

Popular Imagination  

The alleged Bond Scam has caught the popular imagination unlike no other scam in this country – and who knows there have been other egregious scams over the years. Even those who haven’t heard of ‘Bonds’ let alone ‘Treasury Bonds’ sense there has been TERRIBLE CORRUPTION involving the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. This is the reality which doesn’t portend well not only for the ‘Yahapalanaya’ Government, but also for the country at large. As a consequence, if the already PERCEIVED notion of a MEGA ‘COVER-UP’ is CONFIRMED where its ‘KINGPINS’ are shielded and only some who have ‘FACILITATED’ it are exposed, it will create widespread disenchantment like no other and will further undermine the rule of law which already is in a pathetic state. Let us face it, when people get further confirmation that daylight looting of the public purse by high ups in the political, bureaucratic and corporate sectors is tolerated with such brazen impunity, is it reasonable for the masses to have respect for the rule of law? This may well be the tipping point. It is obvious that without the ‘rule of law’ there can never be any meaningful socio-economic development.

It must be flagged that the ‘rule of law’ is also undermined if there is no social stability as witnessed on a regular basis due to our collective inability to ensure social justice and ethnic and religious peace in the context of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual country. In its absence it exacerbates intolerance as witnessed recently in Gintota and earlier in Aluthgama and the harassment meted out to the already traumatized Rohingya refugees who were in Sri Lanka merely on transit.

‘Core’ of the Alleged Bond Scam 

At the CORE of the alleged Bond Scam is:

1) The Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), the issuing agency for Treasury Bonds which normally falls under the Ministry of Finance was brought under the purview of the Prime Minister.

2) ‘CONFLICT OF INTEREST’ arising from then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran’s son-in-law, Arjun Aloysius – owning/controlling PTL (Perpetual Treasuries Limited) – a Primary Dealer.

3) Arjuna Mahendran – a foreign national was HANDPICKED for the position of Governor, CBSL by the Prime Minister although he was aware of the ‘Conflict of interest’. The PM himself CONFIRMED this in his affidavit and while testifying before the Bond Commission (PCoI).

4) The PM continued to have Mahendran as CBSL Governor although he was aware that Mahendran had RENEGED on his ‘assurance’ to him that his son-in-law (Arjun Aloysius) will sever all links with PTL PRIOR to his appointment as CBSL Governor.

5) The PM robustly defended and endorsed Mahendran for a second term despite the widespread perception of Mahendran’s role in the alleged Bond Scam.

6) Sadly, the PM’s affirmation in his affidavit to the PCoI: Upon the formation of the new Government in January 2015 there was a general consensus within the Government that Mr Mahendran should be appointed to the post of Governor of CBSL.” was NOT PURSUED by the PCoI.

7) Unlike in the case of the other witnesses, the PM was given questions in ADVANCE by the PCoI to enable him to provide answers by way of affidavit.

When people get further confirmation of looting of the public purse by high ups is it reasonable for the masses to respect law?

witnesses, the PCoI decided to invite the AG himself who wasn’t involved in the investigation up to that point to personally lead evidence for the FIRST TIME. Up to this time, Messrs. Dappula de Livera and Yasantha Kodagoda – Senior Additional Solicitor General and Additional Solicitor General respectively lead evidence.
9) Unlike in the case of the other witnesses who included former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake who were GRILLED by Messrs. Dappula de Livera and Yasantha Kodagoda, limited questions were posed to the PM. The PM was at the PCoI reportedly for less than an hour to clarify matters arising from his affidavit
To adapt what Lady Macbeth said: All the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten” these immutable FACTS.

Incidental Issues  

Crucial issues of governance INCIDENTAL to the alleged bond scam thrown up by witnesses at the Bond Commission and not even on the radar include:
Tax Evasion/Money Laundering?

PTL  

A Senior Dealer of the Arjun Aloysius owned PTL (Perpetual Treasuries Limited) disclosed at the Bond Commission that millions” encashed by him were several times” left on PTL CEO Kasun Palisena’s chair”.

Nuwan Salgado, Chief Dealer of PTL disclosed to the PCoI that on the instructions of PTL CEO Kasun Palisena” he maintained a record of payments to informants” code named as

GTLPL  

B.R. Sinniah, Chief Financial Officer of GTLPL (Global Transportation and Logistics Pvt Ltd) said to be controlled by former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s family in his testimony to PCoI reportedly disclosed:

The Rs.145 million used in making the initial payment of Rs.16.5 million and thereafter to pay the monthly loan installment of Rs.11 million” for the purchase of the Monarch Residency Penthouse in Colombo by a company owned by Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s family has no origin nor has it been accounted for”
The question arises of the rationale to obtain a loan from Seylan Bank in circumstances where cash was readily available?

Sinniah also reportedly told the Bond Commission:

Chairman ‘Lakshmi Kanthan’ who resides in Britain had arrived at the Company on two occasions in February 2016 and 2017 and dumped cash amounting to Rs.145 million in the Chairman’s safe”

it had not been supported by any documentation or receipt issued to Mr. Kanthan neither were there any entries in the GTLPL accounts books regarding these two cash inflows”

Should these not concern the Central Bank and the Inland Revenue Department? If not why?

Bank Malpractice?

PABC Bank   

It was revealed at the PCoI that PABC (Pan Asia Bank) was an intermediary in secondary market transaction between EPF and PTL”

R. A. Benedict Dias, Deputy General Manager of PABC disclosed to the Bond Commission that on the instructions of the former chairman of PABC, Nimal Perera, the decision to act as an intermediary was made”

It was also revealed at the PCoI that Saman Kumara, the then dealer for the EPF at the CBSL had allegedly received a personal loan of Rs. 25 million from PABC when Nimal Perera was Chairman. It is relevant to ascertain whether this loan and its settlement (if any) took place in the ordinary course of banking practice or whether any special privileges were afforded.

Should these not be of interest to the Central Bank’s ‘Bank Supervision Department’?

PEPs as Bank Directors?  

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) are at the centre of the worldwide efforts for the prevention of money laundering,

It was revealed at the Bond Commission that B.R. Sinniah, Chief Financial Officer of GTLPL (Global Transportation and Logistics Pvt Ltd) said to be controlled by former Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s family was appointed to the Board of Directors of the BoC in 2015 by the then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake for a period of one year”.

Ravi Karunanayake being a PEP is a no-brainer. B.R. Sinniah too is clearly a PEP consistent with Sri Lanka’s definition of a PEP which conforms to the FATF definition:

Sri Lanka is a member of the ‘Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering’ (APG) which is an Associate Member of ‘The Financial Action Task Force’ (FATF)
In the context of the Central Bank itself postulating that even the mere Opening of accounts for ‘politically exposed persons’ (PEP) should have authorization of senior management.” how could a PEP be a bank ‘director’?

Under no circumstances is it suggested that B.R. Sinniah is engaged in any criminal activities. It must be appreciated that not all PEPs are involved in criminal activities.

The point being made is that laws and guidelines are there for a purpose and must be adhered to. There are also other clear instances of PEPs being ‘directors’ of banks in Sri Lanka which is not the focus of this article.

Our Central Bank is evidently turning a blind eye to these transgressions.

There are also other clear instances of PEPs being ‘directors’ of banks in Sri Lanka which is not the focus of this article

Conclusion  

Things are so bad in Sri Lanka that the rule of law was SELECTIVELY applied NOT TO COMPEL Arjun Aloysius – owner of PTL to give evidence before the Bond Commission on the basis it would incriminate him since apparently in his own mind there was a high probability he would be prosecuted. The same rule of law was MUTE in taking the next steps that could have been taken INDEPENDENT of the report of the Bond Commission in the context of the damning evidence produced at the PCoI. It also indicates that the relevant regulatory and law enforcement agencies were on SLEEP MODE until the bond commission was appointed. This tardiness in taking necessary legal action has resulted in a situation where as disclosed by the Prime Minister during his testimony at the Bond Commission, Aloysius was even able to be present at one or two parties” where he was in a position to converse with the PM himself!

As I see it, the alleged Bond Scam had the MASTERMINDS and the FACILITATORS. I trust those concerned will not miss the wood for the trees! Of course, the ‘facilitators’ too must be held accountable. What we have still not convincingly seen is the QUANTIFYING of the looted monies which must be RETURNED to the exchequer.

The diplomats and news agencies in Colombo are no doubt taking note of the ground reality in Sri Lanka. Is it any surprise that with the exception of the controversial Chinese investments which are largely driven by geo-political considerations, ethical FDIs are few and far between?

Dr.Dayan Jayatilleka Courtesy The Daily Mirror

If the talks between the official SLFP and the JO-SLPP conclusively fail, it will be because the SLFP (MS) is unwilling either to leverage the bond scam report and de-couple the PM from the governing coalition, or to vote against the fast track liberalization and globalization” (i.e. free-market fundamentalist, neoliberal) Budget and rupture from/assert Presidential hegemony over the Government’s UNP driven policy agenda at this point in time.   The tragic consequence of the official SLFP’s failure of resolve either to press the re-set button at the strategic national level –not the opportunistic and tactical local level– or to give the JO its due place as the Parliamentary Opposition, goes far beyond the electoral arena. It will mark the beginning of the end of the center in Sri Lankan politics and will denote the beginning of an era of polarization that will engulf and probably unravel Sri Lanka as we have known it.

By Rathindra Kuruwita Courtesy Ceylon Today

Last few months have been turbulent ones for the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) who has seen one of its coalition partners, Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), leaving the coalition and threatening to gather anti TNA elements around it. This is a culmination of the attempts by a number of leaders of the Party, since 2016, to gain control of the Party and most of those who are attempting to give TNA Leader R. Sampanthan the boot seem to believe that the Tamil votes would be cast for the most militant elements.

Therefore, there have been continuous attempts to force the Government to give more autonomy to the North and the East and to re-merge the two provinces. While this has been the TNA’s stance from the beginning, unlike Sampanthan who knows that this will be a slow process and the consensus of the Sinhalese is vital to win the rights of the Tamils, some younger and edgier Tamil leaders seem to want federalism and the re-merger now.

Wrong side of history

Federalism and the re-merger are recurrent dreams of the Tamil nationalist parties. However, demographics of the nation make both these propositions extremely unpopular and have no chance of actualization, unless the Tamil leaders change their marketing strategy.

In fact, I believe that the demographic trends in recent decades ensure that federalism and the re-merger impossibilities.

According to the 2011 census, the Sinhalese are 74.9% of the population, Tamils make 11.15% while there are 9.3% Muslims in the country. Considering that these proposals will be opposed by the overwhelming majority of Sinhalese, it is unthinkable that any Government will be able to obtain the support needed to make such changes. On the other hand, Muslims of the East, who were greatly victimized by the LTTE, remember 1990 anyone, and have a deep-rooted distrust towards the any over-arching moves of administrative unification under TNA domination, are unlikely to be thrilled of prospects of a re-merger.

TNA‘s inabilities

Chief Minister of Northern Province, C.V. Wigneswaran has become increasingly militant after it became increasingly obvious that the NPC was failing to live up to the expectations of the public. The nomination of Wigneswaran, who is a former Supreme Court Judge whose son is married to former Minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara’s daughter, as TNA’s NPC chief ministerial candidate generated massive hype. Banking on the hype TNA won the 2013 NPC election, the first Provincial Election in the North,with an overwhelming majority.

However, it was quickly proven that Wigneswaran and his Ministers were incapable of developing the war-affected area. It is a well-known fact that the NPC returns most of the allocation earmarked by the Central Government and that the development drive, carried out by the Central Government, which revitalized the Northern economy has come to a standstill in the last three years. For example, the Central Government allocated Rs 5831 million for the NPC as capital expenditure by the 2014 Budget, but the NPC spent less than 30% of the fund. Simultaneous to the economic stagnation abuse of drugs and alcohol has skyrocketed.

Faced with these challenges and their inability to address these issues Wigneswaran and co fell back to the tried-and-tested method of Sri Lankan politicians to stay in power, stoking sectarian hatred. A number of NPC Members of TNA, have presented a number of counterproductive proposals, often antagonistic to Sinhala and Muslim communities and embarrassing to the Government who has tried to give more powers to the provinces.

However, the more militant stance seems to have won them the support of their constituency. So, much so that TNA Leader R. Sampanthan, who was appointed the Opposition Leader and seemed to have taken a more moderate stance to befit the role of a national leader, has also fallen back to a stance he abandoned a long time ago.

Unfortunately, this internal battle for the leadership of the Tamil political movement is taking place amidst a time of transition in Sri Lanka. Currently, the leaders of the Government, especially Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, are of the belief that more powers should be devolved to the provinces and there is a fragile consensus among the people that some form of devolution is needed to solve tensions between ethnicities. However, the militant approach of the TNA has created a backlash from the nationalistic elements of the South and a number of moderates who voted for the UNFGG Government are also looking at these developments in the North with dismay.

As I have mentioned repeatedly, the vote against Mahinda Rajapaksa was not a vote against Sinhala nationalism. Rajapaksa lost because he did nothing substantial to the Sinhalese and by 2015 many understood that his ‘Sinhala first’ bluster was hollow.

However, some Government leaders seem to have mistaken the forces that brought them into power are pro federal and anti-Sinhala nationalist. A look back at recent history should tell us acting under such assumptions is politically catastrophic and only strengthens nationalistic forces. But surely Wickremesinghe should know this but the Premier has shown over and over again that he does not learn from the past.

Rathindra holds an MSc in Strategic Studies from S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU, Singapore, and can be reached via rathindra984@gmail.com

 DAVID BREWSTER  Courtesy warontherocks.com 

Editor’s Note: A version of this article was originally published by The Interpreter, which is published by the Lowy Institute, an independent, nonpartisan think tank based in Sydney. War on the Rocks is proud to be publishing select articles from The Interpreter.

Geopolitical rivalry between big powers sometimes yields odd results. The latest development in growing strategic competition across the Indian Ocean region is India’s purchase of what has become known as the world’s emptiest international airport” in Sri Lanka, maybe just to keep it empty.

Hambantota Dreaming

The small fishing town of Hambantota, near the southern tip of Sri Lanka, has long been Exhibit A for those who worry about the strategic impact of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Hambantota burst into international consciousness around a decade ago when Chinese companies were contracted to build a big new port, an international airport and, of course, an international cricket stadium – all connected by Chinese-built multi-lane freeways.

It was all part of a plan by Sri Lanka’s then-president Mahinda Rajapaksa to turn his own sleepy constituency into a new global shipping hub. After international investors and aid agencies balked at the business case, Rajapaksa went to China to finance and build the projects. Although the commercial terms are opaque, the projects have probably cost more than $1.5 billion in all, much of it in relatively high-interest loans.

According to its backers, the new port’s location next to the busiest sea lanes across the northern Indian Ocean makes it a natural hub for transhipment and logistics. It is part of Sri Lanka’s ambitious plans to turn itself into an all-purpose Indian Ocean hub that might one day come to rival Singapore.

But security analysts argued that Hambantota might also be a good place for a Chinese naval base, as part of a Chinese string of pearls” across the Indian Ocean. It was, according to several Indian analysts, part of a grand Chinese plan to surround India in the Indian Ocean.

A Sri Lankan White Elephant

Unfortunately for Sri Lanka, the foreign bean counters were right. The whole project has turned out to be a white elephant. International shipping companies had no interest in using Hambantota, when there was an excellent port at nearby Colombo. Only a handful of ships visit the port, mostly docking there at the insistence of embarrassed Sri Lankan agencies.

The shiny new Rajapaksa International Airport also sits virtually unused, with a full complement of employees and only one international flight a week. The empty terminal and its bored-looking workers make a great photo opportunity for journalists. Some of the newly-built hangars are even rented out to locals to store rice.

When the bills became due, the government couldn’t repay them. Sri Lanka, now minus Mahinda Rajapaksa, was forced to go to its Chinese backers cap in hand – essentially to hand over ownership of the port in a debt-for-equity swap. Although Sri Lanka claims to have retained control over management of the port, the details are suspiciously murky. China now has plans to build a big Special Economic Zone around Hambantota. This may eventually drive some demand for shipping, but it is hard to see it ever becoming the global shipping hub it was once touted to be.

For some, Hambantota is a perfect example of what can happen when an authoritarian leader, not subject to usual democratic balances, gets into bed with Chinese companies that may well have ulterior motives. The project is held up as proof that the Belt and Road often involves foisting uneconomic projects on developing countries with loans that can never be repaid. According to critics, these projects will only damage long term economic development and make many countries politically indebted to Beijing.

Similar claims are being made about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor now being constructed in Pakistan at a cost of somewhere like $40-100 billion, with some fearing it will create a debt trap” for Pakistan.

Checkmating the Chinese Navy

The Chinese takeover of Hambantota port only increases New Delhi’s worries that it will become an Indian Ocean hub for the Chinese navy. But, in fact, Hambantota has never been feasible as a full-blown Chinese naval base. Its proximity to India would make it highly vulnerable to air attack in the event of conflict between the two countries. But short of war, Hambantota would make a fine logistics point for an expanded Chinese naval presence. Although Colombo has repeatedly claimed that no Chinese naval facility will be permitted in Sri Lanka, New Delhi worries that Beijing’s influence will one day reach a point where the Sri Lankan government simply cannot say no.

This is where the world’s emptiest airport comes in. India is proposing to spend around $300 million to buy out Sri Lanka’s debt to China in return for a 40-year lease over Hambantota airport. But India’s future plans for the airport are hazy. Maybe a flight school? A new destination for Indian weddings? There seems little chance that it will turn a profit.

That is not the point of the deal. A key element in any overseas naval base, and even a logistics facility, is easy access by air for people and supplies. A naval base also requires maritime air surveillance capabilities. Control over Hambantota airport will give India considerable control over how the port is used. It is difficult to conceive of the Chinese navy developing a significant facility at Hambantota without also controlling the airport. In short, India is spending $300 million buying an airport to block a Chinese naval base.

The long and twisted saga of Hambantota is emblematic of growing strategic competition in the Indian Ocean region, much of it focused on ownership and access to infrastructure. In coming years, we are likely to see a lot more jostling between India, China, and others in the Indian Ocean over control of ports, airports and other pieces of critical infrastructure – and perhaps increasingly for control over governments.

Dr. David Brewster is with the National Security College at the Australian National University, where he specializes in South Asian and Indian Ocean strategic affairs. He is also a Distinguished Research Fellow with the Australia India Institute. His previous career was as a corporate lawyer working on complex cross-border transactions and he practiced for almost two decades in the United States, England, France and Australia. Dr. Brewster is the author of The India-Australia Security Engagement:  Challenges and Opportunities, which examines security and defense cooperation between India and Australia.  

Courtesy livemint.com

Ex-Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who leads a rival faction of the ruling SLFP, has blamed his successor, Maithripala Sirisena, for the breakdown of unity talks between the sides

Colombo: Former Sri Lankan leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, who leads a rival faction of the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), has blamed his successor—President Maithripala Sirisena—for the breakdown of unity talks between the two sides.

The two factions of the SLFP have held talks to try and unite to contest local council elections, now likely to be held in mid-February. The efforts failed because they (the Sirisena faction) did not want to leave the government. We cannot agree to any alliance with the UNP,” Rajapaksa said on Monday, addressing a political rally of his new party—Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP)—in the central hill town of Badulla.

The SLPP is the brainchild of his powerful brother Basil, who was the economic development minister during Rajapaksa’s 10-year presidency. Rajapaksa had been reluctant to publicly associate with SLPP until Monday. Rajapaksa backers in the SLPP want the Sirisena-led SLFP to leave the current unity government with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP).

The UNP and SLFP formed the unity government in 2015 after Rajapaksa lost to Sirisena in the presidential election. Rajapaksa, who had sacked Sirisena from the party after he emerged as the common opposition challenger, had passed on the SLFP leadership to the incumbent president following his stunning victory.

Courtesy NDTV

A three-member bench of the Court of Appeal yesterday dismissed the petition filed by Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Information Secretary and parliamentarian Vijith Herath, seeking the arrest of the LTTE leader, saying there was no basis to proceed with the application.Lankan Court Rejects Plea Seeking Arrest Of LTTE Leader Accused In Rajiv Gandhi Murder Case
Kumaran Pathmanathan is wanted in India for his alleged involvement in Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination
COLOMBO: A Sri Lanka court has dismissed a plea by Marxist party JVP, seeking the arrest of top LTTE leader Kumaran Pathmanathan who is also wanted in India in connection with the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

A three-member bench of the Court of Appeal yesterday dismissed the petition filed by Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Information Secretary and parliamentarian Vijith Herath, seeking the arrest of the LTTE leader, saying there was no basis to proceed with the application.

Mr Herath, in his petition filed in 2015, had made a plea to the court to issue an order to the Inspector General of Police to arrest Pathmanathan alias KP and initiate legal proceedings against him for his involvement in large-scale criminal activities and carrying out arms purchase for the LTTE, Sri Lanka’s internet newspaper, Colombopage reported.

Pathmanathan took over the leadership of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) after the outfit’s supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran was killed by the Sri Lankan Army in 2009. During the heady days of the LTTE, KP acted as its chief international arms procurer.

He is wanted in India for his alleged involvement in Mr Gandhi’s assassination in 1991. He was on an Interpol watch list for murder of the former Indian Prime Minister.

The former LTTE leader was arrested by the Malaysian intelligence on Sri Lanka’s request in 2011. Upon his return to the country, he was allowed to live freely in the country’s north, under security, while managing an orphanage.

Earlier, the Attorney General had informed the court that the Terrorist Investigations Division (TID) has launched a comprehensive probe against KP under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, the Penal Code and the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorist Financing Act for his alleged involvement in terrorist activities, the report said.

The judges, after a lengthy trial, said that the petition had no legal basis for conducting an examination and accordingly decided to dismiss it, the report said.

Shenali D Waduge

Hot on the heels of Lord Naseby questioning the British Government & exposing the duplicity & bias of the UNHRC, it is time for the UN to come clean and explain why they have been selective in picking civilian casualty estimates. Why are they shy from releasing the UN Country Team report giving 7721 deaths? Anyone alleging war crimes must explain why the Sri Lankan Military would allegedly kill ’40,000’ but physically save 300,000 of which 12,000 were LTTE cadres surrendering in civilian clothing! All of the guestimates it must be pointed out come from third party sources with invisible or possibly non-existent ‘witness’ accounts. However, a war crimes tribunal cannot be established based on these flimsy lies & media stunts & a country’s national army cannot be taken to the gallows on such lies & hyped allegations sans proof.

Sources quoting less than 10,000 deaths

·      UN country team in Sri Lanka placed dead at 7721 (Ban Ki Moon’s personally appointed a 3 member panel however declared the figure ‘too low to accept’

·      Survey by the GOSL in the North at the end of the conflict done by Tamils placed the dead and missing at 7400 including LTTE killed in combat & 2600 missing of this 1600 had been with LTTE whereas only 438 had disappeared in areas under military control

·      Population survey by Tamil Teachers of the North in July 2011 covering migration, deaths, untraceable persons from 2005 to 2009 revealed 7896 dead including LTTE. The dead from natural illness & sickness was 1102.

·      UNICEF-sponsored Family Tracing & Verification Unit 2011 listed 2564 untraceable persons of which 676 were children (64% had been kidnapped by LTTE)

·      Amnesty International (2011 report) quotes 10,000 civilian deaths. Thereafter Amnesty quoted figure of 40,000 dead.

·      Gordon Weiss – former UN official originally quoted 7000 dead, at his book launch he inflated the figure to 40,000 and changed it to 10,000 at his book launch & when cornered by a member of the audience he placed the error on the printer! Quoting dead has become a lucrative venture.

·      Tamilnet – the LTTE propaganda channel reported 7398 deaths

·      Data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal, data primarily based on figures released by the pro-LTTE Website Tamil Net”, put the casualty figure for civilians inside Mullaithivu at 2,972 until 5 April 2009.

Above 10,000 deaths quoted from third party sources

·      Darusman Panel selected to be members of the UNSG’s personally commissioned Panel immediately after producing their report co-authored an article claiming the Sri Lankan Government committed war crimes. Furthermore, Darusman report refers to LTTE as a ‘disciplined group’ – if so why has 32 countries proscribed it as a Foreign Terrorist Organization?

·      13 March 2009 – UN Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay’s press release said that ‘as many as 2800 civilians ‘may have been killed’.

·      US former envoy Robert Blake – quotes 40,000 dead (US Congressional Hearing) 

·      Siobhain McDonagh (UK Labor MP) declared 100,000 dead (did she count from UK) 

·      Satellite report by the American Association for the Advancement of Science identified 3 graves – one had bodies of 1346, another a LTTE graveyard with 960 bodies. Report did not detect 40,000 or more dead.

·      The Times of London – 20,000

·      The Guardian editorial (Sri Lanka: Evidence that won’t be buried (June 15, 2011),) – 40,000

·      Editorials by The Times and The Sunday Times in late May 2009 related investigations the papers had conducted that revealed more than 20,000 Tamil civilians were killed in the final phase.

·      Alan Keenan the Project Director of International Crisis Group Sri Lanka placed civilians killed in the Vanni between 40,000 – 147,000

·      The Institute of Conflict Management, Delhi – 11,111

·      The University Teachers for Human Rights-Jaffna in a Special Report no. 32 of 10 June 2009 and Special Report No 34 of 13 December 2009 placed the dead between 20,000-40,000

·      Dr. V. Shanmugarajah – says the death toll is closer to 1000 (thousand)

·      Charles Petrie reviewing UNSG’s report in 2012 gave 70,000 figure completely ignoring the UN Representative office figure of 7721.

·      Bishop of Mannar, Rayappu Joseph – claims 147,000 as missing (It is strange that he has not placed one single name of the missing with the Commission though he can rally numerous priests to sign letters and sent to the UNHRC calling for international investigations against Sri Lanka.

·      Independent Diaspora Analysis Group-Sri Lanka – 15,000-18,000 

·      Rajasingham Narendran – ‘My estimate is that the deaths — cadres, forced labour and civilians — were very likely around 10,000 and did not exceed 15,000 at most’

·      Muttukrishna Sarvananthan of the Point Pedro Institute said [approximately] 12,000 [without counting armed Tiger personnel] .

·      Dr. Noel Nadesan: ”roughly 16,000 including LTTE, natural, and civilians”.

·      Publication titled Genocidio: (Primera entrega) – La masacre de los Tamils en Sri Lanka,” [Genocide: (First Delivery) The Slaughter of Tamils in Sri Lanka], the Argentinean periodical La Tarde (diario) in a Spanish language article – 146,679 Tamils disappeared or killed between 2008 and 2009, of which 40,000 deaths occurred in the 48 hours of the final assault

·      Arundhati Roy, Indian commentator –”Government of Sri Lanka is on the verge of committing what could end up being genocide” and described the Sri Lankan IDP camps where Tamil civilians are being held as concentration camps. April 2009

·      Prof. Michael Roberts based his estimates between 10,000 and 18,000 

·      ICRC press statement of 21 April 2009 declared that their estimates of Tamil civilians inside the no fire zone was 50,000 (In other words upto 21st April 2009, the ICRC did not know that LTTE had 300,000 people with them.  www.dailynews.lk

·      The UN High Commissioner for Refugees in November 2008 claimed there were 230,000 IDPs in the Vanni (Sri Lankan forces saved close to 300,000 – this continues to raise the question of how can we differentiate civilians and LTTE)

·      The International Crisis Group quoting ICRC says 150,000 were in the NFZ in early March 2009.

·      UN estimated on 13 May 2009 that about 50,000 civilians were trapped by the conflict, in a 300sq.km strip of land www.dailynews.lk

·      Indian embedded journalist Murali Reddy reported that from 13 May 2009 there were no civilians in the 1.5sq.km strip LTTE was restricted to.  

As Lord Naseby has rightly pointed out NONE of those quoting dead have been on the ground. They are simply quoting from either LTTE support groups or parties linked to LTTE. Lord Naseby makes reference to the UNPUBLISHED report by the UN Country Team whose death toll figure is 7721 covering August 2008 to 13 May 2009. He quite rightly says that from 13 May to 19^th May 2009, it is impossible for 40,000 to have been killed. Why has this UN report not been published? Why is it kept hidden from public domain?

The Lessons Learnt & Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) report tabled in Sri Lanka’s Parliament in 2011 concluded that the Sri Lanka military did not target civilians.

http://www.ft.lk/front-page/llrc-says-military-didnt-target-civilians-report-tabled-in-pment/44-61066

The Missing Persons Commission, also known as the ‘Paranagama Commission’ says the figure of 40,000 civilians killed during the final weeks of the war is a myth. http://colombogazette.com/2016/01/27/paranagama-commission-says-40000-figure-a-myth/

In fact no one speaks about the 5600 complaints received by families of missing soldiers and these are with name. The missing soldier families had even logged the details with the Parangama Commission as well as the UNHRC and to date no statement or effort has been made by any UN envoy to account for their lives and do justice by them. Instead the UN & UNHRC are going behind figures and guestimates which have no names, no details and whose details have not been logged by any family members. The Paranagama Commission had less than 20,000 names logged as missing of which 5600 complaints by soldier families.

In terms of ‘civilians’ voluntarily or involuntarily remaining with the LTTE or taking part in hostilities the international legal luminaries headed by Sir Desmond de Silva declared that it is extremely unlikely that some 20,000 cadres of LTTE, at that stage, could have taken up to 330,000 hostages against their will”. The implication is that civilians went voluntarily with the LTTE – how many went voluntarily is a question no one has answered. In the eyes of these legal luminaries LTTE had committed the act of perfidy an- act of feigning civilian status with the intent of gaining an advantage amounts to unlawful perfidious conduct.” LTTE is guilty of blurring distinction between combatants & civilians and therefore LTTE stands guilty of not complying with the principle of distinction. LTTE is guilty for unlawful use of human shields. The Sri Lankan Army complied with a no fire zone to which LTTE did not comply and if both sides are not in agreement there is no official No Fire Zone.

Some factors need to be repeated

·      Sri Lanka’s conflict categorized as a Non-International Armed Conflict denies LTTE any legal status as combatant or POW & requires LTTE inspite of its terrorist designation abide by international humanitarian laws. https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2015/06/19/chargesheet-against-ltte-we-demand-accountability-of-30-years-of-ltte-war-crimes/   http://www.sinhalanet.net/ltte-cadres-are-not-prisoners-of-war-file-charges-against-them-for-war-crimes-in-sri-lanka

·      That LTTE was designated as a terrorist organization & banned by 32 countries clearly destroys the myth that Sri Lanka suffered an ethnic conflict. Sri Lanka suffered a terrorist conflict as LTTE killed even Tamils.

·      The decision to militarily defeat the LTTE came after the country suffered 30 years of terrorism and after failed peace talks, ceasefires & third party negotiations. One incident (9/11) was enough for US & Allies to bomb Afghanistan, invade the country & remain occupying it since 2001!

·      LTTE & Prabakaran could not have become an internationally feared terrorist organization capable of even assassinating a foreign Prime Minister if it did not have ‘friends’ in higher places. All those calling for investigations nicely omit to mention the need to investigate who were the players that helped LTTE directly/indirectly, provided material support, financial support, training, propaganda & PR support, technical expertise, arms training, NGOs, foreigners, international organizations involved with & co-partnering with the LTTE to advance their own geopolitical objectives. When will these people & organizations be held accountable?

·      What is beyond belief is the manner foreign forces in the form of foreign governments, foreign organizations, UN & associate bodies, foreign MPs, foreign media are all congregating to demand answers from the Sri Lankan Government on the last 3 months that ended 30 years of terror but did NOTHING throughout 30 years to save innocent citizens from being blown to pieces by the LTTE. Let us not forget that that the Sri Lankan Armed forces inspite of its military offensive brought to safety 300,000 Tamils which included 12,000 LTTE cadres who surrendered in civilian clothing. If the intent was to kill as is being alleged how is that that these LTTE cadres in civilian clothing remained alive?

·      It is also puzzling why the UNSG chose only Sri Lanka to appoint a personal panel to appraise him of the last 3 months and we are stupefied how that personal report became the basis of successive resolutions by the UNHRC against a sovereign state when the report was never tabled in the UNGA or sanctioned by the UNSC. This questions the legality of the resolutions having being derived from an illegal & questionable process where the Ban Ki Moon panel has openly shown bias. Yasmin Sooka a member of the panel who is paid to be working in the interest of South Africa is 24×7 more interested in LTTE than her native South Africans! She is a frequent visitor to pro-LTTE stages and they address her as ‘comrade’ such alliance is a direct conflict of interest. Her fantastical reports are released close to some international session no different to the dramas by C4. The legality of the Ban Ki Moon report used for the UNHRC resolutions need to be investigated as well as the links of all those making allegations against the Sri Lanka Armed Forces for their financial involvements with LTTE fronts.

All these linked and taken together shows a large nexus of people riding on the LTTE using it as a cash cow for various purposes.

Why does UNHRC and foreign governments not want to accept the 7721 dead figure?

Shenali D Waduge

By Charles.S.Perera.

SWRD  broke away from  the UNP  to form the  SLFP in terms of his political philosophy.  Chandrika Kumaratunga despite being the daughter of SWRD  did not follow her father’s political views and was never his political heir. Therefore,  after Mrs.Bandaranayake the heir of SWRD’s political party SLFP was Mahinda Rajapakse.

Mahinda Rajapakse was faced with a problem of having to stop the SLFP breaking up after his defeat at the Presidential election,  in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena’s scandalous  abandoning  the SLFP in seek of greener pastures in the UNP. A few ambition Ministerial portfolio seekers were already beginning to trickle away from SLFP to stand by Maithripala Sirisena.

The  President Mahinda Rajapakse was quite aware, that Maithripala Sirisena who walked away to the UNP seeking his own political liberation from SLFP, did not have a political philosophy or principle any where close to SWRD . Nevertheless, Rajapakse handed over its leadership to Maithripala Sirisena to avoid a break up of the SLFP which he loved,  as  much as his father who had a hand in helping SWRD to organise the SLFP.

It is  evident that Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP is meant to be a party of the ambitious political power seekers, a part of the UNP, the Tamil Racists, Arabised Muslims, Catholic and Colombian Sinhala.

Further more SLFP of Maithripala Sirisena  is not of  Sri Lanka’s Pancha Maha Balavegaya , nor of the  patriotic  sons of the land who are ready to lay down their lives to protect the country to preserve its 2600 years old Buddhism,  and its Buddhist cultural identity which makes Sri Lanka the only country of its unique ancient traditions. Even USA, and the West cannot be proud of such an illustrious past as that of Sri Lanka.

Therefore,  SWRD Bandaranayake’s SLFP having  had met with an unnatural death on the 16^th January,2015, it is well that a new political party springs from the ashes of the old-SLPJP.

In forming the SLFP SWRD Bandaranayake was taking a risk as he was breaking away from the then capitalist class of Sri Lanka, influential over the poor Sinhala people bound by feudal rights, land tenure, and caste obligations. But the people were awaiting a saviour- a Diyasena to take them away into another political direction.

Hence the new founded Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna  would be an extension of  the political philosophy of SWRD  which would conveniently replace his SLFP which has now  taken a  different shade from the political philosophy and principles it was meant to represent.

But the risks that the organisers  of the Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna-SLPJP are taking  today are much greater than those SWRD had to take when he organised the SLFP.

There are not  only local politicos spitting their salivated poisons and level castigations like the future Presidential hopeful Champika Ranawaka, but also NGOs and foreign secret service agents, specially those of the RAW, MI5,CIA etc.,  with their pockets full of dollars roaming about trying to buy over politicians from the Mahinda Rajapakse Camp. Their presence could be imagined  from the recent  walk out of some members of the NFF of Wimal Weerawansa.

Therefore, every member of the SLPJP should take an oath to be dedicated to the cause of keeping Sri Lanka a unitary Nation, without encouraging, by thought, word or action  any attempt by any one to divide the country amoung the Tamil,  Muslims and Sinhala, and they would remain  united with the Party under all circumstances and promise not to sell the country through temptation for money, rank or position.

Anjalika (Malalgoda) Silva USA

Dr. Sena Yaddehige was one of the Pioneer students of the Kelaniya University Science Faculty.

http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=176000

It is a great honor and privilege to see that finally due recognition has been bestowed on one of the alumni and our colleague from the first batch of the Science Faculty of the University of Kelaniya from decades past.  This was a long time coming and one that we, the colleagues of Dr. Sena Yaddehige hoped we would see in our lifetime. The country’s recognition took a long time to come.

Going back to the times when we were students in the same batch, it was a unique experience.  The first group of university admission selections that came under the National Council of Higher Education headed by Dr. G. P. Malalasekera. We were the Pioneers of the Science Faculty” , the very first batch when the science faculty was added to the Kelaniya University.   When we started lectures, the labs were still being furnished and not quite ready.  I still remember the curls of wood chips in corners as we found our lab benches to work.

We were a small batch of 25 students.  Our admission to Kelaniya was on the basis that science lectures were to be in Sinhala and English and students were selected based on their language being either.  However, we found that the bilingual training soon faded into English to our advantage globally.  Our lecturers had finished their Bachelor’s education awaiting their turn to go abroad for their PhD.  Some professors were brought in on a visiting basis to cover.   Our curriculum was planned according to the American System with Professor Milo Wolff of the MIT being there hands on.  Our testing was based on ongoing assessment which meant that last minute cramming did not help.  We graduated in an era when the Government at the time was grappling with the JVP and anti-student sentiments were at its peak.  We were sadly deprived of a formal and dignified convocation ceremony at the time when Sirimavo Bandaranayake was in power.  We were never sure if it was for security reasons or just an antagonistic move registering their contempt for agitation by educated youth asking for better employment opportunities.

Looking back, we were deprived of the pride of the cap and gown ceremony and many of us kept our own memento to record our hard-earned achievement of a science degree in difficult times.  Text books were at a premium due to the Government restrictions on exchange and a special tax was imposed on import of goods including books during the Sirimavo Government.  Foreign Exchange Entitlement Certificate (FEECS) applied to import of books that took months to obtain on special order if one could afford were out of reach for many who needed books published abroad especially in the sciences.  Friends and relatives abroad helped and we shared them among friends.  Libraries had barely one copy of prescribed text books in the sciences that we needed in original English publications.  It was a trying time for students.  All-nighters were a way of life when we got books in our hand with high demand having one copy in the library.

Dr. Yaddehige was one of us – the small group that grappled with all the odds against which we produced some of the brightest who not only graduated but we overcame all the frustrations of lack of opportunities beyond starting out as teachers in the remotest parts of the country, that was the only way to go.  However, many went on to strive further.  I remember being recruited to the Zoology department by Dr. H. H. Costa soon after graduation at the peak of the JVP.  We were only three women on the Science Faculty staff that had to report for work when the campus was closed because of the insurgency.  One of them travelled overseas on holiday.  One was on maternity leave.  I was the lone ranger woman who had to report for work to an empty desolate campus heavily guarded.  The drill was that I could only be approved for entry after examination of my handbag by a soldier who inspected the contents with the bayonet and loaded rifle to let me pass.  We had a few hours’ notice one day to vacate the campus, lock up the labs and leave as it became a mass detention camp for JVP suspects in custody.  Taking public transport to get to work meant crossing the Kelani river every day seeing floating bodies of youth in the river who were allegedly rounded up as suspects.

Our student days were hard times.  Our batch being small kept together regularly because of the concern and generosity of Dr. Yaddehige to make sure all his buddies met and were okay to come together as the years progressed.  If they were not, he was there to support them through life issues.  We enjoy our annual reunions to reminisce on our student days.  They have special memories for all of us and making travel plans to go to Colombo for those of us living overseas is exciting and always a joy to meet old friends.

Many have gone on to diverse lives, but we all have one thread in common.  That is, we can remember names, we know their stories, we remember the departed colleagues, and we also keep our kinship with Kelaniya University alumni who came after us when possible.  We were special to have come out of one of the most difficult times for youth in Sri Lanka and make contributions as Dr. Yaddehige has done.  Whether it was in big or small ways where ever we chose to be, the foot prints remain though hardly known.  We, as a group, felicitated Dr. Yaddehige in 2015 for his exceptional contribution with our own version of an appreciation award which read,

Presented to

Dr. Sena Yaddehige

 For a Lifetime of Achievement,

 Service and Dedication”

To his country of birth

Sri Lanka and

For friendship and solidarity

With his fellow university peers.

We, your friends from the past

At the Science Faculty of

 Kelaniya University of Sri Lanka,

 Applaud you with pride and admiration and wish you the best for the future.

On this day

February 21, 2015.”

All the colleagues of his student days wish him many more years of success and service to humanity beyond all boundaries and overcoming impending obstacles. Thank you for your service and friendship to all of us.  Friendships that have stood the test of time at the best of times and the worst of times.

“Success is not final; failure is not fatal: It is the courage to continue that counts.”— Winston S. Churchill

Anjalika (Malalgoda) Silva

USA

Dr.P.G.Punchihewa

This year, Unduwap full moon   falls on 3^rd December, the day commemorating the arrival of Bhikkuni Sangamitta to bestow (pabbajja )ordination on Sri Lankan women and also  bringing  with her a sapling of the Great Bodhi tree at Buddhagaya.

It was 2263 years ago that Thera Mahinda arrived in this island .According to Geiger that was in the year 246 B.C., on the full moon day of Poson . His arrival with the five disciples opened a new chapter in the history of the island. They not only introduced a new faith based on the sublime teachings of the Buddha , but also  gifted the country with a new civilization and a culture.

Arrival of Theri Sangamitta in the Island six months later marked the second stage of this Cultural Revolution.

When Anula, consort of King Devanampiyatissa sought ordination and the King concurred, the Thera Mahinda addressing the King, told him,  It is not allowed to us O Great King ,to bestow the pabbajja (ordination) on women. But in Pataliputta there lives a nun , my younger sister known by the name Sangamitta .She who is ripe  in experience shall come hither, bringing with her the southern branch of the great Bodhi –tree and  bringing also bhikkhunis renowned. When this Theri is here she will confer the pabbajja upon these women.”

A request was sent to Asoka by Devanampiyatissa to send Bhikkhuni Sangamitta to bestow pabbajja on Sri Lankan women. Recalling, his son   Mahinda and Sumana the grandson, leaving  to Sri Lanka few months back, Asoka was not keen  to part with her daughter too. But Sangamitta was keen not to disappoint the brother. She said, Weighty is the word of my brother .Therefore I must depart there.”

Accordingly, Theri Sangamitta sailing from Pataliputta to Tamalitti at the mouth of the Ganges and from there, braving the Indian Ocean   with a retinue of bhikkhunis and a mixed group of laymen  arrived  at Jambukola north of the Island on the full moon day of Unduvap. Among the bhikkhunis who accompanied her, according to Dipavamsa were  Uttara, Hema , Pasadapala,Aggimitta , Dasaka, Phegghu,Pabbata , Matta , Malla and Dhammadasiya. It also mentions that they were   young, probably as they had to face the vagaries of a foreign climate which was different from that of Pataliputta. Although Thera Mahinda arrived with five other Theras, Theri Sangamitta was accompanied by a bigger group of bhikkhunis ; there was a big task awaiting her. Already Queen Anula with five hundred women of the royal palace and an equal number of maidens were ready to receive the ordination .Once they received the ordination there were many to follow them .Dipavamsa mentions names of several others like Soma ,Dhamma Sobhani , Dhamma and others who subsequently entered the Order.

The bhikkhunis from Jambudvipa also had the added task of teaching the Vinaya (disciplinary rules) to the newly ordained nuns, and all the bhkkhunis who came from Pataliputta were well versed in Vinaya.  Dipavamsa mentions several of the local bhikkhunis, namely Mahila ,Sata Kali and Uttara who mastered the  Vinaya rules within a short time.

Theri Sangamiita  while being  mindful of  the progress of the doctrine was also keen on the welfare  of the bhikkhunis .At her request additional dwellings  were erected for the increasing numbers of women entering the Order.King Devanampiyatissa who visited the Theri   had arranged to erect a pleasing convent for the bhikkhunis which came to be known as Hatthalakavihara.

With the royal patronage received and the establishment of the Bhikkhuni Order, thus two thousand two hundred and sixty three years ago Sri Lankan women came to be liberated.The fetters that tied them to the material world were broken . Spiritually they could reach the highest levels. It has to be mentioned that the planting of the Bodhi sapling from Buddha Gaya was as equally important as the establishment of the Bhikkhuni Order. Elaborate arrangements had been made in Pataliputta for its dispatch and in Anuradhapura for its reception .Once it was planted eight shoots had grown from it and they were planted in several places around Anuradhapura and  in Katargama; the two main Aryan settlements in the island. Another thirty two had been planted in different places covering most of the key points in the country affirming the establishment of the Buddhist Order in the major parts of the Island.

Theri Sangamiita was also accompanied by eighteen princes from royal families to watch over the Bodhi tree and eight from Brahman families and of traders and persons from the cowherds, the weavers, the potters and from all other handicrafts. While the Thera Mahinda with  bhikkhus and Theri Sangamitta with the bhikkhunis were concentrating on the spiritual advancement of the people, the craftsmen would have taken upon them the task of improving the economic and social advancement .For  example bringing   cowherds itself was important. To dissuade a community which for centuries mainly  lived by hunting, obviously needed an alternate occupation if they were to live by the teachings of the Buddha. Though pottery, weaving and paddy cultivation were known to pre Devanampiya tissa times as seen from the archeological remains, chronicles and folk lore, the arrival of craftsmen from overseas would have given a new impetus and brought in new technologies which blossomed later into a culture  of its  own identity.

The arrival of the Theri  Sangamitta to establish the Bhikkhuni Order ,with the Bo sapling, accompanied by a group of disciplined and erudite Bhikkhunies is an unparalleled event in the history of the Island. She was a unique lady. Being the daughter of the most powerful ruler at the time , her renunciation itself has  to be admired . Following the words of the Buddha caratha bhikkave carikam bahujana hitaya bahujana sukhaya.” (Go forth o monks for the benefit of the many, for the happiness of the many) she left her mother ,father and her motherland.She perhaps is one of the few early bhikkhunis who undertook missionary work to propagate Buddhism. Most of the theris mentioned in Theri- gatha during the time of the Buddha mainly looked for their own salvation .She  came over to Sinhala -deepa and spent the rest of her life in this island serving the people, particularly the women for a better spiritual and a worldly life. It is the lead given by her that resulted in such heroines like Viharamahadevi ,Somadevi etc to play a vital role in the history of the country .The bhikkhuni order she set up in the Island was instrumental in establishing the Order in other countries too. According to Chinese tradition Bhikkhuni Devasara” from Sri Lanka set up the Bhikkhuni Order in that country. Thus she was the torch bearer for the emancipation of women not only in Sri lanka but also in some of the South Eastern and Eastern Asia countries.

‘International Women’s Day (IWD) is celebrated on March 8 every year. It commemorates the movement for women’s rights.  After women gained suffrage in Soviet Russia in 1917, March 8 became a national holiday there. The day was then predominantly celebrated by the socialist movement and communist countries until it was adopted in 1975 by the United Nations as International Women’s Day’(wikipaedia)

The International Women’s Day  is of recent origin and  is an alien concept and has no bearing on women of this island whereas women in Sri Lanka two thousand years back  threw away the shackles that  bound them. Declaring the day Bhikkhuni Sangamitta arrived in the Island as the National Women’s Day  is the least the present generation could do to honour this great lady.

It is for all these reasons that SriLanka should   be grateful and remember this great personality. It is suggested that the Sangamitta day be made the National Women’s Day in Sri Lanka.

Dr.P.G.Punchihewa

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

When one watches TV and read the papers where it may look obvious that few younger budding- politicians have been directly or indirectly involved in the bond scam or at least being implicated.

Few older politicians may have known about the fact that one of their lead member has had some hand in it .Bond commission may not lead to drastic action as the people involved cannot be charged as per the mandate given to commission. As long the president stays in power AG may get a promotion and the politicians may go scot free in order to help HE to keep the marriage of convenience intact .

It is like that the husband goes on getting involved with a mistress  and or wife will stealthily keeps a boyfriend in the sly .And yet the they will not dissolve the marriage as society will frown upon them.

Why  they did not start investigating previous bond matters  as soon as they came to power? It may be like all other corruption charges where none of them except a Bureaucrat who was remanded to show the people that they want to punish someone. None of the main culprits who gave orders have been punished.

Some of them were remanded and conveniently hospitalised.

All above has become a joke and people start to lose trust

Now I note that some politicians keep talking about purported bond scam taken place from 2004 to 2014

That means the government may be trying desperate to De-Bond themselves by pointing finger and say They did it ,Why cannot we??”

We remember CPC hedging matter purchasing of Greek financial instrument  issue .People knew about them .But to start investigating  after two years looks absurd as the country will laugh at them.

Professionals are all talking about how inefficient the judiciary, AG, Ministers and pointing finger at the two top leaders.

It is high time that one of them strighten his spine and take that stingray tail to punishing the culprits ?

I am sure he will not need JO   ( Jolly Old ) fellows to win upcoming election

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

නිමල් රාජකරුණා , මෙල්බර්න්, ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාව  

සීතාවක පළමුවන රාජසිංහ රජු ශ්‍රී ලංකාව (එවකට සිංහලේ) පරමාධිපත්‍යය උදෙසා ප්‍රතුගීසින්ට විරුද්ධව සටන් කළ රජවරුන් අතර ප්‍රධානතම තැනක් ගනී . ටිකිරි කුමාරයා ලෙස ඔහුගේ අංගම්පොර සටන්කරුවන් සමග මුල්ලේරියාවේදී ප්‍රතුගීසින් හා සටන් කර ඔවුන්ට විශාල පරාජයක් ලබාදුන් ඔහුගේ වීරත්වය සහ ජාතිමාමකත්වය විනාශ කිරීමට කටකථා පසුව ගොතා ඇත. වර්තමානයේද දේශයේ ඒකීයභාවය සඳහා සටන් මෙහෙයවා විජයග්‍රහණය ලබාදුන් නායකයන් මෙවන් කටකථා මගින් විනාශ කිරීමට දැරූ සහ දරණ උත්සාහයන් අපි අත් විඳිමින් සිටිමු.

පලවන රාජසිංහ රජු තම පියා වන මායාදුන්නේ රජු මෙන්ම බෞද්ධ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා ඝාතනය කළ බවට ඇති මතය අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන්  සහ ඔවුන්ගෙන් වරප්‍රසාදලත් සිංහලයන් විසින් ගෙතූ ප්‍රලාප බව දැන් බොහෝ විචාරකයන් පිළිගනිති.මායාදුන්නේ රජු අවුරුදු 85ක් ආයු වළඳා ස්වභාවික මරණයකට ගොදුරු වූ බවත් ඔහු විසින් මරණයට පත් කළ භික්ෂූන් වෙතොත් ඔවුන් සිවුරු පොරවාගත් ප්‍රතුගීසින්ගේ ඔත්තු කාරයන් වූ සිංහලයන් බවත් නිවැරදි සත්‍යයයි. වර්තමාන කාලයේදීද අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන්ගේ ඩොලර්වලින් යැපෙමින් දේශයට සතුරුකම් කරන මෙවැනි සිවුරු පොරවාගත්  සිංහලයන් අතලොස්සක් සිටින බව නොරහසකි.

සීතාවක රාජසිංහ රජු තම මාලිගය අසල පිහිටි සීතාවක ගඟට ගොස් ස්නානය කිරීම පුරුද්දක් කරගෙන සිටියේය. එවකට ගඟින් අනෙක් පැත්තේ ප්‍රතුගීසි බලකොටුවක් තිබී ඇති අතර එහි සිටි පරන්ගියෙක් රජු ස්නානනය කරන අතරතුර සිය පශ්චාත්භාගය නිරාවරණය කර රජුට අවමන්  කිරීම පුරුද්දක් කරගෙන සිට ඇත . මොහුට සුදුසු දඬුවමක් දීමට හැකි අයෙක් රජු සොයද්දී මගේ මවගේ මුත්තා කෙනෙකු වූ බයිඅප්පු මුදියන්සේ ඊට ඉදිරිපත්වී ඇත. බෙහෙත් කොටන තුවක්කුවක් රැගෙන ඔරුවකින් ගොස් ගඟේ අනෙක් පැත්තේ පරංගි බලකොටුව අසළ පිහිටි වල්බෙලි ගසක් අසළ රැක සිට පරංගියාට වෙඩිතබා මරාදමා ඔහු නිරුපද්‍රිතව මෙගොඩට පැමිණ ඇත . සිංහලේ රජුගේ අභිමාණය රැකීමට ‘සිංහයෙක් මෙන් ඉදිරියටගොස්’  කළ වික්‍රමයට පැහැදුණු පළවෙනි රාජසිංහ රජු මගේ මවගේ මුත්තාට “එදිරිසිංහ මුදියන්සේලාගේ ” නම්බු නාමයත් අමිතිරිගල   නමැති නින්දගමත් ප්‍රදානය කළ බව මගේ මවත් ඇයගේ  සහෝදර සහෝදරියනුත් අප කුඩා කළ පැවසුවේ ඉතා ආඩම්බරයෙනි

අමිතිරිගල ගමේ අදත් මුල් පදිංචිකරුවෝ එදිරිසිංහ මුදියන්සේලාගේ පරපුරේ අයයි. එහි අවසන්වරට ගම්මුලාදැනී තනතුර හෙබවූ මගේ මවගේ පියා  වූ එදිරිසිංහ මුදියන්සේලාගේ අප්පුසිඥ්ඥෝ අප්පුහාමි මහතා ඉතා කරුණාවන්ත සැදැහැවත් බෞද්ධ උපාසකයෙක් විය. උගත් සිල්වත් බෞද්ධ භික්ෂුන්  වහන්සේලා ඇසුරුකළ ඔහු බොහෝ පින්කම් කළ කෙනෙක් වූවා පමණක් නොව තම දරුවකු ශාසනයට ඇතුළත් කිරීමටද නොපසුබට විය. ඒ ගම්පහ මිරිස්වත්තේ විද්‍යාවංශ පිරිවෙණ පිහිටුවා විශාල ශාසනික සේවාවක් කළ රාමඥ්ඥ නිකායේ අධිකරණ සංඝ නායක ධුරය හෙබවූ අපවත්වී වදාල අමිතිරිගල පග්ඥාවංශ නාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේය.

පළමු රාජසිංහ රජුගේ අභාවයත් ධර්මපාල රජු 1597 මිය යාමත් සමඟ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ විශාල පසුබෑමක් ඇතීවී ඇත.ප්‍රතුගීසින් අන් කවරකුටත් වඩා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවටත් බුද්ධාගමටත් හානි කළෝය. ඔවුහු විහාරස්ථාන විනාශ කරමින් ඒවායේ තිබූ ඇත් දළ , සඳුන් , මැණික් සහ අනිකුත් වටිනා දේ කොල්ල කමින් පුස්තකාල ගිණි තබමින් කතෝලික ආගම ව්‍යාප්ත කළෝය .කිසිදු ආක්‍රමණිකයෙක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ඇති ආදරයකට ආක්‍රමණය කළාහු නොවෙති . එහෙත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට කිසිදු යහපතක් නොකළ ආක්‍රමණිකයන් අතර ප්‍රතුගීසින් ප්‍රධාන තැන ගනිති. එය එසේ වූවත් මෙවන් විශාල විනාශයක් අප මවුබිමට කළ ප්‍රතුගීසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ආක්‍රමණය කර අවුරුදු 500ක් ගතවීම 2005දී සැමරීමට වර්තමාන අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ඔහුගේ පසුගිය පාළන සමයේදී සැළසුම් කළේය. රටේ වාසනාවට ඔහු 2005දී  පරාජය විය.මා හට මෙය ලියන්නට සිත් වූයේ එදිරිසිංහ මුදියන්සේලාගේ පරපුරේ කිසිම සුජාත දරුවකුට රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වැනි දේශද්‍රෝහියෙකුට පක්ෂපාති විය නොහැකි බවද පෙන්වා දීමටයි .එසේ කරන්නන්ට අපගේ මුත්තා ඔහු සිටින ලෝකයක සිට ශාප කරනු ඇත. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ දේශද්‍රෝහියෙකු පමණක් නොව සූර චෞරයකු බවද දැන් ඔප්පු කර හමාරය .

නිමල් රාජකරුණා , මෙල්බර්න්, ඔස්ට්‍රේලියාව  

දැන් රනිල්, මෛත්‍රී හවුල දික්කසාද වෙන තැනට ඇවිල්ලා… සමන්ත

We are confident that we can win the election – Mahinda (English)

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Dr. Usvatte-aratchi, in his article on this page today, demolishes some long-held myths and misconceptions about state revenue, taxes, free education and free healthcare among other things. Referring to a recent statement made by President Maithripala Sirisena, he points out that it is wrong for the head of state to use the term, mage rajaya (my state) as the President does not own the state. President Sirisena has recently gone on record as saying that ‘my state’ won’t allow anyone who fought the country’s war on terror to be tried for war crimes.

Dr. Usvatte-aratchi deserves praise for highlighting the wrong use of the Sinhala term, rajaya. The words, rajaya, and aanduwa (government) are often erroneously used so much so that it is popularly thought that they are interchangeable. In English, too, the words, ‘state’ and ‘government’ are loosely used in this country. The fact that not many people are aware that the government is only the controlling apparatus of the state has stood ruling politicians in good stead. (The state is a much bigger and more complex entity comprising, inter alia, a landmass with recognised boundaries, a population, sovereignty and a government.) This popular misconception at issue has helped rulers equate their governments to the state and most Sri Lankans seem to think politicians elected to power wield a special licence to do whatever they want with the state.

However, what a government, run by a bunch of politicians elected to rule the country for a specific period of time, does out of expediency more often than not can be binding on the part of the state. The Geneva resolution co-sponsored by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government in 2015 is a case in point. There is no way the state of Sri Lanka can extricate itself from that resolution even in the event of a change of government. Ill-conceived lease agreements with foreign powers at the expense of state assets also serve as an example.

Never mind the state; President Sirisena can’t claim that even the incumbent government is his own though he heads it. For, some of the key policies of the yahapalana administration are at variance with his much-touted vision and mission. He never misses an opportunity to make a hue and cry about attempts being made to set up a hybrid war crimes court here and vows to put paid to them. But, the government continues to reaffirm its commitment to the Geneva resolution. He claims he is committed to reducing alcohol consumption as he did in Parliament the other day, but the government has sought to make beer freely available at reduced prices. He vows to bring the bond racketeers to justice, but some of his government members are protecting the suspects and flaying him for appointing a presidential commission of inquiry to probe the bond scams. If the government is his, it should do as he says, shouldn’t it?

President Sirisena is not alone in having evinced a proprietary interest in the state. All his predecessors, save a few, did so and some of them even acted in such a way that they were seen to consider themselves hereditary rulers. It may be recalled that sycophants of the previous regime, in a bid to ingratiate themselves with President Mahinda Rajapaksa went so far as to call him a king and sing hosannas. They claimed that he was the reincarnation of an ancient warrior king who had hailed from the South. Not to be outdone, the court flatterers of the present regime came out with a song, claiming that Rajapaksa’s successor was the reincarnation of another warrior king who reigned from Polonnaruwa! Thankfully, that song was sung only once in public.

Heads of states in this country have professed Buddhism. But, none of them have, during the last several decades, heeded what Arahant Mahinda told King Devanampiyatissa—‘You are only a trustee and not the owner of this land’. If they realise this simple truth, they will leave gracefully when their terms come to an end without trying to stick to power like limpets until they are kicked out.

By Sarath De Alwis Courtesy The Island

The statement of the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in parliament about bonds made last week was a preemptive tactic to position himself and his beleaguered administration to deal with the report of the commission of inquiry due on 8th December.

His use of the personal pronoun ‘I’ in one instance conveys a collective authority and responsibility with the President. In the latter, ‘As I always say, the ‘I’ is more explanatory and uncharacteristically less authoritative.

The choice of pronouns in political statements and speeches indicates the speaker’s inclination to share the responsibility with others – in this instance with the coalition partner and President in the first, and with colleagues in the party and parliament in the second.

The pronoun ‘I ‘is not used lightly in political statements that are drafted and readout. The pronoun ‘I’ in such framed statements conveys the speaker’s opinion. It makes the speech more subjective. Students of political rhetoric believe that ‘I’ makes the speaker personally involved and puts a distance between him and others involved in the subject.

There is, no doubt, that the Bond fiasco has undermined the leadership of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. The country demands a re-committed leadership.

Politicians engaged in image repairing do not say sorry for the errant act or misdeed. Political leaders are human. They make mistakes, commit blunders. When they do, a solid unambiguous apology and an acceptance of responsibility can help restore a reasonable level of trust between the leader and the public.

A general declaration that mistakes will be corrected and the forward march will proceed as planned is a thin shroud that will not cover the enormity of the inequity committed.

The sense of inadvertence it implies is an insult to the intelligence of the man on the street although it may appeal to those living in penthouses.

Mr. Wickremesinghe is not a monetary economist. He is not a development economist. He is not the repository of all wisdom relating to central banking.

Yet, he has by deliberate design, concentrated all powers in guiding the nation’s economy in his hands. While insisting that parliament will have full control of public finance, he relies on a few self-declared experts who regard the national coffers their personal fiefdom.

“As I always say, the President and I are committed to bringing in this new political culture. This is a new experience for our country. Some find it difficult to comprehend it due to complexities of this process. Due to its novelty, mistakes can be made, shortcomings may arise. We should rectify them. But we are not ready to sweep the errors and shortfalls under the carpet as was done during the Rajapaksa regime and bury social justice.”

The quoted passage reveals the mind and politics of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. He confuses power with virtue.

His opening ruse, “As I always say’, is intended to locate himself above the hoi polloi on an elevated grandstand. From those lofty heights he looks down on us ‘we the people’, whose public purse has been picked by one of the two ‘Arjuns’ or both.

A grand stand is not the best place to locate yourself in explaining a grand larceny.

The statement defined and framed the role of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe in the Bond scandal. It lacked clarity, lucidity, enlightenment and truth. If he achieved anything at all, it was his mastery in the opaque language.

The intention was to repair and restore the image of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. The principal issue was the bonds issued in the period post 8th January 2015. The explanation was a promise to probe, bonds issued and traded pre-January 8th, 2015. It is Koheda Yanne Malle Pol!

Superficial in substance, laughable in its logic, it was delivered in choking Sinhala. The Prime Minster failed to answer the crucial question of what he knew and when he knew of the transactions between and by the two ‘Arjuns’. The strategic positions in our financial firmament held by the father-in-law and the son-in-law was entirely due to the personal bonds they had with him.

We dislodged the autocracy of Mahinda Rajapaksa on 8th January. The wizard of central banking abandons his lucrative practice as an investment banker, packs up his bags and leaves Singapore within the week. That needs some explanation.

Political leaders are human. They make mistakes, commit blunders. When they do, a solid unambiguous apology and an acceptance of responsibility can help restore a reasonable level of trust between the leader and the public.

Lest we forget, this explanation was made by the Prime Minister on behalf of the government that promised to replace a corrupt regime with a government of integrity, transparency and accountability.

President Sirisena recently reminded us that the first transgression was enacted within the first three months of his assuming office and installing a minority UNP government. His forthright observation was made at the second commemorative ceremony of Venerable Sobhitha Thera. The event was avoided by the Prime minister who did not wish to sit through the peroration of Prof. Sarath Wijesuriya, Convener and present leader of the Movement for a Just Society.

The findings and recommendations of the commission will determine the trajectory of the ‘Yaha Palanaya’ coalition. Despite expedient protests to the contrary, the shady business of bonds has derailed the ‘Yaha Palanaya’ project that held immense promise to those of us; who longed for a land reconciled, at peace with itself and with a minimal semblance of a sanctuary of social justice.

Apology is alien to the nature of PM Wickremesinghe. He was practically choking on the words delivered in Sinhala. He wisely opted to do it in the language that is not his natural lingo.

Reiterating the determination to go forward while confessing to mistakes and shortcomings is a smart way of offering a non-apologetic apology. It is smart because it appeases your own ranks. It is smarter than the tactic adopted by Sujeeva Senasinghe, who with his hands in the cookie jar was telling us that he only wished to learn the art of making cookies and was by no means trying to eat them.

But, when a leader makes that to circumvent ethical impropriety, it portrays a leader missing the critical component of accountability. Telling us that “mistakes were made” is a poor substitute for what is implied unmistakably but dressed in jackal cunning. “Terrible things happened on my watch. But please other people did those dirty stuff and I cannot be blamed. Besides, more terrible things happened before my watch. Now let us see who is to be blamed more.”

The statement delivered in parliament, with no interruptions was a strategy to return to the party fortress with minimal damage and least cost to reputation and credibility.

PM Wickremesinghe is a leader who has survived for forty years in politics outwitting charismatic rivals. His charisma is bestowed on him by a faithful coterie of cronies and self-serving followers. An explicable destiny has given him command of an established political party – the UNP – with a solid voter base in our clientelist democracy.

This special class of cronies is elite activists, including a powerful set of oligarchs, active behind the UNP stage. The UNP stage is his home turf where he alone is the only soprano in town.

They have bestowed the charisma of a clean, resolute leader on him. That is natural. When a person seems to embody the qualities, they look for in a leader, they contrive to build a whole greater than the sum of its parts.

Ranil is a leader who treats the public with disdain. He treats his crony counsellors with great diffidence. He dominates his political colleagues. He assiduously concentrates decision making in his own hands.

That is how he arrived at his present disaster. He had not learned his lesson. He does not consult the party. He manipulates it. He does not heed contrary opinion. He chooses to ignore it. He lives in a make-believe world inhabited by aides who are eager to pander to his foibles. They are happy to keep the emperor clothed in imagined silk. They take decisions in the name of the leader. That in a nutshell, explains the predicament of a Prime Minister pre-doomed to a revolving door in high office.

By Suren Raghaven Courtesy Ceylon Today

Democracy is a dangerous game. Especially, if it is played by those with bloody minds and muddy hands. This is not because such attempts may not succeed – they may well be so as often is the case in Sri Lanka – but because what they pretend to construct will be abysmally empty and permanently tarnished like their polity.

A Constitution will be the overarching canopy under which a progressive blueprint for a State and all nations within is desirable at any cost. It is for this reason that all modern democracies took painful labour to hammer out such a document to answer the epistemological question “then how shall we live better?” The keystone assumption is that the proponent (and yes even the opponents) must have the legitimacy to do such fundamental structural changes. Tenants have no right to remove the foundation of a house even if they claim it is for the betterment. Such legitimacy is not mere legalistic correctness but a much wider moral qualification that is expected. No one will respect a lawyer – even if s/he was the Gold medallist just last year – if such has turned to be a murderer. It is true that both Maithripala Sirisena as the common candidate and then President Mahinda Rajapaksa asked the mandate to change the present Constitution – in that Rajapaksa wanted an overall comprehensive change instead of piecemeal amendments as a sustainable solution to the Tamils’ political aspirations. It is, also, true that both candidates collectively received a quantitatively astonishing over 95% endorsement.

But governance – especially if one is mindful of a participatory democracy in a pluri-nation State – is not only based on Wall Street type inhuman and often immoral number crunching but on the supremacy of goodwill, endorsement and the active participation of the citizens from the very periphery to the core centre. In the Political Science sphere during the last two decades an enriching development in political theory developed and it is broadly named as Deliberative Democracy (DD). DD refers to the mechanism that legitimate lawmaking happens from the public deep deliberation of citizens of all categories. As a normative reflection of moral legitimacy, deliberative democracy conjures ideals of rational legislation, participatory politics, and civic self-governance all such at the regional as well as the central level in a multi layered political structure. In short, it constructs an ideal of political autonomy based on the practical reasoning of a wider citizenship.

(A)Yahapalanaya?

It is in this context that the new proposals to constitutional changes have come forward almost as a side show to the government’s other essentially non-essential activities, in a State where the annual budget gap is ever widening in a frightening manner. Even if one is to imagine that this Government of Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Presidency of Maithripala Sirisena both that come to power by the direct and sheer support of the minority votes and, therefore, trying to address the deep rooted issues of the minority nations such fancy imaginations have no ground realities. Simply the social, economic and political conditions in the North and the East say an opposite story. Land release from the forcibly occupying Army is dead slow. Still more than 10,000 IDPs lament in the camps. Repairing/improving of the essential services such as the health sector, drinking water, transport is at a token minimum level. An adamant Minister of Rehabilitation again a royal friend of the PM is intransigent in his determination to build pre-fab aluminium houses against the will and advice of the local leaders.

This causes in the process to be hampered. No major new industry or investment has come. The mongering diaspora has not brought the millions of dollar investment they promised. Still over 90,000 Sri Lankans exclusively Tamils are living as refugees in Tamil Nadu. This Government has taken no step whatsoever to encourage their return even while the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has come forward to make such arrangement.

Above are issues at the operational level. Then comes the long list of the structural issues such as the topic of the Transitional Justice, the genuine inquiry into the war crimes (of both sides), the full and impartial operation of Office of the Missing Persons, strengthening and fortifying the full need of the judiciary administration in the entire region of 1.6 million citizens, filling and supporting the decomposed higher education system centred on the university of Jaffna: The need to make the agricultural economy of Jaffna synchronize with the needs of the southern market place: The social psychological repair of the war and its deep wounds in a systematic manner to recover the human potential: The systemic programme to address the ideological opposition between the two ethnic nations so that the future of this State will be true Sri Lanka instead of Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim.

Yahapalana Government has failed to meet these challenges in a satisfactory manner. The clever articulations of then Foreign Minister Managala Samaraweera, managed to defuse the fires at the international community and win some basic concessions like GSP +. Nevertheless, all such small gains are conditional and temporary. It is in this perplexing condition that this Government continues its arrogance of (shameless) power to protect the scallywags of the Bond scam. Ranil came to power promising to punish corruption and recover the lost. Ranil came to power promising to punish corruption and recover the lost. What a disaster of disjuncture. Within the first 100 days, he appointed one of his confidants Saman Athaudahetti to a loss-making pitiable ITN and another to the Central Bank, which is possibly only second to Parliament in terms of governance of this country, and made sure that he broke all the trust and all the ethics of professionalism, especially in a field like finance where the level of ethics and transparency should be as in the Supreme Courts.

The ugly revelation continues by every hour. Ranil seems to be destined to go down in history as the UNPer who destroyed his party and its liberal image in just 100 days what Mahamanya Senanayake and others took decades to build. It may be the only clean achievement this Government has done so spectacularly – to divide and destroy the two major Sinhala political parties. It is in this deplorable surrounding that his government has contracted the all-important task of constitutional change to few minors like Dr. Jayampathi Wickramaratne , some liberal looking essentially Colombo based civil fronts and their advertising agencies.

They think the Sri Lankan citizenship importantly the Sinhala South is so weak and fallible that it can be altered by a part time Facebook campaign. They similar to their political leadership fail to read the continuous and undefeated ethno-national determination of the average man like Vannihami of ‘Purahanda Kaluwara’ of Prasanna Vithanage. They may be blind to certain democratic reality of the 21st century. But the Sinhala’s are not deterrent in their determination. So all my dear friend Sumanthiran can do is to sit, dialogue and win the confidence of the Mahanayakes of Kandy and Matara as equally as or more importantly than Delhi and New York before we can even discuss the first draft of the proposals. These proposals can secure the majority in Parliament, yet what use of such endorsement if it is not coming from the conviction of the Sinhala majority of this country. By failing to give priority and instead letting his Government entangle in an abysmal tunnel of corruption Wickremesinghe has lost not only his “Mr. Clean’ image but also slipped another opportunity to bring structural changes to this country: Because democracy is dangerous in the hands of those without political morality.

Suren Raghavan Ph D, is a Senior Research Fellow at the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies and currently a Resident Research Scholar at the University of Colombo. raghavansuren@gmail.com

By Risidra Mendis Courtesy Ceylon Today

As the remains of the Galgamuwa blind tusker lay on the ground deep inside the forest of the Kahalla Pallekele Sanctuary, six suspects were taken into custody in connection with the killing of the elephant.The worst fears of environmentalists and animal welfare activists were confirmed when the carcass of the elephant found at the Kahalla Pallekele Sanctuary on 29 November was identified as that of the blind Galgamuwa tusker. The tusker was around 45 years old and nine and half feet tall at the time it was killed.

Environmentalists and animal welfare activists have blamed the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWLC) for the death of the elephant who they say should have been protected since the animal was blind and was also a tusker.

“A total of six suspects have been taken into custody in connection with the killing after the carcass was discovered. The alleged shooter responsible for bringing down the tusker is also believed to be among those arrested,” environmentalist Shashikalana Rathwaththa told Ceylon Today.

News of the missing tusker came to light after two suspects were taken into custody while attempting to sell a pair of tusks to an interested buyer, by sleuths from the Walana Police Anti Corruption Unit. The pair was later handed over to the Polpitigama Police for further investigations.

Initial investigations have revealed that the chief suspect in the incident is the Grama niladhari of the area, while another suspect is the brother of an engineer attached to the Irrigation Department. He is also the driver for the priest of the village temple.

After the tusks were identified as that of the Galgamuwa tusker a search operation commenced to find the remains of the elephant that went missing about a month ago.

According to environmentalists villagers in the area had informed Police that the missing tusker was seen close to the house of one of the suspects. Following a search operation by the Special Task Force (STF) a decomposed carcass of an elephant was discovered inside the Kahalla Pallekelle Sanctuary, which was later identified to be that of the missing tusker,” they explained.

Wildlife Director Dr. Tharaka Prasad who led the post-mortem on the carcass said that the tusker was identified by a growth on the back of his left leg and that it had died about an hour after it was brought down.

“The tusker was a healthy animal at the time he was killed. We found three pellets inside the animal’s stomach. The fourth pellet had travelled through the base of the trunk and damaged the skull. The tusker had also suffered injuries to its stomach. We believe the tusker finally died due to internal bleeding caused by bullet wounds. The tusker had gone blind around 10 years ago after it was shot in the eyes,” Dr Prasad added.

Zoologist Dilan Peiris said that many years ago he had spoken to wildlife officers and told them that the Galgamuwa tusker should be protected from poachers. “Another tusker was killed at the Tabbowa sanctuary. This is a very dangerous situation where so many tuskers are being killed. No effort has been made by the Government or the DWLC to protect these tuskers for future generations. When an elephant is killed the government asks for an investigation into the incident and a big fuss is made in the media. But two months later the investigation and incident is forgotten by everybody,” Peiris explained.

He added that all senior officers at the DWLC should go home and hand over the Department to somebody who can take measures to protect the remaining tuskers from facing a similar fate.

“President Maithripala Sirisena is the Environment Minister. He should take responsibility for the death of these tuskers. Where are all these NGO people who shout about elephants been taken in peraheras? Where are the animal welfare people who shout about injured dogs?

These NGO people are only interested in the dollars they earn and are not genuinely concerned about animal welfare,” Peiris further said.

Environment Lawyer Jagath Gunewadena said that under Section 12 to 24 of the Fauna and Flora Protection Ordinance (FFPO) elephants are protected. “Under Section 12 of the FFPO it is illegal to kill or injure an elephant. It is also an offence to keep elephant tusks or parts of the animal under the Public Property Act (PPA). A person can be charged under the FFPO and the PPA for keeping elephant tusks,” Gunewardena said.

He said he has noticed that people have become bolder in the recent few years with regard to the killing of elephants because no action is taken against to apprehend the culprits. “So, killing an elephant and taking its tusks is not a big issue these days. People should be made to respect the law,” Gunewardena explained.

Media Secretary Sustainable Development and Wildlife Ministry Pabasari Waleboda said that on the orders of the subject Minister Gamini Jayawickrema Perera two investigations are currently underway in connection with Galgamuwa tusker slaying.

The slain tusker was finally laid to rest at the spot it was discovered after Buddhist monks performed the final rites.

Shenali D Waduge

If anyone is qualified to speak on law & order in Sri Lanka it is these former Chiefs of Police with years of service, experience and now able to deduce aspects of law & order and its consequences as a result of political decision making. Therefore, their opinion against the Interim Report of the Steering Committee recommending the complete devolution of Law & Order to the Provinces is not only timely & important but one that cannot be ignored. It is therefore the duty of the Government & Interim Committee to peruse the 14 point resolution passed on 25 November 2017 at the AGM of retired Chiefs of Police of Sir Lanka.

The then Government of JR Jayawardena is faulted for agreeing to the insertion of law & order as a provincial subject included into Indo-Lanka Accord & 13amendment following the clandestine creation of armed militancy by India. The Government & advisors should have known the consequences of devolving law & order to newly created provinces when the North already having groups of men bearing arms & ammunition.

Successive Governments chose not to devolve police powers knowing the ground realities if police powers were to be devolved. What successive governments with parliamentary clout did not do was to take legal measures to remove land & police powers from the 13^th amendment leaving no room for tantrums by those demanding it including high profile political analysts.

The retired police heads caution against devolution of police powers yet continue with decentralization as is being done.

The key areas of caution highlighted in the resolution passed by the former Police chiefs are

• Dividing Sri Lanka’s Police Service into 9 Provincial Police Services is conceptually flawed, impractical & unnecessary in a country that is 25,000 sq.miles and a population of 21m
• Dividing Sri Lanka’s Police Service into 9 Provincial Police Services undermines the unitary & unified command structure as it dismantles the police command structure making national accountability impossible especially in a national crisis or disaster affecting more than one province as no province can be held accountable to the nation. A good example is the recent petrol crisis & the responsibility fell on the Minister in charge of Petroleum and the CPC. That was so because control was under the Centre. Another example was the Ginthota clashes. The IGP had powers to directly give directions to the area police. If powers had been devolved the IGP would not have been able to do so. Another example is the Mumbai terror attacks in 2008 as the Central Government was unable to take action until it had obtained the official approvals to send commandos to quell the terrorists and the delay cost many lives.
• As per the Unitary model the Sri Lanka Police Service command & control structure conforms to the Police Ordinance with the IGP as head. The 13a envisages dividing this into two entities creating a National Police & Provincial Police. IGP will only hold a title role as head of the National police with authority only in the Metropolitan Police area which heads of the Provincial Police will exercise direct control over their allocated provinces. IGP therefore cannot be held response by the Minister in charge of Law & Order of the entire country while the Minister himself cannot be answerable to Parliament for the preservation of law & order in the country as it is the Chief Ministers to whom the heads of the Provincial Police will be directly reporting. This is not only creating problems and red tape but is a colossal waste of time and money to have two sets of police with everyone eventually passing the buck.
• Another important area highlighted by the retired police chiefs is the fact that the Provincial Councils will have powers to enact legislation pertaining to law & order the danger of which is that the country will not have one uniform penal legislation despite having a common Criminal Procedure Code.
• The retired chiefs have also highlighted how coordination, prevention, detection and investigation of crime will become not only complicated but cumbersome as well. They cite the 119 system where anyone can make a report by dialing 119 from any part of the island. Under devolved powers this system will not apply. They give the example of the recent gang rape case in Kayts where the main suspect tried to escape through the BIA with the alleged aid & abetting of the Northern Range S/DIG. However, he was nabbed at the airport before escaping because of this centralized system. In a devolved set up anyone committing a crime in one province will immediately escape to another province and there will be no system to arrest him. These pitfalls are presently prevalent in federal states of US, India too. Some people have married multiple times in different provinces too.
• Another important aspect highlighted by the retired police chiefs is that the National Police will not be entitled to wear the police uniform in Provincial Council areas. They will be confined to ceremonial status only.
• IGP that had been in charge of and in control of the entire police force will only be able to provide standards and guidelines without any guarantee that the Provinces will follow them
• The police chiefs have also highlighted that recruitment to the police will be on provincial basis thus securing loyal to local politicians. No police officer could be transferred out of the province on disciplinary grounds even in cases of serious dereliction of duty. The retired heads feel that this would result in a thriving relationship among criminals and corrupt police and local politicians – a troika that would be a menace to the people living in a province.
• Another important aspect highlighted by the retired police chiefs is the concern of national and public security where they point out the difficulties in collecting national intelligence by creating 10 separate police divisions (9 provincial police and the Metropolitan police) They predict anarchy and destability for the entire island nation.
• The retired police heads make reference to the Election Manifesto of President Maithripala Sirisena on 19^th December 2014 giving firm commitment to the Police Service to be depoliticized and promotions granted on basis of merit and performance. However, they point out that with devolution of police powers the police officers and the Provincial Police Commissions will come under direct control and directions of the Provincial Chief Ministers & Governors which will make that assurance a non-reality.

The points highlighted by the retired police chiefs cannot and should not be discarded by people who have no experience in running a police service as these retired police chiefs have. They are unanimous in their declaration that police powers SHOULD NOT be devolved under whatever circumstances or conditions and should remain with the Centre and under Central control in a unified & centralized system that has been functioning.

They have submitted copies of the Resolution to the President of Sri Lanka, the Prime Minister, Minister of Law & Order, the Speaker & the National Police Commission for perusal and action. The President of the retired Police Service heads is H M G B Kotakadeniya.

The manner that LTTE was commemorated openly & ashamedly even by the Jaffna University & TNA is ample reason to completely refuse to devolve police or land powers to the provinces. This government is insane to be devolving complete powers to the provinces with dangers clearly envisaged by the retired police chiefs and the ground realities of how a banned terrorist movement was even commemorated inside a state university – Jaffna University and all that the present government could do was absolutely nothing. The TNA Northern Province Head had the audacity to even publicly say that the present government had given them assurances to do what they liked. Is this how a country is to be governed?

Shenali D Waduge

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Yahapalana government   has gone out of its way to upset the public and send tempers high. The SAITM issue is one example. This issue which should have been solved internally was allowed to escalate, observed Dr. Susirith Mendis, who teaches in the Medical Faculty, Colombo. Business Times and Research Consultancy Bureau (BT-RCB) conducted a street poll in Colombo and Galle in October 2017. While commenting on other matters, respondents said that Yahapalana avoids issues like the rising cost of living and instead raises unnecessary issues, such as SAITM.

SAITM started as the South Asian Institute of   Technology and Management.  Then it replaced the word ‘Management’ with ‘Medicine’. SAITM was a BOI project.  The BOI is not an advisable route towards a degree awarding institute, to start with.

From the beginning, the medical profession was critical of this institute. They said the facilities and training were unsatisfactory and SAITM should be closed down. Sri Lanka Medical Council and the Government Medical Officers’ Association issued public warnings regarding registering with SAITM. The two medical boards appointed by the UGC in 2013 and 2015 to evaluate SAITM, refused to approve the institute but were sympathetic to the plight of the students already registered.

In July 2016, the Deans of Medical faculties issued a report, where they recommended further training for those in SAITM and wanted them to obtain a further certificate acceptable to the licensing body, SLMC. UGC however granted degree-awarding status to SAITM amidst protests from the Inter-University Students’ Federation (IUSF) and the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA). The first batch of SAITM doctors emerged in 2016. They were refused registration. They went to courts and Supreme Court directed the Sri Lanka Medical Council to grant provisional registration to SAITM medical graduates.

Several bodies intervened to settle the issue. GMOA, deans of all state medical faculties and unions representing lecturers at state medical faculties drafted a joint document,  around April 2017, which put forward a set of solutions acceptable to all stakeholders.    But Yahapalana took no notice.  All this has resulted in a protracted tug of war, which has still not ended.

There have been so many protests over SAITM that is difficult to recall them all, observed Susirith Mendis. There were protests for SAITM and protests against SAITM. The SAITM students held a protest held outside the Health Ministry demanding that they be allowed to practice at national hospitals. The students then invaded the Ministry of Health and damaged public property. This was televised and shown on news. The SAITM parents also demonstrated several times. They held a satyagraha and later a hunger strike at Fort railway station. One demonstration went on for over 50 days.

On the anti-SAITM side, Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) staged many one day strikes on SAITM issue. They had a vehicle parade as well. Government Nurses Organization and Dental Association also joined in the demonstrations. The SAITM demonstrations also became anti-government demonstrations with the unions of Ceylon Electricity Board   and Petroleum Corporation joining in. The protests caused severe traffic congestion in Colombo.

The very idea of a private medical college in Sri Lanka has always been a sensitive issue with medical students. They fear for their jobs.  Therefore, medical students from state universities also joined the protests. Over 7,000 students of eight state-run medical faculties boycotted lectures for two months and returned to their studies only in November 2017.

Their most spectacular student demonstration was in May 2017 in Colombo. The demonstrators, who included Inter-University Student Bala Mandalaya and  Medical Students’ Action Committee, defied a court order and tried to march to Presidents House in a very forceful manner.  Police blocked their way but they refused to move and were exposed for half an hour to water cannon. Then since they still did not disperse, the police baton charged them. The ferocity of the attack   was clearly visible on television news. (e.g. Derana news of 10.10.17) Island ran a half page of photos on this incident. 13 persons were   admitted to hospital for treatment.

Yahapalana encouraged the SAITM conflict. Yahapalana Government has tear gassed and water cannoned both the parents of SAITM and students protesting SAITM, observed critics. Outside organizations were also encouraged to join in.  One organization, I am told,   was pushed by its President to have three separate seminars on the SAITM matter, one for GMOA, one for SAITM and the third for the public. The membership had misgivings and the plan was dropped.

Yahapalana first said, bluntly, that they would not close down SAITM, which meant that the protests would continue. This decision received such strong opposition that Yahapalana finally offered two separate solutions. These were promptly rejected. GMOA described the Government’s proposals as being designed to escalate the issue”.

The Federation of Faculty of Medicine Teachers Associations of Sri Lanka (FFMTA) representing trade unions of the academic staff of state medical faculties issued a statement in April 2017. They said that a consensus proposal to solve this issue was handed over to the President on March 2017. No action has been taken. FFMTA is extremely disturbed by the ‘negligent approach’ of the authorities to solve the matter.  We do not see constructive action been taken to end this crisis, using the proposals submitted.

This crisis has now come to a stage where the harmonious existence of the daily life of the whole population is at stake, due to the strikes, continued FFMTA. Further, educational activities of the students of the eight state medical faculties are disrupted for over two months, leading to serious consequences for generations of students in the future, it noted. FFMTA demands a quick and a reasonable solution to this crisis based on the five point proposal presented by us.

With final examinations not being held at the state medical faculties, there will be no intern doctors for deployment in November 2017 and May 2018 when the intakes are scheduled to be recruited. Till the new intern doctors are recruited, the House Officers will not be released, which would then travel upwards in the hospital system, preventing and impacting even post-graduate education said observers.

SAITM simply cannot be allowed to do this to the whole system, said commentators. We need urgent action in addressing this crisis which has dragged on for far too long. GMOA added that GCE A/level students eligible to study medicine were also wasting their time, unable to gain university admission.

it was also observed that many Bhutanese medical students study at the Ragama Medical Faculty — the fees from whom are used for the development of the institution. the Bhutanese government which is sponsoring these students has expressed serious concerns about the current situation. Bhutan is wondering whether to send their medical students, elsewhere to other countries, said authorities.

When the SAITM issue was developing into crisis proportions, I had a worrisome premonition, said Susirith Mendis. I had the feeling that the government was deliberately allowing this issue to fester into a ‘national crisis’. That there was an underlying method in its madness. The government deliberately planned to allow a ‘national crisis’ to develop over the issue.

The government plan was to create as much chaos as possible, goad the GMOA and the IUSF into action, entice them onto the streets, commit themselves into demonstrations that will inevitably lead to violence, said Mendis. The public  will    exhaust themselves, their ‘protest energies’ sapped by the months’ long protests in the streets over SAITM   and more important matters such as ECTA,  Trincomalee  oil tanks and Constitution reform will  be  passed unnoticed.

There was agreement with this view. These demonstrations are well organized, said another commentator. I think that they are extending the SAITM issue in the hope that it will divert attention from the Acts they are planning to bring into Parliament and all the other things they are planning to do, he said.  All agree that SAITM matter should have been solved internally, instead it was allowed to escalate because Yahapalana wants to create dissension in the country.

National tensions have also showed up in Sri Lanka cricket. Indrajit Coomaraswamy said that since the World Cup 1996 victory, the Sri Lankan cricket team has had a record that has been surpassed only by Australia in ICC tournaments, involving all the major cricket playing countries. The Test Team has also been highly competitive. The Sri Lankan brand was both respected and admired, even loved, throughout the cricketing world. Sri Lanka has also produced a number of iconic players who have thrilled fans throughout the cricketing world .

Sri Lanka seemed to be everyone’s second favorite team after their own country, continued Coomaraswamy. The success on the field was complemented by a fan base which supported its national team with great passion but also a disciplined attitude which celebrated successes with great enthusiasm and accepted losses with philosophical equanimity. Sri Lanka fans have supported their national teams, particularly the cricket team, loyally through both successful and challenging times, concluded Coomaraswamy.  We also know that unlike in India, Sri Lankans did not attack the homes of cricketers and the cricketers themselves, when the team lost.

But after Yahapalana took over, Sri Lanka’s international cricket went down very fast. Sri Lanka lost match after match. Sri Lanka were completely outplayed in the ongoing bilateral series against India, where they were whitewashed 3-0 in Tests and 5-0 in ODIs, reported the sports media. The first two Tests ended inside four days while the last Test lasted less than three days. During the ODI series, Sri Lanka was bowled out thrice without utilizing their full quota of 50 overs.

Cricket fans became impatient and finally,   tempers flared when Sri Lanka lost the third one-day international to India at the Pallekele International Stadium in August 2017. That loss was Sri Lanka’s 15th in 19 ODIs for the 2017 calendar year. As Sri Lanka hurtled towards another defeat against India, certain sections of the crowd in Pallekele went out of control as they hurled bottles onto the ground, leading to the stoppage of play for 32 minutes, reported the media. It was the first such instance in Sri Lanka  where Sri Lanka cricketers were booed at a home match. However, riot police came in and managed to clear an entire section of the grass bank, which allowed play to resume. The cricketers had to remain in their dressing room until they were escorted away from the stadium by the Police.

This was the second instance of Sri Lankan fans turning hostile against their team in this ODI series. After the home team’s nine-wicket loss in Dambulla, Sri Lankan fans resorted to protesting and shouted slogans against the team just as the players were about to board the team bus. Riot police had to intervene then to clear the crowd before the team members boarded the bus and headed towards their hotel.

An inability to accept negative outcomes after a sporting contest runs counter to the outlook of the vast majority of Sri Lankans, said Coomaraswamy. The bad behavior at cricket matches by a small minority must therefore, be condemned. It is out of character and wholly unacceptable. The behavior of fans at last two ODIs was not called for, he said. The young Sri Lankan team played with plenty of spirit in both games and competed vigorously against a strong Indian team which is currently ranked number one.

Sidat Wettimuny, a former opening batsman and one of the most respected voices in the sport, criticized the  present structure of Sri Lanka cricket, specially  Sri Lanka’s First Class structure. Sri Lanka had 14 teams competing in First Class cricket, but the current administration increased the number into 24. Thanks to a terrible First Class structure, we don’t have anyone waiting on the wings. Then, we could lose five players and bring a good combination, but not right now, noted Wettimuny.

There is erosion of confidence and that’s the biggest problem I see at the moment, noted Wettimuny. The mindset of the players is in disarray. There’s lack of direction and confusion. Wettimuny also criticized some of the selections that have been made in recent times.  Dinesh Chandimal has been Sri Lanka’s best batsman in ODI cricket in the last two years, but strangely he was left out of the Zimbabwe series and for the current series. He was only brought back into the squad as injury replacement.

Public tensions are erupting elsewhere too. Derana news on 28.8.17 showed Chilaw fishermen in two villages fighting each other with large poles. There was another instance, shown on television, where a commuter had been assaulted for asking where the train to Veyangoda was and a fight had started in the station.  (I have lost the reference, it came on Derana 6.55 news). But the best indication of heightened tension is the sudden strike of railway drivers on 11.10.17 at Fort station. This sudden train strike was due to trade union action staged by the engine drivers and railway guards,

The railway trade unions had opposed the new procedure of recruitment of engine driver assistants, which they said breached recruitment and safety guidelines.  Prime Minister’s office and Transport and Civil Aviation Ministry refused to revise the recruitment procedures. So the Locomotive Operating Engineers’ Union struck work. We thought the Government will compromise and settle the issues related to the recruitment process of engine driver assistants and their salaries, a spokesman said.

All trains starting from Colombo Fort and Maradana were cancelled. without prior notice. Thousands of commuters were left stranded, resulting in a tense situation at the Colombo Fort and Maradana Railway stations. Hundreds of enraged rail commuters surrounded the office of the station master while crowds bayed from the elevated walkways and stairways at the rail hub demanding transport to go home.

Railway staffers who issued tickets were humiliated by irate passengers. They were asked to shed their uniforms and go home. Derana 12.10.17 showed the fury of the commuters. One said ‘ meke une umbala eyalata chanda dunne nisa’, another said ‘strike properly, not like this’. many furious passengers said they will teach an unforgettable lesson to locomotive driver unions and threatened to punish them while TV cameras kept rolling. Meanwhile, the SLTB deployed additional buses to provide transport to commuters.