LEGAL VALIDITY OF GAZETTE NOTIFICATION CALLING FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS

November 2nd, 2017

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

There are news reports that the Gazette Notification regarding the arrangements for conducting the long awaited Local Government Elections is to be published very soon.   This is welcoming news, even though the number of members of the local governments have increased by an astronomical 3870 members.   This will allow the manipulative politics to rule the local governments as well.

However, the passage of the new Bill by Parliament  2/3 rd majority has been challenged in the Supreme Court.  If the Court gives its seal of approval for the controversial Bill, then  the  elections will most likely take place.   But if the Bill is declared null and void by the Supreme Court, the gazette notification  calling for the elections may also be unenforceable.

In that event, the Local Governments status could remain as dissolved with the alternative pathway to hold elections under the previously existed boundaries and conditions.

Will the Commissioner of Elections delay the issuance of the Gazette Notification until such time the Supreme Court decision is handed down? Or can a private citizen petition to the Supreme Court seeking a restraining order for the enforcement Gazette Notification and conducting elections pending SC determinations.  If  the Election Commission delay issuance, the Government will pass the blame on the EC for the time being.

But if EC act, as it is reported to issue the Gazette, will the Election Commissioner’s decision become sub-judice” ?

Why a new constitution? – Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe

November 2nd, 2017

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Following are excerpts of a statement issued by former Justice and Buddha Sasana Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe PC regarding the much talked about Interim Report of the Steering Committee presented to parliament for debate. 


  • Interim Report submitted by the purported steering committee dated 21st September 2017 has no validity and authority
  • Whose need is to have a new constitution devolving the powers enabling the conversion of this country to a federal state
  • The Tamil population, forming the majority,  in north and east amounts to 1,597,000
  • It was a sole victory gained by the UNP’ers through their blood, tears and sweat

Since the Soulbury Constitution hadn’t provided the authority and a procedure to adopt a new constitution by repealing the existing one, the Government elected in 1970 had no option except to establish a Constitutional Assembly operating outside the Parliament. Since there were no such barriers in the constitution of 1972, J. R. Jayewardene entrusted the task of drafting a new constitution to one of his allies Prof. Alfred Jayaratnam Wilson, a political science expert and the son-in-law of late TULF Leader S. J. V. Chelvanayagam. The draft he prepared was received with the assent of the cabinet of ministers and then presented to the National State Assembly in terms of Article 51 of the 1972 constitution. Similarly Article No. 82 of the 1978 Constitution has conferred the powers and authority on the Parliament enabling it to promulgate a new constitution by replacing it.

What should be noted here is that under no circumstances, power has been conferred by the 1978 constitution on the Parliament to establish a Constitutional Assembly in Parliament. If the Parliament is not competent to draft a new constitution in an ordinary manner, the only procedure to be adopted in terms of the constitution is to seek assistance of a parliamentary select committee which could consist of members who are skillful and competent in making appropriate recommendations. Accordingly the purported Constitutional Assembly is null and void per se as well as ab initio. Similarly the the Steering Committee appointed for the said purpose was also null and void per se as well as ab initio.

The Judiciary has ample jurisdiction to declare that the Constitutional Assembly is null and void

It is an accepted and time-honoured convention in democracies all over the world, that no court should entertain or hear cases against an act committed or omitted by the parliament, since it is an organ of the Government which should function and operate independently of the other organs. There are already set precedents on this issue by both the courts as well as the parliament. This privilege of parliament is extended to its sub organs too, such as select committees, standing committees, special committees and the committee of whole parliament. The purported constitutional assembly which is unconstitutional in law is neither covered by the purview of the constitution nor by the standing orders of the parliament.

Since the constitution has already provided a crystal clear and unambiguous procedure for adopting a new constitution, the constitutional assembly which is unconstitutional per se, court has ample jurisdiction to declare the illegality of it. Similarly the steering committee appointed by the purported constitutional assembly itself is null and void and no avail of law. Accordingly the so-called Interim Report submitted by the purported steering committee dated 21st September 2017 has no validity and authority and automatically becomes ineffective.

When analyzing the results of the presidential elections, held in January 2015, it is evident that out of the total 6.2 million votes received by President Maithripala Sirisena about 2.5 million were of both Sri Lanka and Indian Tamils and Moors

Responsibility of Parliamentarians 

In democratic forms of States, people elect their representatives with the prime objective and aspirations that their elected representatives are competent and skillful in making laws to ensure the national security and public well-being and they incur a substantial amount of money for the maintenance of the parliament and its members. In punishing offenders in criminal cases court impose punishment on them presuming that all such accused have committed offences knowing that they were prohibited by law. Similarly people also presume that their elected representatives are making laws with a comprehensive understanding of them and their consequences.

When Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Mr. J. R. Jayewardene wanted to enact new constitutions in 1970 and 1977 respectively, they didn’t seek advice of any overseas experts or spent public funds in millions for expertise advice. If the members of the legislature aren’t competent and have the capacity to make the laws necessitated for the country, what is the use of maintaining such a Parliament? The whole parliament must be ashamed of spending public funds for seeking advice of so-called foreign experts for making the laws for the country.

When considering the political and social turmoil that had been created in the country, expectations are far remote to have a new constitution adopted

New Constitution – for whose need? 

Whose need is to have a new constitution devolving the powers enabling the conversion of this country to a federal state with the right of self-determination for Tamils in North and East and also by removing the foremost place and protection given to Buddhism? Political leaders in the Government say that the devolution of power is needed not for the politicians, but for the people. The only criterion that they put forward to justify their argument is that the incumbent President Mr. Maithripala Sirisena, received a vast amount of votes from minority ethnicities.

It is appropriate to analyze the said situation. While the population of the country is 20,359,000, the number of registered voters for the 2015 elections was 14,268,000. According to the statistics, seven out of every ten citizens are eligible to be voters. The Tamil population, forming the majority,  in north and east amounts to 1,597,000. In that manner, seven out of ten means 1,117,000. The total population in both North and East when compared to the total population in the Island is only 7.84%.

When analyzing the results of the presidential elections, held in January 2015, it is evident that out of the total 6.2 million votes received by President Maithripala Sirisena about 2.5 million were of both Sri Lanka and Indian Tamils and Moors. When we subtract the said 2.5 million votes of both Sri Lankan and Indian Tamils and Muslims, the remaining 3.7 million votes came from  the Sinhala majority. President Sirisena didn’t receive even 1% of votes from the SLFP vote base. It was a sole victory gained by the UNP’ers through their blood, tears and sweat. Not a rupee was spent by any of the SLFP’ers during that election.

Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa received 5,768,000 votes in the said election. Many people argue that he didn’t receive any votes from the minority ethnicities. In that context if we have to hypothesize that the votes received both by Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithreepala Sirisena amount to 9.4 million, obviously they came from the Sinhala voters. The present question that has arisen is whether a new constitution should be promulgated just to satisfy the said 2.5 million voters of the minority communities, ignoring 9.4 million votes of the Sinhalese. The next question is whether there is any country in the world which has devolved the powers to a greater extent for a minority community which amounts to 7.84% out of the total population?

The majority Buddhists, as well as non-Buddhists are of the opinion that the nature of Sri Lanka shall remain unitary (more appropriately ‘solitary’) as provided in 1972 and 1978 constitutions. Even when the British Empire captured this country, they had assured by Article 5 of the Kandyan Treaty in 1815 that they will protect Buddhism in Sri Lanka foremost. Even his Eminence Cardinal and some other Tamil and Muslim leaders also assented to the said idea. It is the heritage of the people in this country. But it doesn’t mean by inserting the said Article there could be any discrimination or injustice to the other religions.

The present question that has arisen is whether a new constitution should be promulgated just to satisfy the said 2.5 million voters of the minority communities, ignoring 9.4 million votes of the Sinhalese

It is the duty of the State as well as of the majority Buddhists to protect the rights of the other religious groups. Religious reconciliation is a duty collectively passed upon to all the devotees of every religion. There are reports that at least 20 attacks against Muslims are being carried out daily in London. In that context we are much better in maintaining religious harmony compared to UK and performed more credibility than those preachers of the west harping on equality and human rights of the people.

Can a person from the minority assume leadership? 

Lakshman Kadiragamar was an exemplary leader who earned high respect from all the people irrespective of their ethnicity, religion or language. He was assassinated by LTTE rebels. At present we can’t see that kind of statesmen emerging within the minority communities.

It is not due to any deformity or deficiency of the constitution. There had been many persons from the minority communities who had held high ranking offices such as the Chief Justice, the Attorney-General, IGP, military commanders, etc. In the past we have observed the leadership given to the nation by late Lakshman Kadiragamar and late A.C.S. Hameed as national leaders, not as leaders of their communities. Today we can’t see such national leadership from minority communities because they are mostly promoting communal feelings and emotions than contributing towards the advancement of national policy.

What should be done?

When considering the political and social turmoil that had been created in the country, expectations are far remote to have a new constitution adopted. Although a positive environmental prevailed in the country in 2015, now that atmosphere has completely disappeared as a result of maladroit conduct on the part of the Government. Obtaining a 2/3 majority in the Parliament for the proposed constitution is only a figment of imagination.

Even if it is passed with a 2/3 majority in the Parliament it can’t become a law unless it is approved by the people at a referendum. It is certain that it is similar to pursuing a mirage. The vast majority of Sinhala and Muslim people also have expressed their opposition to the proposed constitution.

Considering the present environment of the country, the Government will have to take a prudent decision to discuss with party leaders and to agree on suitable amendments to the existing constitution with the aim of making it more meaningful and vibrant. The priorities of the needed amendments could be set in the following manner.

1. To change the proportional representative electoral system by introducing a more favorable system to the people.

2.To introduce the reforms into the judicial system to enhance its efficiency and thereby to minimize the laws delay. (I have already submitted an appropriate amendment to the system, but it is kept aside with the expectation that they could incorporate the same into the proposed new constitution).

3.To make necessary restructures to provincial councils and local Government institutions enabling them to be more efficient and functional. More administrative powers could be devolved in a symmetric way.

4.To establish a mechanism/reinforce the existing mechanism for accountability of the public sector.

Centre will lose all power if proposals are implemented – Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa

November 2nd, 2017

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa says that ‘manipulation’ by the government is glaringly obvious in the whole process of formulating a new Constitution and that the Joint Opposition is being provided with scarce opportunities to voice their opinions.

Delivering a speech during the debate on the Interim Report of the Steering Committee at the Constitutional Assembly in Parliament today (2), he charged that the views expressed by their MPs in the various sub-committees were dropped when the reports were published.

Look at the manner in which the debate on this interim report has been conducted in the past three days. First a UNP minister speaks on behalf of the government. Then a TNA member speaks on behalf of the opposition. Once again an SLFP minister speaks on behalf of the government. Then a JVP member speaks on behalf of the opposition.”

All these parties are yahapalana stakeholders, they are all in the constitutional conspiracy together,” he claimed.

The UPFA Kurunegala District MP stated that the genuine opposition force” which is the Joint Opposition gets only two or three opportunities to speak a day.

Rajapaksa stated that members of the government, in order to justify their quest for a new constitution, have been claiming that he too had pledged in his manifesto for the 2015 presidential election to bring in a new constitution.

That is true, but the question here is that the present constitutional proposals seek to divide the country whereas what I had in mind was a constitution that would enhance the unity and togetherness of all the communities that live in this country,” he said.

In any event nobody obtained a mandate to bring in a completely new constitution at either the presidential or parliamentary elections held in 2015, he said.

According to the constitutional proposals that have been unveiled, every subject that is now on the central government list is to be evaluated and assigned to the provinces if the provinces can handle it, he said.

In formulating national policies and standards the central government will have to consult each and every provincial council separately. Land, police and finance powers are to be devolved to the provinces.”

Once all these powers are devolved to the provinces, the central government cannot take them back even with the combined authority of a two thirds majority in parliament plus a countrywide referendum.”

If the current proposals are implemented, the centre will lose all power,” Rajapaksa charged.

The former President claimed that there is the widespread suspicion that the government may try to get the new constitution passed in Parliament through the same means adopted to change the system of elections to the local government institutions and the provincial councils in the recent past.

There are over 40 MPs who contested and won the last Parliamentary elections under my leadership and who now hold portfolios under this government. They can defeat this constitution in Parliament by not voting for it.”

Rajapaksa said that today what they see is that the needs of the people have been cast aside and the needs of the politicians in the north are being given priority. This I believe is a payoff for the contribution made by certain internal and external forces towards the change of government in January 2015.”

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s speech at the Constitutional Assembly:

Hon Chairman,

The Constitutional Assembly began the process of drafting a new constitution nearly 20 months ago. Six sub-committee reports containing various proposals were released in November 2016 and in September this year the interim report that we are debating now, was tabled in Parliament. I have issued detailed statements commenting on the specific proposals made in the various documents that have been released by the Constitutional Assembly up to now and I do not intend repeating myself here. We participated in this constitutional reform process with honesty and an open mind. When the political parties were asked to submit their views, the Joint Opposition sent in written submissions. We participated in the various sub-committees. It’s not that we didn’t have our doubts about the bona fides of the government. We saw the blatant fraud perpetrated on the people of this country through the 19th Amendment which the government introduced for the purpose of abolishing the executive presidency. But we participated in the constitution making process in order to look after the national interest.

Yahapalana manipulation is glaringly obvious in this whole process. The views that our MPs expressed in the various sub-committees were dropped when the reports were published. Look at the manner in which the debate on this interim report has been conducted in the past three days. First a UNP minister speaks on behalf of the government. Then a TNA member speaks on behalf of the opposition. Once again an SLFP minister speaks on behalf of the government. Then a JVP member speaks on behalf of the opposition. All these parties are yahapalana stakeholders, they are all in the constitutional conspiracy together. The genuine opposition force which is the Joint Opposition gets only two or three opportunities to speak a day. In order to justify their quest for a new constitution, members of the government have been claiming that I too had pledged in my manifesto for the 2015 presidential election to bring in a new constitution. That is true, but the question here is that the present constitutional proposals seek to divide the country whereas what I had in mind was a constitution that would enhance the unity and togetherness of all the communities that live in this country.

In any event nobody obtained a mandate to bring in a completely new constitution at either the presidential or parliamentary elections held in 2015. According to the constitutional proposals that have been unveiled, every subject that is now on the central government list is to be evaluated and assigned to the provinces if the provinces can handle it. The concurrent list is to be abolished and the powers therein handed over to the provinces. Even the implementation of the few functions left to the central government are wherever possible, to be carried out by the provincial authorities. In formulating national policies and standards the central government will have to consult each and every provincial council separately. Land, police and finance powers are to be devolved to the provinces. Once all these powers are devolved to the provinces, the central government cannot take them back even with the combined authority of a two thirds majority in parliament plus a countrywide referendum.

A devolved power can be taken back only if each and every provincial council gives its assent to the proposed change. If these proposals are enacted, there will be no point in the present members of this house contesting for parliament next time. They will be better off contesting for the provincial councils because that is where real power will reside. A federal unit or an independent state in the northern and eastern provinces has been a political project pursued by northern politicians since the 1950s. In order to hide the chauvinism and exclusivism that underlies this demand for a separate Tamil state, the devolution of power has always been touted as an arrangement that will be of benefit to all provinces and not just the north and east. All this while, the leaders of other minority based political parties may have been passively and unthinkingly nodding their heads to the demand for more and more devolution of power orchestrated by the TNA lobby.

But now when confronted with the moment of truth, the leaders of political parties based on other ethnic groups and religions may be having second thoughts due to the clear danger that these proposals pose to their own interests. This may be why this process has not progressed beyond the collecting and publishing of ideas and suggestions” as the government likes to put it. The devolution of power in the manner proposed may be in the interests of northern Tamil politicians but it will place all other minority community based political parties at a disadvantage. The Muslim community cannot possibly agree to the proposal in this interim report that the northern and eastern provinces be considered one province. In 1987, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress was formed in protest against the merger of the northern and eastern provinces. It is unlikely that the Muslims of the north have forgotten how they were treated when Tamil chauvinists held unfettered power. What prevented the Muslims of the east from being similarly treated at that time, was the presence of the Sri Lanka army.

If by some chance the Northern and Eastern provinces are not merged, it will be interesting to see whether the Tamil people of the East believe their interests will be served through the further devolution of power. How do the Up-country Tamil leaders regard the idea of a new constitution that would place their population under two or three different all-powerful provincial councils with a central government that has no power to intervene on their behalf even in the case of disputes and complaints? Up to now, all leaders of the various ethnic and religious communities other than the Tamil politicians of the north have always sought power at the centre. If the current proposals are implemented, the centre will lose all power. In order to justify their constitutional proposals, members of the government has been saying that I too had mooted a concept called ‘thirteen plus’. What the present government means by thirteen plus is the division of the country. But what I meant by thirteen plus was the closer unification and integration of all communities living in this country through mechanisms like a second chamber of Parliament.

In India, the vast majority of Indian Tamils live in Tamil Nadu. In Sri Lanka however, the majority of the Tamil people are permanently resident outside the north and east. Even though there is a significant concentration of Muslims in the east, the vast majority of the Muslims are permanently resident outside the east. The creation of ethnic or religion based federal units with powers akin to sovereign states, will place the minorities living in those federal units at a disadvantage. I request the government to give up this quest for a new constitution which serves only the interests of northern Tamil politicians and places virtually everyone else at a disadvantage and to concentrate instead on fulfilling the original constitutional pledges they gave the people at the 2015 presidential elections. For a start, the government should let the public know their collective decision on the abolition or otherwise of the executive presidency. The other important matter that needs the attention of this house is the reform of the elections system. The way the elections laws for the local government institutions and the provincial councils were changed was haphazard and arbitrary and this will pose a grave danger to the stability of the governing institutions of the country.

There is the widespread suspicion that the government may try to get the new constitution passed in Parliament through the same means adopted to change the system of elections to the local government institutions and the provincial councils in the recent past. There are over 40 MPs who contested and won the last Parliamentary elections under my leadership and who now hold portfolios under this government. They can defeat this constitution in Parliament by not voting for it. There was an immediate and dramatic improvement in the quality of life, the availability of employment and education in the north in the wake of the development projects launched by my government in that area after the war ended. However today we see that the needs of the people have been cast aside and the needs of the politicians in the north are being given priority. This I believe is a payoff for the contribution made by certain internal and external forces towards the change of government in January 2015.

Thank you

කැපිලි කෙටිලි බාධා කිරීම් දහසක් මැද ව්‍යවස්ථා විවාදයේදී මහින්ද කල ඓතිහාසික කතාව මෙන්න.. සැගවු රහස සභා මැද ලිහා පෙන්නයි..

November 2nd, 2017

2017 නොවැම්බර් මස දෙවන දිනබ්‍රහස්පතින්දා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාවේදී හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා කළ කතාවේ පිටපත.

ගරු සභාපතිතුමනි,

මේ ව්‍යවස්ථාදායක සභාව අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය පටන්ගත්තෙ මීට මාස 20කට පමණ කලින්. 2016 නොවැම්බර් මාසයේදී විවිධ යෝජනා අන්තර්ගත අනු කමිටු වාර්තා 06ක් පලවුණා. අපි අද විවාද කරන අතුරු වාර්තාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභාගත කලේ පසුගිය සැප්තැම්බර් මාසයේ. ඉදිරිපත් වී ඇති නිශ්චිත යෝජනා පිළිබඳව මම සවිස්තරාත්මක නිවේදන නිකුත් කර තිබෙන නිසා ඒ ගැන නැවතත් මෙතන කතාකරන්න බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන්නෙ නැහැ.

අපි මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක ක්‍රියාවලියට සහභාගී වුණේ බොහොම අවංකව. අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීම ගැන දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ වල අදහස් විමසුවාම අපි ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය හැටියට අපේ අදහස් ලියල යැව්වා. අපි ඒකෙ කමිටුවලට සහභාගී වුණා. මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක ක්‍රියාවලිය ගැන අපිට සැක නොතිබුණා නොවේ. යහපාලන  ආණ්ඩුව බලයට ආපු අලුත විධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කරනවයි කියලා ගෙනාපු 19 වන සංශෝධනයෙන් කරපු මහා වංචාව අපි දැක්කා.ඒත් අපි මේ ක්‍රියාවලියට සහභාගී වුණේ රට ගැන හිතලා.

නමුත් මේ ව්‍යස්ථා සම්පාදක ක්‍රියාවලියත් සිද්ධ වෙන්නෙ වැරදි විදියට. අනුකමිටුවලට සහභාගී වෙලා අපේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් දක්වපු අදහස් වාර්තා මුද්‍රණය කරන කොට හලලා.  පසුගිය දවස් දෙකේ මේ විවාදය කරපු හැටි දිහා බලන්න. ආණ්ඩු පක්‍ෂයෙන් කියලා යූ.එන්.පී ඇමතිවරයෙක් කතා කරනවා, ඊට පස්සෙ විපක්‍ෂයෙන් කියලා ටී.එන්.ඒ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් කතා කරනවා. අයෙමත් ආණ්ඩු පක්‍ෂයෙන් කියලා ශ්‍රිලනිප ඇමතිවරයෙක් කතා කරනවා. ඊළඟට විපක්‍ෂයෙන් කියලා ජේ.වී.පී  මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් කතා කරනවා. මේ ඔක්කොම යහපාලන කුමන්ත්‍රණයේ හිටපු අය. මේ ඔක්කොම මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා කුමන්ත්‍රණයෙත් ඉන්න අය. මේ රටේ සබෑ විපක්‍ෂය වෙන ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට  මුලු දවසටම කතා ලැබෙන්නෙදෙක තුනයි.

මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා යෝජනා සාධාරණීකරනය කරන්න මේගොල්ලො කියනවා මමත් මගේ 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණ ප්‍රතිපත්ති ප්‍රකාශනයේ අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගැන සඳහන් කරල තිබුණයි කියලා. ඔව් තිබුණා තමයි. නමුත් මෙතන තියෙන ප්‍රශ්නය රට බෙඳන ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගෙන එන එකයි. මම හිතාගෙන සිටියෙ රට එක් සේසත් කරන ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගැන.2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදීවත් පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයේදීවත් සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් ගෙන එන්න කිසිවෙකුටත් වරමක් ලැබුණේ නෑ.

මේ ඉදිරිපත් කර ඇති යෝජනා වලට අනුව අද මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුව හොබවන සෑම බලයක්ම සමාලෝචනයට ලක් කොට එය පළාත් ඒකක වලට පැවරිය හැකිනම්, එසේ පැවරීමට යෝජනා කරල තියෙනව. සමගාමී බලතල ලැයිස්තුව අහෝසි කරල ඒකෙ බලතලත් පළාත් වලට බෙදල දෙන්න යෝජනා වෙලා තියෙනව. ඒ ක්‍රියාදාමයෙන් පස්සෙ මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට ඉතිරිවෙන බලතල වුණත් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ බලය හැකි සෑම අවස්ථාවකදීම පලාත් වලට පවරන්න යෝජනා වෙලා තියෙනව. ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති හා ජාතික ප්‍රමිතීන් සම්පාදනය කිරීමේදීත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට හැම පළාත් සභාවකින්ම වෙන වෙනම මත විමසන්න වෙනව. ඉඩම් හා පොලිස් බලතල පමණක් නොව මුදල් බලතලත් පළාත් ඒකක වලට පැවරීමට යෝජනා වෙලා තියෙනව. මේ ආකාරයට පළාත් ඒකක වලට බලය පැවරුවාට පස්සෙ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ තුනෙන් දෙකේ බලයකින් හා ජනමත විචාරණයකින් වත් ඒ බලතල ආපසු පවර ගන්න බැරි වෙන ආකාරයට විධිවිධාන සම්පාදනය කිරීමට යෝජනා වෙලා තියෙනව.

යෝජිත  ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ පළාත් වලට පැවරෙන බලතල මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට ආපසු පවරගන්න පුලුවන් වෙන්නෙ හැම පළාත් සභාවක් විසින්ම ඒ පවර ගැනීම අනුමත කරොත් විතරයි. මේ ඉදිරිපත් කරල තියෙන යෝජනා ඇත්තටම ක්‍රියාත්මක වුනොත් අද මේ සභාවේ සිටින මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ඊලඟ වතාවේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තරඟ කිරීමෙන් පලක් නැති වෙනව. සැබෑ බලය තියෙන්නෙ පළාත් සභා වල නිසා මේ සියලුම දෙනාටම පළාත් සභාවලට තරඟ කරන්න සිද්ධ වේවි.

උතුරු හා නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල ෆෙඩරල් ඒකකයක් නැත්නම් ස්වාධීන රාජ්‍යක් ගොඩනැගීම 1950 ගණන් වල ඉදලම උතුරේ දේශපාලඥයින්ගෙ ප්‍රධාන ව්‍යාපෘත්ය වන බව අපි කවුරුත් දන්නව. වෙනම ෆෙඩරල් ඒකකයක් ඉල්ලා සිටීම පසුපස තිබුණු ජාතිවාදය වසන් කරන්න බලය බෙදීම උතුරු -නැගෙනහිරට පමණක් නොව අනිත් පළාත් වලටත් සෙත සලසන ක්‍රියාදාමයක් හැටියට හුවා දක්වන ප්‍රවනතාවය ඒකාලයේ ඉඳලම තිබුණා. උතුරේ දේශපාලන කණ්ඩායම් වැඩි වැඩියෙන් බලය බෙදීම ඉල්ලා සිටින විට වෙනත් ජනවාර්ගික හා ආගමික කණ්ඩායම් නියෝජනය කරන දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ නායකයනුත් වැඩි සෙවිල්ලක් බැලිල්ලක් හෝ කල්පනා කිරිල්ලක් නැතුව ඒකට ඔලුව වනන ප්‍රවනතාවයක් තිබුණා.

නමුත් දැන් දංගෙඩියට බෙල්ල තියන මොහොත ඇවිත් තියෙන නිසා වෙනත් ජනවාර්ගික හා ආගමික කණ්ඩායම් වල නායකයන් මේ යෝජනා වලින් තමන් නියෝජනය කරන ජන කොටස් වලට ඇති පැහැදිලි අනතුර ගැන කල්පනා කිරීමට පටන්ගෙන ඇතැයි කියල මම සිතනව. මාස 20ක් තිස්සේ  සාකච්ඡා කිරීමෙන් පසුවත් යෝජනා එකතුවක් පලකිරීමෙන් එහාට මේ ක්‍රියාදාමය ඉදිරියට ගිහිල්ලා නැත්තෙමේ නිසා වෙන්න පුලුවන්. මෙහෙයුම් කමිටුවේ 21 දෙනාගෙන් 15 දෙනෙක්ම අතුරැ වාර්ථාව තුල විකල්ප මත ඉදිරිපත් කරල තියෙනව ඵ් වගේම 5 වන වගන්තියට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දේශසීමාව නීර්ණය කිරිමේ බලය බාර දිමට ඇති යෝජනාවට අපට ඵකග විය නොහැක.

උතුරේ දේශපාලඥයන්ට බලය බෙදීම කියන සංකල්පයෙන් ප්‍රයෝජනයක් තිබුණත් අනෙක් සියලුම ජනවාර්ගික හා ආගමික පදනමක් ඇති දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ වලට එයින් ඇති වන්නේ අගතියක් පමණයි. මේ අතුරු වාර්තාවෙ යෝජනා කරලා  තියෙන හැටියට උතුරු-නැගෙනහිර පළාත්දෙක, තනි පළාතක් හැටියට සැලකීමේ යෝජනාවට මුස්ලිම් ප්‍රජාවට එකඟ වෙන්න පුලුවන්ද? 1987 දී ශ්‍රී ලංකා මුස්ලිම් කොංග්‍රසය බිහිවුනෙත් උතුරු- නැගෙනහිර පළාත් එක් කිරීමට විරුද්ධවයි. දෙමළ ජාතිවාදීන්ට උතුරේ සම්පූර්ණ බලය හිමිවී තිබුණ සමයේ මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවට සලකපු ආකාරය ඔවුන්ට තවම අමතක වෙලා නැතුව ඇතැයි කියල මම හිතනව. ඒ කාලේ නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙ මුස්ලිම් වරුන්ටත් ඒ ඉරණමම අත් නොවුනෙ ඒ ප්‍රදේශවල යුද හමුදාව හිටපු නිසයි.

උතුරු-නැගෙනහිර පළාත් ඒකාබද්ධ නොකෙරුවොත් නැගෙනහිර පළාතේ ජීවත්වන දෙමළ ජනතාවට පවා බලය බෙදීමෙන් සිද්දවෙන්නෙ සුගතියක් දැයි ඔවුන්ගෙන්ම අහල බලන්න ඕන. අපි උඩරට පළාත්වල  ජීවත්වන ද්‍රවිඩ ජනතාව ගත්තොත් ඒ ජනතාව වෙනම රාජ්‍යයන්ට සමාන බලතල හොබවන පළාත් සභා දෙකක්, තුනක් නැතිනම් ඊටත් වඩා වැඩි ගණනක් අතරෙ බෙදිල යන එක ගැන ඒ ජනතාවගේ නායකයන් මොනවද හිතන්නෙ? ඒ එක් එක් පළාත් සභාව තුළ ජීවත් වන උඩරට ද්‍රවිඩ ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් ආරවුලක් නිරාකාරණය කිරීමට හෝ දුක්ගැනවිල්ලක් ගැන සොයා බැලීමට මැදිහත් වීමක් කිරීමටවත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට බලයක් නැති තැන ඒ විදියට නොයෙක් පළාත් සභා අතර ඒ ජනතාව බෙදිල යාමේ අනිසංශ මොනවද කියල ඒ නායකයො කල්පනා කරල තියෙනවද?

දෙමළ ජාතික සංධානයේ දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ හැරුණ විට අනෙක් සියලුම ජනවාර්ගික හා ආගමික පදනමක් ඇති දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂ මේ වනතෙක් සොයා ගියේ මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ බලයයි. මේ ඉදිපත් වී තිබෙන යෝජනා ක්‍රියාත්මක වුවහොත් මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවට සියලුම බලතල අහිමි වනව. ආණ්ඩුව ඉදිරිපත් කරලා තියෙන බලය බෙදීමේ යෝජනා සාධාරණීකරනය කරන්න ඒගොල්ලො කියනවා මම  තර්ටීන් ප්ලස්” දෙනවයි කිවුවලු.  මේගොල්ලො තර්ටීන් ප්ලස් කිවුවාම අදහස් කරන්නෙ රට බෙදන එක. තර්ටීන් ප්ලස් කියන එකෙන් මම අදහස් කලේ, දෙවෙනි මන්ත්‍රී මණ්ඩලයක් වැනි ආයතන තුළින් රටේ සියලු ජන කොටස් තව තවත්  මධ්‍යම ආණ්ඩුවේ කටයුතු වලට සහභාගී කරවා ගැනීමයි.

ඉන්දියාවෙ දෙමළ ජනතාවගෙන් අති බහුතරය ජීවත් වෙන්නෙ තමිල්නාඩුවෙ. නමුත් ලංකාවෙ දෙමළ ජනතාවගෙන් බහුතරය සථිරව පදිංචි වෙලා ඉන්නෙ උතුරු-නැගෙනහිර පළාත් වලින් පිට. නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙ සෑහෙන මුස්ලිම් ජනගහනයක් හිටියත්, මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවගෙන් අති බහුතරය ජීවත් වෙන්නෙ නැගෙනහිර පළාතෙන් පිට. මේ රටේ ජාතිවාදී හෝ ආගම්වාදී පදනමක් මත ස්වාධීන රාජ්‍යයකට හිමි තරමේ බලතල තියෙන ෆෙඩරල් පාලන ඒකක ඇති කිරීමෙන් සිද්දවෙන්නෙ ඒ එක් එක් ඒකක තුළ ඉන්න විවිධ ජනවාර්ගික හා ආගමික කොටස් වලට අගතියක් සිදුවීමයි.

මේ බලය බෙදීමේ යෝජනා අත්හැර, ඒ ගොල්ලන් 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ජනතාවට දුන් ව්‍යවස්ථාමය ප්‍රතිඥා දෙක පමණක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නැයි මම ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉල්ලා සිටිනව.වි‍ධායක ජනාධිපති ක්‍රමයේ අනාගතය පිලිබද රජයේ සමුහික ස්ථාවරය ඉදිරිපත් කල පසු මේ ගරු සභාවේ අවධානය යොමුවෙන්න ඕන මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය සංශෝධනය කිරීම ගැනයි. පසුගිය මාස දෙක තුළ පාළාත් පාලන හා පළාත් සභා සඳහා මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය වෙනස් කෙරුවෙ අත්තනෝමතික හා අවිධිමත් විදියටයි. මේ නිසා ඉදිරියේදීරට පාලනය කරන ආයතන තුළ බරපතල අස්ථාවර භාවයක්  ඇතිවෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙනව.

මීට කළින් පළාත් පාලන ඡන්ද ක්‍රමයත්, පළාත් සභා ඡන්ද ක්‍රමයත් වෙනස් කරලා ඡන්ද කල් දමන්න ආණ්ඩුව අනුගමනය කරපු ක්‍රියාවලියම ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්බන්දයෙනුත් අනුගමනය කරාවිය යන බරපතල සැකය කා තුළත් තියෙනවා. මගේ නායකත්වය යටතේ තරඟ කරලා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තේරී පත්වෙලා ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමතිකම් දරණ අය 40 කට වඩා ඉන්නවා. මේ අයට පුලුවන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවට ඡන්දය නොදී ඉඳල ඒක පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළම පරාජය කරන්න.

මගේ ආණ්ඩුව විසින් යුද්දයෙන් පසු උතුරු පළාතේ දියත් කල ව්‍යාපෘති හේතුවෙන් එම ප්‍රදේශයේ ජනතාවගේ ජීවන තත්වය, රැකියා නියුක්තිය, හා අධ්‍යාපනය දියුණු වුණා. නමුත් දැන් උතුරේ ජනතාවගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් පසෙක ලා උතුරේ දේශපාලඥයන්ගේ අවශ්‍යතාවයන් ඉටුකිරීමට නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට මුල්තැන දීල තියෙන්නෙ 2015 ආණ්ඩු වෙනස ඇති කිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණයට උදවු දුන් අභ්‍යන්තර හා භාහිර බලවේගවලට ණය ගෙවීමක් ලෙස කියලයි මම හිතන්නෙ.

ස්තුතියි

99% Tamils want to live in peace with Sinhalese, 1% Tamils want a piece of Sri Lanka

November 2nd, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

Can you really divide a country and tell a group of people to live on one side and declare the other side newly ‘independent’? What a preposterous suggestion. Prey tell us how this can be an ideal situation when majority of Tamils are living peacefully among Sinhalese outside of the area that ‘independence’ is being sought? Are the people living among Sinhalese to be forced to move into this new mono-ethnic enclave? Will they want that? if not what a silly notion to even promote? Have those mavericks promoting these ideas ever wondered what the 99% want or are they only listening to the 1% who simply want to have a means to reign over a small number of people?

Is there any solution as preposterous as that of creating a line demarcating and dividing it and claim it is out of bounds for x and belonging to only y? This is the crux of the mono-ethnic solution being now promoted completely disregarding the fact that more Tamils are living with and in peace with Sinhalese than the Tamils living among themselves. More importantly it is the Tamils who are not living with the Sinhalese many who are actually domiciled overseas with no intention of ever living in Sri Lanka or a newly created mono-ethnic enclave who are making the demands for self-autonomy. This is the hilarious part of the story.

There is stoic silence whether these Tamils living with the Sinhalese will have to go and live in this newly created Tamil only area? If that is not part of the solution then why should Sri Lanka agree to creating a mono-ethnic separate area just because a handful of Tamil people are begging for this option while the 99% Tamils are simply asking to lead a peaceful life, educate their children and earn a decent living. None of this 99% want federalism, new constitution, or any of the political solutions now being brought to negotiating tables.

All of these solutions are simply political solutions meant to benefit the politicians – those in government or even opposition. None of these political solutions have any relevance to the needs of the people or even the wants of the people. A good example of this was made by Tamil youth in May 2016 We want homes not merging of North-East’ Why is the voice of these people being purposely ignored?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KwzRTTVWQEs

TNA is not the voice of the Tamils. With just over 500,000 votes at the 2015 General Elections this is clearly established.

TNA remains uninvestigated for links to LTTE. Ignoring this means that every Tamil that fell victim to the LTTE are ignored. Lets not forget that regularly there are ammunitions and arms emerging from different places in the North. The arrest of a TNA youth leader Sivakaran is just one reason why police & land powers should never be devolved.

http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=144355

The other factor not to be ignored is that people who are supposed to be ‘missing’ or ‘dead’ are suddenly appearing very much alive too.

The most important reason to nullify the self-determination claim is that there is no historical basis for self-determination. The same ethnic group cannot evolve in 2 different countries as Tamil Nadu self-determination began before Sri Lanka and there are 72million Tamils in Tamil Nadu while there are less than 2m Tamils in Sri Lanka.

There is no argument that can hold the discrimination by Sinhalese campaign either. Examples of what Tamils enjoy have satisfactorily nullified this bogus claim.

All of the lies spread through LTTE-oiled propaganda are now falling flat.

However, the politicians are relentless in their quest using the Tamils as scapegoat.

When TNA took over the Northern Provincial Council we expected them to put their actions where their mouths were and develop the area from the funding they sought annually from the Centre. But look at the records and they will reveal that the funding allocated is not spent and returns to the Treasury. Wigneswaran became the NPC Chief Minister in 2013

Of Rs5,831 Million allocated by Govt for North, the TNA Provincial Administration utilised only 25.17% up to Sep 30th 2014. This allocation of Rs.5.831m was the highest allocation of all the provinces in Sri Lanka.

In addition to the Rs5.8m allocation to the Northern Province, the GOSL from its national budget has spent

Rs.89,031m on Jaffna District

Rs.60,529m on Kilinochchi District

Rs.34,407m on Mullaitivu District

Rs.39,500m on Vavuniya District

Rs.62,804m on Mannar District

The GOSL has spent from its national budget Rs.290,271 million for the Northern Province alone from 2009 to September 2014.

But the TNA and Chief Minister are very busy ranting racism and travelling the world with non-stop complaints. How has the TNA and Chief Minister uplifted the lives of the Tamil people can be revealed by the growing unpopularity of the TNA in the North, the increase in the drug menace and the rise in liquor consumption, domestic abuse and many other social factors plaguing the people of the North none of which blame can be put to the Sinhalese or even the Military though that is the easiest route to take.

Anyone who has been arguing in favor of devolution must explain what Sri Lanka has achieved in 30 years from the 13a?

Those who say that 13a should be given in full minus police and land powers must be asked where were they living all these years? Do they not know that for 30 years we have been having 13a minus police and land powers and yet it is a complete failure.

Why are they trying to fool the masses to agree to 13a minus plus and middle path as some smart alecs are now advocating.

Why is everyone demanding the implementation of 13a (minus/plus or middle path) only with 2 provinces in mind. Are they pushing for asymmetrical federalism, found in federations/confederations where different constituent states possess different powers: one or more of the states has considerably more autonomy than the other substates, although they have the same constitutional status. This looks to be the real objective. But why?

With 36 of the 37 subjects already devolved we should be taking out the performance sheets of all the provinces to see whether they have actually served any purpose. If not, is there any requirement to continue it. Let’s not forget that 13a and the PC system was introduced as a solution to the supposed ‘ethnic conflict’ with 36 subjects devolved, are those advocating the full implementation of the 13a telling us that the ‘ethnic conflict’ is not solved because land & police powers have not been given? That is really something to laugh about if so.

The video clipping of Tamil youth asking for homes and not merger of north-east very clearly brings homes some key facts

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KwzRTTVWQEs

  • ‘TNA wants to divide the country, merge the north-east’ WE DON’T WANT THIS, it will only lead to another conflict”
  • If another conflict starts we will again go backwards”
  • We can’t allow our children to be sacrificed again. Many children have died. Another lot can’t suffer same fate”.
  • We want to live in peace with the other communities in Sri Lanka”.
  • Sinhalese from Colombo should be allowed to come to the North. We must all eat, drink and live happily together”.
  • We also like to go south and eat, drink and be with the other communities. We must all live together”.
  • Sinhalese & Tamils must unite & be happy. This is what we want”.
  • For 16 years the TNA has fooled the people and won elections”.
  • Just look at the state of affairs in North after TNA took over in 2013. Ganja, drugs, murder, rape all types of violations have increased”.
  • TNA is linked to these culprits and doing business dealings with them”.
  • TNA Northern Province Chief Minister Wigneswaran doesn’t mind having Sinhalese for in-laws but he prohibits other Tamils to marry Sinhalese”.

Sadly the voices and sentiments of the above people rarely get heard or is given attention in pubic and by the media because it doesn’t provide the sensationalism that separatism, self-determination, self-autonomy calls muster.

Nevertheless, what needs to be said is that an ‘ethnic problem’ cannot be solved giving land and police powers as the 13a has devolved all of the 36 subjects excepting these 2 and 13a has existed for 30years so it clearly establishes that 13a is a failure and should be repealed altogether.

What we need is not political solutions but administrative solutions that reduces red-tape in service mechanisms and stops political interference in public administrations. These are the areas that the bulk of issues give majority of problems to the general public. The people are clueless or are least bothered about the nomenclatures and terms that are being thrown into constitutional discussions. All of the political solutions being placed on the table are not to solve problems of the people but to distribute powers among politicians and expand their political enslaving of the masses.

Shenali D Waduge

1978 Constitution is still good enough, Say no to this dangerous attempt to pass an Interim Report to write a new Constitution,  

November 2nd, 2017

By Charles.S.Perera

Jayampathy Wickramaratne  the man who prepared the Interim Report placed before the Parliament for a debate says in defence of writing a  new Constitution that the President Mahinda Rajapakse had stated in his election manifesto the necessity for  a new Constitution and that what they have now done is nothing different from what Mahinda Rajapakse  would have done if he would have still been the President.

Is that an argument to defend the stupid document they have  presented to the Parliament ?

But Wickramaratne should know that Mahinda Rajapakse would not have allowed to desecrate the cultural revival brought about by SWRD Bandaranayake.

Mahinda Rajapakse  would not have allowed the country to be divided  and Buddhist Religion and Cultural values regained after  over 500 years of  neglect, abuse and desecration  by the Colonial rulers, to be removed from State protection, and give equal Status with other Cultures and Religions which were introduced later to the country, through a New Constitution.

A Constitution does not become valid  because it had been written after a long consultation with the people. It has to be written by learned persons, putting into it important matters taking into account the uniqueness of the country and the people and their religious and cultural values that had shaped the country and its people over a long period of time.

OIn writing a New Constitution there should not be no model or jumping from what the country  and the people had been, to a modern age where the past values are relegated to history and bring in new values that are  strange to the Country and the people.

Jayampathy Wickramaratne from his presentation of his ideas in a Hiru TV debate showed that he is not a suitable person to write a Constitution to a country like Sri Lanka. In that debate in the TV he told one of his opponents that he should keep his arguments for himself and listen to what he has to say as he  is an intellectual.

A Constitution is not written to reconcile with Communities . Reconciliation is a different activity and the Constitution should not be an instrument to create dissention amoung people through pseudo reconciliation with Tamils who do not want reconciliation but division and separation..

It was a mistake to have consulted the people in order  to write a New Constitution to Sri Lanka.

The 1978 Constitution is not an ideal Constitution but it had been useful during the most crucial period of the History of Sri Lanka. The Executive Powers  of the President of Sri Lanka was an important implement” in fighting a ruthless terrorism that created havoc and untold misery to the people, even if the Tamils today seem to have forgotten that period of terror and hopelessness.

But still the time is too close to a terrorism that has been eliminated not long ago and the people are not ready for any changes from what they had been used to. Therefore Sri Lanka should continue with the 1978 Constitution until country has found complete peace and security.

The Yahapalanaya Government came to power too soon after the elimination of terrorism and the embers of terrorism and dissention is still remaining warm under the heap of ash that had been left behind.

The foreign Governments are helping  to keep the embers of terrorism alive and it is time  the Government instead of writing a new Constitution advice the Western Governments the necessity for Sri Lanka to  remain un-interfered by the west,  that does not and will not understand the minds of the Sri Lankan people be they Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim.

The ordinary Tamil people just released from thirty years of suffering are not allowed by their political messiahs to take a rest and taste peace and security for a while to see clearly what their future should be, and how it is to be shaped and by whom.

The present haste of the Yahapalanaya to change every thing overnight is improper, harmful and dangerous to the people as a whole. Doing things in haste we are bound to neglect the essentials.

Even the Speaker Karu Jayasuriya speaks of this unnecessary  haste of the Government which he himself does not understand,  but to which he gives in despite the trust the people  places on a Speaker of the Parliament to do the correct thing.

Karu Jayasuriya the Speaker had said, …… From the beginning I said, we cannot have legislations passed in the future in such a hush, hush manner. We have Oversight Committees. We have transparency. Sri Lanka Parliament is looked upon as a model. So, it has to follow all the good practices. I have spoken to the Prime Minister and the Leader of the House, and all concerned. I am quite hopeful that, in the future, there won’t be a repetition of this nature. It is, of course, embarrassing to the Speaker and the Secretariat.”

The Speaker of the Parliament has to be more alert and democratic  as he has already lost the confidence of the people for his lack of independence and his seemingly serving more the interest of theYahapalanaya and UNP to  which he belongs.

It is undemocratic not to have recognised a 51 member Joint opposition as the Parliamentary Opposition instead of the TNA with only 17 parliamentarians.

The Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe  behaves like a clown in Parliament and says most stupid things such as that the Parliamentrians who have not come to Parliament nevertheless comes to eat in the Canteen of the Constitutional Assembly.

His UNP followers are no better any serious discussion is made a situation of fun and laughter.

Yesterday at the Derana TV VadaPitiya the UNP Members Kavinda Jayawardhana and Wijepala Hettiarachchi had no valid arguments to defend the Interim Report on the New Constitution other than to read a report by the former President Mahinda Rajapakse about the necessity for a new Constitution  saying that it is the same thing that they have presented to the Parliament. They heckled and disturbed the opposition  members Kalum Amunugam and Wimalaweera Dissanayake without allowing them to present their views against the Interim Report.

The best thing the President Maithripala Sirisena can do is to demand the withdrawal of the interim report and stop further attempts at writing a new Constitution to Sri Lanka. If the Tamil Politicians and the Western enemies of Sri Lanka  raise objections, they should be asked to stay a little longer and find other ways of bringing the Communities together without dividing the country or writing new Constitutions.

We want Sri Lanka as it is,  not as an Orumitta Nadu.

Final Days of Sri Lanka’s War: Lord Naseby on TV immediately after his submission to the House of Lords in London, 12th October 2017

November 1st, 2017

WIO the Indian TV station

For the first time since 2009, the truth about what happened is coming from the British House of Lords. Please give this maximum publicity.  

Shortly after Lord Naseby’s tabling of a House of a Lords Debate on Sri Lanka on October 12, he was interviewed by WIO (World Is One) News, the Indian TV station.

Go to >   https://video.buffer.com/v/59f978c79363929e043c5661

The current political establishment in Sri Lanka has been very silent on Lord Naseby’s evidential evaluation, disputing the high unsubstantiated casualty figures in the final days of the war in May 2009 publicised by the UN HR Agency, perhaps fearing that giving it publicity in Sri Lanka would increase the growing political resurgence of Mahinda Rajapakse, the president who went for a clean sweep of removing the Tamil Tigers after over 30 years of a violent and debilitating terrorist campaign by the Tamil Tigers.

Seeking a third term of presidency in 2015, Rajapakse was removed from power by a cleverly construed pre-election conspiracy secretly put together by his political opponents with the help of western powers disgruntled by Rajapakse’s refusal to agree to the capture of the Tiger leaders instead of eliminating them in the final war. There are signs now that he may yet return to power.

Yamapalana Economic Disaster – Sri Lanka Continues to Slip Down in Ease of Doing Business Index

November 1st, 2017

Dilrook Kannangara

Best evidence of the economic disaster of the Yamapalanaya regime can be seen from the steady collapse of Sri Lanka’s position in Ease of Doing Business Index.

Sri Lanka continues to slip down in Ease of Doing Business Index. In 2017 for the first time India has surpassed Sri Lanka! This will have dire consequences as foreign investors will prefer India to Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka’s ranking is slipping down by the year.

2013 – 81 (highest ever achieved)

2014 – 89

2015 – 99

2016 – 107

2017 – 111

At this rate it will be down to 120 next year. This is accompanied by a steady decrease in Foreign Direct Investments, investor confidence and foreign reserves. If the new constitution or 13 Plus is passed by parliament, things will turn worse as different provinces will have different restrictions particularly based on ethnicity, religion and political views. Chinese investments will be barred in the northern and central provinces while Israeli investments will be blocked in the east. Certain food items and industries engaged in them will be curtailed in certain provinces and extremist practices will force investors fleeing some provinces badly in need of foreign investments.

Given the shrinking of the Sri Lankan economy, 2018 will most likely have a recession. This will be the first recession in 17 years. The last recession was in 2001.

උතුර සිංහලයන්ටද  පදිංචි විය හැකි පලාතක් විය යුතුයි, එයට රජයන් අනුබලදිය යුතුයි   

November 1st, 2017

චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

27/10/2017 දින ලංකාවෙබ් හී පළවූ ‘Sinhalese should be allowed and encouraged to settle in the North යන ලිපියේ සිංහල පරිවර්තනය, මුල් ලේඛකයා විසින්ම

හැඳින්වීම                                                                        

සිංහලයන් උතුරේ පදිංචිවීමට එරෙහිව උතුරේ දේශපාලනඥයෝ  කටයුතු කරත්. මෙය දැනට වසර 60ක පමණ කාලයක සිට ඔවුහු ඉතා සාර්ථක ලෙස කරගෙන යන්නකි.

කණගාටුවට කරුණ වන්නේ දකුණේ නායකන් උතුරේ දේශපාලනඥයන්ගේ  මෙම ජාතිවාදී වැඩපිළිවෙලට ඉඩ දී බලාසිටීමය.

ඇතැම් TNA මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් විසින් කරන ලද කථාවලින් මනා ලෙස පිළිබිඹුවන්නේ ඔවුන් උතුරට සිංහලයන් පැමිණීම වැලැක්වීම පමණක් නොව උතුරේ පාරම්පරිකව ජිවත් වූ සිංහලයන් නැවත උතුරට පැමිණීමටද විරුද්ධ බවයි.  පහත ලින්ක්ස් ආශ්‍රයෙන් වීඩියෝ දෙක බලන්න; දෙමළ කථා කරන උතුරේ පාරම්පරික සිංහලයන් නැවත උතුරට ඒමට විරුද්ධව TNA මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් දෙදෙනෙක් අවස්ථා දෙකකදී එම සිංහලයන්ට තදබල ලෙස විරෝධය දක්වන හැටි: www.youtube.com/watch?v=fKfrUS–twIs, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zWfucC_o270

‘එලඟු තමුල්’ නමැති ජාතිවාදී ව්‍යාපාරයක් මඟින් උතුරේ මහා ඇමතිවරයා උතුරේ සිංහලයන් පදිංචිවීමට විරුද්ධ බව ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ ප්‍රකාශ කරයි. ඔවුන් උතුර පුරා මේ පිළිබඳව හර්තාල් පවත්වා උද්ඝෝෂණ කරත්.

දකුණේ ඕනෑම තැනක ද්‍රවිඩයන්ට ජිවත්විය හැකි නම් සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ ජීවත්වීමට නොහැකි මන්දැයි මේ ජාතිවාදීන්ගෙන් කෙලින්ම ඇසීමට තරම් පිට කොන්දක් ඇති දේශපාලනඥයන් අද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නොමැත.  

ඉතිහාසය

ඉන්දු ලංකා ගිවුසුම (1987) අත්සන් කිරීමේදී උතුරු – නැගෙනහිර  ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ද්‍රවිඩයන්ගේ ඓයිතිහාසික වාසස්ථාන ලෙස පිළිගැනීමට එවකට සිටි රාජ්‍යනායකයා (අධි පීඩනය යටතේ වුවද) පිළිගැනිම අති විශාල වරදකි. මන්ද, එයින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉතිහාසය විකෘති කිරීමක් වන බව ඔහු දැනසිටිය යුතු නිසාය.  අපේ ඉතිහාසය සැකවින් පහත බලන්න:

විජය ආගමනයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිංහල ශිෂ්ටාචාරය ආරම්භ විය (විජයගේ සිංහ වංශයත්, ඊට කලින් මෙහි  සිටි හෙළ වංශයත් මුසුවී හටගත් සිංහල ජාතිය). ඒ අදට වසර 2500කට එපිටය. විජය ගොඩබැස්ස තම්බපන්නිය ද  අද බෙදුම්වාදී ඊලාම්  සිතියමේ කොටසකි.

විජයගෙන් පසු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිංහල ජනගහනයේ සීග්‍ර වර්ධනයක් සිදු වූ අතර එය උතුරු, උතුරු මැද, නැගෙනහිර සහ වයභ පළාත් වලට සිමා විය. ප්‍රබල සිංහල රාජධානිය අනුරාධපුරයේ බිහිවිය.

සංඝමිත්තා ථෙරිය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට පා තැබුවේ (ක්‍රි පු  290 පමණ) යාපනයේ දඹකොළ පටුනටය. ඉන් පසු සිය පරිවාර මෙහෙණින් සමඟ මල්වතු ඔය මාර්ගය (අද මන්නාරම) ඔස්සේ දේවානම්පියතිස්ස රජතුමා විසු අනුරාධපුරයට වඩින ලදී.

ක්‍රමානුකූලව සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනගහනය රටේ දකුණට  ව්‍යාප්ත විය (මහින්ද ආගමනයෙන් මුළු රටම බෞද්ධ විය). දකුණේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනාවාස ඇතිවිය.

අසේළ රජතුමාගේ දුර්වල රාජ්‍ය සමයේ අනුරාධපුරයට දකුණු ඉන්දීය ද්‍රවිඩ ආක්‍රමණ ඇතිවිය. එළාර විසින් අනුරාධපුරය ආක්‍රමණය කර එහි රජ බවට පත් වන කාලයේදී  කාවානම්පියතිස්ස රජතුමා ස්වකිය රාජධානිය (මාගම) දකුණේ තිස්සමහාරාමයෙහි  පිහිටුවා තිබුණි. විහාරමහාදේවියගේ මඟ පෙන්වීමද යටතේ දුටු ගැමුණු රජතුමා (ක්‍රි පු 107 – 77) එළාර සමඟ සටන් කර ඔහු මරා නැවත අනුරාධපුර රාජධානිය පිහිටවිය.

අනුරාධපුරයේ  සිට සිංහල රජවරු මුළු රටම (උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිරද ඇතුළුව) පාලනය කළහ. විටින්විට ඇතිවූ දකුණු ඉන්දීය ආක්‍රමණ නිසා සිංහල රාජධානිය වෙනත් ප්‍රදේශවලට ගෙන යාමට සිදු විය. අනුරාධපුරයෙන් එය ගෙන ගියේ පොලොන්නරුවටය. ඉන්පසුව එය දඹදෙණිය, යාපහුව, ගම්පොළ  වැනි ප්‍රදේශවලට මාරු විය.

16 වන ශත වර්ෂය මුල් භාගයේදී කෝට්ටේ 6වන පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ ඔහුගේ පුත් සපුමල් යාපනයේ  (යාපා පටුනේ) යුව රජ ලෙස පත් කළේය. 16 වන ශතවර්ෂයේ මැද භාගයේ පමණ සිට ප්‍රතිකාලුන් විටින් විට උතුරු පළාත අල්ලා පාලනය කළහ. 1591දී යාපනය ස්ථිර වශයෙන්ම ප්‍රතිකාලුන් අල්ලා ගත්හ.

උතුර සමඟ මෙවැනි තදබල බැඳීමක් ඇති සිංහලයාට අද ඒ ප්‍රදේශ තමන්ගේ පාරම්පරික වාසස්ථාන නොවන බවට පිළිගැනීමට සිදු වීමත්, ඔවුනගේ උතුරේ වාසයට උතුරේ දේශපාලනඥයන් දැන් තහනම් පැනවීමත් ඉතා කණගාටුවට කරුණකි.

උතුරු නැගෙනහිර කැලෑ වල ඉපැරණි බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්ථානවල නටබුන් අදද හමුවේ, දක්නට ලැබේ.

1948දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නිදහස ලබද්දී උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේම කොටසක් ලෙසට බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීහු පිළිගත්හ. පාකිස්ථානය බිහි කලාක් මෙන් උතුර (සහ නැගෙනහිර) වෙන් කර වෙනම ද්‍රවිඩ රාජ්‍යක්  තනා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙන් ඉවත්ව යාමට ඔවුන්ට කිසිම උවමනාවක් නොවිය. එවකට සිටි ද්‍රවිඩ නායකයන් එවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන්ගෙන් නොකළහ. මන්ද, එවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප වන බව ඔවුන් ඉතා හොඳින් දැනසිටි නිසාය.

1948 වනතුරු තම ද්‍රවිඩ ජාතියට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අසාධාරණ සිදු වෙනවා යයි කියා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය රජයනට ද්‍රවිඩ නායකයෝ පැමිණිලි කල බවට වූ සාක්ෂි නැත. නමුත් නිදහසින් වසර 10ක් ඉක්ම යන්නට මත්තෙන්, 1957 වනවිට උතුරට ෆෙඩරල් තත්ත්වයක් ලබා ගැනීමට  ගිවුසුම් ගැසීමට තරම් ඔවුහු සමත් වුහ. ද්‍රවිඩ නායකයන් ඉංග්‍රීසින්ට බියවූ නමුත්, සිංහල නායකයන් ආණ්ඩු බලයට පත්වූ පසු ඔවුන්ගෙන් තමනට අවශ්‍ය දේ බලෙන්ම මෙන් ලබා ගත හැකි බව ඔවුහු  දැන සිටියහ. වත්මන් තත්ත්වයද එයයි.

නිදහස් ලංකාවේ ප්‍රථම අගමැතිවරයා ඩි එස් සේනානායක විය. මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෙන් පත් කරන ලද අග්‍රාන්ඩුකාරයා වුයේ ශ්‍රීමත් හෙන්රි මන්ක් මේසන් මුවර්ය. මේ අයව රටේ සියළු වැසියෝ රටේ නිත්‍යානුකුල නායකයන් ලෙස පිළිගත්හ.

ප්‍රභාකරන් විසින් 1970 අග සහ 1980 මුල උතුරේ සිංහලයන් පලවා හරින විට එහි අඩු තරමින් සිංහල ස්ථිර පදිංචිකරුවෝ 50,000 තරමවත් සිටි බවට එහි එකල ජිවත් වූ වැසියෝ පවසත්. යාපනයේ පමණක් සිංහලයෝ 20,000 ස්ථිර පදිංචි කරුවන් ලෙස සිටි බවට කියති. නමුත් අද දකුණු වවුනියාව සහ  වවුනියාව දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ නැගෙනහිරට වෙන්නට ඇති බෝගස්වැව, වෙහෙරතැන්න,  නන්දිමිත්‍රගම, නාමල්ගම, වැලිඔය, හැලඹවැව, ජනකපුර වැනි ප්‍රදේශ අත්හල පසු, වවුනියාවෙන් ඔබ්බට, උතුරු  පළාතේ ස්ථිරව ජිවත්වන මුළු සිංහලය ගහණය 500ක් වත් නැති තරම්ය.

ප්‍රභාකරන්ගෙන්  පහර කා, යුද්ධයෙන් පසු, ආපසු උතුරට යාමට තැත් කල සිංහලයන්ට එවකට වූ රජය මඟින් ඔවුන්ට උතුරේ  නැවත පදිංචි වීම පිණිස නිසි පහසුකම් දීම කෙසේ වෙතත් කලේ කෙසේ හෝ ඔවුන් උතුරට යාම වැළක් වීමය. උතුරට ගිය අයට ආපසු දකුණට යන ලෙස බල කරන ලදී. යාපනයේ පැරණි දුම්රිය ස්ථානයේ තාවකාලිකව පදිංචි වී සිටි උතුරේ සිංහලයන්ට එම ස්ථානය අත්හැර ආපසු දකුණට ගියහොත් මිහින්තලයෙන් ඉඩම් අක්කර 2ක් දෙන බවට ඉඟි කරන ලද බව ඒ අය පවසත්. බොහෝ සිංහලයෝ ආපසු දකුණට ගිය අතර (ඒ සඳහා රජය විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංගම බස් රථ සපයන ලදී), උතුරේම නතරවූ ‘දැඩි මතධාරී’ සිංහලයෝ එක්වන්ව යාපනයට කිමි 7 පමණ පහලින් වූ නාවට්කුලී සිංහල ගම්මානය (පවුල් 59) ‘බලෙන්ම’ මෙන් බිහි කරගත්හ.   ඒ 2010 දීය.

2009 මැයි 19 වනදා යුධ ජයග්‍රහණයෙන් පසුව කල යුතුව තිබුනේ මෙම රටේ මෙතෙක් පැවතියේ ත්‍රස්තවාදී යුද්ධයක් බවත්, එය දැන් අවසන් බවත්, සියළු ජාතින් සාමයෙන්, සමගියෙන්, සහෝදරත්වයෙන් ලංකාවේ සෑම පලාතකම මින් ඉදිරියට  වාසය කල හැකි බවට ප්‍රකාශ කර, ඒ අනුව ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති සකස් කිරීමය. 1987දී 13වන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝදනය ගෙන ආවේ එදා රටේ පැවතී ත්‍රස්තවාදී යුද්ධය නිසා බවත් යුද්ධය අවසන් වීම නිසා එය ජනමත විචාරණයක් මඟින් අවලංගු කල යුතු බවට සියළු  ජනතාව දැනුවත් කල යුතුව තිබුණි. එදා එවැනි ඉල්ලීමක්  කළා නම් සිංහල, ද්‍රවිඩ, මුස්ලිම් බොහෝ දෙනා එවන් ජනමත විචාරණයකට කැමැත්ත පල කිරීමට ඉඩ තිබුණි. 13වන සංශෝධනය අවලංගු කලානම් පළාත් සභා නමැති කිසිම වැඩකට නැති සුදු අලියා අහෝසි වී යනවා පමණක් නොව (පළාත් සභා 9ම අහෝසි වීමකි), උතුරු පළාත් සභාවට චන්දයක් පැවැත්වීමට අවශ්‍යතාවයක් නොවීමෙන් අප හොඳින්ම දැන සිටි කරුණක් වන සිංහලයාට එරෙහි වන ජාතිවාදී ආණ්ඩුවක් උතුරේ බලයට පැමිණීමෙන් වළක්වා ගත හැකිවීමට තිබුණි (2013න් පසු උතුරේ සිංහලයන් විසින් මුහුණ පාන ලද විවිධ ජාතිවාදී අත්දැකීම් කිහිපයක් ඉදිරි ලිපියකින් ඉදිරිපත් කරමු). නැවතත් මෙවැනිම  ජනමත විචාරණයක් 2013 උතුරු පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීමට පෙර 2012/2013 දී පැවැත්වීමට රට තුල ඉල්ලුමක් තිබුනත් එවක තිබු රජය ඒ ගැන කිසි සැලකිල්ලක් දැක්වුයේ නැත. එයට අවශ්‍ය වුයේ කෙසේ හෝ  උතුරු පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වීමය. එහි ප්‍රථිපලයක් ලෙස සිංහලයන්ට උතුරට ගොස් පදිංචි වීමට තිබු කුඩා අවස්ථාව පවා දැන් අහිමි වී ගොස් තිබේ (එදා, 2010, උතුරු පළාත් සභාවක් තිබුනේ නම් නාවට්කුලි සිංහල ගම්මානය ආරම්භ කිරීමට ලැබේයයි සිතිය නොහැක).  

දැනට සිටින මහා ඇමතිවරයා උතුරේ TNA මහා ඇමති අපේක්ෂක බවට එම පෙරමුණ ප්‍රකාශ කලේ මැතිවරණයට බොහෝ කලකටත් උඩ දීය.

TNA පෙරමුණ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ LTTE හඬ මෙන් කටයුතු කල බව කාටත් මතකය.

කොටින්ම, අද උතුරේ ප්‍රසිද්ධ ස්ථානයක නව බුදු පිළිමයක් ස්ථාපනය කිරීම පවා තහනම් කටයුත්තක් බවට පත්වී ඇත. පන්සලක චෛත්‍යයක් සදා ගැනීම වැනි කටයුත්තකට පවා උතුරේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ට උසාවි අවසර ලබා ගැනීමට යාමට සිදුවීම ප්‍රශ්නයේ බරපතල බව පෙන්වන්නකි.

සිංහලයන්ට වන අසාධාරණය  

ද්‍රවිඩයන්ට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඕනෑම ප්‍රදේශයක ඉතා නිදහසේ ජිවත් විය හැක. අද කුරුනෑගල, තිස්සමහාරාම වැනි සිංහල බහුතරය ජීවත්වෙන ප්‍රදේශවල ද්‍රවිඩයන් ජිවත් වෙත්. මෙහි වරදක් නැත. නමුත් මෙම සිද්ධාන්තය සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ ජිවත් වීම් සඳහාද බල පෑ යුතුය. අද එය එසේ බල නොපායි.

සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ ගොවිපලවල්, ව්‍යාපාර පටන් ගැනීමට, එසේ නොමැති නම් උතුරේ වූ නිස්කලංක පරිසරයේ ජීවත්වීමට, එවැනි දේ කැමති අයට අවස්ථාව සැලසිය යුතුයි. නියම සංහිඳියාව යනු මෙයයි.නමුත් අද සිදුවන්නේ එයට ඉඳුරාම විරුද්ධ දෙයකි. එසේ යන අයව වැලැක්වීම සහ ඒ අයට අවශ්‍ය පහසුකම් නොලැබීමයි.

සංහිඳියාව පිළිබඳව අප දැන් උදේ සවස මාධ්‍ය මඟින් අසමු, දකිමු. සංහිඳියාව හොඳ දෙයකි. නමුත් සංහිඳියාව දෙපාර්ශ්වයටම ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතුයි. සංහිඳියා පණිවුඩය සිංහල, දෙමල, මුස්ලිම් සියළු දෙනාටම එක සේ අදාළ බව පෙන්වා දීම රජයේ යුතුකමකි. සිංහල මාද්‍ය මඟින් සංහිදියා පිළිවෙත අනුගමනය කරන මෙන් නොකඩවා දෙන උපදෙස් දෙමල, මුස්ලිම් මාධ්‍ය මඟින් එම ප්‍රජාව වෙතද ලබාදෙනවාද කියා සොයා බැලිය යුතුයි.

නිදහසේ තමන් කැමති තැනක ජීවත්වීම අපගේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව කියවීමේදී එහි අන්තර්ගත බව පැහැදිලියි. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව විසින් අත්සන් කර ඇති International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 නමැති ජාත්‍යාන්තර ප්‍රඥප්තියේද මේ බව සඳහන් වේ.

සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ පදිංචි විමට ඉඩ නොදීමෙන් රජයන් සහ ද්‍රවිඩ  දේශපාලනඥයන් ජාතික සහ අන්තර් ජාතික නීති කඩ කරත්.

උතුරේ සිංහලයන් පදිංචි වීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව

උතුරු සහ නැගෙනහිර පළාත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ භූමියෙන් 1/3 වන අතර මුහුදු තීරයෙන් 2/3 පමණ වේ. මේවා ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඉතා හොඳ ඉඩම්ය – ජීවත්වීමට සහ කෘෂිකර්මාන්තයට.  මෙම පළාත්වල බොහෝ ප්‍රදේශ අදත් සාපේක්ෂිතව ජනශුන්‍ය, හිස් ඉඩම් වලින් යුතුය (කැලෑ ඉඩම් අත්හැර). මීට සමාන්තරව දකුණ (කන්ද උඩරට, වයඹ, ඌව, සබරගමුව ආදී  පළාත් ද ඇතුළුව) මුළුමනින්ම වගේ අද ජනගහනයෙන් පිරි ඉතිරි ගොසිනි. ඉඩම් හිඟ කමින් ජනයා පර්චස් 2න් පවා නිවාස තනා ගන්නා ප්‍රදේශ තිබේ.

දකුණේ වර්ධනය වන ජනගහනයට ජිවත් වීමට අවශ්‍ය තරම් ඉඩම් නැත. ජීවත්වීමට සුදුසු ඉඩම් ඕනෑතරම් ඇත්තේ උතුරේ සහ නැගෙනහිරය. ඉඩම් නොමැති අයට මෙම ප්‍රදේශවලට ගොස් රජයෙන් ඉඩම් ලබා ගෙන හෝ පෞද්ගලිකව මුදල් දී මිලදී ජිවත්වීමේ අයිතියක් තිබිය යුතුය. මෙය සාධාරණ මානුෂික අයිතියකි. ලොව වෙනත් ඕනෑම රටක් තුල සිදුවන සාමාන්‍ය දෙයකි.

රටේ අනෙක් ප්‍රදේශවල මෙන්, උතුරු නැගෙනහිර ඉඩම්ද  සිංහල, දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් යන රටේ සැමට සාධාරණ ලෙස බෙදී යන සේ වැඩපිළිවෙලවල් සකස් කිරීම  රජයන් සතු  යුතුකමකි. ඒවාට තහංචි දැමීමට උතුරු, නැගෙනහිර  පළාත් සභාවට අයිතියක් නොමැති බව ඔවුන්ට පෙන්වා දිය යුතුය. නීති කඩ කරන්නන් නිතිය හමුවට ගෙන යා යුතුය.  ‘තේසවලාමේ’ කියා අසාධාරණ නීතිවලට ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුයි.

අද මුළු රටේම සම්පුර්ණ ඉඩම් බලතල ඇත්තේ මධ්‍යම රජය යටතේය.

දැනට පවත්නා ඉඩම් පිළිබඳ වූ අසාධාරණ තත්ත්වය රජයන් විසින් තවදුරත් නොසලකා හැරිය හොත් අනාගතයේදී රටේ ජනයාට ඉඩම් පිළිබඳව ඇති ප්‍රශ්ණය වඩාත් උග්‍ර වනු ඇත.

මහා නගරවල උස තට්ටු නිවාස ගොඩ නැගීම මෙම ප්‍රශ්නයට විසඳුම නොවේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවාසින් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් කැමති ඉඩම තරමක් හෝ සහිත නිවසක ජිවත් වීමටය. එදා සෑම නිවසකම ඉඩම අඩු තරමින් අක්කර ¼ විය.  පසුව මේවා පර්චස් 25, 20 කැබලි වලට කුඩාවී අද බොහෝ දෙනෙක්ගේ නිවෙස් පර්චස් 10ක ඉඩමකට සීමාවී තිබේ. උතුරු නැගෙනහිර ඉඩම් මුළු රටටම විවුර්ථ වුනහොත් (එසේ විය යුතුයි) සිංහල ජනයාටද ඒ ප්‍රදේශවල පර්චස් 25, 20  පමණ ඉඩම් කට්ටි ලබා සුවසේ ජිවත් වීමේ භාග්‍යය ලැබෙනු ඇත. එයින් සෞඛ්‍යය සම්පන්න, සතුටින් පිරි සමාජයක්ද නිර්මාණය වේ.

උතුරේ සිංහලයන් පදිංචි විය යුතු බවට තවත් හේතුවක් වන්නේ රටේ ආරක්ෂාවයි. ඓතිහාසිකව බලන කල අප රට දකුණු ඉන්දීය ආක්‍රමණ වලට යටත් වෙන රටකි. එළාර, සොලී, පල්ලව, කාලිංග-මාඝ ආක්‍රමණ වලින් අප අපමණ පිඩා විඳ ඇත්තෙමු. ඉන්පසු මෑත කාලයේදී ප්‍රභාකරන් තම ත්‍රස්තවාදී  ක්‍රියා කලේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ලැබුණු තදබල ආධාර නිසාය. ද්‍රවිඩ ඊලාම් රාජ්‍යක් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බිහිකිරීමට ආධාර කිරීමට අදද දකුණු ඉන්දියාවේ බොහෝ අය තදින් කැමැත්ත දක්වති (ධනුස්කොඩි සිට තලෙයිමන්නාරමට පැයකට අඩු කාලයකින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට මුහුදෙන් පැමිණිය හැක). මෙවැනි වාතාවරණයක් යටතේ උතුරේ සිංහල ජනාවාස තිබීම රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවය සහ භෞමික අඛන්ඩතාව රැකීමට ඉමහත් ඉවහල් වන කරුණක් වේ. දැනට මහා පරිමාණයෙන් සිදුවෙන ඉන්දීය ධිවර යාත්‍රා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මුහුදට පැමිණ අපේ මුහුදු සම්පත් කොල්ලකෑම වැලක්වීමට උතුරේ ජනගහනය වැඩි වීම අවශ්‍යය.

ඓතිහාසිකව, තමිල්නාඩුවෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා ද්වීපයට වී ඇති විපත් පිලිබඳව මනා වැටහීමක් තිබු එවකට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පාලනය කල බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෝ එවැනි විපත් නතර කර ගැනීමේ අටියෙන් 20වෙනි ශත වර්ෂය මුල් භාගයේ දී උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර ජනාකීර්ණ කිරීම අවශ්‍ය බව වටහා ගත්හ. මේ සඳහා ඔවුන් යොදවා ගත්තේ සිංහලයායි (ඔවුනට අවශ්‍ය නම් වතුකරයේ මෙන් දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් කූලි කම්කරුවන් උතුරටද ගෙන්වා ගැනීමට හැකියාව තිබුණි).

එදා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයෝ ඔස්ත්‍රේලියාව ජනාවාස කිරීමට යොදා ගත්තේ  ‘populate or perish’ යන සංකල්පයයි (ජනගහනය වැඩි නොකළහොත් අප සියල්ලම නැසෙනවා යන සංකල්පය). බොහෝ දුරට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උතුරු නැගෙනහිරටද ඔවුහු මෙම සංකල්පය ආදේශ කළා විය හැක.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ උතුරු නැගෙනහිර ඇති වැව් භාවිතා කර රට සහලින් ස්වයං පෝෂණය කල හැකි බවද බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය පාලකයෝ දැන සිටිහ.

සිංහලයන් මඟින් උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිර පිරවීමේ කර්තව්‍යය (colonization) බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය රජය භාර දුන්නේ 1932 සිට තම රජයේ කෘෂිකාර්ම සහ ඉඩම් ඇමති ලෙස සේවය කල ඩී එස් සේනානායක මහතාටයි. බ්‍රිතාන්‍යය රජය භාරදුන් කර්තව්‍යය  ඩී එස් සේනානායක මහතා ඉතා මැනවින් ඉටු කළේය. දකුණෙන් කාර්යශුර සිංහලයන් උතුර සහ නැගෙනහිරට ගෙන අවුත් නව ගොවි ජනපද බිහි කළේය. පදවිය, ශ්‍රී පුර, සිංහපුර, හැළඹ වැව, කන්ද කඩුව, ගල් ඔය, සේරුවාවිල, ගෝමරන්කඩවල එතුමා විසින් බිහි කරන ලද ගොවි ජනපදවලින් සමහරෙකි. පසුගිය යුධ සමයේ මේ ගම්මාන බොහොමයක් ‘මායිම් ගම්මාන’ වශයෙන් හැඳින්වින.

ඩී එස් සේනානායක මහතා අගමැති වූ පසුද උතුරු නැගෙනහිර ඉඩම් පිලිබඳ වූ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යය ප්‍රතිපත්තිය දිගටම ගෙන ගියේය. එතුමාගේ පුත් ඩඩ්ලි සේනානායක මහතා ඉඩම් ඇමතිව සහ පසුව අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය ලෙස එකී ප්‍රතිපත්තිය දිගටම ගෙන ගියේය. 1956 බලයට පත්වූ එස් ඩබ්ලිව් ආර් ඩී බණ්ඩාරණායක මහතා මෙම colonization ප්‍රතිපත්තිය නවතා දැමිය.

යෝජිත ආණ්‌ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන සහ සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ ඉඩම්

කලින් රජයේ 13+ සහ වත්මන් රජයේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන යෝජනාවලින් උත්සහ කරන්නේ ඉඩම් සහ පොලිස් බලතල පළාත් සභාවලට දීමටය. මෙවැනි බලතල ජාතිවාදී උතුරු පළාත් සභාවට ගියහොත් ඇතිවිය හැකි තත්ත්වය සිතා ගැනීම පවා භයානකය – නරියාට කුකුළු රංචුව භාර දීමකි.

1987, 13වෙනි සංශෝධනයෙන් පසුව වත් නොලැබුණු ඉඩම් සහ පොලිස් බලතල අන්ත ජාතිවාදී බව අප හොඳින්ම දන්නා උතුරු පළාත් සභාවට භාරදීමට එකඟ වන්නා දේශප්‍රේමියෙක්ද?

උතුරේ ඉඩම් අයිතිය/පාලනය සහ කළමනාකරණය මුළුමනින්ම උතුරු පළාත් සභාවට දුන හොත් (වෙන්න යන්නේ එයයි), සිංහලයන් කෙසේ වෙතත්, උතුරේ මහා ඇමතිට අවශ්‍ය නම් උතුරේ ඉඩම් තමිල්නාඩුවේ  අයට වුවත් දිය හැකි වේවි? (මධ්‍යම රජයටද ඉඩම් ප්‍රමාණයක් ඉතුරුවෙන බව සැබවි). සිංහලයන්ට නොහැකි වුවත් වයිකෝ වැන්නන්ට  උතුරට පැමිණ උතුරු පළාත් සභාවට යටතට අයත් වන ඉඩම්වල ගොවිපල් පටන් ගැනීමට හැකිවේවි? දැනට උතුරේ ඉඩම් හිමි, වවුනියාවෙන් ඉහල වාසය කරන සිංහලයන් ඉතාම අතලොස්සගේ  (යාපනයේ නාවට්කුලි, මන්නාරමේ මඩුපාර, සිලාවතුර, කෝකිලායි ආදී) උතුරේ ඇති ඉඩම් අයිතීන් අවශ්‍ය නම් අවලංගු කිරීමට උතුරේ මහා ඇමතිට හැකිවේවි? කොටින්ම සිංහලයන්ට උතුරේ වවුනියාවෙන් ඔබ්බට ඇති උතුරේ ඉඩම්වලට පා තැබීම පවා තහනම් කිරීමට උතුරේ මහා ඇමතිට අවශ්‍ය නම් හැකි වේවි; විශේෂයෙන්ම පොලිස් බලතලද මහා ඇමති යටතට පත්වන නිසා? මෙවිට නාගදීපය, නාග විහාරය වන්දනා මාන කිරීමට හෝ වෙනත් කටයුත්තකට දකුණේ සිට උතුරට යන සිංහලයාට බහුතර ඉඩම් පළාත් සභාවට අයත්වන නිසා උතුරට ඇතුල්වීමට පෙර මහා ඇමතිගෙන් හෝ මහා ඇමතිට යටත් පොලිස් නිලධාරියාගෙන් අවසර ගත යුතුය කියා නීතියක් පැනවුවහොත්? පොලිස් බලතල දුන් පසු උතුරේ සිංහල පොලිස් නිලධාරින් නැතුවම යාහැකියි? (අද වවුනියාවෙන් ඔබ්බට A9 මාර්ගයේ ඇති දැවැන්ත දැන්වීම් පුවරුවල සිංහල වචනයක්වත් සඳහන් නොවේ. යාපනයට කොළඹ සිට දුම්රිය පැමිණි බව ශබ්ධ විකාශනයෙන් දෙමලෙන් සහ ඉංග්‍රීසියෙන් පමණක් දැනුම් දුන් බව ලියුම්කරු සිය අත්දැකීමෙන් දනී; නමුත් මාතර හෝ පාදුක්ක නගර වල භාෂා 3න්ම ‘බිල් බෝඩ්’ දක්නට ලැබේ; ඒ දුම්රිය ස්ථානවල භාෂා 3න්ම නිවේදන ශබ්ධ විකාශනයෙන් නිකුත් කෙරේ – සංහිඳීයාව දෙපාර්ශ්වයටම ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතුයයි කියන්නේ එහෙයිනි).   යුද්ධය අවසන් වී වසර 3ක් ඇවෑමෙන් සියළු රජයන් හැකි තරම් යුධ හමුදා කඳවුරු වසා දැමු බව හෝ කුඩා කල බව අප සැවොම දනිත්. මේ ක්‍රියාවන් ඉදිරියටද සිදුවීම බොහෝ ඉඩ ඇත.

විධායක ජනාධිපති තනතුර අහෝසි කරන්නේ නම් (විධායක ජනාධිපති ධුරයද  දැවැන්ත වූ  සුදු අලියෙකි), පළාත් සභාවක් විසුරුවා හැරීමේ විධායක ජනාධිපති සතු දැන් තිබෙන බලය (ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 154j වගන්තිය),  අගමැතිට නොව, විධායක නොවන, බලතල වලින් අඩු, පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් තෝරා ගන්නා, ජනාධිපති සතු විය යුතුය (පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරයාගේ වාර්තාවක් ලබා ගැනීමෙන් පසුව). පලාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරවරුන් පත් කිරීම පවත්නා රජය සහ විධායක නොවන ජනාධිපති අතර  එකඟත්වයෙන් සිදු විය යුතු අතර ඒ සම්බන්ධව පළාතේ මහා ඇමතිට කිසිසේත්  ඇඟිලි ගැසීමට ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුය. පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාරයා සතු දැනට තිබෙන විධායකමය බඳු බලතල අහෝසි/කප්පාදු කිරීම නොකළ යුතුයි. 2006 සරත් සිල්වා හිටපු අග විනිසුරුතුමාගේ නිර්භීත නඩු තීන්දුව මත (C (FR) Application Nos. 243, 244, 245/06), කලින් එක්ව තිබු උතුරු/නැගෙනහිර පළාත් වෙන්ව යාම කරන කොට, පළාත් දෙකකට එකක් වීමට තවම හැකියාව ලබාදෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 154A(3) වගන්තිය මුළුමනින්ම අහෝසි කල යුතුවේ.

විධායක ජනාධිපති තනතුර අහෝසි කිරීම ජනතාවට දුන් මැතිවරණ පොරොන්දුවක්  ඉටු කිරීමක් වේ. ජනතාව රවටා බොරු පොරොන්දු දීම, ශ්‍රී ලංකා දේශපාලනයේ  ප්‍රචලිත දෙයක් නමුත් එවැනි ක්‍රියාවලින් නිසා මතු පරම්පරාව මැනවින් සදා ගැනීමට අපට නොහැකි වේ.

පළාත් සභා, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා, මහා නගර/නගර සභා වල මන්ත්‍රී සංඛ්‍යාව දෙගුණයක් කල යුතුයයි රජයේ නවතම යෝජනාව තදින්ම හෙලා දැකිය යුතුය. මේ පිළිබඳව වීථි බැස උද්ඝෝෂණය කල යුතුය.  ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට උප ජනාධිපතිවරුන්, සෙනට් සභාවක් ආදිය පත් කලයුතු බව කියන්නන්ගේ ඔළු පරික්ෂා කර බැලිය යුතුය. මේවා තම පවුලේ අයට, දේශපාලන හෙන්චයියන්ට බලතල ලබා දීමට, මුදල් හම්බකරගැනීමට  දේශපාලනඥයන් විසින් කරන කූට උපක්‍රම ද වේ (ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තරම්  චන්දයෙන් තෝරා පත්කරගත් මහජන නියෝජිතයන් මඟින් රටේ ජනතාව පාලනය කරන වෙනත් කිසිම රටක් ලොව නැති තරම්ය).

මනාප ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කර සෑම ආසනයකටම  මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් පත් කල 1978 පෙර කලින් තිබු මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමය නැවත ඇතිකල යුතුය; එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට ඉතා හොඳින් ගැලපුණි. මෙයින් තම ආසනයේ මන්ත්‍රී කවරෙක්ද කියා චන්ද දායකයන්ට දැනගැනීමට හැකියාව තිබුණි. අද බොහෝ අය දිස්ත්‍රික්කය‌ පුරා මුදල් වියදම් කර (තම ආසනය පැරදුනත්) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට රිංගත්. මනාප ක්‍රමය අහෝසි කිරීමෙන් බලවත් මධ්‍යම රජයක් බිහි කර ගැනීමට හැකිවේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාව වැනි කුඩා රටකට ගැලපෙන්නේ පළාත් සභා මඟින් පාලනය වන ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රමයක් නොව බලවත් වූ මධ්‍යම  රජයකි (දැනටමත් උතුරු පළාත් සභාව මධ්‍යම රජය වැදගත් ලෙස නොසලකයි).

ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර විරෝධී චීට් මන්ත්‍රී ක්‍රමය (ජාතික ලැය්ස්තු) අහෝසි කල යුතුය.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයට දැනට ඇති බලය කිසිම ලෙසකින් කප්පාදු නොකළ යුතුය.

ගරු කතෝලික අග රදගුරුතුමා පවා කියන පරිදි බෞද්ධාගමට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ ලබා දී ඇති ප්‍රමුඛත්වය කිසිම ලෙසකින් හීන නොකළ යුතුය.

වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පිළිබඳව ජනමතවිචාරණයක් පවත්වා එය පැරදුනත්, එය උතුරේදී මහත් ඉහලින් ජයගන්නා නිසා (90% එහා චන්ද ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට එකඟව එහි ලැබෙනු ඇත) බෙදුම්වාදීන් ජාත්‍යාන්තරයට ගොස් එම ප්‍රථිපලය තම ඊලාම් රාජ්‍යය උතුරේ බිහිකරගැනීම සඳහා යොදා ගනු ලබනු අත (මෑතක උදාහරණ නම් ඊස්ට් ටීමෝර්,  දකුණු සුඩානය, කැටලෝනියා). මේ බව අවබෝධ කරගෙන ජනමතවිචාරණයක් නොපැවැත්වීම මැනවි.

වැරදි වැටහීමක්

සිංහල ජනතාව අතර තිබෙන වැරදි වැටහීමක් වනුයේ ඔවුන් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් ජිවත්වන ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ තෙත් කලාපය රටේ හොඳම කලාපය බවත්, හොඳම කෘෂිකාර්මික ඉඩම් එහි ඇති බවත්, උතුරු පළාත කර්කශ, වියලි, බෝග නිෂ්පාදන පලදාවෙන් අඩු, ජීවත්වීමට දුෂ්කර පලාතක් බවයි.  පසුගිය වසර 60 තුල මේ වැටහීම ඔවුන්ගේ ඇට මිදුළු වලට කාවැදුනාක් මෙන් ස්ථාපිත වී ඇත. උතුරේ ජීවත්වීම පිළිබඳව ආශාවක් සිංහලයන් වෙත නැත, විශේෂයෙන්ම පසු කාලයේ උතුරේ හටගත් යුද්ධමය තත්ත්වයන් නිසා. මෙම වැරදි වැටහීම දැන් ඔවුන්ට පහදා දීම ඉතා අවශ්‍යයි.

අද උතුරු ප්‍රදේශයට යන සිංහලුන්ගේ සංඛ්‍යාව ඉතා පහල බැස ඇත. නිවාඩුවකටවත් සිංහලයෝ උතුරට යන්නේ කලාතුරකිනි. යුධ ජයග්‍රහණයත් සමඟම වැලනොකැඩි සිංහලයෝ උතුර බලා ගියහ. සතියකට දහස් ගණනක් දකුණේ වැසියෝ උතුර බලා සිය දරු මල්ලන්ද රැගෙන බස් වලින් ගියහ. ඔවුන් වැඩි වශයෙන්ම එසේ ගියේ එල් ටී ටී ඊ නෂ්ටාවශේෂ දැක බලා ගැනීමේ රිසියෙනි. ප්‍රභාකරන් සහ වෙනත් කොටි නායකයන්ගේ නිවෙස්, ඔවුන්ගේ පිහිනුම් තටාක, පොලව යට බංකර්, මුහුදු කොටි නවුකා, සබ්මැරින් ආදීය දැක බලා ගැනීම වැනි බොහෝ දේ එවකට උතුරේ තිබුණි. නමුත් යුද්ධයෙන් වසර 3ක් පමණ අවෑමෙන් මේ සියළු දේ එවක රජය විසින් විනාශ කිරීම හෝ ඉවත් කිරීම සිදු කරන ලදී (හිට්ලර් උපන් නිවස ආදිය ඔස්ට්‍රියන් රජය අදත් රකින්නේ එරට ජනතාව නට්සි නෂ්ටාවශේෂ දැකීමෙන් එවැනි අමිහිරි දේ නැවත තම රටට සිදුවීමට ඉඩ නොදීමට ක්‍රියා කරනු ඇත යන අපේක්ෂාව නිසාය). ප්‍රභාකරන්ව අප්‍රිය කල උතුරේ ද්‍රවිඩයෝ ද විය.

දැන් හසලක වීරයාගේ ස්මාරකය, නාගදීපය, නාග විහාරය හැර වෙනත් බැලීමට දෙයක් උතුරේ නැතැයි යන වැරදි වැටහීමක් බොහෝ සිංහලයන් තුල ඇත. මෙය තදබල වැරදි වැටහීමකි. උතුරේ බැලීමට ඇති දේ බොහෝයි. මේ යුධ බිය නැති සමයේ තම දරුවනට ලංකාවේ ම ඉතා කදීම කොටසක් වන උතුර පෙන්වීමට දෙමව්පියන් විසින් කටයුතු කරනු අගනේය. බස් මඟින් යන අයට නවාතැන් යාපනයේ නාග විහාරය හැරුණු කොට නාවට්කුලි සිංහල ගම්මානයේ  පන්සලේ වුවද ලබා ගත හැක (යාපනයට දකුණෙන් කිමි 7යි).

උතුර වනාහි වියළි බැවින් අධික, කර්කශ ඉඩම් වලින්ද යුක්ත බව සැබෑවි. නමුත් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වී සහ වෙනත් බෝග ගොවිතැන් සඳහා යෝග්‍ය වූ ඉතා සශ්‍රික බොහෝ ඉඩම් උතුරේ ඇත්තේය.

උතුරේ වැව් සිය ගණනක් ඇත. බොහොමයක් වැව් තනන ලද්දේ මහසෙන් (ක්‍රිපු 334 – 362) සහ වසභ  (ක්‍රි පු 127 -71) රජ සමයන්හිදීය.  වව්නියා දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ වැව් බොහෝය. මන්නාරමේ යෝධ වැව අවට ඇති ඉඩම් අප රටේ සශ්‍රිතම  ඉඩම් ලෙස සැලකේ. ඒ ප්‍රදේශයට සහල් බඳුන (Rice Bowl) යන ලෙන්ගතු නම ලබාදී ඇත්තේ ඒ නිසාය. කිලිනොච්චියේ ඉරනමඩු, කල්මඩු වැව් සහ මුලතිවු හි වවුනිකුලම් වැව් ආශ්‍රිතව බොහෝ බෝග වර්ග ඉතා සාර්ථක ලෙස වගා කල හැක.

එලිෆන්ට් පාස් ඔබ්බට පේදුරු තුඩුව දක්වා ප්‍රදේශය (යාපනය ඇතුළුව) කාර්මීකරණය සඳහා සුදුසු ප්‍රදේශයි. ධිවර සහ සංචාරක කර්මාන්ත සඳහා අවශ්‍ය මුලික සුදුසුකම් වලින් මේ ප්‍රදේශ හෙබියි. ජනගහනය අඩු බව නිසා උතුර නිරතුරුව  පිරිසිඳු සහ පරිසර දුෂණයෙන් අඩු ප්‍රදේශයකි (දකුණට සාපේක්ෂව).

දකුණේ මෙන් නොව උතුරේ වන ගහනය සාපේක්ෂව හොඳින් රැකී ඇත. දකුණේ ජනගහනය අධික වීම සහ ජනගහනය සීග්‍ර ලෙස පැතිරීම නිසා මිනිස්/අලි ඝට්ටනය වැනි පාරිසරිකමය  ප්‍රශ්ණ ඉතා  උග්‍ර වී ඇත (රටේ ජනතාවගේ මෙවන් දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්ණ විසඳීමට සෑම රජයක්‌ම අසමත් වී ඇත – බලයේ සිටින දේශපාලනඥයන්ගේ මුලිකම අවධානය යොමුවී ඇත්තේ ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන බලය වැඩි කරගන්නේ කෙසේද යන්න මිස ජනතාවගේ දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්ණ විසඳන්නේ කෙසේද යන්න නොවේ). කපු වැනි නව බෝග මහා පරිමාණයෙන් උතුරේ හඳුන්වා දිය හැක. විවිධ ඛනිජ වැලි, යපස්/ලෝහ උතුරේ මුහුද ආශ්‍රීත ඉඩම් වල ඇත. ස්වභාවික සෞන්ධර්යයෙන් බලතහොත් උතුරේ සමහර ප්‍රදේශ දකුණ ඉහලින්ම පරදවයි.

අප රටේ ප්‍රධාන ජාති තුනේ ජනයාගේ වාසස්ථානයක් බවට උතුර පත්වුවහොත් අනාගතයේ දී දකුණේ සිදු විය හැකි ජනගහන දෙදරීම වැනි තත්ත්වයක් පාලනය කිරීමට හැකිවනු ඇත, මීට අමතරව මේ මඟින් රටේ ආහාර අතින් අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය වන ස්වයංපෝෂිත භාවය සහ රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවය සහ භෞමික අඛන්ඩතාව රැක ගැනීමට හැකි වේ

උතුරේ අනාගත මිනිස් වාසස්ථාන ප්‍රධාන ජාතින් තුනටම ඉඩ දෙන පරිද්දෙන් සිදු කලයුතු වේ. මෙවැනි ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් අනුගමනය කිරීම රටේ සුභසිද්ධියට ඉවහල් වෙන්නකි.

අප රටට ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම ආදරය කරන ද්‍රවිඩ දේශපාලනඥයන් මෙම වැඩ පිළිවෙල පිළිබඳව සතුටු විය යුතුය, එයට අනුබල දිය යුතුය. මන්ද, මෙවැනි ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම ද්‍රවිඩ ජනතාවටද සෙතක් සැලසෙන බැවිනි.

කෙසේ නමුත් මෙවැනි ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් සැලසුම් කර ක්‍රියාවට නැංවිය හැක්කේ මධ්‍යම රජයටයි. දැන් පවත්නා මධ්‍යම රජය ද්‍රවිඩ දේශපාලනඥයන් සමඟ සමීපව වැඩ කරන බැවින් මෙම රජයට ඉතා හොඳින් මේ ක්‍රියාදාමය ආරම්භ කල හැකියි.

උතුර තුල යම් දිනක ‘සිංහල වැල්ලවත්තක්’, ‘සිංහල කොටහේනක්’ බිහි වුවහොත් රට සංහිඳියාව අතින් උපරිම ප්‍රථිපල ලබා ඇතැයි අපට එදිනට ඉමහත් අභිමානයෙන් යුතුව කිව හැකි වේ. කිලිනොච්චියේ සහ මුලතිවු වල මෙවැනි සිංහල ජනාවාස 2ක් ඇති කිරීමට  මධ්‍යම රජය සහ රටට අවංකව ආදරය කරන උතුරු දේශපාලනඥයන්ට ක්‍රියා නොකර සිටීමට කිසිම හේතුවක් නැත.

මෙම ලිපියෙන් මුලිකවම පෙන්වා දීමට අදහස් කලේ උතුරේ නව සිංහලයන් පදිංචි විය යුතු අතර ඒ සඳහා රජයන් (සහ වෙනත් රාජ්‍ය නොවන) ආයතන උනන්දුවෙන් කටයුතු කල යුතු බවයි. එවැන්නක් කළහොත් එයින් රටේ සියළු ජාතීන්ට වන සෙත කියා නිම කල නොහැකිය. අනාගතයයේදී  ජාතිවාදී යුද්ධයක් නැවත මෙරට ඇති නොවීමට ඇති හොඳම පිළියමකි එය. වසර 30ක් පැවති යුද්ධය ඇති වීමට ප්‍රධාන හේතුවක් වුයේ උතුරේ සිංහලයන් නොසිටීමය. ප්‍රභාකරන් සහ ඔහුගේ අනුගාමිකයන් හට සිංහලයන් ගැන හොඳ අවබෝධයක් තිබුනේ නැත. ඔවුහු බොහෝ දෙනෙක් සිංහල කථා කිරීමට පවා නොපුළුවන් විය. රජයන් මඟින් සිංහලුන් උතුරෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට වෑයම් කරන්නේ නම් උතුරේ දෙමළ ජනයාට සිංහලුන් ගැන හොඳ අවබෝධයක් ලබා ගැනීමට නොහැකි වනු ඇත. එය සංහිඳියා ක්‍රියාමාර්ගය සාර්ථක නොවීමට මුලිකම  හේතුවක් වනු ඇත.

මෙම ලියුම්කරු ජාත්‍යාන්තර නීතිඥවරයෙකි. ඔස්ත්‍රේලියාවේ පිළිසිඳ ගත් අද ලෝක ව්‍යාප්ත ශ්‍රී ලංකා සහයෝගිතා කණ්ඩායමේ (Sri Lanka Support Group) හි වත්මන් සභාපතිවරයාය.  srilankasupportgroup@bigpond.com

Constitutional imbroglio

November 1st, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island


President Maithripala Sirisena has decided to meet intellectuals and professionals and seek their views on the proposed new Constitution. The question is why he waited till the constituent assembly process got underway to have such lekgotlas. Anyway, better late than never!

Constitution making is too serious a task to be left entirely to politicians, we reckon. The framers of a constitution should be knowledgeable men and women. A parliament may be converted into a constituent assembly but it may still lack the ability to frame a good constitution. You may call a donkey a horse but you can’t make it win a steeplechase, can you?

It looks as if the yahapalana government were toying with the idea of securing the passage of the new Constitution in Parliament with a two-thirds majority and mustering the very forces it successfully mobilised at the last presidential election, to win a referendum thereon. Whether it is equal to that gargantuan task remains to be seen, but it should realise that what is ratified with a two-thirds majority in Parliament and approved at a referendum does not automatically gain legitimacy and become acceptable to the entire population, much less help solve vexed issues.

It may be recalled that the existing Constitution was passed with a five-sixths majority in 1978—and it would have been approved by people if a referendum had been held—but, today, even those who voted for it, including the present-day senior UNP leaders, want it repealed! The JRJ government succeeded in winning a referendum in 1982 to extend the life of parliament without a general election, but that unspeakable action only paved the way for a bloodbath a few years later with the JVP taking up arms against the UNP regime.

President Sirisena, as a powerful minister of the Rajapaksa government, together with other UPFA MPs, stooped so low as to enable the passage of the 18th Amendment, which did away with the presidential term limit; they also unflinchingly voted for impeaching Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake. But, many of them including Sirisena made an about-turn later on, calling the 18-A and the CJ’s impeachment, despicable acts. So much for referenda and two-thirds majorities in this country!

Legitimacy and acceptability of laws cannot be quantified in terms of votes. It is an uphill task to ensure that a constitution will be acceptable to all people regardless of their differences which are legion in a country like ours. Hence the need for treading cautiously!

The government is apparently labouring under the delusion that a new Constitution, granting federalism or extensive devolution in some other form, will help it appease the TNA and pro-LTTE activists, resident overseas, and, thereby, ease pressure from Geneva to set up a hybrid war crimes tribunal here. The TNA is all out to make federal hay while the yahapalana sun shines, in a manner of speaking. But, the Joint Opposition (JO), the JVP and the SLFP need federalism like a hole in the head. The same holds true for Buddhist monks, who have threatened to take to the streets, if necessary, to torpedo the proposed constitution.

If the constitution-making process is mishandled—which seems to be the case—it will make national reconciliation elude this land further instead of helping forge unity among different communities let alone achieve national progress.

The JVP has said it will back a new Constitution to have the executive presidency abolished, but will go flat out to prevent the creation of a federal state; it has urged the government to stop being maniacally focused on devolution and concentrate on other aspects of the Constitution such as people’s fundamental rights. In other words, the government cannot bank on the JVP’s help to devolve more powers to the periphery.

As for the question of people’s rights, the problem is not the Constitution as such but the fact that governments don’t respect what is already enshrined therein. Ironically, the JVP, which talks ad nauseam about the need to safeguard people’s rights, had no qualms about joining the government in ratifying the PC election amendment bill recently with a slew of undemocratic provisions which had not passed muster with the Supreme Court smuggled thereinto at the committee stage. Thus, the JVP helped the government deny both the public and the judiciary the right to have their say in the lawmaking process.

Interestingly, former Minister of Justice and senior lawyer Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, has questioned the constitutionality of the Constituent Assembly. His arguments, put forth in an article being serialised in this newspaper, are compelling and will certainly provide grist for the mill of the opponents of the proposed constitution.

It is claimed in some quarters that the final draft of the proposed Constitution is ready. Former Minister Keheliya Rambukwella says the US has prepared a new Constitution for Sri Lanka and the yahapalana government is only trying to implement it. He has gone on record as saying that a senior US Congressman told a delegation of Sri Lankan MPs including him and some UNPers in Washington some time ago that the US government had prepared a Constitution for Sri Lanka and the ‘Rajapaksa gang’ was blocking it. Is it that the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government is claiming paternity of a child fathered by Uncle Sam?

Strangely, the government bigwigs, who take on the JO at the drop of a hat, have chosen to ignore Rambukwella’s damning allegation. It is hoped that the issue will be taken up before the Constituent Assembly without further delay. The government owes the public an explanation.

Meanwhile, the National Unity Government is divided on the question of constitutional reforms. The UNP and the SLFP are at daggers drawn and pulling in different directions anent crucial issues such as devolution and the executive presidency. Shouldn’t the yahapalana government put its own house in order and speak with one voice before blaming others for not co-operating with it to introduce a new Constitution?

Final draft of US-prepared new Constitution ready – Keheliya

November 1st, 2017

by Saman Indrajith Courtesy The Island

There is no point in debating the interim report of the Constitutional Assembly Steering Committee as the final draft of proposed constitution has already been prepared by the US and given to the government, UPFA Kandy District MP Keheliya Rambukwella says.

In a brief interview with The Island, the former Minister said: “When a group of Sri Lankan MPs including me visited the US recently, we were told by a US Congressman that the US had prepared the final draft of the new constitution and sent it to the Sri Lankan government. The name of the Congressman is David Price. We were attending a congress meeting on Sri Lankan affairs.

MPs Wasantha Aluvihare, E. Saravanapavan, Anuradha Jayaratne and Buddhika Pathirana were also there.

Price did not know I was from the Opposition. He said almost everybody had accepted the draft constitution for Sri Lanka except a bunch led by Mahinda Rajapaksa. “Then, I told Price that I was one of the members of that bunch.”

“The ongoing debate is only an attempt to rubber-stamp a US-made constitution for Sri Lanka. Those who do not agree with this can ask the UNP MPs who were with me. Anyone can also go and question the US Embassy in Colombo.”

AGRICULTURE, ENERGY AND YAHAPALANA

November 1st, 2017

KAMALIKA PIERIS

One of the prime goals of this government is to strengthen the agricultural sector, said Yahapalana. There isn’t a single project of this government which would help agriculture, replied critics. The first agricultural sector to get hit by Yahapalana was paddy farming .Farmers found around February 2016 that they could not sell their paddy. Farmers in the Ampara district, from where the bulk of the paddy production comes, confirmed that they were unable to sell their paddy.

It is now a few months since harvesting began and farmers find the government is not ready to buy their paddy,  reported the media in March 2016. All Island Farmers Federation   commented on the very slow start to government paddy purchases. Stocks from the last season were still in the stores and till these were cleared government paddy stores were unable to take in new paddy purchases. Chairman, Paddy Marketing Board (PMB) confirmed that previous harvests still remained in the stores.  P.P. Jayasena a farmer from Gal Oya observed that there are 112 stores in the Ampara district. None of these have been emptied although the farmers have begun harvesting. ‘The government should have thought of this before the paddy ripened in the fields. Never before in history has such a thing happened’, he said.

Farmers held protests at Dehiattakandiya and Anuradhapura town and were planning on taking to the streets at Rajangana, Wilgamuwa, Hettipola, Dambulla and Polonnaruwa. ‘It is this government that has dragged the farmer out onto the streets in protest’ said the media. The government had eventually bought just   1.8 million kilos of paddy, which meant they had bought from only 900 farmers. ‘But nobody has yet received the money although the Minister claims they have been paid’, complained the farmers.

The sangha were also roused to action. Venerable Senapathiye Ananda of Sri Pushparamaya, Uhana, Kumaragama said because of the government’s harsh policies the farmer is in trouble. When something unjust is done to them we can’t remain with our hands folded. As the Maha Sangha, we should rise to the occasion.”

Farmers and bhikkus representing 12 districts visited the Paddy Marketing Board in August 2016, having given prior notice.  The Chairman was not available,   but the General Manager or some other high official was. This officer told them, with his head down and refusing to look at the deputation, that he did not know the provisions of the PMB Act.  He was not aware of the clause about the guaranteed price, either. This episode was featured in the television news and we all saw it.

Since the Paddy Marketing Board would not buy their paddy, the farmers had no alternative but to sell to the private traders who bought stocks at Rs 20 a kilo in March 2016 and at Rs 27 in August 2016, while the guaranteed price was Rs 38.  To make space for the new harvest the stored paddy was sold to millers by the PMB   at Rs. 32.50 a kilo and leading rice mill owners then bought paddy for Rs. 14-15 a kilo from farmers.

The rice mills were also affected. About 150 rice mills in the Polonnaruwa District had been shut down during the last several months and another 100 in the district were on the verge of closure, since there was a shortage of paddy for milling, reported the media in April 2017.   Paddy Marketing Board had not issued paddy stocks to rice mill owners for processing, though it had 200,000 metric tons of paddy in its warehouses.  Instead Paddy Marketing Board was selling the paddy to middlemen who sold to millers. Farmers wanted it released directly to the millers. All Island Farmers Federation complained at a press conference in Dambulla in December 2016, that there were massive irregularities in the distribution of PMB stocks.

Rice production has hit a 10-year low, said officials in October 2017. Three consecutive seasons have failed Yala (2016), Maha (2016/2017) and Yala (2017). The cultivation of rice has also suffered from other factors including drought and floods. Nearly 150,000 hectares were devastated by floods and torrential rains during the 2016 Yala season, while during the 2016/2017 Maha only half of the paddy lands were cultivated because the rainfall was not sufficient.

In the last Maha season, 137,950.42 hectares of paddy lands were not cultivated and the crop failed in another 179,796 hectares. Although the target was to cultivate 400,020 hectares of paddy land, in the last Yala season only around 263,307 hectares were grown. However, out of that, crop damage was reported in a significant land area. In the last Yala season, there was reasonable cultivation in Polonnaruwa and Batticaloa, while in Anuradhapura and Ampara, the two major paddy cultivating districts, only 28% and 67% were cultivated respectively, due to the shortage of water. The present Yala harvest will not be enough for the next few months and the harvest from the next Maha will only come to the market in February 2018, said officials in October 2017.

All Island Farmers Federation however charged that incompetent agricultural policies had resulted in the decline in rice production. The policies of the government had discouraged local farmers. The rice mafia was mainly controlled by politicians, they said. The Federation also feared a severe a shortage of seed paddy, which will adversely affect the next Maha season.

Yahapalana government announced in December 2016, that there will soon be a shortage of rice. All Island Farmers Federation disagreed. They said that there were sufficient rice stocks. The rice was held by private millers.  An artificial shortage had been created.  The government was promoting the rice mafia of big time mill owners, who had created an artificial shortage of rice to increase the selling price of rice while planning to buy from farmers as a very low price. Many paddy mill owners have not yet sent their rice to the market.

Officials in the main paddy production areas of the Eastern, North-Central and Northern provinces, confirmed that despite the adverse weather conditions, paddy stocks were available in the Paddy Marketing Board stores and with private traders. While the Government claims there is a shortage of rice, this picture tells a different story, said the media in March 2017, showing large stocks of paddy stored at a private warehouse in Polonnaruwa.

The government and private traders are holding on to millions of kilos of paddy and rice in their stores, the media said in April 2017. Private paddy millers confirmed that they were in possession of stocks and were also buying fresh stocks since the harvest had started in some paddy cultivation areas. When millers created an artificial rice shortage, the government should have milled the paddy using its own mills at Hasalaka, Galgamuwa or Embilipitiya, said farmers.

The country has sufficient rice till the beginning of next year, there is no need to import, All Island Farmers Federation said again in July 2017.  The drought affected Maha but not Yala.  Yala was good. Thousands of acres of paddy in Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura, Ampara and Kilinochchi are ready for harvest. More than 18,000 acres in Kaudulla, Polonnaruwa   and more than 150 acres in Ampara are ready for harvesting.

Farmers expressed serious concern over moves to import rice as the purchase price of local paddy would be affected.   The farmers will be force to sell at low price if government imports rice, they said. The rice now sold in the market was bought from farmers at Rs 35-38 and sold at high price by large scale millers who are making huge profits, they added.

However, Yahapalana started to import rice. In March 2017 Sri Lanka received 10,000 metric tonnes of rice from Pakistan and another 5,000 metric tonnes from Indonesia as donations.   The Government approved the import of a further 250,000 metric tonnes of rice. The first imports came from India. India had given the cheapest rate.  In October 2017, the government decided to import a further 200,000 metric tons of rice. The rice will be imported from India, Pakistan, Burma, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand and Bangladesh, said Yahapalana cheerily. The private sector was also allowed to import rice. Essential Food Commodities Importers and Traders Association (EFCITA) said that they had imported about 400,000 metric tons of rice, from May 2017.

Importers said that less rice is imported now as demand for the imported varieties in the local market is less. Many prefer the local varieties to the imported rice, though imported varieties are cheaper. That is because the rice imported from other countries is inferior to local varieties, replied the Federation. That is why they are cheaper too.

Yahapalana government has subjected Sri Lanka‘s beloved home grown rice to three   unique indignities. There was a spectacular destroying of rice in February 2017. ‘Rice not boiled but set ablaze’ said the headline. Rice has been part of Sri Lanka’s civilization for thousands of years and our plate of rice still carries a degree of sanctity, said the media. Therefore it was shocking, if not sacrilegious, to see how Consumer Protection Authority officials set ablaze more than 2,400 kilos of rice in Polonnaruwa. This came after a court ordered the destruction of this stock of rice because it was not fit for consumption, concluded the media.

The other two indignities are linked. Bags of rice were sent for storage to a newly built international airport and then dispatched, not to a rice mill, but to a distillery. Excess stock from the 2015 paddy harvest was dumped at Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport in August 2016 due to a lack of adequate storage space and the absence of a plan to distribute paddy to millers. These stocks were stored at MRIA without releasing them to millers, accused critics.

The All-Island Farmers’ Federation (AIFF) said that as much as 4,000 metric tonnes of paddy stored at Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, were thereafter sold at cut rate to W M Mendis and Co, a liquor manufacturing firm owned by the influential Arjun Aloysius Group. The paddy was sold to the company at Rs 24 a kilogram. The PMB had bought the stocks for Rs 38 and Rs 42 a kilogram. The loss to the Board is, therefore, between Rs 14 and Rs. 18 a kilogram. PMB said the stocks were too old to be used and needed to be cleared out. We tried to export the stocks, sell it to millers, send it as animal feed but no one bought it,” PMB said. Some of it was sold to the World Food Programme and certain other buyers   after calling tenders.

Local paddy is used to manufacture beer, while imported rice is provided to consumers, commented the President of the United Rice Millers’ Association (URMA). Members of the Association had put in tenders to buy some of these stocks but they were not given any.  There were sufficient millers in Hambantota and other areas willing to purchase the paddy, yet the Food Committee of the Finance Ministry decided it should be sold to the Mendis Company at Rs 24 a kilogram, said URMA.

The sweetheart sale of paddy to Wm Mendis and Co   came at a time when the company was starting construction on a Rs 4 billion grain-based extra neutral alcohol (ENA) distillery in Kalkudah in the Batticaloa district. Approval to set up the distillery was granted to the company by the Ministry of Finance, just 18 weeks after the regime change of 2015,  through its Fiscal Policy Department and Department of Excise. These bodies also approved the Kalkudah distillery. Local and provincial officials are opposed to the project and the construction is now suspended on an order of the Koralaipattu Pradeshiya Sabha, reported the media in April 2017.

The prolonged drought of 2016 and 2017 caused great distress to the farmers. It affected 1.2 million people belonging to about 300,000 families in 16 districts including the main rice-growing districts. People are crying out for water, farmlands are parched, crops are ruined, indebted, farmers are   facing long-term financial ruin, reported the media in March 2017.

‘Some 800,000 families in drought affected districts whose sole livelihood is agriculture, are now reliant on Government  Relief Packs  to survive,  said the media in September 2017. The drought, reportedly the worst in 40 years, has devastated agricultural areas and resulted in near complete collapse of economies in some of the affected districts. Drought affected families are surviving on one meal a day, while indebtedness is on the rise. Over 2 million people, in 20 of the country’s 25 districts, are now affected by drought, according to the September 2017 statistics issued by the Disaster Management Centre.

Yahapalana did not rush to look after the rice farmers. In February 2017, hundreds of paddy farmers in Medirigiriya   had lost their cultivation as authorities failed to provide them with water from the Kaudulla tank for Maha. They took to the streets in Medirigiriya demanding compensation. They sought loans for their survival. This is just one of the many farmer demonstrations that took place in Sri Lanka after Yahapalana came to power.

However, Yahapalana said it was going to give each affected farming family Rs 10,000 monthly payment from March 2017, for a period of three months. Over 500,000 families would be entitled to this financial support. The money would be directly sent to the bank accounts of the farmers, the procedure would be similar to that of distributing fertilizer subsidy.

In October 2017, Yahapalana announced that the largest amount of compensation in the history of the Agricultural and Agrarian Insurance Board had been paid in the last Maha season, to farmers badly affected by the drought. More than Rs 5.2 billion was paid to 523,336 farmers covering more than 352,903 hectares in nine provinces. The largest amount was paid to 113,225 farmers in the Anuradhapura District amounting to more than Rs 1.132 billion, followed by Kurunegala District, where Rs 1.045 billion was paid to 104,594 farmers.

Yahapalana banned chemical fertilizers   and removed the fertilizer subsidy. In 2016, Yahapalana decided to convert the fertilizer subsidy in to an allowance of Rs. 25,000 to farmers who cultivate paddy lands below two hectare for the two seasons. Accordingly, only Rs. 12,500 will be given per season. The allocation for one acre is Rs. 5,000.This financial allowance is given also to farmers who grow vegetables, alternate crops, sweet corn, onions, chillies and soya in the form of a voucher. However, that is given based on the harvest. Every farmer has to show a stipulated amount of harvest in order to be eligible for this allowance.   Farmers faced two problems, increase in price of fertilizer and low price of paddy. In February 2017 farmers demonstrated regarding these two issues at the Department of Agriculture office.

Glyphosate was banned in 2015 by the Yahapalana government against the advice of the Pesticide Technical Advisory Committee. The reason given was that it caused CKDU while there was no evidence that this was so. The Sri Lanka Organization of Agriculture Professionals (SLOAP) also said that there is no scientific base to indicate that glycophospate is the root cause of kidney disease. Glyphosate is the most widely used total weed killer in the world.

The Glyphosate ban has severely affected upland arable farming and the yields for maize, chillie, cowpea, black gram, green gram are less in the last Maha season.     SLOAP said that banning chemical fertilizer has reduced agricultural product already for maize, ulundi, chillies and kurakkan. Manual weed control costs have increased several fold and farmers said they will therefore be compelled to reduce extents under high land crops and vegetable during next Maha season. This will have a serious impact on future crop production and the income of farmers. Sri Lanka was self sufficient in maize some years ago, now Sri Lanka is compelled to import maize again.

Paraquat, a very good weed killer was banned in 2014 because people were committing suicide drinking it.  Paraquat and Glyphosate were banned without providing suitable alternatives.  As a result farmers have to resort to increased tillage practices, excessive use of water and labor to control weeds established during fallow periods. Despite the ban, heavy illicit inflow of Glyphosate is reaching the country and unscrupulous parties are involved in it at highly exorbitant prizes, usually three to four times the usual prize, exploiting the poor farmers.  The farmers are compelled to buy this Glyphosate because of excessive labor costs for weeding.

However, Yahapalana government has taken some steps to help rice farming. The Civil Security Department  announced in March 2017 that it was supporting President  Sirisena’s concept of  a toxin free country, ‘righteous agriculture’ ,  healthy nation by  purchasing traditional varieties of paddy and selling rice to the public at an affordable price after milling them. The CSD has now started to purchase traditional paddy varieties such as kahawanu, marachamadu, kuruluthuda, pachchaperumal, batapola hal, kahamala, and rathdel from farmers at Padavi, Sripura, Weli Oya, Morawewa, Gomarankadawala, and Seruwila in the Puttalam district. The milled rice would be sold in the Colombo district at Rs. 120 per km.

The Association of Retired officers of the Sri Lanka Agricultural Services had, however, put a full page notice for the attention of the President, the Government and the people of Sri Lanka on 30.10.2016 saying that the traditional rice varieties (TRV) have poor yields.  The newly improved varieties have a seven fold increase. Also the TRVs are not fertilizer response and being tall, they bend over. The NIVs are short, erect, highly fertilizer responsive and lodging resistant.

The Prime Minister’s office announced in September 2017, that an on-line Database System for paddy/rice stocks which could be accessed easily by officials and public, would be set up. Every year, the government makes an effort to stabilize the price of paddy/rice. But owing to non-availability of comprehensive information, success is limited, stated the Prime Minister’s office. Establishing a computerized digital MIS system for paddy/rice Sector will strengthen that effort and decision makers, will be able to take informed decisions as to the quantity of paddy and rice available in the country and the actual need to supplement by way of imports.

This data base will include data on paddy lands, the actual extent cultivated, and the paddy production in any given season. Sri Lanka Customs will upload monthly data on the import and export of rice.  State and private banks will provide information on pledged loans taken by millers in each season. These pledged loan details could be used to do verifications on the existing stocks, those with millers and those with traders. The database is expected to be uploaded at the district level preferably just after the harvesting of each season. The data base will start with the next Maha season harvest of 2017/18.

Dissatisfaction with Yahapalana is not confined to rice farmers. Pepper farmers took to the street to object to the importation of pepper. Soon after the current government came into power in 2015, they started to import a lot of pepper into the country, pepper farmers complained. The government has imported 500 tons of pepper from Vietnam. This was done on the pretext of using them for a distillery, but the stocks are now being released to the local market. This has had an adverse impact on the local pepper market. A kilo of pepper which used to fetch Rs 1,500 now can only be sold at a price less than Rs 500. The pepper we harvest once a year, brought in enough money to allow us to be not dependent on anyone, but today we have fallen from the frying pan and into the fire,” pepper cultivators said. The local pepper growers called for a 100% import duty on pepper to protect their industry.

The local growers say that the price previously remained at Rs. 1, 400 per kilo. As such the government should give a subsidy of Rs. 1,000 per kilo, said the pepper farmers. This is a move to save the grower who incurs large sums of money in growing pepper due to high cost of labor and the fertilizer, including the cost of watering the plants under drought conditions and harvesting. This practice of giving a subsidy of Rs. 1,000 was already in existence for rubber smallholders.

The Ratnapura-Embilipitiya road was blocked from morning on July 14, 2017 due to a protest staged by around 100 pepper cultivators who demanded that the government stop the import of pepper into the country. There was another protest in September. It was called off since the Government promised to buy local pepper from farmers in two weeks. That does not seem to be happening and therefore the protests are to be resumed,” said the pepper growers later.  The government‘s explanation for the fall in pepper prices is that there was a glut of local pepper at the time.

The onion farmers also had a similar complaint. In September 2017 onion farmers charged that a glut of imported Bombay onions in the market had resulted in a drastic fall in the price of local onions. Traders at the Dambulla Economic Centre said that the importation of Bombay onions from neighboring countries has resulted in reduced demand for the local variety. Farmers said that a kilo of local Bombay onions that they usually sold for Rs. 35 to Rs. 50 is now going even lower and they are unable to recover the monies they had spent on cultivation. Some traders are quoting lower prices claiming that the onions are wet and have sprouted because of the rains. Farmers claimed the products bought from them at lower prices are sold at the existing market prices. A kilo of imported Bombay onions at the Pettah market is being sold at rates of Rs. 75 to Rs.85 while the local Bombay onion is sold between Rs.65 to Rs.80, they said in September 2017.

There was also another threat. JVP wanted to know in Parliament whether the government was planning to sell the Mahailluppalama seed farm to a Bangladesh firm ‘Lal Teer’. They said cabinet approval has been granted. This gave the rights of local seed production to a foreign company and also granted it the authority to import seed and obtain patents for local seeds.

Yahapalana then turned its attention to the tea estates. The acreage owned by the Regional Tea plantations was to be limited to 5000 acres according to Budget 2017, which means that they could lose about 28% of the current land. This will also cause administrative and financial problems for the companies since they have signed 55 year leases with government and also have to pay off loans said the executives. Further, Planters Association of Ceylon said that the glycophosphate ban has created a major crisis in plantations. Productivity of tea is slowly collapsing and tea production is expected to fall 20% cent this year mainly in Regional Plantation Companies.

The Planters Association also complained that Yahapalana has requested estate lands amounting to approximately 6120 hectares, in five plots from  Kotagala Plantations, Horana Plantations and Pussellawa Plantations for establishment of industrial zones. This is the largest extent of land ever requested for acquisition by the state in the history of the Regional Plantation Companies, the Association said. Such a request was ‘going beyond the limit’. The reduction in cultivable lands will affect the plantation crops also the thousands living on the estates.

Now to the subject of Yahapalana and energy. Yahapalana is continuing the emphasis on solar power started by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and has given priority to solar power. The first utility scale solar power project in Sri Lanka, by  Sagasolar , in collaboration with Faber capital, was opened in Baruthankanda, Hambantota in December 2016.  This is the largest solar project in Sri Lanka It will provide 10 MW of power to the national grid and will be sufficient to provide the annual electricity needed so 15,000 typical Sri Lanka homes.

Yahapalana government has launched a million roof top solar power plant project.  These will feed the national grid allowing customers to sell extra power direct to the CEB. But government will not provide the solar equipment, they must be purchased, banks will give loans. Accordingly, Solar Power Plants of 11.3 MW are being connected national grid and about 30 MW are being generated under net metering.  Yahapalana also plans to construct three Solar Parks with 100 MW each in Siyabalanduwa, Moneragala.

Yahapalana has also started a project to convert all state sector buildings to solar power.  The roofs of all state institutions will be converted into solar power stations and all temples have been provided solar panels free said Yahapalana in 2017. Royal College, Colombo is the first solar powered school.

According to the Power and Renewable Energy Ministry’s Energy Sector Development Plan 2015-2025,” the goal is to make the country an energy self-sufficient nation” by 2030.  According to the objectives set out in this plan, the government is aiming at 60 percent of the energy mix to be renewables by 2020 and 70 percent by 2030, without diesel or coal.

Government hopes to reach the ambitious goal of powering the entire country using renewable energy and ‘indigenous’ sources, mainly natural gas, by 2030. Yahapalana‘s proposed energy mix consists of   major hydro, mini hydro, solar, wind, biomass, natural gas, furnace oil-based power and gas turbine power. Coal was to be  completely eliminated.

During the Rajapakse regime, there was a plan  to have  a coal powered electricity plant at Sampur. CEB had already started preparing for the Sampur power plant by setting up transmission towers for it. Yahapalana cancelled the on-going Sampur power generation project as well as the  Sampur No 2 project that was also in the pipeline. Yahapalana wanted this Indian-funded coal power plant changed to  a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) power plant. India  said that was not possible.

CEB engineers condemned the policy to call off the Sampur coal powered plant. They wanted the coal fired plant, otherwise there will be power shortages in 2018.  CEB  then proposed a series of alternative power plants to counter the closure of the Sampur Coal Power Plant . Coal was not the best certainly, but it was the most suitable at the time, CEB said. Coal is the cheapest option to day   and the Electricity Act specifically asks that they provide the ‘least cost’ option for generation so that consumers are able to afford electricity at a reasonable price. CEB  wanted the  government to go ahead with the proposed clean coal power plant” to be built  with a soft loan from Japan.

CEB  thereafter submitted a   electricity plan, which included six coal power plants to be built over the next 20 years. This was rejected by the PUCSL . CEB was asked to  prepare a plan without coal plants. The CEB said  No”. CEB and its  union  insisted on the construction of low cost coal power plants. CEB warned that if the government did not implement this, the country would face a power shortage in 2018. The country risked spiraling towards a major power crisis, CEB said. Power cuts would be an ever present threat to the country with severe power shortages expected in 2022/23.

Yahapalana is playing around with the electricity needs of the country, said  critics. The power sector is very badly managed, said Harry Jayawardene  It is  now  nearly three years since Sampur power plant was cancelled, and there is no firm decision on how to replace it with,  what, where and by whom, said critics in 2017. None of the coal and renewable energy plants  that had been planned have been built. The last power plant to be built was Norochcholai, started in 2009 and complete in 2014. At least 300 Mega Watts (MW) of additional power  will be needed for the national grid in 2018, according to PUCSL estimates. Sri Lanka now enters this power crisis with not a single power plant built. Instead Yahapalana has  cancelled all long term projects and    is concentrating on  emergency power only.

Yahapalana has approved emergency diesel power plants. We rely on diesel now, said critics. It was necessary to rely on diesel as coal and LNG plants could not meet the immediate requirement of 200-300 MW of extra power needing to be added to the grid by 2018, said Yahapalana.  The electricity now comes from diesel power plants, at three times the cost of the electricity the cancelled Sampur would have produced, and they emit noise and the same amount of sulphur and even more harmful emissions, uncontrolled, in various parts of the country, said critics. As of April 2017, 42 percent of  the  electricity generation came from oil. Cabinet  also approved the establishment of two liquid natural gas 500MW power plants to be set up by the Japanese and Indian governments.

Yahapalana government was planning to build two diesel power plants producing costly electricity at Kerawalapitiya and Hambantota as private ventures, and these were being awarded to friends of the government and government would have to pay  high rates to get their electricity. An  international tender was floated in February  2017 to set up the combined cycle power plant powered by dual fuel, initially diesel fuel or heavy oil fuel, and then re-gasified liquefied natural gas (RLNG) at a future date when it is available, at the boundary of the site at Kerawalapitiya in the Gampaha District.

The project is to be developed on a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer (BOOT) basis by private sector participation. The operation period, before transferring the facility to the CEB, is 20 years. However, the awarding of a tender for this 300 MW dual fuel power plant at Kerawalapitiya has been put on hold after differences surfaced between the Tender Board and the Technical Evaluation Committee (TEC) over who should be awarded the tender reported the media in July 2017.

From January-April 2017 we have spent an additional USD 160 million on diesel and fuel oil, said critics. ‘The situation is unsustainable. We can’t continue to pay exorbitant amounts to purchase electricity from fuel oil and diesel power plants, which are a drain on the economy’, said the CEB.

CEB  said in 2016 that would lose more than Rs 25 billion  in 2017 if it continued to buy electricity from high coast thermal power produced with diesel and renewable energy from the private sector. In 2017 it said that an additional Rs 150 million per day was needed  for diesel and fuel oil. The recent government decision to cancel the planned coal power plants and install a number of large oil power plans instead will cost the country a huge sum . It will also increase the cost of production of our goods.  The electricity tariff and other taxes will have to be increased.

There is now a tug of war between the Ceylon Electricity .Board and   the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) which regulates the  energy sector. CEB accused the PUCSL of exceeding the powers vested in it, under the Sri Lanka Electricity Act  and of violating its own planning code.

PUCSL does not want any coal, CEB does. CEB  explained that they would include more renewables as they became cheaper but the issue at present was reliability of supply when it comes to renewables. . If we are to just rely on renewables, what will we do at night when the sun is out or when there is no wind? We also don’t have the affordable technology at present for storage, said CEB.

CEB has been consistent and coherent, in what it says is best for Sri Lanka’s future power generation, from both technical and economic considerations. It recommends a mix of all the competing generating technology/fuel options, now that coal, liquefied natural gas, wind and solar costs have all come to the same range, each with its own technical, commercial and environmental merits and de-merits, strengths and weaknesses.

CEB also objected to the intervention of the  President and Prime Minister . The Electricity Act indicates who should prepare the power plan. It is not the President or Prime Minister. Power plants are decided by experts said CEB. The  Prime Minister  cannot throw away a professionally prepared 20 year plan saying it is useless, said CEB.  CEB was also opposed to Yahapalana  seeking a Cabinet directive to decide on the Power plants. CEB has its own planning branch for such projects

PUCSL remained silent  when Yahapalana cancelled the Sampur power plants. CEB protested heavily, observed analysts. PUCSL  also refrained from approving the long-term generation expansion plan of CEB in 2016, approving only oil-burning power plants and PUCSL unilaterally changed CEB’s generation expansion plan of 2017.  PUCSL has not objected to diesel power plants. Where does the Power regulator, the PUCSL, lie in this ‘no coal ‘ debate? Nowhere, said analysts.

PUCSL kept silent when leaders were playing havoc with power plants back in 2015.  PUCSL did not exercise powers vested with it, to advice the Government of the consequences of ad-hoc decisions on major power plants. In its desperate attempt to toe the line of the Government, PUCSL has forgotten that its obligations are not to politicians but to electricity customers.

There is political interference in electricity planning, charged critics. The minister for power and energy is left out and electricity  generation is handled by  other ministries such as  Water supply and BOI. Power plants are no longer built by CEB or private investors, supervised by the Ministry of Energy. They are decided by committees sitting in various Ministries, except in the Energy Ministry.

The same government with the same Prime Minister      and the same officials were engaged in the same experiments in 1991, 2001 and now 2016, said Siyambalapitiya. The same individuals who messed it up in 1991-1994 and 2001-2004 are at it in 2016. There were blackouts in1992-1994, blackouts in 2000-2001, plus eight new oil power plants.  In 2001-2004 we ended up with two more small oil burning power plants, making it ten.

From 2015  onwards already three diesel new power plants are in operation, more are on the way. More contracts, and remember, at three times the cost of “cancelled” power plants. Look carefully at the above dates.  The players in 1992, 1995, 2001 and now are exactly the same, in spite of their advancing age. The game is the same too. The creation of expensive diesel plants .  But now, under Yahapalana   there is  also a regulatory commission to readily approve diesel and more diesel power plants, making the external meddling of the energy sector appear to be perfectly legal.

Policy changes are made in other countries too, observed analysts.  Some  European countries decided to phase out nuclear power. But they did not do so overnight. They managed the policy transition very carefully, over a long period of time, without harming their economies with high electricity costs and power outages, and they most certainly,  did not go in for emergency diesel power plants. Yahapalana on the other hand followed a policy of ‘cancel first’, then get into a fix, and order emergency diesel power plants at three times the cost of the cancelled project.  Instead of awarding a big power plant contract once in a few years, Yahapalana awards diesel contracts once every few months.

It is reported that a Japanese Firm is investing a million dollars on a mini hydro plant at Eratana in Ratnapura, said Garvin Karunaratne in 2017. It means that the waters of the Kalu Ganga will be used to generate power and sold to the Electricity Board and to people in the area and the profits, in terms of payment for the electricity consumed will be sent off to the owners of the Japanese company in hard foreign exchange.

Karunaratne also highlighted how the waters of a stream that flows into the Mahaweli River at Udugama on the Gampola Nuwara Eliya Road, are being developed into a mini hydro plant by a German company, and once it is done the power will be sold and the profits will flow in foreign exchange to Germany from Sri Lanka. It is a simple thing to develop a mini hydro plant. Many of our tea estates had mini hydro- plants and generated power to run the factories. Instead of developing better designs we encourage foreigners to come in and convert our water resources to power, and then convert power to foreign exchange and take it away.

Villagers troubled by the damage to the environment caused by mini-hydro power projects joined environment groups  in January 2017, to take their anger to the doorsteps of the Central Environment Authority. More than 200 villagers from different parts of Sri Lanka were among the protesters who denounced the projects.

Many of the protesters were from Marukanda in Kuruvita, Ratnapura. They said the mini-hydro plant at Marukanda will affect at least 4 kilometres of the river. Already there are 3 mini-hydros in Kuruganga and another in an associated waterway within a short distance. These will adversely impact on the biodiversity of a sanctuary. They are not willing to accept any more mini-hydro power plants. Although district officials have decided to halt the latest project, which began in December, it is continuing with the backing of a high profile political figure in Ratnapura.

We decided to protest as a last resort. The remaining waterfalls will be destroyed by upcoming hydro projects, so they have to be stopped as our waterfalls are not only for electricity generation,” said Rainforest Protectors which was one of the organizers of the protest. Based on wrong policies and improper guidelines, the mini-hydro power dams have become an environmental disaster,”  they said. Mini-hydro power plants now in operation must be regularly monitored.

Protesters blamed agencies such as the Central Environment Authority, Sustainable Energy Authority, and the Ceylon Electricity Board for approving the mini-hydro power plants in environmentally sensitive areas. They allege the CEA is too lenient or that corrupt officials are approving projects. The CEA Chairman  said new licenses for mini-hydro projects will not be issued. He promised that all the problematic mini-hydro power projects will be evaluated within the next three months.

Finland has agreed to provide the technology to generate electricity from sea waves  in Sri Lanka  and Yahapalana has accepted. The technology would be used to produce environment friendly wave energy, electricity, clean the sea water and pump water.  AW Energy Facility based in Helsinki, Finland has expressed willingness to support Sri Lanka to produce wave energy. The primary research in the Sri Lankan coastal areas had already been  done by AW Energy and they would begin the production of energy by next year they said in October 2017.

Even though waves are not used to produce energy in many parts of the world,  it is a potential source of energy in the future,  said Yahapalana .The Indian Ocean has been identified as a region to produce wave energy. Our country is surrounded by sea, and therefore, we can generate electricity using sea waves easily, said Yahapalana .

G.A.D.Sirimal,  former Asst. Secretary Ministry for Power and Energy  said  with reference to this project, this reminds me,  in early 1980s, a foreign firm was lobbying feverishly with the backing of politicians to set up an Ocean Wave Thermal plant [OTEC] at our cost. I discussed this new technology with some energy experts whom I met in China, and I was told an experimental plant had been tested off Hawaii coast and abandoned. Probably, the same company that carried out this experiment wanted to make us  finance such a project to carry out further experiments. However, the then Secretary to the Ministry for Power and Energy was wise enough to guess the machination , and without hurting politicians’ aggressive support to the firm which came with this proposal, advised that it could be allowed on a Build, Operate and Own [BOO] basis, where the Ceylon Electricity Board [CEB] would buy electricity on an agreed price. Of course, as expected, the firm withdrew. The technology has improved since then  but, if any company wishes to set up such a plant, it would be prudent to offer the same condition as stated earlier, Srimal suggested.

Yahapalana is also engaged in turning garbage into energy, a move started by the Rajapaksa government. Yahapalana has started the two projects (Nikasala Javaya) for generating 20 Mega Watts of electricity from garbage with an investment of Rs. 27 billion by two private organizations in Kerawelapitiya yesterday.

Yahapalana has also started Karadiyana electricity generating project. A large quantity of waste would be collected daily at the Karadiyana Waste Management Yard, out of which 500 metric tons could be transformed into energy. The Karadiyana project was awarded to Fairway Private Ltd. after calling for tenders through competitive bidding. Electricity generated by the project would be sufficient to feed 37,500 houses. It would also produce carbonic fertilizer in addition to electricity. The process would help reduce the amount of waste released to the environment by almost 90 percent and provide a sustainable solution to the environmental and social problems caused due to the dumping of waste.

At present, Karadiyana receives approximately 500 tons of waste per day from municipalities such as Dehiwala-Mount Lavinia, Kesbewa and Maharagama. The plant will also recover the nutrients in the waste returning it to earth as fertilizer and the energy content will be transformed into electricity to be distributed to consumers. This Waste to Energy project is scheduled to be completed in 18 months.  A waste park was also being developed in Kerawalapitiya by the Land Reclamation and Development Corporation,   Yahapalana also said Meetotamulla garbage mountain would be developed as an urban park within the next three years. The area covered by the Bloemendhal waste dump would be developed in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) and the Customs Department.

Beyond-Federal 13 Plus Will Be Passed After Terrorizing People with Unpassable New Constitution

October 31st, 2017

 Dilrook Kannangara

While the entire nation is distracted by the unpassable yet horrifying new constitution, the real intention of the government and the Opposition (they are one and the same) is to pass 13 Plus without that name as a compromise”. This is far more dangerous as there are no safeguards against it. There are plenty of safeguards against the new constitution including two thirds of parliament, referendum and inconsistency with existing constitution limits. People must keep a watchful eye for this gimmick. It will be difficult, as all parties have distracted people.

13 Plus is Tamil Eelam Minus One Percent

13 Plus was floated by the past regime in 2010 but swiftly retracted after widespread disapproval. However, the concept never died. All UPFA leaders agreed to it in May 2013 in Wijerama concurrent to Singapore Principles. 13 Plus is 13A plus some Concurrent List powers going to provinces. In fact, 13 Plus without that name is the twin of the Singapore Principles. Though Wijerama Principles are less evil in the short term, they are as dangerous in the long term.

In summary, both major parties and all three presidents since 1994 agree with 13 Plus. It will be very easy to pass and it can be done secretly.

Even under tremendous military and invasion pressure from India and the LTTE, JR Jayawardhane resisted devolving Concurrent List powers to provinces. LTTE rejected 13A because it lacked the powers it sought. JR risked war over it because it was worth it. Leaders since 2013 have succumbed to the old LTTE demand of negotiating the Concurrent List even without the LTTE! Was the LTTE really defeated in war or was it only the LTTE cadres that was defeated by the military in 2009? Surely, the LTTE ideology is live and winning.

Separatists Will Even Take Credit for the Compromise!

After fooling the people and passing 13 Plus, separatists will even take credit for averting a great danger” and saving the nation! There never was a danger people could not overcome. The new constitution cannot be passed no matter how dangerous it is. This is a constitutional fact. Even the government knows it very well. There is no need for a compromise to save the nation from the proposed new constitution as there are enough safeguards to block it.

It is unthinkably terrifying if the sky is falling down and there is no hiding place. But running into the fox’s den fearing it is even more dangerous and foolish.

The same architect behind the UNHRC disaster of 2009 who tied the nation into full implementation of 13A is behind the push for 13 Plus since 2013. He is a midwife of the original 13A as well. He can be found every time a national disintegration scheme is passed just like the water-crane bird which flies over a house before a funeral according to folklore. Notably he was absent when no such separatist action actually took place though attempted in 1995, 1998 and 2000! Chandrika and GL Peiris tried to pass their new constitution (package”) in these years but nothing happened. They didn’t leave any permanent constitutional damage.

Post-January 2015 Trojan Horses

Pre-January 2015 Trojan horses as well known. However, there are post-2015 Trojan horses. Though they hold identical political views as Sirisena on the ethnic problem”, they opted to remain with Mahinda despite the defeat. They planned this. They lambasted Ranil, Chandrika and Modi just to win the confidence of the Mahinda camp until Ranil, Chandrika and Modi summoned their services. They continue to blast the new constitution knowing very well it cannot be passed. Their conduct is not genuine but to use the fear of the new constitution to push 13 Plus. They are after 13 Plus (Tamil Eelam minus).

If post-January-2015 Trojan horses are lucky and the Joint Opposition is completely naïve, they will continue to be the strategists of the Joint Opposition targeting the 2019 presidential election too! They plotted the end of the Rajapaksa clan in 2015 while pretending to be its strongest advocates. They can rewrite the Ummaggha Jataka”.

Make no mistake – the proposed new constitution and 13 Plus are both dangerous, beyond federal and steps towards Tamil Eelam. Don’t let one pass through while people are distracted by the other.

 

ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ මායාව

October 31st, 2017

තේජා ගොඩකන්දෙආරච්චි

ව්යවස්ථාව නම් කඩදාසි ගොන්න පිලිබඳව මේ දිනවල ඇතිවූ කතාබහ බොහෝය. ආණ්ඩුක්රම ව්යවස්ථාවක් යනු අදාල රටේ රටවැසියන්ගේ යහපැවැත්මට බලපාන, පාලකයන් විසින් අනුගමනය කරමින් ස්ථාපනය කලයුතු යම් ප්රතිපත්තීන් අඩංගු වැදගත් ලියැවිල්ලකි. ඕනෑම සාමාන් රටවැසියෙකුට, ව්යවස්ථාවක් ඔස්සේ සහතික කරනු ලබන තම අයිතිවාසිකම් පිලිබඳව හැඟීමක් තිබීම වැදගත්ය. නමුත් වසර විස්සකට වඩා රටේ විවිධ පලාත්වල, විවිධ ජීවනෝපායයන්හි නිරතවන ජන කොටස් අතර ප්රායෝගිකව කල් ගෙවීමේදී අත්දකින්නට ලැබුනු දේවල් සමග ගලපාගත් කල, මෙවන් ව්යවස්ථාවන් ජනතාව වෙත බලපාන අන්දම ගැන පැහැදිලි අදහසක් මා තුල තිබේ. අදහස් සමග පසුගිය දෙවසර පුරාවිද්වතුන්ව්යස්ථා කෙටුම්පත් සඳහා ජනතා අදහස් රැස් කරන්නටය කියා රටපුරා ඇවිද 2000 ගේ අදහස් පොදු මතයක් සේ ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම කෙතරම් දුරට ගැලපේදැයි නොදනිමි.

 

මට මතක ඇති කාලයේ වැදගත් ව්යවස්ථාමය වෙනසක් සිදුවුනේ 1972 දී . අනුව සිරිමා බණ්ඩාරනායක යුගයේදී, ශ්රී ලංකාව 1972 මැයි මස 22 දා පටන් පූර්ණ නිදහස් ජනරජයක් බවට පත්විය. වෙනත් වචනයෙන් කිවහොත් 1948 දී රප රටට නිදහස ලැබුන බව අප පැවසුවද ශ්රී ලංකාව පූර්ණ ස්වාධීන රාජ්යයක් බවට පත් වූයේ එදිනය. එදා කුඩා දරුවන් වූ අප පාසලේදී කැවුම් කිරිබත් කා එම අවස්ථාව සැමරුවේ මේ ගැන හැඟීමක් නැතිවය. නමුත් මට එක දෙයක් නම් මතකය. 1970 දී පාසලේකුඩා මිතුරිකණ්ඩායමේ සාමාජිකත්වය ලබා ගැන්මේ අවස්ථාව මා හට හිමි විය. අපගේ දුඹුරු පැහැ ටයි පටියේ පලඳවනු ලැබූ පදක්කම ශ්රී ලංකාව හැඩයේ වුවද, සඳහා අප ලබාදුන් දිවුරුමේ කොටසක විශේෂයක් විය. ‘I promise to do my best to my religion, Queen and country ……’ ආදී වශයෙනි. නමුත් 1972 න් පසුව ‘Queen’ කොටස නැතිවිය. මෙය එදා 1972 දී ශ්රී ලංකාව ලැබූ පූර්ණ ස්වාධීනත්වයේම ප්රතිඵලයක් බව වැඩුන පසු මම සිතා ගතිමි. ඉන්පසු කාලයක් යනතුරු මැයි 22 වන දිනයජනරජ දිනයනමින් රජයේ නිවාඩු දින අතරට එක්වූ අතර 1977 ආණ්ඩු පෙරලියෙන් පසු එයජාතික වීර දිනයබවට පත්වී, තවත් ටිකක් කල් ගියවිට නිවාඩුව අහෝසි වී ගියේය. මේ මගේ මතකයේ සටහන් වූ පලමු ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයයි.

 

මතකයට නැගෙන දෙවන ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය සිදුවුනේ 1978 දී . 1977 දී ජනතාව අගමැති වශයෙන් තෝරා පත් කරගත් ජේ. ආර්. ජයවර්ධන තමන්ට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල හිමිවූ 5/6 බලය උපයෝගී කරගෙන ව්යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කරමින් පූර්ණ විධායක බලතල සහිත ජනාධිපතිවරයා බවට පත්වූ අවස්ථාවයි. අනුව ඔහුශ්රී ලංකා ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදී ජනරජයේ අතිගරු ජනාධිපති උතුමාණන්බවට පත්විය. සමගම, විධායක බලතල තුල තමන්ට කල නොහැක්කේ පිරිමියෙකු, ගැහැණියක බවට පත් කිරීමත්, ගැහැණියක, පිරිමියෙකු බවට පත් කිරීමත් පමනක් බව පවසමින් ජනාධිපති උදම් අනන්නට වන්කල, මේ ව්යවස්ථාවේ ඇති අන්තරාදායක බව යම් බුද්ධියක් සහිත අයට දැනෙන්නට ඇත. ඉන්පසු ගෙවුනු 16 වසර පුරා අප මේ විධායක බලතලවල රසය අත් වින්දේ, අපද දිනෙන් දින වයසින් හා අත්දැකීම්වලින් වැඩුනු නිසාය. අතර 1977 දී ආසන 165 ක් තිබූ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්රී ආසන සංඛ්යාව, 225 දක්වා වැඩිවීම, මැතිවරණ කොට්ඨාශ ක්රමය වෙනුවට දිස්ත්රික් පදනම හා මනාප ක්රමය ඇතිවීම ආදී දේ දෙස බලන කල්හි, මේ කාලය තුල ඇතිවූ යම් යම් සංශෝධන ගැන අදහසක් ගත හැකිය.

 

ඉන්පසු යලිත් මතකයේ රැඳෙන සංශෝධනයක් අැතිවුනේ 2014 දී හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ විසින් තමාට තෙවන වරටත් ජනාධිපතිවරණය සඳහා ඉදිරිපත් වීමට අවශ් කරුණු ඇතුලත් කරගත් අවස්ථාවේය. 1972 න් පසු සිදුවූ ව්යවස්ථාමය සංශෝධන, මගේ දැනීමේ හැටියට රටවැසි ජනතාවගේ අභිවෘද්ධිය ගැන සිතා සිදුවූ දේ නොව තම තමන්ගේ පුද්ගලික සංවර්ධනය උදෙසා දේශපාලකයන් විසින් සිදු කරගත් ඒවාය. අද උතුරු නැගෙනහිරට ෆෙඩරල් ලබා දීමේ කතාවද එයම වේ. මෙතැනදී යහපාලන රජය සුලු ජාතික චන්ද පදනම හරහා තම පැවැත්ම තහවුරු කර ගැන්මට බලාසිටින අතර, මේ ෆෙඩරල් හරහා සිදුවනු ඇත්තේද උතුරු නැගෙනහිරට ප්රාදේශීය වශයෙන් තවත් තක්කඩි දේශපාලකයන් රැලක් බිහිවීම (දැනටමත් බිහිවී තිබේ) මිස වෙනත් යමක් නොවේ.

 

1989 දක්වා ජයවර්ධන රෙජිමය රට පාලනය කල දරදඬු ස්වභාවය , 1980 ජුලි වැඩ වර්ජකයන්ට අත්කල ඉරණමද, 1982 කලගෙඩි ලාම්පු ක්රීඩාව, 88 – 90 තරුණ නැගිටීම මර්ධනයකල ආකාරයද අතරතුර උතුරු නැගෙනහිර වෙලාගත් බිහිසුණු වර්ගවාදී යුද්ධයේ ඇතිවීම හා විකාශනය (මෙම ඇතිවීම හා විකාශනය යන පදය 88 – 90 තරුණ නැගිටීමටද අදාල වේ) යන සියල්ල දෙස නැවත හැරී බැලූ කල්හි මෙන්ම ජනාධිපති ප්රේමදාස තම විධායක බලතල යොදාගෙන එල්ටීටීඊ කෙරෙහි අනුගමනය කල ප්රතිපත්තිය හරහා ඔහුට අත්වූ ඉරණමද යන කරුණුත් අත්තනෝමතික ව්යවස්ථා වෙනස්කම්වල ප්රතිඵල බව පෙනේ. සමගම ඊලඟට බලයට පැමිනි ජනාධිපතිවරුන්ගේ ප්රධානම චන්ද පොරොන්දු අතරට ව්යවස්ථාමය වෙනසක් මගින් විධායක බලතල යලි පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පවරා දීම යන්න නොවරදවාම පැමිනියේය. නමුත් අවාසනාවකට කිසිවෙකු එම පොරොන්දුව ඉටු කිරීමට කටයුතු කලේ නැත. 2001 – 2004 සමයේ අගමැතිව සිටි රනිල් වික්රමසිංහ ශ්රී ලංකාවේ අනාගතය උදෙසා කටයුතු කරන්නට පෙලඹුනු අත්තනෝමතික ක්රියා මාර්ගය දෙස බැලූ කල්හි, එදා ජනාධිපතිව සිටි චන්ද්රිකා කුමාරතුංග තම විධායක බලතල යොදාගෙන එම තත්වය දුරදිග ගෙනයනු නොදී වලකා ගත් ආකාරය තුල, විධායක බලතල නරකම නැතිය කියාත් ජනතාවට සිතුන වාර තිබෙන්නට ඇති. එදා වාසනාවට ඔවුන් දෙදෙනා අතර විරසකයක් තිබූ හෙයිනි. අදද සිදුව ඇත්තේ අගමැති, ජනපති අබිභවා යාමමය. නමුත් මේ වත්මන් ජනාධිපතිවරයා මුලින්ම තෝරා ගැනුනේ රනිල්චන්ද්රිකා ඒකමතිකත්වයෙනි. චන්ද්රිකාගේ අපේක්ෂාව වන්නට ඇත්තේ ජනාධිපති රූකඩයේ නූල තමා අතම තබා ගැනීම විය යුතුය. අද රනිල් හා චන්ද්රිකා එක පිලක සිටින තත්වය තුල ජනාධිපති රූකඩයේ නූල තමන්ට ඕනෑ පරිදි ඇද ගතහොත් 2001 204 වකවානුවේදී රනිල් ක්රියාත්මක කරන්නට ඇරඹූ දේ නව ව්යස්ථා සංශෝධනය ඔස්සේ සම්පූර්ණ කරගත හැකිවනු ඇත.

 

මේ ව්යවස්ථාවල මොන මොන වගන්ති තිබුනත්, එය රටේ ජනතාවට බලපාන ආකාරය පවතින්නේ පාලකයන් තුල ජනාව කෙරෙහි ඇති කැපවීමේ සහ ඕනෑකමේ ප්රමානයටයි. මේ වන විට සැම තැනකම වාද විවාද පිරී ගොසිනි. ෆෙඩරල් දෙනවාද නැද්ද යන්න සමාජ වෙබ් අඩවි ජාලාවල පවා ජීවිතය සහ මරණය අතර ප්රශ්නයක් බවට පත්ව තිබේ. නමුත් ප්රත්යක්ෂවම කඩදාසි කොලයේ ලියැවුන ව්යවස්ථාව සහ වැඩ සිද්ධ වෙන ආකාරය සසඳා බැලූ කල්හි සිතෙන්නේ ව්යවස්ථාව නිසා ප්රයෝජන ලැබෙන්නේ දේශපාලකයාටම මිස ජනතාවට නොවන බවයි. ෆෙඩරල් ලබාදී, ‘රට බෙදනප්රශ්න එන්නේ ඉදිරියටය. එතෙක් මේ දක්වා ව්යවස්ථාවේ හැමදාමත් තිබූ වගන්ති සලකා බැලුවහොත්? (පහත දැක්වෙන්නේ වැකිවල අදහස මිස ඒවා ව්යවස්ථාවේ සඳහන් වන ආකාරයට නොවන බව කිව යුතුය)  

නීතිය ඉදිරිපිටදී ශ්රී ලාංකික පුරවැසියන් සියලු දෙනාම වෙනස් කමකින් තොරව සමානාත්මතාවයෙන් යුතුව සලකා බලනු අැත

මේ ගැන ඔබට සිතෙන්නේ කුමක්ද? රටේ ප්රබල දේශපාලකයකු තමන්ගේ දැඩි වංචා දූෂණ පිලිබඳව නීතිය ඉදිරිපිටට ගෙනයන අවස්ථාවකද, සාමාන් පුරවැසියෙකු ඉතාම සුලු වරදකට නීතිය ඉදිරිපිටට ගෙනයන අවස්ථාවකද මේ දෙදෙනා කෙරෙහි නීතිය ක්රියාත්මකවන දෙආකාරය පිලිබඳ උදාහරණ, මේ වසර කිහිපය මුලුල්ලේම ජනතාවගේ ඇස් ඉදිරිපිට පැහැදිලිව ප්රදර්ශනය වී ඇත.

අදහස් ප්රකාශ කිරීමේ නිදහස, ඔබ මොබ යාමේ නිදහස වැනි ඉතාම සරළ, සමාන් වගන්ති පවා සාමාන් ජන ජීවිතයේදී ප්රායෝගිකව ක්රියාත්මක වන ආකාරය දෙස බලනකල අපේ රට වැනි කුණුවූ දේශපාලන ධාරාවක් පතින රටක ව්යවස්ථාව යනු නිකම්ම නිකම් කොල කැබැල්ලක් බව ජනතාවට වැටහී යා යුතුය.

අධ්යාපන ක්ෂේත්රයේ ඵලදායිතාවය ගැන සිතනවිට, සෞඛ් ක්ෂේත්රයේ පවතින ගැටලු දෙස බලනවිට ජන ජීවිතයේ සුභ සිද්ධියට බලපාන සියලු දේම දිනෙන් දින පරිහානිය කරා යනවා මිස ඉතාම සාමාන් පුරවැසියෙකු අරභයා මෙයින් ලැබෙන වරප්රසාද මොනවාද? මෙය අප රටේ සෑම ජනවර්ගයකටම ඇතුලත් සාමාන් මිනිසුන් උදෙසා පවත්නා සත්යයකි. 77 න් පසුව ශ්රී ලංකාවේ කෘෂිකර්මයට අත්වූ ඉරණම දකිද්දී, කෘෂිකර්මය තම ජීවනෝපාය කරගෙන සිටි උතුරේ ජනතාව තම දේශපාලකයන්ගේ අභිලාෂයනට පහසුවෙන් නම්මාගත හැකි වූයේ කෙසේද යන්න පැහැදිලිය. ඔවුන්ට නොවැටහෙන තැන නම් දේශපාලකයන් හෝ ඔවුන් වෙනුවෙන් සටන් කරනවායැයි කියන පාර්ශ්වයන්, මේ ගැටලුදෙමළ ජනතාවට විශේෂිත ගැටලුයනුවෙන් නම් කරන නමුදු මේ සියලු ප්රශ්නම එලෙසින්ම සිංහල, බෞද්ධ බහුතරයකටද තිබෙනවාය යන්නයි. මා මෙම ලිපියේ මුලින්ම වසර 20 ක් ජනතාව අතර වැඩකල බව කීවේ එහෙයිනි. එම කාල සීමාව පුරා මා දුටුවේ බලය ඇතිනැති බව තුල ඇතිවන අසාධාරණ බවේ ප්රතිඵලයක් ලෙස තම අයිතිවාසිකම් අහිමි වූ ආර්ථික ශක්තියක් නැති ජනතාවකි. ඊට සිංහලය, දෙමළය කියා භේදයක් තිබුනේ නැත. ඉතාම සාමාන් න්යාය වනුයේ අසීමිත සම්පත් ප්රමාණයක්, සීමිත පිරිසක් අතට පත්වන ආකාරයේ දේශපාලන ආර්ථික ව්යූහයක් රට තුල ගොඩ නැගී තිබීමය. තමිලිනී ජෙයකුමාර් විසින් ලියා ඇතිතියුණු අසිපතක සෙවන යටනම්, දෙමළ විමුක්ති අරගලය ඇගේ ඇසින් දුටු අන්දම සටහන් වූ පොත කියවන්නේ නම්, විමුක්ති සටනක් ගතානුගතික දකුණු ආසියාතික දේශපාලන ප්රවාහයට හසුවූ අයුරු අපූරුවට එහි ලියැවී ඇත. එයද දේශපාලනමය ප්රශ්නයක් මුල් කරගෙන පැන නැගුන අරගලයකි. නමුත් දැඩි දූෂිත දකුණු ආසියාතික දේශපාලන සන්දර්භය තුල මේ අරගල ක්රියාත්මක වනුයේ ආත්මාර්ථකාමී දේශපාලක රැලකගේ හිත සුව පිනිස මිස අන් යමක් සඳහා නොවේ. මේ සඳහා ඔවුන් ඇමක් ලෙස යොදා ගන්නේ සාමාන් ජනතාවයි

 

අද ජනතාව පෙලන ප්රශ්නවලට විසඳුම තිබෙන්නේ මධ්යම රජය අතේය. තමන්ගෙන් රටේ සෑම පලාතකටම, සෑම ක්ෂේත්රයකටම ඉටුවිය යුතු මෙහෙවර සාධාරණව ඉටු නොවන තාක් දින දින පීඩනයට පත්වන ජනතාව ත්රස්තවාදය කරා තල්ලු වී යාම වැලැක්විය නොහැක. උතුරේ වසර 30 ක් තිස්සේ දෙමළ ජනයා මේ කටුක සත්යය අත්විඳි අතර, අසූව දශකයේ අග භාගයේදී මෙසේ ආයුධ අතට ගත් සිංහල ජනතාවද ලෙයින්, යකඩින් දියත් කෙරුන රාජ් මර්ධන හස්තයේ බලය උර ගා බැලූහ. මේ සිද්ධීන් කෙලවර වූයේ විශාල ජීවිත සංඛ්යාවක් වනසමිනි

 

2005 වසරේදී පමන පැවැත්වූ එතරා වැඩ මුලුවකදී, මට එකල ටැමිල් නෙට් වෙබ් අඩවිය මෙහෙයවූ තාරකී හෙවත් සිවරාම්ගේ දේශනයකට සවන් දීමේ අවස්ථාව ලැබිනි. ඔහු එදා සිංහල දෙමළ වර්ගවාදී ප්රශ්නය විග්රහ කලේ ඉතා සරළව, මේක සිංහල ආණ්ඩුව, ඉඩම් සිංහලයන්ට, රැකි රක්ෂා සිංහලයන්ට, සියලු වරප්රසාද සිංහලයන්ට ආදී වශයෙන් කියමිනි. නමුත වන විටත් වසර 15 ක් තිස්සේ මා සමග ගැවසී දැන පුරුදුව සිටි සිංහල බෞද්ධ ජනතාව අතර බිම් අඟලක උරුමය නැති අය, රැකියා විරහිත අය, වරප්රසද තබා දරුවකු පාසලකට ඇතුලත් කර ගන්නට බැරි, අසනීපයකට හරි හමන් බෙහෙතක් ගන්නට බැරි, ගමනක් බිමනක් යන්නට පොදු ප්රවාහන ක්රමයක් නැති කොටින්ම මනුෂ් ජීවිතයේ මූලික අවශ්යතාවන්වත් සපුරාගත නොහැකි අය දහස් ගණන් සිටියෝය. මේ කාරණාව මා එම වැඩසටහන සංවිධානයකල නිළධාරියාගෙන් ප්රශ්නකල විට ඔහු කෝපයට පත්විය. කෝපයට හේතු වූයේ තම පැවැත්ම පිලිබඳ බියක් බව මට පසුව වැටහිනි. අද ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය පිලිබඳව මාධ්යයන්හි ප්රශ්න කිරීම් හමුවේ අගමැති හා ජනාධිපති මුදාහරින කෝපය තුල ඇත්තේද මේ හා සමානවම තම පැවැත්මේ පදනම දෙදරා යනු ඇති බවට වන බිය බව පැහැදිලිය.

  

මේ ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදී ක්රමය තුල පාලකයන් තම පැවැත්ම වෙනුවෙන් බලය ලබා ගන්නට ජනතාවට පොරොන්දු දිය යුතුය. එවන් පොරොන්දු නිර්මාණය සඳහා එතැන ජනතාවට දැනෙන අඩු ලුහුඬුකම් තිබිය යුතු අතර එවන් දෙයක් මවා පෙන්වීමට හෝ පාලකයන් පෙලඹෙන්නේ අපේ වැනි රටවල නම් ජනතාවගේ අඩුපාඩු සම්පූර්ණ කරන්නට නොව, තම අඩුපාඩු සම්පූර්ණ කර ගැන්මටය. සිංහල වේවා, දෙමළ වේවා, මුස්ලිම් වේවා මේ ශ්රී ලාංකික දේශපාලකයාය. තැනට යාම සඳහා මොවුන් ජනතාව අතර භේද වපුරුවති. තමන් වෙත ඇති ප්රතිපත්ති අනුව පක්ෂ භේද සාමාන්යය. ඇති කරන්නට පහසුම භේද නම් ජාති සහ ආගම් භේදයි.

කෙසේ හෝ අද මේ කියන ෆෙඩරල් පාලනය දුන්නාය කියමු. ඉන්පසු වසර ගණනාවක් ගිය තැන සුඛිත මුදිත වූ උතුරු නැගෙනහිරක් දක්නට ලැබේය කියා අපේක්ෂා කල හැකිද? එම ප්රදේශ පාලනය කරන්නේද දූෂිත දකුණු ආසියාතික මොඩලයේ දේශපාලකයන්මය. ඉතින් ඔය ෆෙඩරලය දුන්නා කියා දෙමළ ජනතාවට වැඩක් නොවනු ඇති අතර නොදුන්නා කියා සිංහල ජනතාවට වැඩක් නොවනු ඇතදැනට තිබෙන ව්යවස්ථාව සිංහල ජනතාව වෙත පක්ෂග්රාහී නම්, මේ වනවිට හරි නම් සිංහල ජනතාවගේ සියලු ප්රශ්න විසඳී තිබිය යුතුය. එය එස් නොවන බව රහසක් නොවේ. ඉතින් මේ කියන අන්දමට ෆෙඩරල් දෙනවාය කියන්නේ වත්මන් රජයට කරගන්නට බැරි තැන දීලා දමන බවද?

 

අලුතින් ව්යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කිරීම සඳහා ජනතාවගේ මොලය සෝදන්නට වෙහෙසෙනවිද්වතුන්තුල මොන වර්ගයේ ජනතාවක් ගැන හෝ සැබෑම කැක්කුමක් ඇතිනම් අඩු තරමේ දැනට තිබෙන ව්යවස්ථාවේ ඇති ඕනෑම මානවයෙකුට බලපාන ඉතාම වැදගත් වගන්තිවත් ක්රියාත්මක නොවන බවත්, මේ දේශපාලන සන්දර්භය තුල ඒවා විහිලුවක් බවට පත්ව ඇති බවත් එසේ යටපත්ව යන්නේ ජනතාවගේ හිමිකම් බවත් ජනතාවට වටහා දිය යුතුය. රට වෙනුවෙන් කල හැකි සැබෑ මෙහෙවර එයයි.

 

Please do not vote for the Interim Report if you love this unique  land with over  2500 years of history.

October 31st, 2017

By Charles.S.Perera

In ancient Ayurveda the test to detect presence of  sugar  in a diabetic patient is to  put  a drop of urine from the patient  on the ground.  If the drop of urine contains sugar the black ants which  love sugar trickle in numbers around the drop of urine proving that the drop of urine does contain sugar.

This methodology can be used as a sure means to detect whether  the Interim report hatched by Sirisena Ranil Government and placed before the Parliament contains  hidden inside it Federalism palatable to the Tamils.

Eureka there is certainly the poisonous Federalism hidden inside this Interim report. Because  the deadly black ants of the  Tamil National Alliance  MP M.A.Sumnthiran  has accepted it  calling it a historic moment for him ( though not for Sri Lanka).

Sumanthiran had said in Parliament , This is a historic moment  that Tamil party Representatives  have agreed to the proposals made in the interim report. Let all join and support this.”.

They are the  ants around the drop of urine.

What more proof is necessary  for all those patriots of Sri Lanka now,  not to vote for this deadly Interim report placed before them which if passed  will be paving the way to allow the demons of Yahapalanaya prepare the the New Constitution with a federal character based on the Interim report.

The new  Constitution may have been already prepared by the experts  in the USA State Department. Perhaps the USS Nimitz the Aircraft Carrier with its  accompanying war ships  heralded the  delivery of Sri Lanka’s unitary status blasting New Constitution  to Ranil Wickramasinghe the US Agent in Sri Lanka.

We saw the Prime Minister do his war dance inside the Parliament, taking the Parliamentarians for a set of fools saying that it is only an interim report before them and there is lot of time for the New Draft Constitution to be presented. But the Parliamentarians should know that if they once vote in favour of the  interim report, the damage will be done  for the presentation of a New Constitution which would certainly be federal in character.

JVP Anura Kumara Dissanayake present at Salakuna  the Hiru TV programme showed that he is with Ranil Wickramasinghe and that he was supporting the presentation of a new Constitution based on the interim report presented in Parliament. The nick name the red elephant seems to suit him.

He said that once the people have rejected both the UNP and the SLFP the third force to form a government would be JVP as they had been politically clean”. Is that enough to ascertain the people that JVP would be the correct political party to form a Government ?

Marxism is outdated and JVP has no valuable programme to be presented to the Country. Further more the JVP  leadership Anura, Bimal, Tilvin,Wijitha   are aggressive people and do not give the people the assurance that they would be good leaders to govern the country and give them peace and security.

Things to come if this new report is passed and a new Constitution is prepared in terms of the Interim report  became clear  from the interview of Sivajilingam a close relative of late Prabhakaran in Derana  360. Sivajilingam says the Constitution should be non religious and if the Sinhala people want Buddhism they can have it in the South and the North should be free of Buddhism,  as Buddha is already a God for them in their Kovils.

The Tamils had been given all what the Sinhala Majority enjoys and there is really no necessity for a reconciliation. It is not giving a federal Constitution that will change them but a change of mental attitude.  Otherwise the reconciliation effort by the Sinhala will be a waste of time , like pouring water on a ducks back.

In France there are the Algerians, Vietnamese, and Africans, but they have accepted the French Constitution , speak French and do not ask for separate regions with police powers. It is the Tamils in Sri Lanka that is separatists and ask for separation from the rest of the people.

This is mainly because the West and unfortunately UN too are not helping developing countries to unite its people and get them under one flag, but they encourage separation of minorities from the majority,  as it helps their agenda for  world power.

Sri Lanka should not give in to this Separatist mentality of the Tamils , but find means to get them to become normal citizens of Sri Lanka, sharing all the citizen rights of the Country as it happens in France, USA, etc.

The proposed new Constitution to be prepared on the basis of the interim report  being debated in parliament today will not help unity of Communities as it gives into separatism and eventual break up of the Country, which is what the USA and the West is expecting to happen.

This should be understood by the Parliamentarians  and do what is necessary to avoid the  precipitation of  this eventual doom of separation by voting against the Interim Report now so that they will not be responsible for what is to come.

Sudarshani Fernandopulle in an interview to Ceylon Today says,  that there is no harm voting for the present document being debated as it is only  a report. How naïve are these SLFP Group with Sirisena who are more concerned with their Ministerial posts rather than the danger looming before Sri Lanka.

The President Maithripala Sirisena’s voice against this interim report has not been heard obviously because his hands are bound and voice silenced by his Prime Minister who is working to the Agenda of the USA and the West along with Chandrika a Member of the NED-National Endowment for Democracy which promotes NGOs  with an aim to destabilise countries-sovereign States,  on  programmes supposed to be to re- establish democracy.

The Parliamentarians are prayed on behalf of the ordinary people of  Sri Lanka to keep in Mind that Sri Lanka is unique being the only country in the world where Sinhala is spoken and the Theravada Buddhism exists, which is the identity of Sri Lanka.

The interim report that is being debated in Parliament if passed with a two third majority would be the end of all that Sri Lanka had been for the  last 2600 years. Sri Lanka had been thrice blessed by the visit of the Compassionate Buddha and should be saved from the diabolical Yahapalana forces.

US company’s “Sri Lanka 2017 Country Review” challenged: full of errors, disinformation says Global SL Forum

October 31st, 2017

Ranjith Soysa SPOKESPERSON Media release

Sri Lanka 2017 Country Review,” one of many country reports   published by CountryWatch, a prominent US-based information provider to universities, government agencies, libraries etc., is so full of disinformation, errors, and outdated information that the Global Sri Lankan Forum (GSLF) decided to re-examine and discuss some of the highly obvious misconstructions.

The Forum, with the assistance of the Sri Lanka-US Political Affairs Council (SLUPAC) of California, has published a blog which highlights the noteworthy errors/disinformation in the report published online in May 2017 with comments on each.

In addition, the Forum sent a statement to the universities and libraries that are known subscribers of CountryWatch reports cautioning them that despite CountryWatch’s claims of the Country Review series being up to date,” some critical statistics, such as economic indices, are woefully outdated.”

It was pointed out that the fact that President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s name has been misspelled (as Rajpaksa) 69 times throughout the report is, by itself, a clear indication of the lack of editorial oversight.

It falls short of the standards required of a publication that is providing information to universities, schools, libraries, and government agencies,” the statement said.

The 397-page online report titled Sri Lanka 2017 Country Review” attempts at providing a panoramic insight into developments in Sri Lanka beginning with the island’s early history and including the LTTE war and recent political changes.

CountryWatch, based in Texas, introduces itself on its website as [A]n information provider for corporations, government agencies, universities, schools, libraries and individuals needing up-to-date news and information on each of the recognized countries of the world.”  It describes its staff as having extensive international business experience and members of the editorial department as coming from strong academic backgrounds.

The blog may be accessed at: https//countrywatchslreport.wordpress.com

Ranjith Soysa
SPOKESPERSON – GSLF

Lanka lacked strategy to counter lies propagated by Western powers

October 31st, 2017

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island


Western powers and India humiliated Sri Lanka at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) after the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009 before the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe in October 2015 co-sponsored a resolution inimical to the country. Sri Lanka co-sponsored the resolution soon after Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative there Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha strongly opposed the move.

Sri Lanka lacked a strategy to counter lies, propagated by Western powers, bent on undermining the war effort.

Successive governments, particularly the war-winning Rajapaksa administration, had been overwhelmed by high profile relentless propaganda projects.

For want of a cohesive plan, interested parties pursued anti-Sri Lanka propaganda offensive with impunity. Political and military leaderships pathetically failed to meet the challenging task. They never realized their folly until the UN Panel of Experts (POE) accused the military of massacring 40,000 civilians during the final phase of the offensive on the Vanni east front. On the basis of unsubstantiated allegations, the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) adopted a resolution, in Oct 2015.

Against the backdrop of the House of Lords being told, on Oct 12, 2017, that the death toll, on the Vanni east front, couldn’t have been more than 8,000, let me examine a despicable plot, in March 2007, to discourage the government from pursuing a military solution. Foreign Ministry initially reacted as if Lord Naseby’s statement is irrelevant. But, subsequently, clarified its position with the following statement: “With regard to Lord Naseby’s statement, the Government fully recognizes its contribution to the Transitional Justice/ Reconciliation process in Sri Lanka.”

The writer believes what Lord Naseby really meant was that those who demanded accountability, on Sri Lanka’s part, on the basis of unsubstantiated accusations, to review their case. Unfortunately, those in power, as well as in the Joint Opposition, seemed to be uninterested in adopting a common strategy to clear Sri Lanka’s name.

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Wartime Secretary General of the Government Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha recently told the writer that Lord Naseby had brought the situation to notice of the Office of President Maithripala Sirisena as well as his predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, though they never acted on information received from the UK. Prof. Wijesinha, who had been concurrently the Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights emphasized that the failure on the part of the current government as well as the Joint Opposition to use Lord Naseby’s statement to defend the country couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. Prof. Wijesinha asserted that with the very basis of the Resolution 30/1 being challenged in the House of Lords, it would be the responsibility of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration to request Geneva to revisit the case. SLFP factions certainly owed the country an explanation as to severe shortcomings in Sri Lanka’s defence. Prof. Wijesinha, during the war and after constantly engaged those who had targeted Sri Lanka, but the then government lacked a cohesive strategy.

Monitors deceive public

The Scandinavian Truce Monitoring Mission aka Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) issued a controversial statement to coincide with the fifth anniversary of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), signed on Feb 21, 2002. The Norway-led mission, comprising five countries, declared that nearly 4,000 people had been killed since the change of government, in Nov 2005, whereas 130 persons perished during the remaining period, covered by the CFA (Feb 2002-Nov 2005).

The SLMM, headed by a retired army officer, holding the rank of Major General, was tasked with supervising the CFA. Subsequently, a separate SLMM group was established to rule on incidents involving the Navy and Sea Tigers.

Mahinda Rajapaksa won the Nov 2005 presidential poll, thanks to the LTTE and its ally, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), depriving UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe of the northern vote. Having had helped Rajapaksa secure the presidency, the LTTE resumed claymore attacks in the first week of Dec 2005. The LTTE launched an all out war in Aug, 2006, with simultaneous large scale attacks on the Jaffna front line, as well as the Eastern Province.

However, by Feb, 2007, the combined forces were making progress in the Eastern Province, though the LTTE retained substantial military strength. The SLMM statement simply underscored the futility of the war.

The Rajapaksa administration never bothered to seek an explanation from the SLMM. The media, including The Island, carried the SLMM statement meant to step up pressure on the then government. The SLMM declared that it had arrived at a death toll of 4,000 on the basis of daily reports from truce monitors, based in the northern and eastern districts where every case, related to the conflict had been recorded. The SLMM conveniently refrained from differentiating the number of civilian deaths.

By not making any reference to combatants, the truce monitoring mission implied the dead were civilians.

The SLMM consisted of international monitors, from five Nordic countries, namely Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, supported by local staff.

(The mission was terminated on January 16, 2008, following the abrogation of the CFA by Sri Lanka, and the organization ceased to exist by the end of 2008, following an administrative termination in the Nordic countries).

As the writer felt that there couldn’t be any basis for the SLMM’s claim, a clarification was sought from its headquarters in Colombo, in early March 2007. After a series of telephone calls, the mission admitted that the dead included combatants and civilians. However, the mission refused to provide a breakdown of the number of persons killed during the 15-month period. The Oslo-led mission claimed that the revelation of such information wouldn’t be favorable to its role in Sri Lanka. However, the mission placed the number of civilian deaths at 1,500 (Deaths due to the conflict: SLMM backs down on breakdown with strapline Changes figure to 1,500 from 4,000 – ‘The Island’ March 12, 2007).

The SLMM statement was meant to draw attention to the fact that there was a sharp escalation of violence since November 5, 2005, following the election of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the fifth executive president of Sri Lanka.

Subsequent inquiries revealed that the truce monitors simply exaggerated deaths among combatants just to get away from a tight spot.

The monitoring mission also refused to divulge its sources.

Both the local and international media gave wide coverage to the monitoring mission’s claim. But they never rectified the misconception. The SLMM, too, conveniently refrained from correcting its original statement for obvious reasons.

The government never sought a clarification from the monitoring mission, or the Norwegian peace facilitators. The government’s failure would have even surprised the truce monitors as well as the co chairs to the Sri Lankan peace process, namely the US, EU, Norway and Japan.

However, army headquarters, in response to a query by ‘The Island’, insisted that there had been only 694 civilian deaths during the November 2005 –March 2007 period. Army headquarters rejected truce monitors’ claim of 1500 civilian deaths during this period. But the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) accepted the controversial figures in spite of the Army contradicting the figures quoted by the mission. The military acknowledged that the government’s failure to challenge the truce monitors over the false report was damaging, especially in the backdrop of growing international scrutiny of human rights.

The SCOPP declined to comment on the truce monitors’ report. In fact, the SCOPP accepted the statement issued by the monitoring mission.

The Army, too, would have remained silent if The Island didn’t challenge the Nordic mission.

The government never felt the need to challenge the SLMM.

The government’s response to PoE’s claim of 40,000 civilian deaths, during the final phase of the offensive on the Vanni east front, was very much similar to that of the truce monitors’ bogus claims – first, 4,000 civilians perished during November 2005 to March 2007 and the second 1500 civilians and 3,500 combatants died during the same period.

Interestingly, other print and electronic media never bothered to take up this issue. Those who had reported the original SLMM statement ignored the issue even after the disclosure of its agenda.

Who authorized that statement? Did the then head of the SLMM mission consult the Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo before issuing the statement? Had there been at least an attempt of the then government’s part to establish the motive for issuing exaggerated figures.

The SLMM spokesperson repeatedly declined to discuss where these 4,000 killings took place and why there was absolutely no reference to such large scale violence in previous statements issued by the monitoring mission. The spokesperson also refused to estimate the death toll due to direct military action, or crossfire, between the armed forces and the LTTE.

The then government squandered an excellent opportunity to expose the Nordic mission. In fact, the previous government never felt the requirement to systematically counter lies, propagated by the international community, or a section of the media, that had faith in the LTTE’s military prowess. It is nothing but strange that the Joint Opposition members of parliament, loyal to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, were still reluctant to examine the previous administration’s failure on the media front. They haven’t still realized that the previous government’s failure paved the way for Western powers and India to facilitate the regime change operation, in 2015 January. Almost a similar project went awry in 2010 January when war-winning Army Chief Gen. Sarath Fonseka suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the then Commander-in-Chief Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Govt’s shocking failures

Army headquarters and the Defence Ministry rejected the SLMM statement, though they couldn’t convince the government to take it up with the mission, publicly. They placed the number of civilian deaths at 694, from Nov 2005 up to Feb 2007, whereas the SLMM initially placed the death toll at nearly 4,000, then reversed it to 1,500 when The Island sought district wise breakdown of deaths. Surprisingly, an obvious attempt to influence the public opinion, as well as that of the international community, was never raised in parliament. The government never referred to the SLMM attempt throughout the war, or post-war, as unsubstantiated war crimes accusations were hurled at the armed forces.

It would be pertinent to mention that the international community had been guided by SLMM reports, hence it was the responsibility of the then government to be on alert (Military contradicts SLMM report on civilian killings-The Island, March 23, 2007).

Sri Lanka’s failure to challenge these lies allowed various interested parties to pursue this highly detrimental propaganda campaign until it was too late. Would you believe the previous government (2007-2015) and the present Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government hadn’t raised the discrepancy in the vastly different figures, quoted by various interested parties, at Geneva, where the country repeatedly suffered humiliating defeats. Those responsible for Sri Lanka’s defence, in Geneva, lacked foresight to underscore the circumstances under which the LTTE resumed Eelam War IV in Aug 2006. Both the External Affairs Ministry and President Rajapaksa’s Human Rights envoy, Mahinda Samarasinghe could have had certainly handled the Geneva challenge better. Unfortunately, for want of an efficient strategy, Sri Lanka never gathered relevant information, hence lacked the wherewithal to justify the military response/military solution.

Shameless attempt by the SLMM to hoodwink the public here should be examined against the backdrop of its statement on the resumption of war. In fact, the SLMM contradicted the LTTE accusations that the Army had triggered the Aug 2006 Muhamalai battle that convinced the Rajapaksa administration there was no point in negotiations. The Muhamalai battle strongly pushed the government to go for a military solution.

SLMM blames LTTE for Jaffna battle

The SLMM strongly disputed the LTTE claim that it launched on attack on the Muhamalai front line in response to artillery fire directed by the Army. The monitoring mission said: “…considering the preparation level of the operations its seems to have been a well prepared LTTE initiative.”

Former Swedish head of the SLMM, retired Maj. Gen. Ulf Henricsson, said so in a special report that dealt with the situation in the peninsula in the immediate aftermath of the LTTE offensive launched on Aug 11. The Swede said that the armed forces halted the LTTE advance on the following day. The SLMM statement countered NGOs, the TNA and other interested parties’ attempts to blame the government. Sri Lanka never exploited that statement (SLMM blames LTTE for Jaffna battle-The Island, Sept 8, 2006).

The TNA remained silent. Having declared LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran as the sole representative of the Tamils, in late 2001, the grouping refrained from commenting on the resumption of war. The TNA lacked courage at least to publicly request the LTTE in April 2003 not to quit the negotiating table. The LTTE move was meant to destabilize the then UNP government, struggling to maintain the CFA amidst violations almost on a daily basis. In Nov, 2005 the TNA ordered the Tamils, at the behest of the LTTE, to boycott the presidential polls. Having ensured Rajapaksa’s victory, the LTTE resumed operations in Dec 2005 and in Aug 2006 launched all out war.

In Aug, 2005 the LTTE, assassinated Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, at his Bullers Lane residence.

Having done extremely well in the northern and eastern electoral districts, at the April 2004 general election thanks to the LTTE backing, the TNA remained silent on Kadirgamar’s assassination. In the immediate aftermath of the Kadirgamar assassination, the international community demanded that Sri Lanka remained in the Norway-led peace process in spite of the grave provocation. Those who had been demanding accountability on Sri Lanka’s part for alleged battlefield atrocities never bothered at least to directly blame the LTTE for the Kadirgamar assassination.

The JVP that had wept buckets for Kadirgamar, in Jan 2010 and Jan, 2015 joined political groups, that included the TNA, to try and help General Fonseka win. The first project undertaken, with US advice, failed though the same grouping, succeeded five years later. On both occasions, they used one-time Rajapaksa loyalists.

Interestingly, another Rajapaksa loyalist, Mangala Samaraweera, had been the Foreign Minister at the onset of Eelam War IV. Samaraweera, while reiterating Sri Lanka’s commitment to the Oslo-led peace process, on Sept 8, 2006, warned the LTTE of dire consequences unless the group returned to the negotiating table. The warning was issued at a meeting with Colombo-based diplomatic corps in the wake of the Army overrunning the LTTE front line, at Muhamalai, and liberating Sampur. Samaraweera said: “I must note here that while the government would like to show the LTTE that any military aggression on their part would entail military costs to them, the government remains committed to the ceasefire agreement and is vigorously continuing with the constitutional reforms process. Samaraweera reiterated Rajapaksa’s readiness that he would consider any proposal for a comprehensive and verifiable cessation of hostilities that could bring an end to violence (Forces seize Tigers’ Jaffna front line with strap line…any military aggression on their part would entail military costs to them-Foreign Minister, The Island, Sept 11, 2006)

Today, hardly anyone would remember Samaraweera’s role as the wartime Foreign Minister or President Rajapaksa bringing in UNPer Rohitha Bogollagama as Samaraweera’s successor in late January 2007. The Foreign Ministry should examine its overall role during the war and post-war period to ascertain its failures, at least belatedly. The post-war performance of the ministry certainly contributed to Sri Lanka’s failure with the decision taken at the behest of President Rajapaksa to secure the services of US PR firms to improve Sri Lanka’s image there being the most foolish project.

(To be continued)

Albert Einstein in Colombo and Negombo: October 1922 and January 1923

October 31st, 2017

Courtesy The Island


There is hardly anyone who hasn’t heard of Einstein – a synonym for extraordinary genius. Einstein popped up in the news recently. Three Americans won the 2017 Nobel Prize, for detecting gravitational waves – the only prediction of his theory which remained unverified. Einstein derived his famous theory of General Relativity as an imaginative idea. Yet, to the amazement of the whole world all his predictions have been precisely verified.

You will be astonished to hear this incredibly remarkable man and his wife passed Pettah in rickshaws to see a Buddhist Temple in October 1922. Again in January 1923 he was humbly waiting in the Negombo Railway Station, talking to a Sri Lankan woman, whom he later described as the one of the prettiest women he had ever seen.

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Even in the early 1920’s, Einstein was no ordinary person; the world admired and watched him. What made Einstein and his wife Elsa visit Sri Lanka and roam in the streets of Colombo and Negombo like a tourist?

The year 1922 was a problematic time for Einstein. There were uncertainties in acceptance of his radical theory and safety of living in Germany.

According to Einstein’s theory, light bends due to attractive force of gravity. An effect which was measurable as a change in position of a star near the sun at the time of a total solar eclipse. In 1919, the English astronomer Arthur Eddington observed the eclipse of 29th May and declared that the result confirmed the theory. Overnight Einstein became a celebrity, Newspaper headlines highlighted the story – some stating the cherished disciple of physics Sir Isaac Newton had been dethroned. However, the scientific hard core did not accept the result at once. The much expected Nobel Prize of 1920 or 1921 was not awarded to Einstein.

The Nobel committee probably hinted Einstein that he would get the prize, if the observations of the eclipse of September 21, 1922, visible to Christmas Island and Southern Australia, reconfirmed the prediction. Astronomers being cautious of the intricacy of the experiment did not release results immediately, delaying the announcement of the Nobel Prize in Physics. A bigger concern was the assassination of German Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau of Jewish origin June 1922 leading to the suspicion Einstein’s name may also be on the hit-list. Considering the prevailing circumstances, Einstein decided to be away from Germany for a while and accepted an offer to tour Japan. Many enthralling anecdotes related to this tour are found in Einstein Archives and in the recent book “Einstein on the Road” by Josef Eeisinger and other references including few reports in the Sri Lankan newspapers 1922.

Einstein and his wife Elsa embarked on the Japanese steamer, Kitano Maru, October 8, 1922 at Marseilles in France. The ship destined to stop at Port Said, Colombo, Singapore, Shanghai and Hong Kong and enroute to Japan, arrived in Colombo October 28th 1922. Although Einstein and Elsa were in Colombo less than a day, they roamed around the city. Next day, they boarded Kitano Maru continuing the journey. About a week later, the Captain of the ship met Einstein in his cabin to hand over a telegram from Stockholm saying that he had been awarded the 1921 Nobel Prize- a decision made in November 1922 after a long delay. In Japan, he received a tumultuous welcome. Einstein himself has said, “No living human being deserves this sort of reception”. Einstein and Elsa returning from Japan landed in Colombo again on 19th January 1923.This time they stayed longer in Sri Lanka ( then Ceylon) and leisurely travelled to Negombo by train.

On both occasions Einstein travelled in Sri Lanka, unescorted as a tourist, keenly observing surroundings and talking to ordinary people. The notes he scribbled in his diary reveal what he saw in Sri Lanka and his impressions.

Einstein’s first encounter with a Sri Lankan

Einstein’s diary says the ship arrived in Colombo late, around 9 p.m. on 27th October 1922 owing to a thunderstorm near the island. After it docked in the Colombo harbor he saw for the first time a Sri Lankan – an elderly man with a fine distinguished face and white beard, who handed over two telegrams and requested a tip. Einstein was probably unaware of the custom in East those days, the messengers being normally granted tips. A similar incident has happened, when he was in Japan, when he wrote a note of advice to a courier instead of a tip. The note found 90 odd years later, was auctioned in October 2017 for dollars 1.8 million.

Newspaper reporter questions

Einstein in Colombo

Times of Ceylon covered Einstein’s scheduled visit the previous day and hours after ship’s arrival, a reporter interviewed him, questioning eclipse experiments and political situation in Europe. Einstein responded, the weather in Christmas Island had not been favourable but clear skies in Southern Australia allowed the measurement. He had also pointed out the economic situation in Germany did not permit funding the German expedition to Christmas Island but the Dutch had supported them. When the interviewer questioned Einstein regarding Germany’s reaction to the resignation of the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George few months earlier, Einstein said, in his opinion Germany would regret very much his resignation and the mighty British Empire he managed, meant much to calm and quietness of the world.

Lloyd George was the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1916-1922. He steered the country through World War I to victory and later made efforts towards reconciliation with Germany. Lloyd George tendered resignation, when opposition alleged he was involved in a scandal.

Einstein and wife rides in rickshaws via Pettish to see a Buddhist temple

The following morning, as Einstein and Elsa stepped out of the deck, betel chewing rickshaw pullers surrounded them, forcing him to sit on carts. Einstein reacted emotionally, protesting he didn’t wish to be hauled by another human being. When a ship’s official explained the acceptability of such mode of transport in the orient, both sat on rickshaws. Einstein said each was pulled by two men of Herculean strength along the native quarters to see a Buddhist temple. The drivers must have gone through York Street passing Pettah. The edited endnotes to the travel diary suggest that Kelaniya could have been the temple they saw. Einstein describe people he saw on roadside as pleasant looking with facial expressions indicative of an amalgamation of much pride and depressiveness as if they were nobles turned poor. They gave the impression that the climate prevented them from thinking ahead more than a quarter of an hour. Not fully dressed, they showed their bodies and pleasant faces. They were not brutal nor did they shout, but displayed little liveliness. “Once you take a proper look at this people, you can hardly appreciate Europeans anymore, because they are softened, more brutal and so much rougher and more covetous- and therein unfortunately lies their practical superiority, their ability take on big things and carry them out. In this climate wouldn’t we too become like these people?” Einstein also says that the Colombo harbour was lively and bustling with workers of Herculean strength lifting cargo. Having seen the divers who cleaned ship hulls, Einstein says that some mean people joyfully watch the performance of these men who exert themselves so much to earn a living.

Einstein’s humanitarian concern is evident. The records in the travel diary refer only to the conditions of impoverished in Colombo rather than affluent sector he must have definitely seen while going from Fort to Pettah. After leaving Colombo Einstein wrote in his diary “Ceylon is a plant’s paradise, yet a stage of pathetic human existence”.

Einstein meets one of the prettiest women he has ever seen in Negombo

Einstein and Elsa were returning to Europe from Japan in another steamer Haroon Maru. As the ship approached Ceylon, Einstein was on the deck gazing at the dazzling star-studded skies, chatting with a Sinhalese schoolteacher about conditions in Ceylon; the latter highly praised the British administration of the Island. The ship apparently anchored in Colombo on January 19,1923 late at night. The following day Einstein wished to host a party to the passengers of the ship, touring Colombo in automobiles. As the idea didn’t materialise, Einstein and Elsa got into a tramcar, proceeded to the Fort Railway station and took a train to Negombo. Stepping down from the train at Negombo, the couple hired two rickshaws, one of the drivers probably knew some German as he had worked as a mahout in Hagenbeck’s circus in Hamburg. Hagenbeck was a German zoo-keeper who lived in Sri Lanka for a long time. Einstein says, along the Negombo Main Street houses stood separated amidst coconut palms. When they were strolling, passersby inquisitively looked at them, a gesture not different, if a Sinhalese couple were to walk in the streets of Berlin. The rickshaw men took, Einstein and Elsa to the Negombo Fishing Port. Here Einstein had been curious to observe the speed with which trawlers sail, despite crudeness and saw how a flock of greedy crows following a boat approaching the shore. They have also seen a gigantic crocodile in a marshland, near a stream. Einstein says it spanned about 30-feet, when villagers threw stones,the animal quietly retracted to the stream. After lunch at the Negombo Guest House, Einstein and Elsa were driven to the Negombo Railway Station. Einstein gave five rupees each to the rickshaw men and they were so delighted the fellow who was in Hamburg, returned to the station in a while and presented a gift of bananas to Einstein. While waiting on the platform, Einstein says he met a young Sinhalese lady with her sister and mother and learnt that her grandfather was Dutch. Einstein says they were village aristocrats, and that she was one of prettiest women he had ever seen.

In summing-up his experience with people he encountered in Japan, China, Sri Lanka and Palestine, Einstein attributes a characteristic quality to the people of each country. He says he saw nobility among Sri Lankans. The word nobility has varying meanings “high inherited social status” or”pride of being possessed with righteous and virtuous qualities”. What Einstein meant here is left to the readers for their interpretation.

The writer, Prof. Kirthi Tennakone, can be reached via ktenna@yahoo.co.uk

පලාත් සභා පනත සංශෝධනයේදි ආණ්ඩුව මා අපහසුතාවට පත් කලා.. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීන්දුව දෙස බලා ඉන්නවා..- කථානායක

October 31st, 2017

lanka C news

පසුගිය දා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ දි සම්මත් කරගත් කාන්තා නියෝජනය 30% තිබිය යුතුය යයි ගැසට් කල කෙටුම්පතට සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ඉවත් කොට අලුත් මැතිවරණ ක්‍රමයක් ආදේශකරන කෙටුම්පතක් හරහා පලාත් සභා මැතිවරණ කල් දැමීමට ගෙනා යෝජනාව පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සම්මත කර ගැනිම නිසා ජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය බලය ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව උල්ලංඝනය වී ඇතැයි සරත් එන්. සිල්වා හිටපු අගවිනිසුරුවයා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය හමුවේ මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් පෙත්සමක් ගොනු කොට ඇත.

1988 අංක 2 දරන පලාත් සභා පනත සංශෝධනය කිරීමට අදාළව පසුගිය ජූලි මස 26 වෙනිදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කල අගෝස්තු 3 වෙනි දින ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ ඇතුලත් කොට පල මූලික කෙටුම්පතට අදාළව සංශෝධනය 2 කට අදාළ සංශෝධනයන් සඳහා පමණි. එහෙත් එම මූලික කෙටුම්පතට අදාළව සංශෝධනය 2 කට අමතරව විශාල සංශෝධනයන් ප්‍රමාණයක් කමිටු අවස්ථාවේදි සිදු කරන ලදි. ඉන් දින දෙකකට පසුව එම කෙටුම්පත කථානායකවරයා විසින් සහතික කල පසු 2017 අංක 17 දරණ පනත බවට පත් විය.

පලාත් සභා පනත සංශෝධනයේදි ආණ්ඩුව මා අපහසුතාවට පත් කලා.. ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීන්දුව දෙස බලා ඉන්නවා..- කථානායක

ඉහත සංශෝධනය සම්බන්ධව කථානායක කරු ජයසූරිය මහතාගේ අදහස් ඇතුළු සම්මුඛ සාකච්ඡාවක් ඩේලිමිරර් පත්‍රයේ මාධ්‍යවෙදි කැලුම් බණ්ඩාර විසින් මෙහෙයවන ලදි, එය 31 වෙනිදා එම පුවත්පතේ පල කොට ඇත.

එහිදි කථානායකවරයා කරුණු පැහැදිලි කරමින් පවසා ඇත්තේ මෙම කෙටුම්පත අනුමත කරගැනීමට ආණ්ඩුව තිබුනේ පුදුම හදිසියක්, රටේ නීති අනුමත කිරිමේදී හැම දෙයක්ම හදිසියේ කරන්න ගිය එක මම අනුමත කරන්නේ නැහ, කෙටුම්පතට අදාළව සංශෝධනය 2 කට අමතරව විශාල සංශෝධනයන් ප්‍රමාණයක් කමිටු අවස්ථාවේදි සිදු නිසා මා කථානායක ලෙස බොහෝ සේ අසරණ වුනා, අපහසුතාවට පත්වුවා. මම බලාපොරොත්තු වෙනවා ආණ්ඩුව අනාගතයෙදි එහෙම නොකරයි කියලා. එහෙත් මම බලා සිටිනවා ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය ඒ සම්බන්ධ දෙනු ලබන තීරණය ගැන.

එමෙන්ම මැතිවරණ සම්බන්ධ කථානායකවරයා පවසා ඇත්තේ මැතිවරණ කල් දැමීම ජනතාවගේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදි මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් කඩ කිරිමක් බැවින් නිසියාකාරව මැතිවරණ පැවත් විය යුතුය යන්නයි.

ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ පවතින ඉහත නඩුව සම්බන්ධ විමසිමේදි හෙතෙම පැවසුවේ අධිකරණයට දේශපාලඥයන් අත පෙවු අවස්ථා ඇතත් මෙහිදී තමා අධිකරණය දෙනු ලබන තීන්දුව කෙරෙහි ඉතා ඕනෑකමින් බලා සිටින බවත් ඒ වෙනුවෙන් කිසිම අයුරකින් අධිකරණය වෙත බලපෑම් නොකරන බවයි. එමෙන්ම ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී රටක ඕනම පුරවැසියකුට අධිකරණයේ පිහිට පැතීමට හැකි බවත් අපේ අධිකරණය ඉතා ප්‍රවීන විනිශ්චයකාරවරුන් සිටින බැවින් ඉදිරියේදී ඒ ගැන බලමු යන්නයි.

එමෙන්ම කථානායක ලෙස සහතික කල පනත ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය මගින් අවලංගු කල හැකිද යන්න ප්‍රශ්නයට පිලිතුරු දෙමින් කථානායකවරයා පැවසුවේ මේ සම්බන්ධව තමා තවදුරටත් අධ්‍යයනය යෙදෙන බවත් එමෙන්ම මම සිටින මතය අනුව අධිකරණය සහ දේශපාලඥයන්ගේ සම්බන්ධව අතීතයේ අමිහිරි අත්දැකීම් බහුලව තිබෙන බවකි, එහෙත් තවදුරටත් එසේ අධිකරණයට බලපෑම් සිදු නොවන බවත්, ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ අවශ්‍ය ආකාරයෙන් ඉඩ දී බලා සුදුසු තීරණය ගැනිමය යන්නයි.

ඬේලි මිරර් සාකච්චාව මෙතනින්

Will not sign new Constitution if harmful to nation -Speaker

October 31st, 2017

By Kelum Bandara Courtesy The Daily Mirror

  • I was embarrassed at the way amendments were brought to the PC Elections Act
  • We cannot have legislations passed in this manner in the future
  • I am hopeful that there won’t be repetition of it in the future
  • Awaiting to see what the court ruling on the Act is
  • Speaker’s job is a thankless job
  • If there is a unity government, there must be principle agreements on policy matters
  • Currently, there is unfounded fear on the new Constitution


Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, in an interview with the Daily Mirror, speaks out his stand on the constitution making process and the enactment of the Provincial Councils Elections Act. Excerpts:

QThere is a lot of criticism about the enactment of the Provincial Councils Elections Act with amendments starkly different to the contents in the original draft of the Bill. As the Speaker, what is your view?
It is the responsibility of the Government to bring forward Bills. They brought forward this Bill. Finally it was approved with 159 votes to 39. My role, as the Speaker, is to ensure that all the legal procedures are followed. As far as Parliament is concerned, we have acted within the existing rules, regulations and Standing Orders. The amendments passed have been duly approved by the Attorney General. We have acted within the prevailing regulations.
Of course, I too was embarrassed because the amendments were rushed in a manner so that there was not enough time for discussion. I conveyed this point at that time when the party leaders met. The Government was in a hurry to do this. Especially with the passage of the Local Government Bill, we did our duty as Parliament. The whole country was looking for elections.

Then, they will have to go to the people eventually. People themselves have to decide eventually at a referendum. Therefore, one does not need to have unfounded fear.

Of course, there were certain accusations to say that Parliament deliberately delayed the passing of the Bill, enabling the Government to get the required two-thirds. That is completely incorrect. As far as Parliament was concerned, the amendments were not ready. I was in touch with the Parliamentary Secretariat. After the amendments were cleared by the Attorney General and the Secretariat, I summoned Parliament.


QThe Original draft Bill sought to increase women’s quota in nomination lists. But, the amendments were about the change of the electoral system. It is argued that the general public did not have the chance to know about it in advance even and challenge its constitutionality. What is your view?

From the beginning I said, we cannot have legislations passed in the future in such a hush, hush manner. We have Oversight Committees. We have transparency. Sri Lanka Parliament is looked upon as a model. So, it has to follow all the good practices. I have spoken to the Prime Minister and the Leader of the House, and all concerned. I am quite hopeful that, in the future, there won’t be a repetition of this nature. It is, of course, embarrassing to the Speaker and the Secretariat.

Now it is over. Having said, that I must also state, that the entire country is looking forward for a change in the election system. I remember in 2002, it was I who proposed that we should bring about electoral reforms. It was the UNP Government. We though it should be chaired by an Opposition member. That is how we appointed MP Dinesh Gunawardane to head the Committee assigned to work out electoral reforms. He, along with me, came up with various proposals. It was the 70-30 formula that was agreed upon. All of us wanted the new system. A mandate was given at the last election for electoral reforms. Bringing this 50-50 formula is a political decision. I have no control over it.

 There is a public opinion. Even the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has recognised the importance of giving Buddhism the Foremost Place. That does not mean that we can harm other religions. Certainly, there were privileges that were enjoyed in the past.

QWhat do you think of introducing the new system at the cost of postponing elections?

I was always against the postponement of elections. It is a Fundamental Right in a democracy to have due elections. Now, the Government has accepted the fact that the elections should be held. On the floor of the House itself, the Prime Minister gave the assurance that the Local Government elections would be conducted in January, and the Provincial Council Elections in March. I have no reason to believe that those promises will not be fulfilled. If these promises are not fulfilled, it will be bad for the Government.

QYou, as the Speaker, have already certified the Bill. The enactment process has been challenged in the Supreme Court. What is your view?

This is a democratic country. Everybody has a right to go to court. We have a competent, independent Judiciary. Let us see what it will be!

QDo you subscribe to the view that the Speaker’s ruling prevails finally?

Those are the ideas we have got to study. I can still maintain the fact that, in the past, we had various allegations against the Judiciary. Politicisation of the Judiciary and interference in Judiciary do not take place any longer. Let us see what the judgement is!

QAs the Speaker, how do you find your job during the last two years?

Well, I did not want to be a Speaker. But, of course, I was unanimously appointed by all the 225 MPs. Actually, I was looking for a quiet life. The party and a lot of people felt that I still need to make a contribution. I was behind Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera’s movement. What we wanted is democratic governance and transparency. After the Parliamentary Elections in 2015, everybody felt that some of those democratic reforms were needed to be brought in. In fact, I was the Minister in charge of democratic reforms, that I should be the Speaker. I took up the challenge. I am very happy when looking back. We were able to bring a large number of democratic reforms promised at that time- the Right to Information Act, the setting up of Independent Commissions. All the commissions are now functioning.

There is an educated set of people in Parliament. I do not think they will take any wrong decision. At the moment, I think there is unnecessary, unfounded fear on the Constitution.

We have a completely independent administration. Political interference is minimal. Now, a police officer can work without being subjected to political interference. A public servant can also do the same.

QHow do you find your job specially in maintaining the decorum in the House?

It is not an easy task. The Speaker’s job is a thankless job. You cannot satisfy everybody. There have been instances where my decisions were agreed upon by one section, and opposed by another. I am criticised by both sides. I do what I think is right. For the first time in history, we are going through a new political culture in this country. The two main political parties have come together. The UNP is more to the right of centre and the SLFP more to the left of centre. There are occasions of disagreements. People gave a mandate that the two main parties should get together. None of the parties got a working majority. This is the only way we can restore this country. It is not a love marriage. It is a marriage of convenience. There are occasional hiccoughs. We have to live together, though.

Various proposals will come forward. Some people ask for federalism, some other people for something else. These are ideas. It is up to Parliament to decide what the best is.

QSome people believe that there is a stalemate in the country with the decision making process hampered. What is your response to them?

There are ideological differences. These have to be sorted out. It has to be sorted out inside. That is a very important factor. The two leaders are determined to work together. If there is a Unity Government, there must be agreement on policies. I think there is more dialogue between the two main parties. I am apolitical.

QAt a recent function, you said you would not certify the new Constitution into law if it were against the interests of the country. When you say the interests of the country, what does it mean?

A lot of people are now talking about ‘Aekiya Raajya, the special place accorded to Buddhism, rights of people, the protection of other religions. If there is anything harmful to the nation, I will not sign. Having said that, I must tell that there is an educated set of people in Parliament. I do not think they will take any wrong decision. At the moment, I think there is unnecessary, unfounded fear on the Constitution. On March 9, the Constitutional Assembly met for the first time, and unanimously agreed that we should go ahead with these reforms. Various proposals will come forward. Some people ask for federalism, some other people for something else. These are ideas. It is up to Parliament to decide what the best is. I have told both the President and the Prime Minister that they should go before the religious leaders to get their blessings. Then, they will have to go to the people eventually. People themselves have to decide eventually at a referendum. Therefore, one does not need to have unfounded fear.

Then, they will have to go to the people eventually. People themselves have to decide eventually at a referendum. Therefore, one does not need to have unfounded fear.

The country is gaining a lot of international respect as a country that is democratic, and values human rights. There is transparency and good governance. Parliament should be used.

QWhen you say ‘Aekiya Raajya’ does it mean the unitary character of the Constitution?

I would rather leave it to the Constitutional Assembly to come out with it. There are various meanings being discussed. The Government is consulting various experts, including people like Suri Ratnapala. I would rather wait for what eventually comes out. As the Speaker, I cannot comment on what is coming out.

The country is gaining a lot of international respect as a country that is democratic, and values human rights. There is transparency and good governance. Parliament should be used.

QWhat is your view on the status of Buddhism granted in the present Constitution?

There is a public opinion. Even the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has recognised the importance of giving Buddhism the Foremost Place. That does not mean that we can harm other religions. Certainly, there were privileges that were enjoyed in the past.
QNow, you say you act according to what you feel is correct. In fact, you supported the war on terrorism. You defied your party in this case. Will you take such a stand if you feel that the new Constitution is harmful to the country?

For that, I must see what is coming out. I cannot talk of something unborn. At the beginning, I said I would not sign anything harmful to the nation. Parliament consists of educated, mature people. They will not take a decision harmful to the nation.

A lot of people are now talking about ‘Aekiya Raajya, the special place accorded to Buddhism, rights of people, the protection of other religions. If there is anything harmful to the nation, I will not sign

I have told both the President and the Prime Minister that they should go before the religious leaders to get their blessings

LTTE and Diaspora are involved in bringing a New Constitution: former Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa

October 31st, 2017

J A L Jayasinghe Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Those who are now in the forefront of bringing a New Constitution are those who maintained that terrorism can never be defeated and peace would never dawn in our country. The LTTE and the Diaspora are involved in bringing a New Constitution, said former Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa addressing an intellectual forum of the Eliya organization held in Kandy at the OK-J conference hall.

He said that the local and international groups which intimidated the former government are the ones who initiated in bringing a New Constitution. The attempt to bring in a New Constitution is purely for the need of these separatists and not the need of the common masses.

Speaking further he said that Eliya organization was started to say no to the New Constitution. Ours is not a racist organization, but one where all patriots and intellectuals who love the country have joined together. There are no extremists and racists in our organization”.

Terrorism existed during different governments, and there was a group who spread the opinion world over expressing that terrorism can never be defeated and peace cannot be established. These are the groups who are in the forefront of bringing a New Constitution. A Sinhalese living in this country had never objected to anyone believing in any faith, the right of living in this country. There is only 38% of Tamil nationals living in the North, the rest are living in other parts of the country among the Sinhala people”

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa also maintained that it is essential to explain in detail the contents included in the New Constitution. The TNA made several demands. They wanted us to demilitarize the areas in order to help them in conducting elections in a free manner. We did that. The requirements of ordinary Tamil people were more important that those of the separatists. Even during the war many Tamil students from the North continued their studies at the Ruhuna University without any interruption.

Who is really behind the New Constitution-making process in Sri Lanka?

October 31st, 2017

By Prof Channa Jayasumana Courtesy The Daily Mirror

There is currently a debate about the drafting of a ‘New Constitution’ for the country among the academic community and the general public in Sri Lanka. This started with the appointment of a 19-member Committee headed by Lal Wijenayake called the Public Representations Committee on Constitutional Reforms. Its report was released in May 2016.

Meanwhile, a Constitutional Assembly was established by a parliamentary resolution on March 9, 2016 and a 21-member Steering Committee chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed thereafter. The Steering Committee had its first sittings on April 5, 2016.

The Steering Committee recognized 12 main subject areas and assigned six of those subjects to sub-committees appointed by the Constitutional Assembly. The reports of the six Sub-committees were presented on November 19, 2017. Interim Report of the Steering Committee deliberates the remaining six subjects that were not assigned to any Sub-committee published on September 21, 2017.

The basic principles and facts mentioned in the IRSC were previously discussed and agreed at two workshops held in Singapore. The first was held from Aug. 31 to Sept. 1, 2013 the second between the 3 and 5 of April, 2015

I have gone through Wijenayake Committee Report, the six Sub-committee reports and the Interim Report of the Steering Committee (IRSC). After considering the academic achievements and the capacity of a majority of the members in both the committees, incertitude appeared in my mind whether the reports were original or were prepared with external help. Hence, I did research on my own and found some interesting connections.

The basic principles and facts mentioned in the IRSC were previously discussed and agreed at two workshops held in Singapore. The first was held from August 31 to September 1, 2013 followed by the second between the 3 and 5 of April, 2015. Those events were organized by a South Africa -based INGO called ‘In Transformation Initiative’ (ITI) with the help of the Government of Switzerland.

According to the ITI website, it promotes the principles of the South African peace-making model to support, advise, and assist democratic transition and conflict resolution in Africa and around the world. ITI was actively involved in activities in Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland, Colombia, Cuba, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Cyprus, Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen, Iraq, Spain (in the Basque region), Bahrain and India (on the Naga question).

Further it says it has partnership with Burgh-of Foundation” an INGO with a questionable history in Sri Lanka.

ITI has four Directors: Roelf Meyer, Mohammed Bhabha, Ivor Jenkins and Ebrahim Ismail Ibrahim. Roelf Meyer was a one-time Minister of Defence of the F.W. de Klerk Government in South Africa. He later became Minister of Constitutional Affairs and Communications under Nelson Mandela’s government.

According to the ITI, Meyer is a consultant on peace processes in Sri Lanka, Rwanda, Burundi, Kosovo and Bolivia. Paradoxically he is also on the Board of Directors of ‘Armscor Corporation of South Africa’, which supplies all the needs of South Africa’s Department of Defence.

Armscor was originally established in 1968 as an arms production company. Mohamed Bhaba, an Attorney-at-law, was part of the African National Congress (ANC) negotiating team for the final South African Constitution and a former member of South African parliament.

Ivor Jenkins was Director of Kutlawanong Democracy Centre, a part of the Institute of Democracy of South Africa.

The Steering Committee recognized 12 main subject areas and assigned six of those subjects to sub-committees appointed by the Constitutional Assembly. The reports of the six Sub-committees were presented on November 19, 2017

Mohomad Ebrahim is a former member of the armed wing of the African National Congress, He was arrested in 1963 and charged under the sabotage act and sentenced to 15 years on Robben Island.    According to the ITI, members of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) including M.A. Sumanthiran MP, members of the Global Tamil Forum, V.T. Thamilmaaran, a senior lecturer in the Department of Public and International Law of the Faculty of Law at the University of Colombo, Jayampathy Wickramaratne, Mangala Samaraweera MP, a member from Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and an observer from the Government of Australia were among the participants at the Singapore meetings.

A 10-point document was prepared following the 2013 meeting, and it was named as ‘Singapore principles’. It was further discussed and improved at the April 2015 meeting.  The final agreement has 11 points. Here is a comparison between the so-called Singapore principals and the Interim Report of the Steering Committee (IRSC) where symmetry of the concepts is obvious.

Although several parties claim that the New Constitution-making process is genuine and rooted in Sri Lankan soil this comparison clearly shows a different scenario.

Who is really behind the New Constitution-making process in Sri Lanka?

US AIRCRAFT CARRIERS IN SRI LANKA AND WHAT WE LOST

October 31st, 2017

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Quote from US embassy

It is estimated that the carrier strike group will add approximately 1.54 billion rupees ($10 million USD) to the Sri Lankan economy as the ships purchase supplies and thousands of U.S. sailors come ashore and support local businesses.  During the visit, sailors will have opportunities to explore the local community and meet with their counterparts in the Sri Lankan Navy.  While in port, sailors will also work with local non-profit organizations to support community service events at a local hospital, an orphanage, and other sites

The USS Nimitz is more than 23 stories high from the keel to the top of the mast and is approximately 333 meters long.  It can accommodate more than 5,000 personnel, with its kitchens providing more than 18,000 meals each day.  It produces 1.5 million liters of fresh water daily and its two barber shops give 1,500 haircuts each week.  The USS Nimitz’s home port is in the state of Washington

Unquote

Read more

https://lk.usembassy.gov/uss-nimitz-visit-sri-lanka-first-u-s-aircraft-carrier-since-1985/

American air craft carrier visited Sri Lanka on a good will visit .Air craft carrier Nimitz came and left with over 2500 sailors on board,This is equivalent to about a month’s tourist arrivals to Sri Lanka .Our shipping agents and tourist agents  and Sri Lanka with tourist board have missed  the bus” ( ship),in exploiting to get the sailors land in Colombo soil. Government ,defence ministry ,tourist board ,SLPA have miserably failed to attract the business .

They asked for some barges  ( flat steel landing platform) to be deployed by the mammoth hull of the air craft carrier which had an odd shape .Barge or a transport boat could not  do mooring by the side of the hull during rough weather as they will hit the hull of the ship.One barge deployed by a well-known contractor  in the port with a very high superstructure ( control room on the barge)  could not reach the ship because it was hitting the upper part of convex shaped hull .Then the contractor hurried to chop off the top part of the super structure and tried few times. They needed some Yokohama Fenders  (1 m diameter rubber balloons with tyres wrapped around with steel chains ) were not available in Colombo hence transport barge could not moor the alongside the vessel .All avenues failed to bring single sailor to Sri Lankan spoil and the ship left Sri Lanka.Shipping agents were running around like hungry wolves trying to get the contract to bring sialors to Colombo but failed because of  fighting ! Barge owners were trying to charge over 10,000 $ for one operation !

Our stupid politicians were talking about American Invasion and JVP protesting against Americas claiming that they are  trying to invade ,but none of them have little brain to fathom that we lost over 1 million Dollars of income to Sri Lanka ,If the sailors manged to come on shore ,they would have enjoyed few days and spend much money in Sri lankan hotels .clubs,super malls  and our small time businesses would have flourished.

Another interesting thing is Sri Lankan Navy was not even consulted in this operation due to the fact that these Americans thought that our Navy may look closely at their ship and copy the shape if they come close !!!!!!!!!!! .

I am sure that our Navy would have found a way to bring them on shore with a professional approach and make them spend money in Colombo .

Problem we have is that no one in this country has any forward thinking to find ways to generate avenues to earn money for the depleting economy .

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

13a is implemented but a failure- 36 of the 37 subjects have been devolved!

October 30th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

Some birds like to chirp the same song. 13th amendment has come to be that song. The singers of course are many. They enjoy nagging about the non-implementation of the 13th amendment at every forum be it at UNHRC, UN delegations or even during the chit chats and handshakes when diplomats and foreign envoys arrive in Sri Lanka. The 13th amendment is quite a fashionable topic and just mentioning the word is meant to scare the day lights out of our politicians.

The 13th amendment comes with the emphasis on devolution of powers and one wonders what the foreigners actually mean by ‘meaningful’ devolution. For devolution to become ‘meaningful’ must it satisfy the foreign entities or should it be relevant and useful to the citizens of Sri Lanka? An answer is rarely given and we hear only the 13tha chorus.

But, we need to get something cleared out with regard to the items that were listed to be devolved.

Firstly, what are to be devolved.

Secondly, how can the items to be devolved be actually devolved. This is important because simply because the 1st says to devolve, the 2nd factor must operate within the legal framework of the Constitution of Sri Lanka (not India, not America’s, not UK’s, not UNHRC’s or Canada’s).

Who says that the powers assigned to be devolved have not been devolved?

Executive power is exercised by the Government who is appointed by the President of Sri Lanka and the Legislative powers are exercised by the Provincial Councils.

List 1 contains 37 subjects to be devolved. These subjects come under the legislative powers given to the Provinces. Executive and Legislative powers of the 7 provinces have been devolved and in operation since 1987.

The Government cannot be blamed if the 7 Provincial Councils have been ineffective and while police powers have not been given the efficiency of running the 36 subjects are questioned.

In the case of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, the appointment of Governors had been made since 1987.

Just because the Provincial Councils have not been given Police or Land powers, the Provincial Councils cannot complain that powers have not been devolved. The 36 subjects that have been devolved to them are evidence to deny this claim.

Police powers and Land Powers have NOT BEEN devolved to any of the other provinces. It has been denied for national security reasons.

Moreover, the Supreme Court ruling has held land powers under the Government State land shall continue to vest in the Republic…”.

What needs to be made clear is that apart from Police powers, all other 36 subjects have been devolved to ALL 9 Councils and they can make statutes and implement the devolved powers on education, local government, roads and bridges, social service, agriculture, agrarian services, rural development, health etc.

In addition, the List III, gives a Concurrent List that the PCs can exercise concurrently with the Central Government.

Why is the Northern Province and Foreign Governments and India insisting on police powers to the North and only to the North or East?

When the PC system has been running throughout Sri Lanka ever since 1987 without police and land powers given, why are the foreign governments insisting on police and land powers after the Northern Provincial Council began functioning following the end of terror? Why did India or any of the foreign governments not chirp this song in relation to the other provincial councils of Sri Lanka?

Moreover, is it not relevant too that with more Tamils living outside the Northern Provincial Council, if they can live without land and police powers and have been doing so since 1987, why should Tamils of the Northern Province only seek land and police powers?

Lets not forget that when the first merged North-East elections was held, the EPRLF ran the Provincial Council without land or police powers! India never brought up issue of 13tha with land and police powers then and neither did any of the other foreign governments presently breathing fire down the Government.

Moreover, does it matter who administers law and order, so long as law and order prevails?

Without chirping the 13tha not been implemented song what the international community must start asking is what have the Northern Provincial Council being doing with the subjects that have been devolved and under their purview? This is where our former Supreme Court Judge and Chief Minister will get stuck in answering. What has he and his TNA done for the People of the North ever since they took over the Northern Province with the money that the Government has been allocating? Is this not a better song?

Let’s not forget that if it is the question of 13tha being devolved – it has been since 1987. Simply because certain subjects that have national security interests have not been devolved it is not a case to say that 13tha has not been implemented.

Next is the need to tell the Northern Province that is making the most noise about 13tha not being implemented to get on with what they have first. When people of the North who did not vote for the Members have to put up with them, then Wigneswaran and team must learn to get on with the Governor that the President of Sri Lanka has appointed.

Moreover, given the historical links of the TNA to LTTE terror, any Government will be considered insane to grant police powers and the public continues to question why the Government is hesitant to use 6th amendment against the politicians who make up the TNA for their open canvassing of separatism in Sri Lanka.

What the chorus on 13tha need to also realize is that there is a Constitutional provision to treat all citizens equally which immediately checks the present calls for ONLY Tamils and their aspirations to be addressed. This is something that the Government needs to make clear about in issuing statements at all international forums without simply promising to look into the aspirations of the Tamils and realizing that they cannot because it would undermine the aspirations of the rest of the people in Sri Lanka. The lack of clarity has been one key reason for everyone to be continuously running round the mulberry bush and going round in circles for decades. The handouts engaging Sri Lanka to promise 13tha – full, plus and any other adjectives used should now cease in the light of the ground realities that 36 subjects are well in control of the Provincial Councils and it is really time to stop fooling the public.

– Shenali D Waduge

Saying it’s not the Constitution but an Interim report, Sirisena –Ranil want it passed with a two third majority in Parliament.

October 30th, 2017

By Charles S.Perera

Friends, fellow Patriots, if the Constitution is to be ours, written by a free people, we must first resist this diabolical project!  Tamara Kunanayakam.

The Sirisena Ranil Yahapalanaya hoodwinks the Parliamentarians and the people to pass the so called interim report placed before Parliament by a two third majority to make it the document on which their New Constitution with a federal character will be written or has already been written, to be presented to the Parliament.

Who wants a new Constitution to Sri Lanka ? The people of Sri Lanka do not want a new Constitution, they want to live in peace, brining in all Communities into one Nation of Sri Lankans ?

The West lead by USA is determined to write a New Constitution to  make Sri Lanka a Federal State giving the Tamil Community equal rights with the Sinhala Majority. USA Ambassador Keshup seems to be some how  behind the project with the active support of the US State Department.

Tamara Kunanayaka says in an article to Investig’Action, that even the name given to this Ranil-Sirisena Government Yahapalanaya or Good Governance”  had been proposed by the USA . Good Governance is a term  coined by IMF, World Bank and the US Treasury as a political conditionality for the enslavement of indebted countries of the third world.

The Sirisena –Ranil Governments proposal to write New Constitution had been pre-arranged perhaps even before  Presidential election of 8th January,2015 on the insistence of  the  US State Department on the demand of the Tamil Diaspora.

It was evident from the many high ranking US Officials visiting Sri Lanka an making visits to the North or issuing Statements from Temple Trees as it was by US Acting Secretary of State Alice Wells , Edward Marks  one time US Deputy Chief of Mission (1987) who said that transformation from Colonial rule to an independent nation state is proving to be too much for fragile mlti- ethnic societies.

There were two visits by John Kerry the  US Secretary of State, and the US Under Secretary for Political Affaires Jeffrey Feltman, Samantha Powers, George Soros who said that Sri Lanka has no Constitutional Democracy, and  Nisha Bswal US Assistant Secretary of State admitting that the US Human Rights Council Resolution foreshadows the writing of a new Constitution to Sri Lanka.  Then the US Ambassador for Sri Lanka Atul Keshap stated that Washington would assist drafting a Constitution to Sri Lanka.

Is it now not clear that Sirisena-Ranil Government is all out to write a Constitution based on the interim report placed before the parliament and on which there would be a debate  from to day for which  interim report they are seeking a two third majority in parliament, not for the people of Sri Lanka but for the want of the USA and the West ?

Is it not enough evidenc  from the coincidence of  the US Nimitz Nuclearpowere  Aircraft Carrier along with six warships are scheduled to arrive or have already arrived in Sri Lanka just when the debate to pass the interim report to draft a new Constitution to Sri Lanka is to be debated.

Isn’t it a show of American Force,as a  threat to the Sirisena-Ranil  Government to honour what ever promises they have made to the USA , the West and the Talmil Diaspora ?

Think my dear compatriots who else other than Sirisena –Ranil and USA, wants a New Constitution to Sri Lanka ?

Even the 62 lakhs of people who voted for Sirisena did not want a new Constitution, the ordinary Tamil people are not interested in it,  other than the TNA Tamils and the Tamils of the diaspora and their sympathisers. The people of Sri Lanka do not want a new Constitution, they want to live in peace, they want security, they want a better standard of living, they only want to be a part of  a united community of the Nation of Sri Lankans ?

Yahapalanaya was never given a mandate by the people to write a new Constitution. Nevertheless the Yahapalanaya Government is going ahead with the same determination of the President Mahinda Rajapakse to eliminate terrorism, to write a new Constitution  giving the Tamils almost all  that the terrorists yearned to have through their ruthless terrorism.

Yahapalanaya which refused a Chinese Submarine to enter the Colombo port , and when President Mahinda Rajapakse was criticised both  by India and the then UNP opposition when he allowed a Chinese Submarine to dock in the Colombo Port in October, 2014, has now allowed  a whole American naval battalion to dock in Colombo Port !!

The new Constitution for Sri Lanka has perhaps already been written and the attempt to pass a document saying it is not the new Constitution is just hood winking the people and the  naïve Parliamentarians. It is pointless asking for amendments to the  document the SLFP and the JO have placed before the Parliament today for discussion as these enemies of the nation,  will accept all amendments  to have the two third majority vote to pass the document as a bill!!.

Therefore the Parliamentarians of the JO , SLFP and others of all shades of political view, if they really  love this Unique Sinhala Buddhist country the like of which exists no where else in the world , should not vote for this diabolic documents which would be the first step in presenting the New Constitution perhaps written by  the USA experts who know how to hide the truth and make the falsehood look like the truth.

It is perhaps time for the people to take to roads to protest against this interim report for a New Constitution which if passed would  annihilate the historical Sri Lanka twhich would  never be the same again.

 

 

The Treacherous Conspiracy facing Sri Lanka – Part VIII

October 30th, 2017

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA                     

The Treacherous Conspiracy of formulating a new constitution to make Sri Lanka a federal and secular state, devolve powers to provinces and establish self rule in North and East did not emerge after this despicable government came into power in 2015.  The plot was hatched in 2002 in Oslo. Norway during the Ranil Wickremasinghe government The tiger terrorist website TamilNet reported on 5th December, 2002 that LTTE and GOSL (Government of Sri Lanka) reached an exploratory agreement. It said the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam reached an exploratory agreement to explore a solution to end the island’s conflict founded on the principle of internal self determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka needs a new constitution that would radically transform its polity,” This was stated by Anton Balasingham, addressing a joint press conference at the Radisson Plaza Hotel in downtown Oslo

The arrangement got shelved with the dismissal of the Ranil Wickremasinghe government and once again it got revived with the western, Indian and Tamil diaspoea plans in 2013 spearheaded in Singapore under the title Singapire Principles of 2013” to launch a regime change in Sri Lanka.

Now defunct Tamil News Network.com and the LTTE’s official Website TamilNet.com reported on 23rd and 22nd January, 2015 respectively that right from the Indo-Lanka agreement of 1987 to Oslo Declaration of 2002 and to hitherto unrevealed Singapore Principles of 2013 that brought the Sampanthan polity into a conceptual framework for the recent regime change in Colombo, the external forces are seeking to influence the affairs of the island.  The websites said that the external forces have taken the Eezham Tamils for a ride without securing any concrete and descriptive guarantee from the Sinhala polity. TamilNet publishing the text of the so-called Singapore Principles for the edification of global Tamils said M.A. Sumanthiran, the non-elected national list ITAK parliamentarian and V.T. Thamilmaran, the dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Colombo were the Tamil representatives from the island while representatives of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) were representing the Diaspora Tamils at a meeting in Singapore in 2013 when Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne came with his proposal points to agree upon a conceptual framework aimed at regime change..

The TamilNet also stated that Mangala Samaraweera came as a ‘beggar’ urging Tamil support for regime change and abolition of the executive presidency.

The Website further stated that when Tamil aspirations came for discussion, M.A. Sumanthiran wanted to avoid the mentioning of terms such as Nation and Right to Self Determination in the document, and only the voice of a human rights defender, a Sinhalese, representing the civil society, was in favour of a formula based on the recognition of nationhood to Tamil people with their traditional homeland in the North-East.  The Website said that the document was drafted with the intention of being non-descript, but a consensus was achieved on winning Tamil voters through the TNA for the regime change. It said that a lawyer from Sri Lanka Muslim Congress was also represented at the meeting apart from several other representatives. It said that the meeting was organised by South Africa and was funded by two European countries.

The 10-points agreed between Sumanthiran and the regime changers including Mangala Samaraweera, and named as the Singapore Princioles of  2013 are as follows

  1. In describing the nature of the State what is important is the substance; the labels are secondary.
  2. The Constitution shall be based on basic constitutional principles and values including sovereignty of the people, participatory democracy and supremacy of the Constitution which shall form an unalterable basic structure.
  3. Power sharing shall be on the basis of self-rule and shared-rule within an undivided Sri Lanka.
  4. The Executive Presidency shall be abolished and the form of government shall be Parliamentary.
  5. The pluralist character of Sri Lankan society as well as identities and aspirations of the constituent peoples of Sri Lanka shall be constitutionally recognised.
  6. There shall be a strong and enforceable Bill of Rights consistent with universally accepted norms and standards.
  7. There shall be a separation of powers and an independence of judiciary which includes a Constitutional Court.
  8. Important institutions shall be independent and accountable. Appointments to these and High Posts shall be through a transparent mechanism that provides for a national consensus, example Constitutional Council.
  9. Institutions of the State shall reflect the pluralist character of Sri Lankan society.
  10. The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be a secular state. The Foremost place to Buddhism and equal status to other religions shall be assured.

Stupid thotta baba Sirisena should at least understand now, if he has any brain or sanity to do so, that he was made only a scapegoat to get the objectives of the Tamil separatists achieved and instruct to immediately abandon the obnoxious constitution process, which we doubt that this avaricious fellow will ever do since the Tamil separatists and the accidentally born Sinhalese in the UNP (Union of Notoriois Plunderers) have made arrangements to get his presidential term extended for antoher term without an election.

It is sad to find that the 21 Muslim impotent members of Parliament who are only concerned about getting themselves and their family members rich have not come forward to oppose the constitution despite it would greatly endanger the Muslims in the East and Mannar areas while a new constitution is being formulated to please the 16 MPs of TNA and Mano Ganeshan’s Kallathonis.  Under these circumstances the Muslim Lawyers Associatin has taken the responsibility of raising cudgels against the proposed constitution on behalf of the Muslim community. They have emphasized that Sri Lanka should be a Unitaary State and the term must be stressed in all languages (Sinhala, Tamil and English)..  They point out the word Orumittanadu” in Tamil is not the correct term to describe a unitary State, and the word should be Otraiachchi.” They also state that Articles 1 to 9 of the present Constitution should not be changed. They further state that Provincial Council (PC) should be the highest unit of devolution, subjected to the powers and functions vested with the Central Government and never the Northern Province (NP) and the Eastern Province (EP) should be made a single Province and the present structure for the appointment and the powers and functions of the Governor should be retained.

As per UN statistics 165 countries in the world, out of the 192 UN member countries are countries with Unitary Status abd there are only 27 countries which are Federal States.    As per these statistics 86% of the countries in the world are countries with Unitary Status which have power centred on a central government.  In some of these countries for admnistrativee convenience the powers of the central government are revokably decentralized.  Surf https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federation to find further details.

The 27 countries with federal form of government are governments formed by creating a union with self rule small areas or provinces or a united state.  In such a united/federal state the sovereignty does not belong to the central government alone.  In such countries the sovereignty has been diluted to provide equal or part authority to the provinces or states. In these countries the provinces or state units are not legally bound to implement the responsibilities or decisions of the President, the Parliament or the Central government.

Out of the 165 countries with Unitary Staatus the 5 richest countries are China, Japan, the United Kingdom, France and Italy.  The 5 most populated contries with Unitary Status are China, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Japan and the Philippines.

Some dollar varicious NGO vultures and Tamil slavish pro-separatist elements in Sri Lanka claim that Sri Lankans do not have proper knowledge about world aaffairs and by hanging on to the word Unitary Status they are endangering the future of the country.  These idiots should understand that 86% of the countries in the world are countries with Unitary Staatus forms of government.

These idiots should seriously think about what happened to the Catalonia province of Spain which has the city of famous Barcelona and many other historical places.  On October 27th the provincial governorate of Catalonia declared Catalonia as an independent State delinked from Spain.  Reports said that with this announcement the Catlan national anthem was sung in the Catlan Parliament and throughont the area considered as Catalonia.  Recently a referendum unauthorized by the Central Government of Spain was held in Cataalonia and the majority of the Catlan people voted in favour of Catalonia becoming a separaee country.  A similar referendum was held in Kurdistan area of Iraq also and they too voted for having a separate Kurdistan.

Catalan leaders held the referendum in defiance of the national government

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spain

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41780116

The obnoxious constitution proposal is going to place Sri Lanka also in the predicament faced by Spain and Iraq as a result of going to help the separatist amils.  Do we need to have the same fate in Sri Lanka as well? UNP and SLFP members in the government have the option of going into history as disgraceful traitors of the country by voting for the new constitution or getting glorified as saviours of the country by voting against it.  The choice is yours. Think well, think severl timea before you go for the voting.  It cannot be expected from the JVP hooligans as they have become a disgraceful bunch of pimps who would even sell their own mothers for money.

(concluded)

ජනාධිපතිකම බාරගන්න ලෑස්තිදැයි ගෝටාභයගෙන් අසයි..

October 30th, 2017

චාමින්ද කරුනාරත්න lanka C news

තමා විශ්වාස කරන රටට හිතකර ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඇති ඕනෑම නායකයෙකු යටතේ වැඩ කිරීම තමුන්ට ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නොවන හිටපු ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාබය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා පවසයි.

ඔහු මෙසේ ඇසුවේ මහනුවරදී පැවති විද්වතුන් හා වෘතිකයින්ගේ සමුලුවක් අමතමිනි.

ඔහු එහිදී මෙසේද පැවසීය.

” අද ගෝල්ෆේස්වල ටාජ් හෝටලය හදල තියෙන ඉඩම ඉන්දියානු සමාගමකට දුන්නේ ජේ ආර් ජයවර්ධන ජනාධිපති තුමා, අද වර්ල්ඩ් ට්‍රේඩ් සෙන්ටර් එක හදල තියෙන ඇචිලන් ස්ක්වයාර් ඉඩම සිංගපූරු සමාගමකට දුන්නේ ආර්ප්‍රේමදාස ජනාධිපතිතුමා. ඒ රජයේ ඉඩම් නිකං වගෙ පෞද්ගලික ආයතන වලට දුන්නේ. 99 අවුරුද්දට දුන්නේ කියලා ඒ ඉඩම් කවදාවත් ආපහු ගන්න පුලුවන්ද ?

නමුත් එ අසලම තියෙන ඉඩමක් ෂැංග්‍රිල්ලා හෝටලයට මහින්ද ජනාධිපතුමාගේ කාලේ දුන්නේ රජයට අති විශාල මුදලක් අයකරගෙන. ඒ මුදල් වලින් බත්තරමුල්ලේ හදන තිවිධ හමුදා මූලස්ථානය සාදා නිම කරන්නයි සැලසුම් කරල තිබුනේ. එහෙම් කලා නම් මහ භාන්ඩාගාරයට බරක් නැහැ. හමුදා මූලස්ථානය ගෝල්ෆේස් වලින් ඉවතට ගෙනියන්න තීරණය කරල තිබුනේ මීට දශක ගන්නාවකට පෙර වෙනත් රජයක් විසින්. නමුත් එයටභාන්ඩාගාරයේ මුදල් නැති නිසායි ප්‍රමාදය තිබුනේ.

ජනාධිපතිකම බාරගන්න ලෑස්තිදැයි ගෝටාභයගෙන් අසයි..

ෂැන්ග්‍රිල්ලා හොටලයෙන් ගත් මුදලින් හමුදා මූලස්ථානය හදාගෙන යන විට මේ ආන්ඩුව බලයට ඇවිල්ල ඒ මුදල් ආපසු භාන්ඩාගාරයට ගත්තා. අද ඒ සල්ලි කෝ ? ඒවට වෙච්ච දෙයක් නහැ. දැන් හමුදා මූලස්ථානය හදල ඉවරකරන්න වෙන්නේ මහජන බදු මුදල් වලින් . කවුරුත් ඒ අපරාධය ගැන අහනවද ?”

ජනතාව ඉල්ලා හිටියොත් ඔබ තුමා මේ රටේ නායකත්වය බාර ගන්න ලෑස්තිද කියා” යමෙක් මෙම සම්මන්ත්‍රණයේදී ඇසු ප්‍රශ්ණයකට උත්තර දුන් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා කීවේ තමන්ට තනතුරු වැදගත් නැතිබවත් වැදගත් වන්නේ මව්බිම බවත්ය.

තමා විශ්වාස කරන රටට හිතකර ප්‍රතිපත්ති ඇති ඕනෑම නායකයෙකු යටතේ වැඩ කිරීම තමුන්ට ප්‍රශ්ණයක් නොවන නිසා එකද, දෙකද , තුනද නොබලා රට වෙනුවෙන් ජනතාව බාර දෙන ඕනෑම වගකීමක් දරන්නට තමන් සැම විටම සූදානම් බව මීට පෙරද කියා ඇතිබව හිටපු ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා මතක් කර දුන්නේය.

ඕවා කතා කරන්නට පෙර අපි සියලු දෙනා එක්ව රට මේ වැටී තියෙන උවදුරෙන් බේරාගමු කියා ඔහු තව දුරටත් කීවේය.

– චාමින්ද කරුනාරත්න

ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක මණ්ඩල ව්‍යවස්ථා විරෝධීයි.. අතුරු වාර්තා නිතී විරෝධීයි.. සියල්ලම බල ශූන්‍යයි.. නීති පොත මෙන්න..- මහා ව්‍යවස්ථා ප‍්‍රාඥයා පරමාණු බෝම්බය ගසයි..

October 30th, 2017

 lanka C news

ශ්‍රී ලංකා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අද (30) සිට ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදන මණ්ඩලයක් ලෙස ආරම්භ වී දින 3 සාකච්ඡා කිරිමට සුදානම් කිරිම ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට පටහැනි නිති විරෝධී ක්‍රියාවක් බව මෙරටේ නීති විශාරදයකු වු ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ හිටපු අධිකරණය අමාත්‍ය ආචාර්ය විජේදාස රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කර සිටි.

අලුත් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරිම වෙනුවෙන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදක මණ්ඩලයක් පත්කිරිමට 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව කිසිම බලයක් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙත ලබා දි නොමැති බවත් ඒ අනුව පසුගිය සැප්තැම්බර් 21 වෙනිදා පාර්ලිමේන්තුව වෙත අගමැතිවරයා විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කල මෙහෙයුම් කමිටුව විසින් සකස් කල අතුරු වාර්තාව බල ශූන්‍ය ලියවිල්ලක් බව ධර්ම නීති විශාරද, ශාෂන භූෂන, ජනාධිපති නීතීඥවරයා සදහන් කරයි.

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුව පවතින ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරිමට අවශ්‍ය නම් එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ස්ථාවර නියෝගවලට අනුව පමණක් කල හැකි බවට මාධ්‍ය වෙත නිවේදනයක්න් නිකුත් කරමින් කියා සිටි.

ආණ්ඩුක‍්‍රම ව්‍යවස්තා සම්පාදක මණ්ඩලය ව්‍යවස්තා විරෝදී මෙන්ම මුල සිටම බල ශුන්‍ය ක‍්‍රියාවලියක් බවත් නිවේදනයේ සදහන්ය.

THE JO WILL BETRAY THE SINHALAS AGAIN RE THE NEW CONSTITUTION

October 30th, 2017

DHARSHAN WEERASEKERA,

The softening of our stance concerning certain issues, and the compromise we show in other issues, are diplomatic strategies to ensure that we do not alienate the international community.  They are not indications that we have abandoned our fundamental objectives….The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed struggle’-R.Sampanthan, 2012 Speech at 14th Annual Convention of ITAK in Batticaloa

On 8th March 2016, on the eve of Parliament signing the Framework Resolution setting up the Constitutional Assembly, I argued in an article published on lankaweb.com that the JO betrayed the Sinhalas by supporting that resolution.[1]  They are about to betray the Sinhalas again, this time by agreeing to participate in the ‘debate’ over the Steering Committee interim report.

This will be the final nail in the coffin.  The new Constitution will put in place the irrevocable legal foundation for Eelam, which the Tamils will use at a time of their choosing to demand formal separation.  In this article I shall explain how I think the final act of betrayal will play out, and make some recommendations as to what the Sinhalas can do to fight back.

THE BETRAYAL

In my view, Ranil Wickremasinghe’s plan is to keep the UNP in power till 2025 if not beyond.  The UNP needs to cling to power beyond 2020 for the simple reason that if it loses power most of the UNP’s stalwarts including Ranil along with their assorted allies will have to spend their respective retirements being dragged from courtroom to courtroom, or prison to prison, to account for what they have done in the past two years.

In order for the UNP to stay in power beyond 2020, Ranil needs a strong enough excuse to justify postponing the 2020 General Elections.  A new Constitution will give him such an excuse.  If the new Constitution is adopted after a referendum, Ranil and the UNP can claim that the victory at the referendum shows that the people basically approve of the way the country is being run, and that this can be interpreted as a mandate to continue in power beyond 2020.

At any rate, the above is an excuse plausible enough to give the UNP the political cover necessary to postpone General Elections in 2020.  The only thing that will spoil the aforesaid plan is if the new Constitution is shown to be a fraud before it is put to a referendum, that is, when the draft is still in Parliament.  The JO is the only group capable of doing this.  So, it is imperative for Ranil to get the JO to back the new Constitution.  The JO is about to give him what he wants.

To digress a moment, it is not in dispute that Sri Lanka needs a new Constitution, or to put it another way there are serious flaws in the present Constitution that must be remedied at some time or other in the future.  The only question is whether the present Parliament has the mandate to amend the Constitution or to being in a new Constitution.  The fact of the matter is that it does not.

I have discussed the reasons for the position above in an article titled, ‘The Ongoing Constitution-Making Process in Sri Lanka:  An Inquiry into its Legality,’[2] published in lankaweb.com on 23rd August 2017, and refer the reader to that article for more details.  But in brief there are three reasons, as follows.

First, nowhere in the UPFA manifesto for the 2015 Parliamentary Elections does it say that in the event the UPFA loses, its candidates reserve the right to join the UNP or any other winning party and carry on a common legislative program including bringing Constitutional amendments or a new Constitution.  But, that is exactly what has happened.

About 45 SLFP MP’s who contested the under the UPFA banner are now colluding with the UNP thus giving the UNP very close to a 2/3 majority in Parliament, and with a 2/3 majority they can do almost anything.

Second, if anyone points out that the fact that the UPFA manifesto doesn’t mention the prospect of a ‘National Government’ doesn’t mean that UPFA voters would have necessarily opposed such a thing once it was formed, the reply is that if that were the case, Mr. Sirisena would not have had to bring in people including defeated candidates through the National List to strengthen his hand in Parliament, in order to form the ‘National Government.’

Finally, and most importantly, the Government keeps postponing elections, because it is afraid of losing.  A Government that is afraid to face elections cannot be considered by any stretch of the imagination as having a mandate to bring in a new Constitution.  If the Government wants to insist it has a mandate, it should hold elections – any elections – and confirm such mandate.

All that the JO has to do is to point out the above facts or something similar, demand that elections – any elections – be held prior to any further discussions about a new Constitution, and leave it at that.  It should be noted that, the karakasabhas of the Malwatu-Asgiri Chapters have also categorically state that a new Constitution is not needed at the present time.

Generally speaking, the karakasabhas are conservative institutions, and they won’t take a stance such as the one they have taken on as important and as politically sensitive an issue as a new Constitution without thinking long and hard over it.  So, as far as Sinhala-Buddhists are concerned – and certainly any groups purporting to represent the interests of Sinhala- Buddhists – the pronouncement of the Malwatu –Asgiri karakasabhas should, one must presume, be the final word.  But, what has the JO done?

By agreeing to participate in the ‘debate,’ the JO is saying that it has accepted the legitimacy and legality of the constitution-making process so far, but wants to discuss the merits of the specific proposals.  The fact of the matter is that, the JO can do precious little to change the content of the various proposals.

But, once the JO participates in the debate, the Sinhalas will not be able to say that their interests went unrepresented when the draft of the Constitution was put to Parliament.  In short, the legitimacy of the draft will have been established.  And this is all that Ranil needs at the moment.

I give below my predictions as to how events will unfold in the coming days.  (Basically, it will be a repeat of what happened leading up to the adoption of the Framework Resolution on 9th March 2016.)

  1. The first thing to remember is that the Government does not need a 2/3 majority to adopt the Interim Report and request the Steering Committee to prepare a Constitutional proposal.  The Framework resolution does not say even whether a vote on the Interim report is needed.  (See Paragraphs 17 and 18 of the Framework resolution)[3].  It is the Constitutional Proposal that needs a 2/3 majority.  To repeat, the UNP does not need the support of Sirisena’s SLFP’ers or the JO in order to pass from the Interim report to the final Constitutional Proposal.  So the ‘debate’ is quite literally only for show. 
  2. The JO has already filed 14 objections to the Interim Report.  Sirisena’s SLFP’ers have also filed 12 objections or so if I’m not mistaken.
  3. During the first or second day of the debate, a number of Sirisena’s SLFP’ers will break ranks and say that they now fully support the JO’s position, and if the JO’s 14 points are not met, they will join the JO in voting against the report.
  4. After much hullabaloo, the Government will agree to the 14 conditions with minor modifications, and the Interim Report will thereon be adopted with a2/3 majority.  (Remember that, no such majority is needed.)

To jump ahead, in a few more weeks the Steering Committee will present the Constitutional Proposal, and – low and behold – all the offending clauses they said they will remove when finalizing the Proposal will appear in it.  There will be pandemonium.  The JO’s heavyweights will thunder from their podiums:  ‘Api akanga une theywal nevei make thienne!’  (‘There are things in this that we never agreed to!’)

Again, a number of Sirisena’s SLFP’ers will join the JO in yelling at the Government.  The Government knows this routine by now.  It will once again agree to remove the offending clauses.  But this time, the JO and the SLFP ‘rebels’ will stick to their guns (or pretend to do so) and refuse to support the Constitutional Proposal.

At that point, Sirisena will deliver one of his famous ‘Mama Poronduwenava’ (‘I Promise’) speeches to the nation.  He will say something like this:  ‘Mama poronduwenava rata bedanda kavadawath ida thenne na kilaya.’ (‘I promise I will never permit the county to be divided.’)

Needless to say, Sirisena’s ‘poronduva’ is a joke, because once the new Constitution is enacted, the discretion to move for formal separation either by way of a referendum on secession or through action of the Provincial Government will be in the hands of the Tamils.  Can Sirisena control the thoughts and actions of the Tamils?  Is he God?

Nevertheless, the ‘poronduva’ will ahcieve Sirisen’as purpose, which is to provide the SLFP ‘rebels’ political cover to return to the fold, and the Constitutional Proposal will pass with a 2/3 majority, perhaps with a significant number of JO’ers voting for it also.

Soon afterwards, a number of relatively uncontroversial clauses in the Proposal – for instance abolishing the Presidency and so on – will be put to a referendum.  (The Government will never put a put an issue such as whether to turn Sri Lankan into an ‘Ekiya rajya/Urumittu Nadu’ before the people.)  The Government will win the referendum by mobilizing the same coalition that helped bring Sirisena to power and also by rigging the referendum just for good measure.

Once the Proposal is brought back to Parliament, the Government will insert the more obnoxious clauses such as making the country into a ‘Ekiya/Urumittu nadu’ at the committee stage, and promptly get the Speaker to certify the document into law.  Sirisena will howl with indignation.  He will say something like:

me vidiha deval vene kohomada!  Habei then apita karrana deyak ne.  Nithiyata garu karanna oni.  2020 thi chandayak enawa.  Ethakota api apema arnduwak pihituvala meva venas karannahaki.’  (How can these things happen!  But, now there’s little we can do.  We must respect the law.  There will be an election in 2020.  At that time we’ll form a government of our own and change all this.’)

He understands better than anyone else that, once the new Constitution is enacted, there will be no elections…for a very long time.  So, that’s how it will all end for the Sinhalas.  I sincerely hope none of what I have suggested above happens, but if it does, you heard it here first.

RECOMMENDATIONS

  1. Prepare for a Referendum:

Some people say that there will be no referendum and that the Government will get the Constitution passed using only the 2/3 majority in Parliament.  If there’s no referendum, I will be the first to rejoice, because the new Constitution will have absolutely no credibility.  In the meantime, it is best to prepare for the worse.  As I mentioned earlier, I think the Sinhalas will lose the referendum.  But, they shouldn’t accept defeat passively.

They need to do two things.  First, following the lead set by the Malwatu –Asgiri karakasabha, the basis for challenge to the new Constitution must be that there’s no need for a new Constitution at this time, and the present Parliament does not have the mandate to engage in such an exercise anyway.  This way, if and when the Sinhalas regain power, it’ll be easier to have new Constitution invalidated in toto.

Second, the Sinhalas have to expose the rig.  Sirisena will never permit Ranil and the UNP to go for a referendum unless he is given an absolute guarantee that his side will win.  The only way to do this is for the UNP to put maximum effort into mobilizing the constituency that brought Sirisena to power, but also have a rig in place to make up for any shortfall.  So, the Sinhalas have to expose this rig.

The Sinhalas also have to find a way to record their individual votes so that they can show exactly how many of their number rejected the Constitution.  The UNP will try to say that significant numbers of Sinhalas voted for the new Constitution, so it is imperative that the Sinhalas have a way to prove the UNP’s claims wrong.

2. Begin laying the foundation for a long-term nonviolent campaign of civil disobedience:

The Americans are ultimately behind what is happening to this country, because they are in the process of integrating Sri Lanka into the U.S.’s strategic matrix in the Asia-Pacific region. So, the Sinhalas are actually fighting the Americans, and that’s never a good thing.  The Americans are masters at mass killing, and will love nothing better than to wipe out a good percentage of the Sinhalas if they get in the way of U.S. plans.

To take just a few examples, the Americans helped General Suharto of Indonesia kill about 600,000 people when putting down the communist uprising in the late 50’s.  I need not mention what the Americans have done in Iraq and Afghanistan in recent years.  The deathtoll from the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its continuing aftermath has now easily exceeded one million.  So, to repeat, the Americans are masters at this game.

The only chance the Sinhalas have to make a dent with the Americans is by undertaking a systematic and disciplined nonviolent campaign, because then it is easier to go before the international community and expose the injustice of what the Americans are doing in this country.  Slowly, pressure can be brought on the Americans – especially with the help of other counties who are on the side of the Sinhalas, countries such as China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela, and so on – to get them to change their approach to Sri Lanka.

3. Resettle a minimum of 100,000 (one hundred thousand) Sinhalas in the Northern Province within the next two years.

Possession is nine-tenths of ownership.  If a 100,000 or more Sinhalas move into the Northern Province, this country cannot be divided no matter what the Americans try to do – i.e. whether they impose a federal system, a confederal system, or any other system.  The Sinhalas have every right to live in the Northern part of the country, since it is their ancestral land also, not just the Tamils.  So, the Sinhalas should exercise that right and move in.

Some people say that the idea of the Sinhalas moving back to the North in large numbers is a pipe dream.  I am not interested in listening to naysayers.  In this the Sinhalas must learn from the Tamils.  If anyone had said in the late seventies – when Prabakaran had less than 20 cadres – that within two decades he will get to a position where the Government will offer him the Northern Province for ten years without elections, he would have been laughed at.

If anyone had said in May 2009 – when the Tamil Diaspora was at its lowest ebb , ‘in stunned silence’ as one Canadian newspaper put it –that within seven years they will be in a position to demand that Sri Lanka be turned into an Urumittu Nadu, and be taken seriously, again such a a person would have been laughed at.  But, the Tamils didn’t listen to naysayers.  They came up with a plan and systematically pursued it.  And now they have the Sinhalas by the throat.

So, as I said, the Sinhalas should lay out the plans to resettle a 100,000 of their number in the North, and systematically go about implementing the plan.  Whether it succeeds or not is ultimately up to Providence.  I am reminded of Goethe’s famous lines:

‘What you can do, or dream you can, begin it.  Boldness has genius, power and magic in it.’

[1] Dharshan Weerasekera, ‘The Trap what will be Sprung on March 9th,’ www.lankaweb.com, 8th March 2016

[2] Dharshan Weerasekera, ‘The Ongoing Constitution-making process in Sri Lanka:  An Inquiry into its Legality,’ www.lankaweb.com, 23rd August 2017

[3] Paragraphs 17 and 18 are as follows.  Paragraph 17:  ‘The Constitutional Assembly shall thereafter debate the general merits and principles of the Report and the Draft Constitutional Proposal (if applicable), and may also debate proposed amendments. At the end of such debate the question that the Steering Committee be required to submit a final report and a Resolution on a Draft Constitutional Proposal” shall be put to the Constitutional Assembly by the Chair.’  Paragraph 18. ‘The Steering Committee shall thereafter, considering the amendments, if any, proposed during the debate, submit a Final Report and a Resolution containing a Draft Constitutional Proposal for the consideration of the Constitutional Assembly. The Chairman shall move that such Final Report and the Resolution containing the Draft Constitutional Proposal be approved by the Constitutional Assembly.’

ORGANISATION OF PROFESSIONALS, BAR ASSOCIATION, AND PROFESSIONALISM TOWARDS NATION BUILDING

October 30th, 2017

Sarath Wijesinghe – former Ambassador to UAE and Israel

Professionalism and Historical Aspects”

Profession is a vocation on specialized educational training and professionalism is any type of work that needs special training or practical skills after training a high level of education. OPA set up in 1974 is currently the most powerful professional body with 53 professional associations ever growing serving the community with professional up liftmen and development/prosperity in all sectors. Professionalism is deteriorating in Sri Lanka which has spread to all sectors of the community/nation at a rapid rate. Bar Association is a live wire at the formation of the OPA created to set up a professional organisation with a grant from Commonwealth Foundation by a group led by late Dr.H W Jayawardena, late W P Gunitalaka Dr Nath Amarakoon, A B W Jayasekara and many other pioneers. APSL – Association of professionals in the United Kingdom is a powerful professional body initiated by a group of Sri Lankans which is a powerful organisation in the UK today, with the Sri Lankan Lawyers Association (ASSLU) in the United Kingdom indicates that professionalism is not something alien to us and takes wherever we are. A professional is considered and respected by the community on the ability, expert knowledge and experience offered to the Nation for Nation Building. For example a plumber or a brick layer who is no second to any other professional considered at the APSL and other professional organisations as a professional in the nation building process. Plumbers are paid well and the University degree on plumbing in UK is considered in highest esteem. What are the services rendered and expected of the professionals in Sri Lanka, and do they serve the nation in nation building expected by a professional/community are moot issues to be answered? Professionals need a sound knowledge and experience on Soft Skills to improve language IT and personality building skills and a workshop is organized at OPA on 27th November from 6.00 to 9.00 in the evening with a main speaker Professor Rajive Wijesinha- a world renewed personality on the subject- as a service to the Nation open free to the public. It is a pity that still journalists have not obtained the membership in this organisation of professionals and it is time they join OPA as a body of professionals in order to carry the message of professionalism forward and this workshop is an ideal opportunity for them to learn and familiarise with the functioning of OPA and be a part/party in the nation building process.

Professionals and Professionalism in Sri Lanka

It is sad but true to state In Sri Lanka professionalism is lacking among professionals and other citizens who are expected to act as professionals though they are not legally qualified to be professionals who more often act better than professionals applying the common sense and common knowledge. For example though politicians in the other parts of the world are professionals in the profession of politics, Sri Lankan politicians belong to the worst category in the world – greedy for money, power, perks, and vehicles instead of at least acting professionally based on common knowledge / common-sense with love to the nation and the fellow citizens. It is a learning process to follow political debates in the United Kingdom when political debates in Sri Lanka are full of mudslinging, accusations and irrelevant materials. Profession and professionals in Sri Lanka are not properly supervised and monitored as in the other parts of the world. The celebrated and powerful

legal profession lacks proper mechanisms to maintain the integrity and safety of the citizen/client as in the other jurisdictions. In the United Kingdom a solicitor should be insured for 10 million pounds, and compelled to follow the continuing education process to improve and update the legal knowledge monitored by the law Society- the professional body very strict on disciplinary mattes of the solicitor disciplinary body consisting of even non-lawyers as members. No such safeguards and monitoring process available in Sri Lanka blindly following colonial patterns still calling judges as Lords not even practiced in the USA. It is time for the OPA to adopt common standards and criteria for the professionals and conduct workshop/s for professional development instead of being inert and unprofessional on public matters which has direct bearing on the citizen and nation building process. OPA must fearlessly engaged and interfere in public matters concerning the country and the profession without involvement of divisions and political influence. When the country is going through a crisis OPA and BASL should be alive and interfere directly in the right directing to direct the governance and the nation. Are they doing this honourable duty is a hot issue requires answers and clarifications?

Nation Building/OPA/BASL and Commercial Sector”

Nation building team are those members of the state and private sector who take the initiative to develop the national community through government and private sector including military – conscriptions if necessary- and national projects on mass schooling involving the propaganda and development to international economy and economic growth- Harris Mylonas”, Indicates the professionals are the leading force/army in the forward economic and political developments, international and local trade/business, infrastructure, constructions, agriculture, power energy, education, technology, research ,health, and all/many other sectors in nation building which is a part of good governance. Nation building includes preserving and protection of the supreme law of the nation and rule of law promoting due process which includes maintaining of sovereignty territorial integrity and resist international interventions and treatment of all citizens alike with no divisions fear or favour to any group or individuals in a peaceful society devoid of corruption nepotism racial discrimination and fear from drugs, criminals, underworld and corrupt politicians who are responsible for the downfall of the country due to their excessive greed for power, money, and vehicles they love so much.

Apart from OPA and BASL, the Chambers of Commerce, Management, and educational institutions, industrialists, leader of trade and business enterprises, are part of the team in the protection and nation building team to save promote and protect the country they live for the future generation, peace, development of their country and planet preventing destruction/disasters based on environment/unplanned mega construction and manmade acts of self-destruction.

Team of Nation Builders- contribution/s

The team of nation builders should identify the needs and challenges ahead of the pathetic plight of the citizen as a result of excessive greed and emergence of the selfish nature of the human belongs to the animal kingdom with love for vehicles (3.1 billion for tax free vehicles and two hundred thousand per day for the maintenance of ministers alone apart from other perks). Today priorities are misunderstood and values are forgotten. OPA once a Giant” has come down to the position of a Rat” not considered and consulted by the governance as before, governance overjoying and capitalising the dead silence of the OPA and unnecessary affiliations with the state machinery, instead of being impartial and straight giving priority to nation building process sans personal glory and benefits with unholy friendships and attachments for posts and powers. We wish and pray a new life will be dawned and transformed with the newly elected office bearers of the OPA expecting a steady transformation towards nation building. BASL- the fearless organisation for Justice and fair play got out of the clutches of NGO’sm dominating regime changes with organisations with international agendas (example US Aid- German fat cat NGO s with bags of dollars) in order to maintain independence and integrity of the profession and professionals. As a result of timely intervention and unanimous decision of the Bar Council on 28th Nov at the monthly meeting of the representative membership to sever connections

with the alleged NGO forthwith to prevent using BASL logo for their publicity stunts BASL was able to maintain the integrity and independence towards nation building. Leadership and integrity of the president of the BASL is commendable when compared to the partiality and ineffective of the two predecessors whose intentions and integrity were questionable and in doubt. Fearless and timely intervention of the BASL to be alive on the proposed set of proposals on the supreme law of the nation influenced by foreign powers, NGO’s and anti Sri Lankan Geneva resolution is a precedent/example to the OPA and other members/organizations of the nation building team to be careful vigilant and act towards the correct direction. Most damages are done in the name of reconciliation when the unity of the tolerant Sri Lankan society is an example to the other parts of the divided world.

Way forward”

We are a country of tolerance and goodwill – citizens with a smile setting an example for reconciliation proved with the ethnic proportion and peaceful living in co-existence with all communities in Colombo – the Capital of Sri Lanka with Muslims as the majority second Tamil and Sinhalese third yet living in harmony and brotherly environment, unfortunately when the Chief Minster in the North lived most of his life in Colombo and children married to Sinhalese- is demanding removal of Sinhalese and Buddhist historical monuments from North and evacuation of Sinhalese from Jaffna which is worrying and directly against the principles of reconciliation we are used to as a nation. Government or foreign powers cannot impose reconciliation process on us which is a dollar spinner industry. Nation building team has a main part to play on this process and strengthen the bonds already strong to become stronger with economic prosperity and political integration in a unitary Sri Lanka. The professionals must take over politics from corrupt politicians to prevent our country from disintegration into pieces due to foolish power-hungry politicians greedy for money power and vehicles.

(Sarath Wijesinghe – the main initiator of APSL and ASLLUK in the UK can be contacted on sarath7@hotmail.co.uk takes responsibility to the contents of this article)


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