Zein Nakhoda,

Time Period:  8 May  1963 to  1 November 1963

Country:  Vietnam

Location City/State/Province: 

 Cities including Hue and Saigon in South Vietnam

The Diem regime, must (1) rescind the order against displaying the Buddhist flag; (2) permit Buddhists the same legal rights allowed to Catholics; (3) halt arbitrary arrests and intimidation of the Buddhists; (4) allow religious freedom; and (5) compensate the families of those killed and punish the perpetrators; goal later became the removal of President Diem from power

Following the collapse of French colonial administration in Vietnam in 1954, the country was temporarily divided, with Ho Chi Minh’s Democratic Republic of Vietnam in North Vietnam, and Emperor Bao Dai’s State of Vietnam in the South. The Geneva Conference peace agreement ending the French Indo-China war included a provision for nationwide elections in 1956. Soon after the country was divided, Ngo Dinh Diem had proclaimed himself president of South Vietnam by means of a fraudulent election.

In July 1955, President Diem rejected the nationwide elections that had been agreed upon. According to then-U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, the U.S. backed this refusal of nationwide elections because it believed that the Vietnamese people in a free election would vote for Ho Chi Minh to be the new president. Faced with a divided country with a government in the South backed by the U.S. military, Vietnamese people began a new insurgency led by the National Liberation Front for South Vietnam (NLF), concentrated at first in rural areas.

By the early 1960s, Diem ruled South Vietnam with a largely Catholic-dominated government: Catholic positions included members of the ruling Ngo family, more than half of the National Assembly, and most landholders. Even though South Vietnam’s three to four million Buddhists made up nearly 80 percent of the population, they were discriminated against by the Catholic ruling elite.

On May 8, 1963, Buddhist followers in the city of Hue celebrated the Buddha’s 2,527th birthday. The day before, a deputy province chief invoked a previously ignored law that prohibited the display of religious flags, even though many Buddhist and Catholic flags had been flying for years. Police forcibly tore down flags, inciting waves of protest. On the morning of May 8, over 500 Buddhists marched and held a demonstration at the Tu Dam pagoda in opposition. The participants soon numbered over 3,000 and marched into downtown Hue, waving banners and calling for religious equality. Banners were written in English as well as Vietnamese to attract Western allies. Leading the Buddhists was a chief monk named Thich Tri Quang. The protesters soon found themselves surrounded by eight armored cars, civil guardsmen, and other armed security officials.

Tri Quang directed his people to meet outside the local radio station for a huge rally that evening. Thousands of Buddhists crowded around the radio station, demanding they broadcast a regularly scheduled religious service. In response, armed police and military forces from the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) attempted to forcibly disperse the crowd. Stun weapons and fire-hoses were used. Ultimately, police and military fired shots into the crowd. Grenades exploded among the protesters. Eight were killed, including several children, and four were left severely wounded.

The next morning, government officials spoke to a gathering of almost 800 demonstrating youth. The Diem regime did not take responsibility for the violence, blaming the casualties on both NLF and Buddhist protesters themselves. In response, the youth marched around the old citadel section of Hue, chanting ‘Down with Catholicism’ and ‘Down with Diem government.’ A student banner welcomed martyrdom: ‘Please Kill Us!’

Tri Quang traveled throughout the country, urging fellow Buddhists to join the campaign for religious equality. He called on all Buddhists in central Vietnam to attend a mass funeral for the victims in Hue several days later.

Around 6,000 Buddhists attended a meeting at Tu Dam pagoda. The deputy province chief, ARVN troops and police hovered nearby. Again, banners depicted anti-government sentiments including ‘Kill us,’ ‘Buddhists and Catholics equal,’ and ‘Request stop of arrests and kidnapping.’ Tri Quang spoke to the crowd appealing to nonviolence and the power of martyrdom. The Diem regime did not heed the Buddhist’s warning, believing that the NLF was the true source of opposition and ignoring claims of religious discrimination. United States forces, present in Vietnam since 1950 as part of a Cold War containment strategy, also paid little attention to the Buddhist upheaval.

By May 13, Buddhist clergy in Hue had drafted a list of demands to give to government officials titled, ‘Manifesto of Vietnamese Buddhist Clergy and Faithful.’ It stated that the Diem regime, must (1) rescind the order against displaying their flag; (2) permit them the same legal rights allowed to Catholics; (3) halt arbitrary arrests and intimidation of the Buddhists; (4) allow them religious freedom; and (5) compensate the families of those killed and punish the perpetrators. Two days later the demands were presented to Diem, who paid them little attention.

The Buddhists intensified their pressure. They held a press conference at Xa Loi pagoda in Saigon. Here they distributed pamphlets compiling daily news items that kept followers enraged, and activated allies in both civilian and military groups. They also organized a series of hunger strikes and four weeks of memorial services to highlight their condition. Diem continued to denounce the protest efforts as a Vietcong plot. However, due to increasing worldwide attention and sympathy, it became difficult for the U.S. to support the Diem regime.

In Saigon on May 30, over 500 monks sat in the street in protest. Monks in Hue began a forty-eight hour hunger strike. On June 1, a large gathering of Buddhists gathered in Hue, marching onto the office of the province chief, who had promised a government response to the Buddhists’ demands. Others, totaling almost 10,000, gathered at Tu Dam pagoda. Police and paratroopers were close, armed with American army vehicles. Demonstrators dispersed without incident, continuing their hunger strike. The Kennedy administration in the U.S. urged Diem to negotiate with the Buddhists, but he refused.

On June 3, again in Saigon, about 500 Buddhist demonstrators met 300 troops who were standing by. After much shouting, the troops charged into the crowd with fixed bayonets, throwing tear-gas grenades. Later that evening, security forces scattered a crowd of 1,500 by emptying glass vials of brownish red liquid on the heads of praying Buddhists. While some accounts report casualties, at least sixty-seven of those exposed to the chemicals went to the hospital for treatment of blisters and respiratory problems.

On June 5, a negotiation meeting with Diem, Dinh Nhu (Diem’s brother), and a leading monk from Hue named Thich Thien Minh (Vice President of the Buddhist Association of the Central Region and a member of the Committee of General Association of Buddhists of Vietnam) showed progress toward satisfying the five Buddhist demands from mid-May.

On June 10, Buddhists at Tu Dam pagoda called off their fast and returned home. Police withdrew as well, creating the appearance of peace. However, that morning in downtown Saigon 500 monks and nuns gathered solemnly to watch Thich Quang Duc, a seventy-three-year-old monk from an outlying province, burn himself to death in protest, a practice called self-immolation. American members of the press were at the scene. Photographs and stories of the martyr awakened the world to the Buddhist crisis in Vietnam, which quickly became international news. The protest extended beyond religious equality and threatened the Diem regime itself. The U.S. administration for the first time was aware of the importance of the Buddhist crisis and questioned the de-escalation program it was initiating in South Vietnam.

A procession of about 400 monks carried Quang Duc’s body to Xa Loi pagoda, where almost 1,000 monks came to show respect. A large group of pro-Buddhist students rallied outside, hanging a banner that read ‘This Buddhist priest cremated himself for five items demanded of the government.’

The self-immolation of Quang Duc is cited as influencing the regime more than any other protest action. Out of nervousness, on June 11, police arrested thirty nuns and six monks for praying in the street outside the Xa Loi pagoda.

On June 14, a government committee agreed to meet with the monks. By midday they had come to an agreement on the most difficult of the five demands, that relating to the flags. But hope for further negotiation was crushed. On June 16, 250 Buddhist students among a large crowd charged remaining police forces, hurling rocks and retreating only when hit with tear gas, fire hoses, clubs, and shots fired in the air. The confrontation resulted in one death, with injuries sustained by both Buddhists and police.

After that incident, there were no disturbances leading up to or during the highly publicized funeral for the martyred monk, Quang Duc, on June 19.

All the while, the U.S. came to seriously doubt the ability of the Diem regime to defeat the National Liberation Front. And slowly, the Buddhist protest became a struggle against the regime itself. Tri Quang assumed a greater leadership role and claimed that he would not stop until the government fell. Discussion of a coup became more widespread. Soon, there were several coup groups, strategizing how to take advantage of the Buddhist crisis.

On July 16, over a hundred monks gathered in front of the U.S. embassy to encourage the U.S. to help persuade Diem to comply with the June 16 agreements. They claimed more human sacrifices would be necessitated if their demands were not met, putting pressure on the U.S. The demonstrators dispersed and began a two-day fast.

However, the next morning renewed demonstrations were violently repressed by police force. The police beat and arrested demonstrators and blocked the Giac Minh pagoda with barbed wire. U.S. support for Diem reduced further as American forces let Vietnamese generals know that they would not aid Diem in case of a coup.

Buddhist leaders tried to halt further suicides ‘unless necessary.’ However on August 15 a nun burned herself to death days after a young girl tried to cut off her hand as a sacrifice to
Buddha. The following day another monk immolated himself.

On August 21, heavily armed government forces raided Buddhist pagodas in the night. Diem had moments earlier proclaimed martial law. Special forces arrested over 1,400 monks and charged them with possessing weapons. At the Tu Dam pagoda, monks and nuns resisted with stones, sharp sticks, and clubs.

The U.S. attempted to remain hands-off, assessing whether the raids were signs of an anticipated coup. Diem’s repressive tactics not only further aggravated Vietnamese Buddhists, but also annoyed the U.S. government. The pagoda raids and their aftermath destroyed any remaining trust in the Saigon government. U.S. intelligence soon became complicit in several coup plots.

Diem tried to convey that the Buddhist crisis was solved and that remaining problems were attributable to the Vietcong. The regime lifted martial law on September 16, but its repressive Buddhist policies continued. With strengthened doubts, the U.S. focused on a partial withdrawal of troops, but remained open to a coup.

In early October, Buddhist monk Thich Quang Huong immolated himself in front of the Saigon Central Market, dousing himself with gasoline before setting himself afire. In other parts of the city, Buddhist employed propaganda grenades, which harmlessly exploded and released Buddhist flags. Hundreds of Buddhists demonstrated in Saigon, adding momentum for the coup.

On November 1, 1963, the ARVN generals launched their long-anticipated coup, during which Diem was arrested and later executed. Political instability followed in South Vietnam, as the country was ruled by a series of short-lived military regimes. With the insurgency gaining ground, the U.S. became increasingly engaged in ground operations, known as the Vietnam War. Buddhist resistance survived to confront Prime Minister Ky in the ‘Buddhist Crisis of 1966,’ where Tri Quang led a campaign of political protest and general strikes.

After many years of bloodshed, the U.S. withdrew many of its troops in the early 1970s but continued to support the Saigon government until Saigon was captured by North Vietnam in 1975. The next year, North and South Vietnam re-united to form the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.

http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/south-vietnamese-buddhists-initiate-fall-dictator-diem-1963

Research Notes

Influences: 

This campaign influenced the Buddhist Crisis of 1966 (2).

Sources: 

Jones, Howard. Death of a Generation: How the Assassinations of Diem and JFK Prolonged the Vietnam War. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Print.

Shulimson, Jack, Lieutenant Colonel Leonard A. Blasiol, U.S. Marine Corps, Charles R. Smith, and Captain David A. Dawson, U.S. Marine Corps. U.S. Marines in Vietnam: The Defining Year 1968. eHistory, Ohio State University. History and Museums Division Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps, Washington, D.C. Web. 18 Apr 2010. <http://ehistory.osu.edu/vietnam/books/1968/0164.cfm>.

“The 1966 Buddhist Crisis in South Vietnam.” HistoryNet.com. Weider History Group. Web. 18 Apr 2010. <http://www.historynet.com/the-1966-buddhist-crisis-in-south-vietnam.htm>.

Name of researcher, and date dd/mm/yyyy: 

Zein Nakhoda, 19/04/2010

 Please watch how the Police of Yahapalana who tried to abduct a student using a white van was caught red handed

https://www.facebook.com/FreeEducationSL/videos/1740143409349168/

By Anil Perera

Buddhist monks and activists are carrying out a campaign against threats to our religion and our culture by Muslim and Christian extremist groups. While the threats may be real or perceived, we have not taken any meaningful steps to counter that threat by helping impoverished Buddhist villagers. Christian and Muslim religious organisations help fellow Christians and Muslims with financial support when they are in need. But is there any Buddhist organisation in Sri Lanka contributing to economic upliftment of our villages?

Buddhist places of worship, especially the famous ones, earn a huge amount of money through donations and through charges levied on foreign visitors. The management of the income of these temples is carried out by the temples without any auditing or transparency. It is not a secret that only a part of this income is spent on the maintenance of the temples with the rest pocketed by the people managing the temples for their personal benefit.

This is a blatant violation of the second Buddhist percept – adinnadana veramani sikkapadam samadiyami. Use of income of temples for personal benefit of monks or lay custodians is nothing other than sacrilege and fraud.

If we use at least a part of the income of Buddhist religious places to help Buddhist villagers, not to  give them handouts, but to provide them with vocational training and also to give them micro loans for self-employment activities, then the money would be spent on helping our fellow Buddhists.

It is time that Buddhist temples take leadership to help the Buddhist population to become economically more powerful. The time and effort spent on campaigning against extremism by other religious groups are better spent on helping poor Buddhists to lift themselves up. Buddhists have the financial resources and organisational capabilities to do that. What is lacking is the leadership and the will to use our resources to help our fellow Buddhists.

Income and expenditure of all major Buddhist places of worship should be audited by an external Buddhist organisation. Any surplus income after the spending on the maintenance and upkeep of the place should be diverted to a Central Buddhist Fund managed by Buddhist monks and lay leaders who will decide on how to spend the money to uplift the poor Buddhist villages economically.

As the Buddha said in Sedaka Sutta, looking after others one looks after oneself. By looking after fellow Buddhists, we look after and protect Buddhism.

පුවත්පත් නිවේදනය ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානය

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ මත්ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය ජාවාරම දේශපාලන නායකත්වය හා සෘජුව බැදි පවතින බව ‘අන්තරායකර ඖෂධ පාලනය පිළිබද ජාතික මණ්ඩලය‘ විසින් අවස්ථා කිහිපයක දී හෙළි කොට ඇත.  එය දිගු කලක් පුරා අඛණ්ඩව දිවෙන සම්බන්ධතාවකි.

 අමාත්‍ය රිෂාක් බදුර්දීන් මහතා යටතේ පාලනය වන සතොස ආයතනයට ගෙන් වූ සීනි කන්ටේනරයක් තුල තිබී ‘කොකේන්‘ මත්ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය විශාල ප්‍ර‍මාණයක් හමුවීම දේශපාලනඥයින් හා මත්ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය ජාවාරම අතර ඇති සෘජු සම්බන්ධය තහවුරු කෙරෙන තවත් අවස්ථාවක් විය හැකිය.  මන්ද, 2017 පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණ සමයේ දී මත්ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය ජාවාරම හා සම්බන්ධ ලෙස අන්තරායකර ඖෂධ පාලක මණ්ඩලය විසින් ද ජනාධිපතිවරයාට  සහ අගමැතිවරයාට මෙම කරුණු වාර්තා කළ බව එහි හිටපු සභාපතිවරයා  හෙළි කළ තිබූ බැවිනි.

ධනයෙන් පමණක් නොව බලයෙන් ද විමර්ශන කටයුතු සදහා දේශපාලනඥයින් විසින් බලපෑම් සිදු කරනු ලබයි.  මත්ද්‍ර‍ව්‍ය ජාවාරම්කරුවන්ට ධනයෙන් කිසිදු අඩුවක් නොමැත.  ඔවුන්ට, ආරක්ෂාව සපයන දේශපාලනඥයින් විමර්ශන යට ගැසීමේ තීරණාත්මක සාධකය වේ.

අමාත්‍ය රිෂාක් බදුර්දීන් මහතා කර්මාන්ත අමාත්‍යවරයා ලෙස තබාගනිමින් සිදු කරන සතොස කොකේන් විමර්ශනය කිසිදු විශ්වසනීයත්වයකින් තොර හුදු ඇස්බැන්දුමක් පමණක් වනු ඇත. 

‘මතින් තොර රටක් සදහා වන රජයේ ප්‍ර‍චාරක ව්‍යාපාරය‘ යථාර්ථයක් බවට පත්වීමට නම් සතොස කොකේන් විමර්ශනයට පෙර අමාත්‍ය රිෂාක් බදුර්දීන් මහතා එම අමත්‍ය ධූයෙන් ඉවත් කර විමර්ශනය පැවැත්වීම අනිවාර්ය බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානය අවධාරණය කරයි.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානය

නලින් ද සිල්වා

ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය පත් කර ගනු ලැබුයේ ඒ සඳහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගෙනෙන ලද යෝජනා සම්මතයකින්. එහි ආරම්භයේ ම කියන්නේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්මත කර ගත යුතු බවට ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජනතාව අතර පුළුල් එකඟතාවක් තිබුණු බව ය. මෙය පට්ටපල් බොරුවක්. ශ්‍රී ලාංකික ජනතාව අතර ඒ සම්බන්ධ එකඟතාවක් නැහැ. මහානායක හිමිවරුන්ගේ ප්‍රකාශයෙන් ද ඒ බව තහවුරු වෙනවා.

එහෙත් ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමේ කාර්යයට නිර්ලජ්ජිත ව ද්‍රෝහි ව සහභාගි වෙනවා. අද ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ජාතිකත්වයෙන් ක්‍රමයෙන් කසිකබල් ව්‍යාජ සමාජවාදයකට මාරුවෙමින් පවතිනවා. ඔවුන් සයිටම් වෙනුවෙන් දක්වන විරුද්ධතාව ව්‍යවස්ථාව වෙනුවෙන් දක්වන්නේ නැහැ. එහි  ප්‍රකාශකවරු තමන් නොදන්නා වෙසක් උත්සව ගැන නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනය ගැන මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡාවල බෙරිහන් දෙනවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ෆෙල්ට්මන් හමුවෙලා තමන් ඒකීයත්වය, බුද්ධාගමට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය දීම ගැන දරණ ස්ථාවරය දැන්වීම හොඳයි. ඒත් එය මදි.

රනිල් වචන හරඹයකින් අසම්මත ආකාරයකින් නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්මත කර ගන්න හදනවා. ඒ සමස්ත ක්‍රියාවලියෙන් ම ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ඉවත් වෙන්න ඕන. ඔය ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයෙ හිටියා කියලා කිසිම සෙතක් නැහැ. අනුකාරක කමිටු හයේ හිටිය කියලා මොනව ද ලැබුණෙ. තමන්ගෙ යෝජනා අනුකමිටු වාර්තාවල කොපමණ තිබුණ ද? අද ජා නි පෙ ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයෙන් අයින් වෙලා. දැන් ඒකට වලංගුබවක් නැහැ. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය තවදුරටත් එහි රැඳී සිටින්නේ ඇයි? 

සම්බන්ධන්ලාට අවශ්‍ය වචන හරඹයකින් ඒකියබවත් බුද්ධාගමට ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය දීමත් නැති කරන්න. ඔහු ඕස්ත්‍රේලියානු විදේශ ඇමතිවරිය හමුවෙලා නව ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්පාදනය කිරීම කල් යන බවට පැමිණිලි කරලා. ඔහු සහ තවත් අය බටහිර ආධාර ඇතිව ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්පාදනය කරනවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය කුමක් දෝ හේතුවකට රනිල්ට නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට අනියමින් හවුල් වෙනවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටන ජනමාධ්‍ය හා එහි නිවේදකයන් ව්‍යවස්ථාවට වඩා සයිටම් ආයතනයට තැන දෙනවා. මේ නිවේදකයන් වැඩ කරන්නෙ අයිතිකාරයන්ගෙ වුවමනාවට බව අපට හොඳහැටි වැටහෙනවා.

ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය පත් කර ගැනීමේ දී සම්මත වූ යෝජනාවේ පළමු වගන්තිය මෙහි පළවෙනවා. කලින් කී පරිදි යෝජනාවේ කුමක් සඳහන් වුවත් ජනතාව අතර ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් අවශ්‍ය බවට එකඟත්වයක් නැහැ. මේ බොරු යෝජනාවට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ඡන්දය දුන්නා! මෙහි සඳහන් වන්නේ මුළු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ම සමන්විත වන පරිදි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ (මන්ත්‍රිවරයන්ගේ – නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සිංහල)  පූර්ණ කාරක සභාවක බලතල ඇති මණ්ඩලයක් පිහිටුවන බවයි. එය ස්ථාවර නියෝග යටතේ පත් කළ පූර්ණ කමිටුවක් නො වෙයි. එය පූර්ණ කමිටුවක බලතල ඇති මණ්ඩලයක්. පූර්ණ කමිටුවක් හා පූර්ණ කමිටුවක බලතල ඇති මණ්ඩලයක් අතර වෙනසක් තියෙනවා. මේ මණ්ඩලය පාර්ලිමේන්තු සභා ගැබේ රැස්වුණාට ස්ථාවර නියෝග යටතේ පත්කළ කමිටුවක් නො වෙයි. මෙය රනිල්ගේ හා බටහිරයන්ගේ උප්පරවැට්ටියක්.

ඒ මණ්ඩලය පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ම සමන්විත වන පරිදි පත් කළ මණ්ඩලයක්. එහි සාමාජිකත්වයෙන් ජා නි පෙ අස්වීම ඉතා වැදගත්. තවදුරටත් මේ මණ්ඩලයට වලංගුබවක් නැහැ. අර කවුදෝ නීතිඥ පඬියකු කියා තිබුණත් ඒ මණ්ඩලයෙන් අස්වීම නිසා ජා නි පෙ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ගෙදර යා යුතු නැහැ. මේ අවලංගු වූ මණ්ඩලයේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂක්‍ෂය තවදුරටත් රැඳී ඉන්නේ ඔවුන්ට ඡන්දය දුන් අයගේවත් පොදුවේ භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේගේවත් වුවමනාවට නො වෙයි. එහෙනම් ඒ කාගේ වුවමනාවට ද කියලා අහන්න වෙනවා.  

ආණ්ඩුකම  ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය පත්කිරීම සඳහා යෝජනා සම්මතය.

ශී ලංකාවට ආණ්ඩුකම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්මත කර ගත යුතු යැයි ශී ලාංකික ජනතාව අතර පුළුල් එකඟතාවයක් ඇති හෙයින් ද 

ශී ලංකාව සඳහා ආණ්ඩුකම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සකස් කිරීම පිළිබඳව සලකා බලා ජනතාවෙග් අදහස් හා උපෙදස් ලබාගෙන ආණ්ඩුකම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ   75 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටෙත් ඒ වෙත පැවරී ඇති බලතල කියාත්මක කරමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසින් සලකා බලනු පිණිස ආණ්ඩුකම ව්‍යවස්ථා පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් සැකසීමේ  කාර්ය සඳහා සමස්ත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවම සමන්විත වන පරිදි සැදි පූර්ණ කාරක සභාවක බලතල ඇති හා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්තීවරයන්ගෙන් සමන්විතවන මෙහි මින් මතු ආණ්ඩුකම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය” යනුවෙන් හඳුන්වනු ලබන පාර්ලිමේන්තු කාරක සභාවක් තිබිය යුතු යැයි, මෙම පාර්ලිමේන්තුව යෝජනා සම්මත කරයි.

නලින් ද සිල්වා

2017 ජූලි 22

President Maithripala Sirisena is reported to have asked at today’s Cabinet meeting as to who gave permission for UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter-terrorism Ben Emmerson to meet LTTE suspects in prison.

Mr. Emmerson who concluded his mission in Sri Lanka accused it of using torture against people detained under the Anti-terror Act and that its progress on human rights, reforms and justice remained woefully slow.

Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe criticized the UN official for with regard to the allegations he had levelled at the government.

It had been revealed that the Foreign Affairs Ministry had given permission for Mr. Emmerson to meet the LTTE detainees.

JO stands for ‘Unitary State, Supremacy of our Parliament & Security of the State’ and JO opposes the hunt of Our Heroic Soldiers”
– Dinesh Gunawardena informs Jeffrey Feltman

Sri Lanka is a Sovereign & Independent state working along as a UN member, and we have had very good relations in many fields. It is our Parliament that drafted and promulgated the first republican constitution in 1972 and the second in 1978. As Sri Lanka is a sovereign country the Joint Opposition does not support or appreciate any foreign dictates or formulas in our constitution making.

JO stands for ‘Unitary State, Supremacy of our Parliament, & Security of the State’, and on this basis our positions have been made very clear at every meeting in relation to the constitution and we shall not deviate from these key positions.

Sri Lanka faced separatism and terrorism for over 30 years during UNP, PA & UPFA regimes. It was after UN resolution on 9/11 that we defeated terrorism at the high Sacrifice of Our Heroic Forces. Therefore, JO opposes the hunt of Our Heroic Soldiers. Even in western countries too their soldiers have been protected.

There is a sever drought in North & North-Central Provinces. Food shortages across the country. Natural disasters such as floods & landslide across the country. Effects of Climate Change should be of interest to the UN.

JO stands for a peaceful and fruitful development that will benefit Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim, and all communities & citizens in our country. And I represent the Joint Opposition with 52 MPs, the largest group of MPs in the opposition.”

– Leader of the Joint Opposition
Hon Dinesh Gunawardena (MP)

Meeting with Jeffrey Feltman (United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs) took place in Parliament on 2017.07.21 Chaired by Speaker Hon Karu Jayasuriya (MP), also attended by Leader of Opposition Hon R Sampanthan (MP), Hon Douglas Devananda (MP), Secretary General of Parliament, and Deputy Secretary General of Parliament.

https://www.facebook.com/Gunawardena.Dinesh/photos/a.441256906679.240045.312404236679/10154747927586680/?type=3&theater

By Charles.S.Perera

The people have placed their trust in the Joint Opposition lead by Dinesh Goonewardhane .  There is a cry coming out of the heart of the people that the yahapalanaya hybrid government should not be allowed to write a new constitution for Sri Lanka. Does the Joint Opposition hear that cry or are they not giving both their ears to that cry allowing their other ears to listen to other calls ?

The leader of the Federation of National Organisations Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekara, has accused  Dinesh Goonewardene for writing secret letters to the Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe with regard to problems that had arisen in the Constitution making  process.  If it is true  Dinesh Gunawardane has to make it clear why he is remaining in the Constitutional Assembly, along with a part of JO when there are problems known to him in the Constitution making process.

We know that  even his father late Philip Gunewardena the father of Socialism in Sri Lanka” during the end of his carrier preferred to remain in political power accepting in 1965 the Ministry of Industries and Fisheries in the National Government of Dudley Senanayake. We certainly do not believe  that Dinesh Gunawardene will follow suit, but people begin to question the reason why the rest of the JO under Dinesh Gunawardena continues to remain in the CA while  Wimal Weerawansa true to his principles withdrew his party’s participation in the CA.

It was a mistake of the JO from the very beginning to have participated in the Committees stage of the process leading to the writing  of a New Constitution. That is in addition to the mistake the JO made in the 1^st instance in voting for the 19^th Amendment. The 19 Amendment had specified  a period within which the Parliament cannot be dissolved. It is contrary to  democratic procedure as one has to put up with a government for its full term even if it is not productive, offensive to democracy and abuses the power of the government to destroy the country’s historical and cultural values as now it is being done by the so called Yayapalanaya  hybrid government in place.

It was perfectly in order that a New Constitution was promulgated  in 1972 to  declare Sri Lanka a Republic. Prior to that Sri Lanka had dominion status and had constitutions written by the Colonial Government. After that there was no reason to write new constitutions as the first Republican Constitution could have been Amended to adopt it to new political situations.

However , when J.R.Jayawardhane formed a government of UNP in 1977, he prepared a new constitution which was promulgated in 1978. However,  the 1978 Constitution with executive powers given to the President served its purpose in the process of the elimination of terrorism in Sri Lanka. That constitution is therefore worth keeping as the permanent Constitution of Sri Lanka allowing adjustment to meet any new unforeseen situation by passing Amendments.

Now a hybrid government with problems between the members of its constituent parties has decided to write a new Constitution.  There is no necessity to write a New Constitution to  a country each time a new government is formed by a different political party or a combined hybrid Government of several parties as in the case of the Present Government of the President Sirisena.

Each time a new Political party takes the reins of government the country remains the same it does not become any different from what it had been before,  therefore the new political party that is to form a new government should go on with the same old Constitution changing it if necessary by passing Amendments.

In Sri Lanka today after the formation of a hybrid government of several political parties, the political and social situations have drastically changed as the country is no more the country it was with a united people despite a majority community, and other minority communities.

The new government calling itself a yahapalanaya trying to introduce  power sharing” in a so called reconciliation process, when in fact there is no such power sharing necessary as all the communities- the majority and the minorities, enjoy  the same rights and priviledges, has placed Sri Lanka in a situation worse than it had been under terrorism.  The Majority Community in Sri Lanka- Sinhala enjoys no other rights and priviledges than those enjoyed by the minority Communities..

This myth of power sharing has been created  only by the political leaders of the Minority Communities. The Hybrid government of President Sirisena, unable to explain this truth to the minorities with whom they have come into agreements  of sharing political power in return for their votes,  have given in to the demands” of the Minority Communities to please the foreign countries, which stand with the Minorities to make the Majority weak and give into the absurdities” of the Minorities.

The writing of a  new Constitution is another such absurdity demanded by the Minorities , insisted by foreign countries and the United Nations Organisation with an eye to make the Constitution  Federal, so that it would help the Minorities later  to set up their own Communal Regions.

Under such a situation of a government weakened by foreign pressure on one hand ,  and  the fear on the other hand of loosing the minority votes at elections , allowing  this Ranil Sirisena hybrid Government to write a New Constitution would be a political suicide”. It will cause  irreparable damage to Sri Lanka which would by such a move loose its unitary status, its Communal unity, and menace its historical, cultural and religious values.

Therefore the Joint Opposition should take into consideration the inherent dangers of  writing a new Constitution by Sirisena-Ranil hybrid government at this decisive time of Sri Lanka’s history. The JO, should  therefore withdraw forthwith from all their responsibilities in this conspiracy to write  a New Government under pressure by foreign Governments and the UN,  and the threat of the minority Communities denying their votes  at future elections to  Sirisena –Ranil Combination.

The Joint Opposition to win back the people’s confidence and their support should act as one, and immediately withdraw from  the Constitutional Assembly. If not it should state its  reason for not leaving the Constitutional Assembly.

The interfering into Sri Lanka’s internal affairs by the UN by sending its representatives  Jeffrey Feltman  and Ben Emerson are questionable and goes beyond the UN’s role as specified in the UN Charter.

It is appreciated that the JO leader Dinesh Gunawardena raised objection to UN interference in Sri Lanka Constitution making process. Such protests are irrelevant  as long as the  Joint Opposition has not officially  withdrawn from the Constitutional Assembly and ceased all activities with regard to the Constitution making process.

If the Government calls for a referendum of the people the JO should be prepared to warn the people of the dangers in allowing the yahapalanaya government to write a new Constitution, and request the people  to vote against the writing a New Constitution at any referendum.

If the argument of the JO for remaining in the Constitutional Assembly is to vote against the Constitution,  now in draft form when presented for the approval by the CA, it would be no deterrent for the Yahapalanaya Government to claim that the New Constitution had been passed, even  without the vote of the JO, as the presence of the members of the JO in the Constitutional Assembly would give the Constitutional Assembly the legal right of an Assembly of Parliamentarians to pass the presented draft Constitution as a  valid document. This may open the Constitution to be contested as invalid later in a court of law, but by then lot of damage would have been done to the country.

The Jaffna District MP Devananda’s statement that the writing of a new constitution is not necessary if the whole of the 13Amendment is implemented  cannot be accepted, as the 13Amendment is the source of all the problems we have with the Tamils. The 13 Amendment should be withdrawn from the 1978 Constitution, and a new system of provincial governments should be set up to reflect the power of the people coming from the village level to the top.

නලින් ද සිල්වා

පාර්ලිමේන්තු දේශපාලනය කියන්නෙ හැකිතාක් පිරිසක් හැකිතාක් රැවටීම. ඒ බලය ලබා ගැනීමට හා බලය රැක ගැනීමට. ජනමාධ්‍ය ද කරන්නේ එයමයි. ඔවුන්ගේ ජනප්‍රියතාව රැක ගැනීම හා වැඩි කර ගැනීම. ඊනියා විදවතුන්  ද වැඩි වෙනසක් නැහැ. ඒ අතින් බලන කල සියලු දෙනා ම දේශපාලනඥයන්. කිසිම විචාර බුද්ධියක් නැති පිරිසක් රැවටීම අපහසු දෙයක් නො වෙයි. විශේෂයෙන් ම සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් ඉන්නේ රැවටෙන්න බලාගෙන.

සයිටම් ගැන දොස්තරලා ඊනියා උගතුන් රවටන්න හදනවා. සයිටම් ප්‍රමිතිය වැඩි කිරීම සඳහා නෙවිල් ප්‍රනාන්දු රෝහල රජයට පවරා ගැනීමට හෝ රාජ්‍ය පෞද්ගලික බද්ධ ව්‍යවසායක් ලෙස පවත්වා ගෙන යා යුතු ය කියා යෝජනා වී තිබුණා. ඒ යෝජනා ගැන දන්න දොස්තරලා ඉන්නවා. ඔවුන් ඒ ගැන කියන්නේ නැහැ. කිසිවකු නොඉල්ලූ දෙයක් ආණ්ඩුව කර ඇතැයි කියන්නේ ජනයා රැවටීමට. අදාළ ගිවිසුම මා දැක නැහැ. ඒ ගිවිසුමට බැංකුව අත්සන් කර ඇත්තේ ඈයි ද යන්න තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්. නෙවිල් ප්‍රනාන්දු බැංකුවෙන් ගත් ණය ගෙවන කම් ආණ්ඩුවට රෝහල සම්පූර්ණයෙන් පවරා ගන්න බැහැ. එහෙම කළොත් ආණ්ඩුවට බැංකු ණයත් ගෙවන්නට වේවි. අවුරුදු දහයකින් ණය ගෙවීමට නෙවිල් ප්‍රනාන්දු බැංකුව සමග එකඟතාවකට පත් වී තිබෙන බව පෙනෙන්න තියෙනවා.

පසුගිය දා අධි පෝය ගැන වාදයක් හට ගැනීමට ගියා. පෝය සකස් කරන්නේ ආණ්ඩුව නො වෙයි. ඇතැම් වාචාල මහදැනමුත්තන්ට අනුව වෙසක් ඉංගිරිසින්ගේ මැයි මාසයේ ම පැවැත්විය යුතුයි. රනිල් ඉරටු කොස්ස ගැන කියන ආකාරයට ම ඔවුන් මැයි මාසයේ කතාව කියනවා.  එකල කැලණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ සිසුවියකු වූ චතුරිකා රසංජලී රූපසිංහ තම අවසාන වසරේ නිබන්ධය සඳහා අධි පෝය පිළිබඳ අධ්‍යයනයක් කළා. ඒ පිළිබඳ විස්තර මා පසු ලිපියක කියන්නම්. ඇගේ අධ්‍යයනයට අනුව මෙවර වෙසක් පෝය ලබන්නේ අප්‍රේල් අග. මැයි මාසයේ පෝය අධි පොසොන්. වෙසක් පෝය මැයි මාසයේ ම ලැබිය යුතු යැයි කියන්නේ පෝය ගැන කිසිම අවබෝධයක් නැතිව. මොවුන්ට සුද්දන්ගේ මැයි මාසය තමයි මිනුම් දණ්ඩ. කිසිම අධ්‍යනයක් නොකර වාචාල කතා කියන්නන්ට ජනමාධ්‍යයේ තැනක් ලැබෙනවා. මේ වාචාලයන් අතර ඊනියා ජාතිකවාදීන් ද ඉන්නවා. 

මෛත්‍රිපාල මේ දිනවල දෙසැම්බර මාසයේ සිදුවන්නේ යැයි කියන ගිවිසුම් අලුත් වැඩියාවක් ගැන කතා කරනවා. මේ ගිවිසුම මොකක් ද? ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කෙළේ කවුරුන් එකතු වී ද? දෙසැම්බර් මාසයේ අත්සන් කරන ලද ගිවිසුමක් ඇති. ඒ ගිවිසුම හැරෙන්න තවත් ගිවිසුම් ද ඇති. එහෙත් අපට මතක ගිවිසුමක් අත්සන් කෙළේ 2015 අගෝස්තු මාසයේ. මහා මැතිවරණය පැවැත්වූයේ 2015 අගෝස්තු මාසයේ මිස දෙසැම්බර් මාසයේ නො වෙයි.

දහනවවැනි සංශෝධනයෙන් පසු ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට පසුබිම සකස් කෙරුණා. මේ සංශෝධනයට දෙදෙනකු හැරෙන්න සංධානයේ සියලුම මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කිසිම දැක්මක් නැතිව ඡන්දය දුන්නා. සරත් වීරසේකර සංශෝධනයට  විරුද්ධව ඡන්දය දුන් අතර ජානක බණ්ඩාර ඡන්දය දීමෙන් වැළකී සිටියා. දහනවවැනි සංශෝධනයට අනුව ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් කියන්නෙ එක් දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂයක් තවත් දේශපාලන පක්‍ෂයක් හෝ පක්‍ෂ හෝ සමග පිහිටුවන ආණ්ඩුවකට. ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවකට වැඩියෙන් ඇමතිවරුන් පත් කරන්න පුළුවන්.

2015 අගෝස්තු මැතිවරණයෙන් පසුව දහනවවැනි සංශෝධනයට අනුව එ ජා පෙරමුණ ශ්‍රී ල නි ප සමග එකතු වී ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටෙව්වා. මේ ආණ්ඩුව නීත්‍යානුකූල නැහැ. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නියෝජනය වන්නේ බුලත් කොළයෙන් තරග කළ සංධානය මිස ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂය නො වෙයි. ශ්‍රී ල නි ප මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාවට, ඒ කාරක සභාව නීත්‍යානුකූල වුවත්, එ ජා පෙරමුණ සමග එක් වී ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවන්න බැහැ. මේ බව මේ ලිපිවල කිහිප වාරයක් සඳහන් වී ඇති. අද කතානායක මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණට, ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණට හා තවත් පක්‍ෂවලට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ වෙන ම පක්‍ෂ ලෙස කටයුතු කිරීමට ඉඩ නොදෙන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නියෝජනය වන්නේ මහජන එක්සත් පෙරමුණ ආදී පක්‍ෂ නොව සංධානය බව කියමින්. ඒ අනුව ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවිය යුතු ව තිබුණේ එ ජා පෙරමුණ හා සංධානය අතරයි. එහෙත් කතානායක ශ්‍රී ල නි පක්‍ෂයට එ ජා පෙරමුණ සමග ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවීමට අවසර දීලා. මෙහෙම කතානායක කෙනකු ඉන්නවා නම් රනිල්ට මොනවා කරන්න බැරි ද?

කොහොමටත් වැරදියට හරි ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටු වූයේ ශ්‍රී ල නි ප හා එ ජා පෙරමුණ අතර ගිවිසුමකින්. ඒ ගිවිසුම ඇති වුණේ 2015 අගෝස්තු මාසයේ. 2015 දෙසැම්බරයේත් ගිවිසුමක් ඇති වෙන්න ඇති. ගිවිසුම් සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ කඩදාසි හා අත්සන් පමණයි.  එහෙත් ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවට වැදගත් වන්නේ ඒ අනෙක් ගිවිසුම් නොව 2015 අගෝස්තු ගිවිසුමයි. ඒ ගිවිසුම මේ අවුරුද්දේ අගෝස්තු මාසයෙන් අවසන් වෙනවා. ගිවිසුම අලුත් කරන්න පුළුවන්. මා නැහැ කියන්නේ නැහැ. එහෙත් ගිවිසුම  අගෝස්තු මස  අලුත් කළේ නැත්නම් ඊනියා ජාතික ආණ්ඩුව බිඳ වැටෙනවා. අඩුම තරමෙන් ඊනියා ශ්‍රී ල නි ප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ඉවත් වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඔවුන්ට ඒ සඳහා වැරදියට හරි ශ්‍රී ල නි ප මධ්‍යම කාරක සභාව රැස්වන තුරු ඉන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. කවුරු හරි තර්ක කරාවි ද දන්නෙ නැහැ වැරදියට පිහිටෙව්ව ආණ්ඩුවක් බිඳ වැටෙන්න විධියක් නැහැ කියලා! දුමින්ද දිසානායක 2020 තෙක් ආණ්ඩුව ගෙන යන්නෙ මොන තර්ක උපයෝගි කරගෙන ද කියලා අප දැනුවත් කරාවි ද?

අප කිසිවකුට අවශ්‍ය සියල්ල අධ්‍යයනය කරන්න බැහැ. ඒ සඳහා ඉඩක් නැහැ. ඒ නිසා අප බෙහෝ දේ ගැන නොදැනුවත්. දේශපාලනඥයන්, ජනමාධ්‍යකරුවන්, ඊනියා විද්වතුන් ඇතුළු සියල්ලන් මේ නොදැනුවත්කම ප්‍රයෝජනයට ගන්නවා. ගිවිසුම දෙසැම්බරයේ, වෙසක් සුද්දාගේ මැයි මාසයේ. සුද්දන් එන්න ඉස්සර වෙසක් පෝය මැයි මාසෙ ලැබුවෙ කොහොම ද කියලා පඬියකු පවසනවා ද?   විසිහතර අවුරුද්දක් වෙසක් උත්සව පවත්වපු ගැමුණු රජු ඒ සියල්ල පැවැත්තුවෙ මැයි මාසෙ ද? අපේ පඬියන් හා ජනයා ප්‍රශ්නයක මුලට යන්න දන්නේ නැහැ.  පඬියන් ජනයා රවටනවා.

නලින් ද සිල්වා

2017 ජූලි 21 

නලින් ද සිල්වා

ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ ඊනියා ව්‍යවස්ථා (සම්පාදන) මණ්ඩලයෙන් අස්වෙලා. ඒ පිළිබඳ ලිපිය එහි මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කතානායකට භාරදීලා. ඒ පිළිබඳ ව අපේ ප්‍රසාදය ජා නි පෙරමුණට හිමි විය යුතුයි. එහෙත් ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයේ ඉතිරි කණ්ඩායම් හා පක්‍ෂ ඒ ද්‍රෝහි මණ්ඩලයෙන් අස්වෙලා නැහැ. ඒ පිළිබඳ අපේ අප්‍රසාදය ඒ ඉතිරි කණ්ඩයම්වලට හා පක්‍ෂවලට හිමි වෙනවා. ඒ අය අප නොවෙයි මහානාහිමිවරුන් වහන්සේලා ප්‍රකාශ කර ඇති දෙයකටත් එකඟ නැහැ. එහෙත් ඔවුන් සමහර දෙනකු පෙනී සිටින්නේ ජාතික පක්‍ෂ ලෙස.

මේ ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය පත් කෙරුණේ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට. බටහිරයන් මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් කෙරුවේ ම සිංහල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමටත් රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන්ට හා රණවිරුවන්ට දඩයම් කිරීමටත්. එහෙත් නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට ආණ්ඩුවට ජනවරමක් ලැබුණේ නැහැ. 2015 ජනවාරි අටවැනි දා පැවැත්වූ ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වූ මෛත්‍රිපාල කියා සිටියේ ජනමත විචාරණයකට තුඩු නොදෙන ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන පමණක් ගෙනෙන බවයි. මහින්ද ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදනයක් ගැන කතා කෙළේ නැහැ. එහෙම තිබිය දී නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී ජනතාව ජනවරමක් දී ඇතැයි කියන්නේ කොහොමද?

ඉන්පසු 2015 අගෝස්තු මැතිවරණයට සංධානය ඉදිරිපත් වූයේ නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට ජනරමක් ඉල්ලා නො වෙයි. එ ජා පෙරමුණ පමණක් නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීම සඳහා ආණ්ඩු බලය ඉල්ලුවා. එහෙත් ඡන්දදායකයන් එ ජා පෙරමුණට ආසන 106ක් පමණයි ලබා දුන්නේ. එය පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බහුතරයකට වඩා අඩුයි. එ ජා පෙරමුණට ලැබුණු ඡන්ද ප්‍රතිශතය පනහට අඩුයි.  නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයෙනුත් ජනවරමක් ලැබුණේ නැහැ.

එහෙත් ආණ්ඩුව නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට අසම්මත ආකාරයකින් කටයුතු ඇරඹුවා. නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීම හෝ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සංශෝධනය කිරීම හෝ කළ යුත්තේ පවතින දෙවැනි ජනරජ ව්‍යවස්ථාව හෙවත් ජේ ආර්ගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලවයි. එහි ව්‍යවස්ථා (සම්පාදන) මණ්ඩලයක් ගැන කියැවෙන්නේ නැහැ. එහෙත් රනිල් එවැනි මණ්ඩලයක් පිහිටෙව්වා. කාට හරි කියන්න පුළුවන් ජේ ආර්ගේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ එහෙම මණ්ඩලයක් පිහිටුවන්න බැහැ කියලා නැහැ කියලා. ඒත් ප්‍රශ්නය වන්නේ එහෙම මණ්ඩලයක් පිහිටුවන එකේ අරමුණ මොකක් ද කියලා.

අපට රනිල්ගේ හිත කියවන්න බැහැ. එහෙත් රනිල්ගේ දේශපාලනය හදාරා ඇති අයකුට ඔහුගේ අභිප්‍රායන් ගැන යමක් කියන්න පුළුවන්. හැරත් ඔහුට බටහිරින් උපදෙස් ලැබෙනවා. ඔහු ඉතිහාසය ගැන කියවලා තිබුණත් අලකේශ්වර ගැන කතා කළත් ඒ එකක්වත් ඔහුගේ හිතේ (ඇඟේ) නැහැ. ඔහුට සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය තේරෙන්නේ නැහැ. ඔහු ඉරටු තියෙන කොස්සක් ගැන කියන්නේ එබැවිනුයි. සිංහල බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතියට පමණක් නොවෙයි කිසිම සංස්කෘතියකට පොත් කියවීමෙන් පමණක් ඇතුල් වෙන්න බැහැ. බටහිරයන්ට තියෙන ලොකුම ප්‍රශ්නයත් එයයි.

රනිල් අසම්මත ආකාරයකින් ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට යන බව පැහැදිලියි. ඔහු සමහරවිට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඉක්මවා යෑමට අදහස් කරනවා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ සඳහා ඔහු වැරදි උදාහරණයක් සපයමින් බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිණිය 1972 ව්‍යවස්ථාව සම්පාදනය කෙළේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් පිට බව කියන්නත් පුළුවන්. ඒත් එයට හේතුවක් තිබුණා. එදා අපට එංගලන්ත පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් නිදහස් වීමේ අවශ්‍යතාව තිබුණා. අද රනිල්ට ඒ අවශ්‍යතාව නැහැ.

රනිල් මුළු පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ම ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයක් බවට පත් කර ගැනීමේ යෝජනාවක් සම්මත කර ගත්තා. එයට ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයත් ඡන්දය දුන්නා. එය අන්තිම මෝඩ වැඩක්. ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලය රැස්වන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ද පිට ද කියන එක වැදගත් නැහැ. රැස්වන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව නො වෙයි. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයේ පඬියන් සතුටු වන්නේ තමන් රැස්වන්නේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කියමින්. එහි වැදගත් කමක් නැහැ.

ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදන ක්‍රියාවලියෙන් අස්විය යුතු ය කියන යෝජනාව කාලයක් තිස්සේ සාකච්ඡා වුණා. එයට ජනමාධ්‍යයේ නම් ප්‍රචාරයක් ලැබුණේ නැහැ. ජනමාධ්‍ය පඬියන්ට ඒ කාරණා වැදගත් නැහැ. ඔවුනුත් ක්‍රියා කරන්නේ යම් දේශපාලන න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකට එකඟවයි. මේ සාච්ඡාව ගැන මහින්ද නම් දැන සිටියා. එක් අවස්ථාවක පිරිසක් මහින්ද හමුවීමේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය අනුකමිටු හයෙන් අස්වුණා. එහෙත් මෙහෙයුම් කමිටුවෙන් අස්වුණේ නැහැ.

අද වන විට මහානායක හාමුදුරුවරුන් ද නව ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් සම්පාදනය කිරීමට විරුද්ධත්වය ප්‍රකාශ කරලා. මා කලින් දවසක කියා ඇති පරිදි භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ සම්ප්‍රදායට අනුව  සිංහල බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍යයේ එක් අංගයක්. ඩොයිලි ඒ සම්ප්‍රදාය කැඩූ නිසා ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට  මහානායක හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ ප්‍රකාශය වැදගත් නැද්ද? එය වැදගත් වන්නේ කාට ද කියන ප්‍රශ්නය අසන්න වෙනවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය තමන් පෙනී සිටින්නේ කා වෙනුවෙන් දැයි ප්‍රකාශ කරන්නේ නම් හොඳයි. එහි උපදේශකයන් හා තීරණ ගන්නා අය අතර ජාතිකත්වයට වඩා බොරු සමාජවාදය අගයන පිරිස් ඉන්නවා. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේට වඳිමින් ඩොයිලි අනුගමනය කරනවා.

ජා නි පෙ ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයෙන් අස්වීම නිසා දැන් ඒ මණ්ඩලය සියළු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ මණ්ඩලයක් වන්නේ නැහැ. කිසිවකුට කිසිම මන්ත්‍රීවරයකුට එහි සාමාජිකයකු වීමට කියා බල කරන්න බැහැ. එකි මණ්ඩලයෙන් අස් වූ පමණින් මන්ත්‍රීකම අහෝසි වන්නේත් නැහැ. ඒ මණ්ඩලය පිහිටෙව්වේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ගෙනෙන ලද යෝජනාවක් මගින්. එයට විරුද්ධවීමේ අයිතිය ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයට තිබුණා. එමෙන් ම මණ්ඩලය පිහිටුවා ගත් පසු එයින් අස්වීමේ අයිතිය ද ඕනෑම මන්ත්‍රීවරයකුට තියෙනවා. අස් වූ පමණින් මන්ත්‍රී ධුරය අහෝසි නොවුණත් මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කිහිප දෙනකු අස්වීමෙන් පසු එය සියළු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ මණ්ඩලයක් බවට පත්වන්නේ නැහැ. එහි වලංගු භාවයක් නැහැ.

රනිල්ට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඉක්මවා යැමට නම් සියළු ම්න්ත්‍රිවරුන්ගෙන් සමන්විත ඊනියා ව්‍යවස්ථා මණ්ඩලයක් අවශ්‍ය ව තිබුණා. දැන් එය නැහැ. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයත් අස් වී නම් ඒ තවත් අගෙයි. එහෙත් ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය තොරතුරු දැන ගැනීමට කියමින් එකි මණ්ඩලයේ රැඳී සිටිනවා. තොරතුරු දැන ගැනීමට මණ්ඩලයේ රැඳී සිටින්න ඕන නැහැ. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂය අමාත්‍ය මණ්ඩල තොරතුරු ලබා ගන්නේ කෙසේ ද? ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයවත් පොහොට්ටු පක්‍ෂයවත් තවදුරටත් අපට බොරු කරන්න ඕන නැහැ.

නලින් ද සිල්වා

2017 ජූලි 20

C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B, Ph.D.

(This essay was written 13 years ago, in support of the JHU when it was formed. Because of the failure of JHU to deliver what the late Ven. Soma envisaged, BBS came to agitate on behalf of disillusioned masses. After the Asgiriya Declaration on June 20, 2017 and the notice given on July 4^th to the government, whether one likes it or not, a new era of conflict between the temple and the black-whites of Sri Lanka has arisen. This essay contains lots of facts that could help in understanding the path Asgiriya-led Buddhist revolt needs to take. The original long essay is divided into two parts).

Part-I

The Buddhists wish—and quite rightly—that in this country where they form 70 percent of the population, Buddhism should be recognized as the predominant religion of the people. In the rest of the world, Ceylon is regarded as essentially a Buddhist country, and they want this claim established here as well…They will not be content to remain in the position of inferiority to which they have been reduced by 450 years of foreign occupation… They have no desire to make Buddhism the State religion—in spite of the cry raised by self-seeking politicians— but they want the State to help them rehabilitate themselves and undo some, at least, of the injustices perpetrated against them during the days of their subjection.”

(quoted from a speech by Professor Gunapala Malalasekera, President of ACBC reproduced in Times of Ceylon, January 15, 1956, and referenced on page 196 of the book, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation,”  by W. H. Wriggins, Princeton Univ. Press,1960)

Give me 20 good ministers and 1000 honest officers and I will develop this country”

President of Sri Lanka (January 2004)

Introduction

I agree with Dr. Nath Amarakoon that the JHU is the beginning of a liberation struggle (Divaina, March 10, 2004). I think it is an inevitable reaction to the anti-Mahavamsa movement and the need to have a Buddhist voice” (beachhead?) in a parliament of a country which has a constitution which states that it will give Buddhism a (the?) foremost place! JHU is a ray of hope against economic and social mismanagement of a beautiful island by a black white Christian-dominated ruling class which allowed NGOs to unethically convert the poor, who were kept poor by the ruling class itself. I also agree with the several advance warnings given to JHU by Malinda Seneviratne (Island, March 10). One does not have to agree 100% with the JSS declaration to support JHU. I think JHU decision to contest on April, 2^nd, was a gift from the God Vishnu to Sri Lanka. I believe in the Mahavamsa story of the Lord Buddha requesting God Vishnu to take care” of Sri Lanka. No other country could have survived the betrayals by the UNP, SLFP, GLP, RanilW, RPrema, JRJ, CBK, AnuraB, MangalaS, Tilak Mara, and Milinda Mora or the stupid loss of the Elephant Pass, airport disaster, army not allowed to take tactical decision by political uncles, the killing of Denzil Kobbekaduwa or the Millennium safety house raid coup without divine intervention.

But first let me cut the cheese or pierce the veil of hypocrisy of at least some lay Buddhists. We must avoid politically correct words and say a spade a spade— No vahen horos. One cannot take medicine hiding it from the throat. Instead of asking the same old questions of vinaya we must ask new questions. Why is JHU contesting elections? Because, no layman or a woman or a team of laity, for that matter, could provide a voice for the Sinhala Buddhists. We thought either Dinesh Gunawardena or Mahinda Rajapakse or both of them together could or would do it. The JRJ electoral system, perhaps was too much for these two to handle or they have lot of past bad political baggage, the former from his father and the latter from his party. The fear of knock on the door in the middle of the night (Richard Zoysa syndrome) or black cats on the road in daylight (Ranjan Wijeratne syndrome) could be another reason for non-leadership. The rumor that some Colombo companies maintain a file on some politicians to blackmail them if they wonder beyond the perimeter permitted could be another reason. Some others think that they are safe because they changed their fence into a brick wall or raise the height of the existing wall. Those who have earned some status and comforts give the excuse that the country is beyond salvage. Ven. Soma did social work for 30 years, but he gradually evolved into a potential presidential candidate because he had to fill a vacuum. He told my friend before his death that he has nothing to fear as he has nothing to lose, no children, no wife to cry. JHU took this responsibility after his sudden departure. I challenge anybody to disprove facts in this paragraph. Perhaps the lay and monk hypocrites could learn an ethics lesson from the rationale behind decision of the Amarapura Sangha Sabha for its neutrality on the subject (Divaina, March 12).

Professor Nalin de Silva doubts whether one could accept the claim by JHU that the downfall of the sun god (Prabakaran) was influenced by JHU’s decision to contest at the general election. I have no doubt that it was one of the reasons and definitely the only reason for its timing. It was predicted by an Island news item as back as on May 3, 2002. (Island, March 8, 2004). Who knows if the Indian RAW or the American CIA or the Israel Mossad were behind it?  But one thing is clear. The CBK- RanilW-GLP crowds are puppets and prisoners in the hands of the king makers of the west (KMW). These local black whites go to KMWs with a begging bowl. The KMWs in turn are using the local black white agents to continue economic colonization via globalization, free market trade, privatization, World Bank, IMF, ADB and the EC of Chris Patten. The binding thread in all of this is the goal of the Pope enunciated during his visit to India (converting Asia to Christianity in the new millennium). His propaganda minister in charge of this project lives in Ratnapura who sits on top of Vatican millions.  Apparently, God Saman is sleeping! The intellectual backing for Pope’s declaration came form the book, The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order,” by S. P. Huntington, 1997.

The war mudalalis who became the latest somebodies (read Vishaka Kumari  Jayawardena, Nobodies to Somebodies: The rise of the colonial bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka, 2000 ) by the war supply industry and the peace mudalalis who get money and trips from NGOs for writing essays, booklets and organizing seminars against the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinists (Paul Harris was a white-skin chauvinist who was deported from Sri Lanka by Anton Balasinham) are against JHU on vinaya” grounds. The two mahanayakes in Kandy also opposed the JHU path. In the 1860s-1880s, it was the southern and western coastal monks who protected Buddhists and Buddhism. The Kotte mahanayaka who has a Catholic as his chief dayaka (may be he changed a Catholic politicians into a Catholic Buddhist) is also against the JHU.

World History and Sri Lanka History

Some say the history of the humans is the history of water or energy use. Others say that the most significant human invention is the wheel or the screw (nail). Some others say that the idea of a corporate person is the invention that revolutionalized the world (How the west grew rich: the economic transformation of the industrial world, N.Rosenberg and L. E. Birdzell, 1986, p. 167). The physical equivalent of this is the human cloning in vogue in 2004. Enron and other corporate criminals prove to the world the power of this idea. Human concepts help us understand how the world works. We have to be able to see the forest as well as the trees. This is the holistic approach. Humans are different from animals because they have libraries. Human progress was possible because they tried to understand phenomena by classification and simplification: maintain order (entropy) from the tendency toward randomness (chaos).

The history of the world is a history of about 5% controlling the rest, 95-99%. This is true with regard to a village, town, province, country, continent or the world. When this class wanted spices and silk, and when the road was blocked by the Arabs, Columbus went looking for another route to India. Today when we think of globalization—when two ships cross the pacific, one taking wood from Minnesota to Japan, the other bringing tooth picks made out of that wood to USA— ( The case against the global economy: and for a turn toward the local, J. Mander and E. Goldsmith (eds.) 1996) it is nothing but the rich and the powerful getting what they want at the expense of anything, Sinharaja Forest, Basumati rice plants in India, herbal medicinal plants in Sri Lanka, Eppawala deposits, innocense of village girls lost for tourism or the moral responsibility of taking care of old parents. The new exploitation system has a dimension which is not new but aggressive and all encompassing. During the Korean War General Mc Arthur welcomed shiploads of Bibles to Japan and Korea, and after the collapse of the Berlin Wall USA groups shipped planeloads of Bibles and evangelical dollars. With a declaration by the Pope, that the goal for the 21^st century is to convert Asia in to Christianity free trade NGOs came with paid Korean workers for conversions. History repeats. Vasco da Gama came with a sword (now dollars) in one hand and a Bible (now Korean Jehova’s witnesses) in the other!

The vehicle used to introduce and perpetuate this local-global control system operated by the ruling classes is the law. Laws passed by the rich and the powerful. It is illegal to do this or that means people are not allowed to obstruct or object to the norms and life styles of the rich in the West or the black whites in India or Sri Lanka. Very rarely the court system, as the legal police deviate from the task assigned to them to interpret the law.

A relative of mine who began his public service as a founding member of the rural (development) credit unit of the new People’s Bank who retired after 40 years of rural credit work with farmers in the country told me recently that the ruling class and local MPs work together in a system which is designed to keep the farmers just at the bare subsistence level so that the farmers are neither happy nor unhappy! A farmer who is inventive and industrious becomes a miss fit. Farmers learn quickly to follow the system and become dependents of the government dole. So, the rural credit given to them becomes a taxpayer liability for which governments will beg foreign aid. Remarkably, the local MP becomes the new feudal lord in the village because he can control the government dole.

In Ceylon, the 5% ruling minority was even less than 1%. About 200 families became translators and spies to the Dutch and the English and became mudaliyars. They were the ancestors of JRJ and CBK. Then after 1830, a new group of mudaliyars came with the money collected from arrack rent, starting with the Soysas of Moratuwa. Other new economic opportunities, construction work, government supply contracts, graphite, coffee, tea, rubber, coconut, Tobacco (Jaffna) added some more new families. Their children went to London and came as the educated” class. Poor people got drunk, arrack often adulterated, and the crown lands laws took villagers traditional chena lands so that the new class can buy them for criminally low prices. How can a villager in Kandyan village prove that he has the title as required by the new laws passed by whites and black whites in Colombo?

The so-called independence movement was a begging process to the white man to give the brown man a share in the government and in the CCS or a clerks’ job. This class always objected to giving any concessions to the masses whether it was free education, Vesak as a public holiday or the universal suffrage. It is amazing that the defenders of the masses were some white men such as the American, Olcott, the Burgher, Alfred Edward Buultjens (1865-1916), the Indian, Dr. P. M. Lisboa Pinto (1857-98), the Englishman former GA, W H. Freeman or the Donoughmore commissioner Dr. Drummond Shiels. The white government agents were the guardians of villagers. Local black whites joined with the colonial masters in the exploitation of labor, Indian coolies in the tea estates in semi-slavery condition or workers in the graphite mines. The proposal to import Irish labor was abandoned due to high shipping cost. It was amazing that no London newspaper spoke of Indian labor exploitation until the plantation were nationalized in the 1970s. A higher wage rate for workers was always resisted. Today these same rulers use the money remitted by housemaids and janitors working under semi-slavery conditions in Arab hot climates covering one-third of the budget revenue and to import luxury cars or to send children aboard. This kind of derogation of human dignity of the Sinhala Buddhist men and women from rural areas is no concern for the rich class.

As long as the masses were not involved in the picture the fight from time to time was between Christianity and Buddhism. But after 1924 when territorial, as opposed to ethnicity based nominations, became the new trend, especially after 1931, the ruling class became Buddhists” and created a new clash between the Sinhala and the Tamil. The aim of the ruling class was to stay in power copying the divide and rule policy the colonial masters applied to them previously. Today the Sinhala Buddhists are blamed as chauvinists by the very people who in the first place created an ethnic problem and planted this seed in the body politic. Sheer inefficiency, stupidity, deliberate sabotage, selfish family interests are the adjectives one can use to describe the behavior of the leaders of the UNP, SLFP, LSSP, CP, FP, TULF. Because of the corruption of the ruling class, rural and urban masses are in abject poverty and Christian NGOs are trying light cigarettes from their burning beards. Instead of catching fish one by one Korean-run Evangelists paid workers want to show more statistics for more bonus money, and they tried to empty the pond and take all the fish! The local MP was happy and kept a blind eye, as long as his voters got some money, bread and toys. But the entire system blew up.  It was not Ven. Soma’s death, but his funeral which rattled the system. A volcano has erupted after 25, 40 years of build up. As Marx so rightly said, everything solid melts in to thin air.” Just like cycles of production becomes desolate and ghost” towns or damaged polluted environment is the physical evidence of the inevitable melting process, the black white-based, Colombo-based system is melting (the Colombo paradigm).

And the JHU is the fire. When a politician came to Ven. Soma’s funeral wearing red blue or green color, people forced him to wear a white cloth. This is people power. Not a single pair of slippers lost or stolen. Volunteers gave food and drinks to thousands all wearing white cloth, a sea of peace and tranquility. This is people energy. A recent Christian convert distributed an ugly pamphlet, yet he could not disturb the peace. This is discipline and wisdom of the ordinary people. Compare this with covering the body of Mrs. B with a blue saari? One of the Kandy Mahanayakes said, this was a sign of end of Buddhism in SLFP, because Buddhists never cover a dead body of a woman with any color other than white. In the other world there are no political parties! The only other time people power or the power of youth was recorded was when Anuruddha Ratwatte told an agitated Prins Gunasekera, don’t worry, boys will take care of it.” The big rally and the meeting was to be held the next day but Prins G did not see any preparations even at the eleventh hour. The boys here were the JVP supporters who had the ability to distribute posters all over the island in one night. No government will succeed without this spirit and dedication of the ordinary people.

Bikku Nagasena and Sasanka Perera of the ICES

Of all kinds of crocodile tears shed (Wikremabahu- Sri Lanka will be a country of Idi Amin or pol pot [Island, March 5]; Tisaranee Gunasekera- The Saffron Slate will help Prabakaran to get his country soon [Lanka Academic, March 7]) the most unfortunate was by professor Sasanka who also works for the NGO-funded international center for ethnic studies. Sasanka objects to JHU based on what Bikku Nagasena told the King Milinda as recorded in an ancient Indian Buddhist text, the Milinda Panna.” He says that a Buddhist theocracy would come out of the path taken by JHU. He does not cite Ven. Rerukane Chandawimala or ven. Balangoda Ananda Maitriya, but goes to the heart” of ancient Buddhist texts, a kind of cutting pork on the body of the pig.”  This I consider as one approach used by the anti-Mahavansa intellectuals and it is time that we take this bull by the horns.” Fortunately, he did not quote from the Visuddi Magga!

Two years ago I obtained a copy of the Milinda Panna from the 75-year old chief priest of Walane Siri Siddhartharamaya, Panadura (established by Ven. Walane Siddhartha [1811-1868], who started Ratmalane Parama Dhamma Chetiya Pirivena, whose students later established the Vidyodaya [1873] and Vidyanlakara [1875] Pirivenas), and asked him to help me with several questions. The text states, that King Vessantara knew before-hand that his two children he donated to the beggar would soon be rescued by his father (children’s grandfather), and that he only created temporary pain” for his children! To me this was cheating at the highest spiritual level.”  The reply from the chief priest was, that the book (text) (written much later than the time Sasanka has assigned to it) had Mahayana influence and the aim of the text was to somehow win the debate (with the Greek-Bactrian king) and that logic is different from truth.” So many arguments used by Ven. Gunanada at the Panadura Waadaya (August 1873) were just arguments and was neither truth nor philosophy. For example, when the question of the forbidden tree” was raised, Ven. Gunananda retorted, so we heard when we were teenagers, …you can see it in between your legs if you bend down and look up.” New York City newspapers did not report this humor or rumor or logic. Even those American senatorial and presidential debates between Lincoln and Douglas started in 1858 had lot of logic (and not truth). Was it not logic which made it possible for Bahu and Vasu to sit with Ranil on stage?

Thus, when a Milinda asked a Nagasena, How come a Bodhisatva could create intentional pain to others?”—to his two children— the logical (politically correct) reply was that he knew it was going to be a purely temporary affair; it was logic and not truth or morals. The point is that Sasanka, (and Bahu also wrote about Buddhism and Marxism, Sunday Observer, December 28, 1997) if he read the text with a critical eye would have noticed the flaws in the text, and refrained from using this text as the Bible for his very unfortunate opinion. Is this a case of little learning is dangerous or something else? In my assessment either king Milinda was a fool to accept this answer or the writer who later penned this text somewhere in India was eyeing for professors like Sasanka.

When the academician Sasanka (as opposed to the politician Bahu) states that a Buddhist theocracy will be the result of the monk’s movement, he equates Ven. Ellawala Medahnanda with the Ayatolla Komenis of Iran or Iraq, Gadafi or Mullahs of Pakistan who issued edicts on Salman Rushdy’s head. This is fodder for Prbakaran’s propaganda machine!

Those who see Buddhism through a Buddharakkitha-Wimala glass or the two chief priests of Kandy or the Kotte priest who has a Catholic as his chief dayakaya, and those who are ignorant of the concepts of impermanence, Dukkha and the approach of Ehi Passiko in Buddhism could accuse monks of heresy or theocracy. Even Ven. Soma was an example of Anichcha.  In 2003 when a recent convert from Buddhism tells a Buddhist monk that he cannot enter the former’s office and pollute” God’s kingdom that is theocracy. In the 1950s-60s when we were not allowed to study Buddhism as a subject in Catholic public schools, but Catholic students went and kissed the ring of the Archbishop at prize-giving ceremonies, we did not realize that we were in a theocracy. When NGO-paid Christian workers get new converts to demolish and then urinate on broken pieces of Buddha statutes that is theocracy. Such acts are legal and receive police protection.

Sasanka also continues a new fashion discernible amongst a new generation of writers in Sri Lanka, that of citing retired Ceylon Civil Service men as the repository of wisdom and knowledge of Sri Lanka, a kind of old wine in old bottles. Premadasa’s Wijedasa was perhaps the only CCS man who wrote something useful in the tradition of Leonard Woolf, titled The Homeland Myth,” (1999) (Divaina, August 10, 2003). In a previous essay, the Christian writer C. A. Chandraprema, on the advice of Amara Hewa Madduma, a retired CCS, used Gurulugomi (In the foot-steps of Gurulugomi [Island, Jan 29, 2001]; Gurulugomi to the rescue [Island, April 13, 2001], as an authority to justify the re-enthronement of the English language in Sri Lanka led by Tara de Mel, who was an admirer of Fidel Castro’s educational system. The Forbes magazine reports that Castro has an estimated $ 150 million in assets. The not so young Milinda Moragoda’s book, written for him by the retired CCS M. D. D. Peiris is a classic example of what villagers call a pussa binda vage”, noise by two empty vessels. Bradman Weerakoon has become an expert on ancient Sri Lankan flags.

The Anti-Mahavamsa Movement

I consider Sasanka as the latest manifestation of the now-you-see-now-you-don’t, anti-Mahavamsa movement which started with the Portuguese looting and burning the Buddhist temples and pirivenas in Sri Lanka. Because there was an institution called the Buddhist temple protected the religion and the nation, the Portuguese, Dutch or the English could not do to Sri Lanka what Columbus and Cortez did to the Incas of Central America. The famous Banagala monk smuggled” books under the belly of an elephant to protect them from king Rajasinghe, gone mad because the monks refused to kiss his ring. This was not possible in the Philippine Islands when Bibles and evangelists came by shiploads in the 1940s because there were no monks or temples.  Even when Sri Lankan monks faced such decadence where they were called ganinnanse,” they kept the Buddhist texts preserved despite having concubines and children next to them. When authors write about the Irish or the Jews as preservers of civilization, Sri Lanka is a tiny island in the world where Theravada Buddhism is preserved in its pristine state. As Arthur C. Clark predicts Buddhism may be the only religion that would survive in an age of human cloning, and libraries will have Buddhist philosophy in bookshelves or on CD ROMs, but if Buddhism is wiped out from Sri Lanka like in India or Korea, then we will lose a 2500-year heritage.

In the 1960s a group of Marxist-bent Sri Lankan intellectuals removed history and geography (history is past geography) from the school curricula. A Marga (Mara) publication in 1998 suggested the removal of teaching about the king Dutugemunu from Buddhist pirivenas for young monks (Some Marxists called king Dutugemunu a fool of bricks” [for erecting the Ruwanweli Maha saaya]). These English language publications are mainly read by foreign embassies in Colombo, finance ministers and aid agencies in the West, and they have become fodder for the Tamil terrorists in their propagahttp://nation.lk/online/2017/07/22/lankans-unite-in-uk.htmlnda war. Most former FP MPs and Prabakaran are Christians. In 1979-80 Prbakakaran’s cousin was with me in Canada, and he once told me we do not want monks in yellow robes roaming in Jaffna and we do not want Wesak as a public holiday.”  When the Legislative Council debated the motion presented by a Hindu Tamil (P. Ramanathan) to make Wesak a public holiday in the colonial Ceylon, with the backing of an American Olcott, the Sinhala representative A. L. de Alwis, a Christian, opposed it. The Governor Gordon who was for the motion said he was embarrassed by de Alwis’ behavior. When the World Wesak Day was declared by the UN, the Sri Lankan representative de Saram, (a descendent of de Alwis?) gave a speech with wrong estimates of the number of Buddhists in the world.

Blame the Sinhala Buddhist paradigm of anthropology professors

In a landmark book, the electrical engineer turned sociologist Susantha Goonatilake opened our eyes to the nature and the level of anti-Mahavamsa activities taking place in the world scene operated by a group of professors scratching each others backs in the process (Anthropologizing Sri Lanka: A Eurocentric Misadventure, 2001). These professors developed a paradigm that could be called the Blame the Sinhala Buddhist” paradigm.  Sasanka takes this paradigm to its zenith. He becomes an agent of a Boston-Colombo axis. This group living in and around Boston once tricked the Massachusetts Legislature to pass a resolution: Massachusetts House Journal for 1979, page 977 reads: … Resolution memorializing the President and the Congress to protest and utilize the powers of their offices to rectify the gross injustices which have been inhumanely inflicted on the Tamils of Sri Lanka.” This was when Amirthalingam was the Leader of the Opposition. The son-in-law of SJV Chelvanayagam, A. J. Wilson (Christian) was a leader of this group and S. J Tambiah (Christian) of the Buddhism Betrayed fame must be still active. Heraliyawala Liyanage Seneviratne (HLS), dedicated his masterpiece, the Work of Kings, to Tambiah and Gananath Obeysekera (son of an ayurvedic physician from Galle).

I consider this group as naked professors” because they follow a strategy of not responding to the e-mails sent to them. For example, I asked Tambiah why he did not mention the 1958 JRJ march against concessions to Tamils or the 1962 Coup in his book while he mentioned the 1966 false coup attributed to a Buddhist monk. Similarly, I did not hear from Steven Kemper of Bates University (near Boston) who gave a certificate of exoneration to Tambiah’s Buddhism Betrayed because HLS, a Sinhala Buddhist, in his book the Work of Kings” had endorsed Tambiah’s thesis. Silence has become golden for them after the emperors heard that they have no clothe!

In the work of kings” (1999), HLS alleges that problems of Sri Lanka today, especially Tamil terrorism, was a result of the bad work” done by two monks, Ven. Yakkaduwe and Ven. Rahula. I asked HLS by e-mail, whether he gave an opportunity to Ven. Rahula to explain or answer his allegation because in his book HLS thanked Ven. Rahula for helping him with documents and ideas! I never heard from him. I asked this question especially because, I heard a story that Ven. Rahula told both Mrs. B and JRJ at a public meeting that the UNP and the SLFP ruined the country.

The history of this paradigm shows a cruel pattern of evolution based on back scratching and the kissing … For example, in step 4, step 1 is given side-support. In my view this book could be called the work of queens, because its aim is worse than the aim of the work of kings. In step 5, all the previous steps culminated with Ven. Walpola Rahula and Ven. Yakkaduwe Pragnarama as the fall guys:

1940s- King Dutugemunu a fool of bricks (some Marxists)

1960s- Tambiah, a Tamil Christian went to Thailand to study Theravada  Buddhism

1970- Obeyesekere’s Protestant Buddhism” idea   (step 1) Marga Inst of Godfrey G formed

1979- Fooling Massachusetts Legislature (Boston Cell)

1980- AJ Wilson – The Gaulist system in Asia

1985- Vishaka Kumari J – Ethnic and Class Conflicts in SL

1986- Tambiah – Sri Lanka Ethnic Fracticide

1988- Hellman-Rasanayagam..  Obeyesekere & Gombrich – Buddhism Transformed

(Buddhist Fundamentalism)       (step 2)

1992- Tambiah – Buddhism Betrayed         (step 3)

1997- D. Nesiah – (Tambiah’s student) – Discrimination

1998- Tessa B and CRde Silva – Buddhist Fundamentalism    (step 4)

Marga Booklet

1999- HL Seneviratna – the Work of Kings              (step 5)

2001- Steven Kemper –Book review of the work of kings

2002- G Obeysekera –Sri Lankan history belongs primarily

To Vadda

• HLS Seminar on the topic Nationalist thought and identity politics: the Jatika Chintanaya movement of Sri Lanka and its antecedents,” given at The University of Texas, Austin (September 26)

2004- Sasanka Perera – Buddhist Theocracy                    (step 6)

2004- Wikremabahu and Idi Amin

2004- J Uyangoda, an elitist group of monks                   (step 6B)

(Daily Mirror, Feb 26)

In Sri Lanka, very few people escape from being accused as CIA agents. Sarvodaya and Marga Inst had this label. A Boston professor was once accused of being on the CIA payroll. For suggesting a change of SU’s name I was accused, of all the people, working as a RanilW agent. Fortunately for me the accuser later sent me a glowing praise. The evolving stages of the above paradigm were in line with the description of Sri Lanka’s ethnic issue by the western press as a Hindu-Buddhist religious war. Westerners who suffered from religious wars hate religious wars. While western reporters could be excused as biased or ignorant, that is not the case with farmers’ and ayurvedic physicians’ sons who are now anthropology professors. One-third of a Buddhist temple space is devoted to Hindi gods and goddesses. Anthropology professors and their white students who come to defend them (example: Caitrin Lynch (Bates University) who came to defend Tambiah’s Lie in June 22, 2002) should do field work on this interface.

The Black white paradigm (Mano-Malik discussions)

The alternative to this anthropology-history paradigm developed by the Boston-Colombo axis is the Black White paradigm—about 200 political families mismanaged and ruined Sri Lanka. This English-educated, western-trained-mostly Christian, Colombo-living Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim class of the rich and the powerful has lived within a radius of 2 miles of Colombo 7. The evidence for this paradigm comes from 3 books by Kumari Jayawardena [The Rise of the labour Movement in Ceylon, 1972; Ethnic and Class Conflicts in Sri Lanka, 1985; Nobodies to Somebodies: The rise of colonial bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka, 2000] and the marathon book on JRJ (1988) co-authored by K. M. de Silva, the head of ICES. In short, the British-worshiping political families first acted against Buddhist interests as they were all Christians. But after 1924, the former Christians began to get Buddhist” labels and concocted a new rift between Sinhalese and Tamils masses. For example, in 1958 UNP leader opposed giving reasonable use to the Tamil language; in 1968 SLFP-LSSP-CP leaders opposed it. I cannot understand how some remnants of LSSP now cite Colvin’s formula one language two countries, two languages one country” as gospel truth when Colvin himself opposed it as a mature politician in 1968? Ronnie de Mel is the best example of this black white paradigm, how the dowry rich and the powerful used the political system to thrive by deceiving people pretending that they are saviors of democracy.

Tambiah in Buddhsim Betrayed never mentions JR Jayawardena’s 1958 march against the Reasonable Use of Tamil Law, when even JRJ later admitted his selfish/destructive act. T also failed to mention the 1968 march by NM-Colvin-Leslie, when JRJ tried to implement what he marched against in 1958. Colvin who said two languages one country-one language two countries was not a Marxist but one from the 100 or so ruling families. In 1958, UNP of JRJ had 40% of the vote and he, not the Sinhala extremists who spoilt the cake. T mentioned the 1966 bogus coup where Dodampe Mudalali was killed by JRJ, but he never mentioned the real coup of 1962 by the Christian police and navy officers. Several high ranking Christian Tamils took part in this and it was averted because of a Sinhala Buddhist police officer, Stanley Senanayake, who refused to remove a government by illegal means. Why anthropology or history professors did not see this basic fact is beyond my comprehension.

Starting with G. C. Mendis, the history department of the University of Ceylon was Christian-dominated, and these historians, including K. M. de Silva (Michael Roberts, Leslie Gunawardena, Ronnie de Mel are all first class history honors graduates), never wrote even a paragraph stating that Sri Lanka’s problems are problems created by the black white class. Ironically, the first historian to research on this topic was a former American Peace Corp student from America who was stationed at Matale. In 1973, he submitted a doctoral dissertation titled, The transformation of a colonial elite: the mudaliyars of nineteenth century Ceylon” (Professor Patrick Peebles).  In his co-authored marathon biography on JRJ, K. M. de Silva reveals everything, including Dudley’s lying about the Christian Tamil Military Police officer coup in 1962, but never presents the fact that those coming from the Attygalle inheritance were the real culprits of Sri Lanka’s present agony. Philip Gunawardena once said this to John Kotalawala in the State Council and John hit Philip on the head in a cowardly manner.

The black white black hole

The creation process of black whites is like a black hole. The system sucks in people and some are victims with no choice. A government officer who came from Hambantota to Colombo, somehow buy even a postage stamp-size plot of land near Colombo to send his children to a Colombo school. If he does not get into the system he will suffer.  Nobodies must become somebodies, by taking bribes, leaking information or copying files to NGOs. An inferiority complex sets in and the new village boys in Colombo becomes worse that the boys born in Colombo 7. Thus, RanilW may not be as bad as a Banda from Mahiyangana after all. Children from a person from the Poramadulla Central or a minister who was in the JVP could act with a mind set to outsmart the children of say a justice minister came from the Royal College. When the old guard dies new people come with NGO money, cuts from privatization deals, arms trade etc. Thus, when old solid things melt, new solid things are created. Just imagine what had happened to R Prema. As a young man, as told by AnruaB in the parliament, he sold lavaria on the street. But he used to give talks at Sunday schools that my close relative in Kotte told me that young listeners went home and removed their trousers and came back wearing a national dress (white saron and shirt), which the American Ambassador Ashley Wills wore when he was given a farewell dinner by the President (Island, June 16, 2003). But what happened to this RPrema as a ruler and ultimately as the President? What a marvelous achievement to come from the street and become the president of the country. But the black hole sucked him in, madness set in and he vanished in to thin air.

While new families are added the children of the old are engaged in a character certificate business. Thus, Wickrema Weerasooriya writes about the services of his father to the Kandyan Peasantry Commission. But the peasants are starving! T. D. S. A. Dissanayaka writes about the Buddhist” coup of 1962 of his father. No coup participant was allowed take weapons with them! Arjuna Hulugalla wants to serve with a grassroots level political system. Charlie Mahendra’s son is busy with blaming the change to mother tongues. Pinto Moragoda’s son is writing books. I wonder what all these people have told their children about the JHU?

The Black Whites and Buddhism

Some time ago a Carlo (for villagers Karolis) asked two Dasas (Dharmadasa and Buddhadasa) to define who is a black white. Mexico provides an easy answer to this question. There some people are called coconuts, white inside and brown outside. When Macaulay described his idea of creating Brown Britains in India, in the 1830s, he was thinking exactly of Mexican coconuts. It was and is a frame of mind: A feeling of inferiority complex which made Bandaranayakes, Obeysekeras, Soysas, Jayawardenas, Muttu Kumaraswamys and Senenayakas to worship the white skin in 1848, 1915 or 1948 or Liam-Fox agreement, Norway worship or the myth of an international safety net of law book writer GLP in 2002. If colonialism was inevitable, I consider I was fortunate that my grand parents came under the British rather than the Portuguese, French or the Belgians. Gandhi once said that if not India he would live in London. Karl Marx’ tomb is safe in England without a single sentry to protect it. But if colonialism is continued right into 2004, it was not by actions of neither Lord Nelson nor the general Cecil Rhodes but because of the brain of Macaulay. He had such misunderstanding of Asian culture, because he asked, …who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole literature of India and Arabia.” (Macaulay: The Shaping of the Historian, John Clive, 1973, page 372).  But the Indian Penal Code that he developed (Ceylon Penal code was a copy of this) was evidence of his understanding with surgical precision the Indian and Sri Lankan mentality to convert them to a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. (page 376).”  Is this not why we invite Prince Charles or Chris Patten? Macaulay planted the seed in 1834.

On the advice of Sir Ivor Jennings, DSS, the first prime minister, who had a Christian wife, once said that there was no Buddhist precept of I Take Refuge of the Government [Aanduwa Saranam Gachchami].” Jennings was a white-white, but to a black white like DSS, Gunapala Malalasekera’s statement above was nothing but Greek. The irony of this advice was that those political families who ran the governments from 1948-2004, took political mileage (Refuge) out of Buddhism projecting themselves as baby god Vishnu’s. In March1946 when DSS came forward as the protector (owner) of Buddhism, Ven. Yakkaduwe Pragnarama told him bluntly, …Sir, you protect your varige (clan), and the Mahanayakes will protect Buddhism and we will protect Vidyalankara” (The Work of Kings, H. L. Seneviratne, page 140). The most recent black white trick is to start their vyapare (campaign) either at the Dalada Maligawa or the Sri Maha Bodhi, and rush back to Colombo 7 in the night. Are they prepared to move the capital of Sri Lanka to the Raja Rata, so that a presidential palace could be built not in a swamp in Kotte but above the Kala Wewa?

Buddhists never discriminated against other religions. Buddhists never objected to other religions unless and until their goodness and tolerance was abused. The Panadura Waadaya was due to a demand made by the Sinhala Christian priests. Buddhist temples did in remote Ceylon in the past gone to the extent of giving food and lodging to Catholic priests who went on circuit looking for new recruits (just imagine the ehi passiko power of confidence in this act. In a temple no dinner is served usually). The center of ancient Buddhist civilization, Anuradhapura, voted in 1931 for a white man (W H Freeman) as their first elected representative? And he came uncontested in 1936. The second general secretary of SLFP after Nimal Karunatileke, was a Catholic, W. J. C. Munasighe, nominated by a Buddhist priest? How many know that Kelaniya, a place Lord Buddha was said to have visited elected repeatedly a Catholic, R. S. Perera as its MP? In a by-election for the Rambukkana seat, people voted for a Christian Siva Obeysekera, instead of a professor of Buddhist Philosophy W. S. Karunaratne. Buddhist monks did not approach Dr. Ambedkar in India asking him to consider converting Dalits to Buddhism. He became a Buddhist following ehi passiko. When math professor Sunderalingam was playing havoc with the hari janas in Jaffna (some think these people were originally Sinhala), Buddhist monks did not try to go and convert them to Buddhism.

Except for Premadasa, and an accidental one or two, all of Sri Lanka’s PMs and Presidents either came from Christian families, had a Christian in the bedroom or in the house. Buddhist never worried about this until after the 2000, when it became so blatantly clear that the Christians have invaded the cabinet. Sinhala Buddhists were under minority control for 500 yrs, and during 1956-59, there was a three-year break. But it ended with death to its midwife, and we do not know who killed him. This is just like the death of the American President JFK. The 1962 Coup however gives an indication of what could have happened. One of the coup officers gave as a reason for his frustration SWRD’s order to him, Let them come in.” The officer was trying to prevent people rushing to the parliament chamber after the ape anduwa” victory in 1956. Another officer disliked the villagers telling the officer that the army jeeps are people’s property and not of the army officers. Sir John did the best by kicking M. S. Themis on the butt on the steps of the parliament building.

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

A local Sunday paper, on 18 June 2017 carried an article on the (Galle) Ruhunu Cement Plant’s (RCP) Golden Anniversary, quoting several of the old employees’ memories and experiences from the time of its beginnings as a State-owned enterprise. RCP was initially set up under the Factories Act of Parliament in 1954; today under a private company name ‘INSEE’, it has become the manufacturer of premium brands of cement, which have the highest market share and the largest customer base in the South.

While going through my archives of old newspapers, I came across an editorial in a Sinhala newspaper of 31 May 1989, which focussed on the Ruhunu Cement Plant that was described as a State Corporation that has had an increase of 35 per cent in production due to the management-worker cooperation, unity and dedication, introduced by a new dynamic and young General Manager who devised and introduced new concepts of organizing ‘working committees’ formed out of the workforces that induced the progress as much as stimulated the workers, thereby improving worker attendance towards a mutual advantage.

The young General Manager referred to in that editorial was Ananda Karunarathne, who is known to the writer. Ananda having read the Sunday article headlined “INSEE Cement’s Ruhunu Cement Plant marks 50 years” was disturbed to detect unpardonable inaccuracies and omissions in the history of the cement plant. A foreign private company (INSEE) currently owns the Ruhunu Cement Plant.

History

The Sinhala editorial’s comments on the satisfactory progress, associated with its increase in production of the Ruhunu Cement, focused on the rare techniques adopted by the new General Manager. The article however managed to bring out Ananda’s nostalgic memories of the plant, from the time he was appointed as a Works Manager in1985. Since the Sunday article did not elaborate much of its history as much as he knew about it, before and after the privatization, Ananda Karunarathne decided to part with some of his personal experiences and knowledge, going back to 32 years, and contacted the writer to accomplish this task.

In 1980 Ananda Karunarathne joined the Sri Lanka Cement Company as a Grade 1 Mechanical Engineer. He was posted to Puttlam Cement Factory initially. Within four months of his appointment, he had to take over as the Quarry Manager at Aruwakkuru site, which was bordering Wilpattu 25 km away from the Puttlam Plant at Palavi. The sudden decision to transfer him, according to Karunarathne, was due to an abrupt management decision of the corporation, when the Quarry Manager decided to throw in the towel overnight, causing the plant to come to a standstill, and due to the unavailability of raw material (limestone) supplies quarried at Aruwakkuru.

The limestone is the key ingredient to make the clinker that is later milled and produced into cement. Ananda who had zero experience was exposed to the art of quarrying and faced a new challenge to find a solution when the quarry staff had declared that there was insufficient raw material for the plant. This became the biggest challenge Ananda had to face, but he resolved the problem to the entire satisfaction of the workings of the quarry and also ended up achieving the Fellowship of the Institute of Quarrying (FIQ) of Nottingham, United Kingdom. His efforts have made the Puttlam plant and the quarry operate up to date.

Brainchild

According to Ananda Karunarathne, the Ruhunu Cement Works (RCW) was the brainchild of Dr. Wijayananda Dahanayake, one time Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister, and a popular Parliamentarian who held numerous portfolios in the government. Ananda remembers W. Dhahanayake’s ambition to initiate the Galle Harbour project long years ago, as there was a dire need of a port to bring clinker to the plant. The Galle plant did not have the integration, as in the case of Puttlam Works, except for grinding and packing.

In Sri Lanka there are two integrated plants available for cement manufacture, one at Puttlam and the other in Kankasanturai (KKS), which was built in 1956. In the 1980s another plant was built at KKS but did not last long due to the Eelam war. So, currently, only the Puttlam Plant is operating as an integrated plant in Sri Lanka that too being 100 per cent owned by foreign nationals.

Prior to the transformation, Ceylon Cement Corporation was under the purview of the Ministry of Industries. When R. Premadasa was the Minister of Housing (during President J.R. Jayewardene’s era) he managed to get the corporation under his umbrella and turned a loss-making establishment into a profitable enterprise.

Sluggishness

The first thing he noticed, when Ananda took over the Ruhunu Cement works was the sluggishness of employees without any specific work to do. He then figured out the most important aspect of running a factory was to motivate and deploy the workforce towards productivity. He was also astonished to observe the entire plant in an exquisite slumber, while the surrounding environment around the plant that consisted of approximately 100 acres of land, part of which embraced a neglected coconut plantation with a heavy growth of weed and grass, had turned into a free haven for local folk to drive herds of cattle into the plant premises for feeding, without them having to spend a single cent on animal feeds.

As the first reaction, Ananda authorized the employees to allow cattle into the works premises on the premise that owners first had to pay Rs. 500 to the corporation (for which an official receipt was issued), plus having to pay Rs. 300 to the individual employees of the corporation for their efforts of tying the herd. In trying to eradicate such problems, several petitions against him reached the MP for Galle Dr. Dahanayake, who was the then Minister of Co-operatives. Minister Dahanayake, in his informal fashion, forwarded the petitions back to Ananda, with a footnote remark stating, “I see something is happening there.” When the problem was completely eliminated, it was found that a few of the employees themselves were responsible for driving the cattle into the plant area as a lucrative business.

Metal quarry

Ananda’s prime concern was to find ways and means of increasing the revenue at the Galle Plant. Once he was struck by the presence of some concrete sleepers in an abandoned area of the premises. It was later revealed that his predecessor had launched a project to produce concrete sleepers for the Ceylon Government Railways but had not been successful in convincing the CGR authorities. Simultaneously a sales representative advised him about a Japanese contractor’s interest in sourcing ¾ metal for the construction of a hospital in the Galle District, and the Japanese was willing to pay an advance of Rs 500,000 towards the contract. Ananda did not dilly dally, but immediately accepted an advance payment of Rs 500,000 to supply the requisite metal and issued an official receipt.

This made the sales representative hit the panic button thinking as to how on earth they could meet such a challenge? Ananda, as cool as a cucumber, pacified all those who were panic stricken and managed to accomplish the task and deliver the order on time, which managed to raise a few eyebrows of course, and the rest is history.

A decent area of the Galle Cement Plant was scattered with piles of concrete sleepers, concealed by overgrown weed, due to a decision taken by a former chairman of the corporation, under the Ministry of Industries, to make concrete sleepers with the idea of negotiating with the CGR to replace the existing wooden sleepers, but the CGR having rejected the offer on the basis they were not up to their specification. The worthy intentions of the previous chairman to make the idling workforce industrious had turned into a disaster having spent a good sum of money and resources, which only ended up littering the yard with concrete sleepers. In such a hullaballoo, the Ministry of Transport, by then, had entered into an agreement to set up a company in Sri Lanka with an Australian investor. This gave rise to a political battle between ministries, and a final decision was reached to discard the Australians by the CGR.

Political Ping-Pong game

The whole saga then became a highly political Ping-Pong game so that no one was willing to touch it, even with a barge pole. However, Ananda plucked up courage to seek an appointment with an extremely powerful Secretary, Mahinda Ilayapperuma to try and explain the situation. Beyond everyone’s conviction Ananda managed to persuade the Ministry Secretary, and he ordered the General Manager Railways to commence transportation of concrete sleepers to the railway yard from the Galle factory. The operation was complete within three weeks. In addition, Ananda received a cheque for Rs 2 million being the initial price quoted by the Ruhunu works with a commendation from the Secretary to the Ministry of Housing R. Paskaralingam, who happened to be the Chairman of the Cement Corporation concurrently.

Another eyesore was a quantify of 5,000 metric tons of clinker lying for nearly one year due to seepage, spreading over the yard at the plant premises. It is a well-known fact among experts that seawater (NaCl) is an archenemy for cement for expansion, but Ananda had a different opinion from that of the experts.

Since clinker had been in the open yard for quite a long period of time, subject to rain and wind, it had well and truly weather-beaten or crinkled. However, despite a lot of resistance and opposition from the laboratory staff, Ananda decided to experiment with it by studying its chemistry and grinding the residue.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

To be continued….  

BY GAGANI WEERAKOON Courtesy Ceylon Today

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has pledged that the Local Government Elections will be held in January 2018 when civil society activists led by Puravesi Balaya met him at Temple Trees, Friday evening.

When they protested against government delaying elections, Premier Wickremesinghe has made it clear that the elections will be held in January.

While the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is currently facing an internal crisis of securing unity within party and aiming to form a single-party government in 2020 and United National Party (UNP) on the other hand while mulling to do the same with the support of few Joint Opposition members, discussions to contest LG polls jointly are also being held at another level, informed sources said.
However, the government seems to face another challenge with pressure now mounting from various groups to go for a referendum. President Maithripala Sirisena will once again face the challenge of winning the hearts of his peers in the party with the SLFP clearly having a different opinion on the new Constitution. They, the SLFP, are against going for a referendum at once.

With Wimal Weerawansa led NFF Parliamentarians leaving the Constitutional Assembly, the delay in the Constitution making process has once again come to the limelight.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and several civil society organizations are mounting pressure on the President and the Prime Minister to make it compulsory that the new Constitution obtains a proper public mandate through a referendum.

JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake said that the new Constitution will have to use the current Constitution as the base , even though it was ‘forced’ on the people by then President J.R. Jayewardene in 1978 with his 5/6 majority in Parliament.

“Both 1978 and 1972 Constitutions were not passed through a referendum. Yet, the 1978 Constitution, based on which the new Constitution is drafted, has pointed out how a new Constitution should be passed in the event the need arises. It clearly says that such draft needs a two-third majority in Parliament and with a referendum. Therefore, we urge the government to make the Constitutional making process open to the public and go before people and get their approval,” Dissanayake said.

He said because the Constitution is the main piece of legislation that determines country’s rule of law, the public as the subject that is ruled by the Constitution has a right to decide whether they want rule to govern them.

“In any case, having it approved through a referendum is the most democratic way”, he added.

Meanwhile, in a discussion with Prime Minister Wickremesinghe on Friday, Puravesi Balaya – a collective of civil society organizations – insisted that the new Constitution should face a referendum.

SLFP yet to give their proposals

“When we asked about the delays in drafting the new Constitution Prime Minister Wickremesinghe pointed out that the delay was mainly because the SLFP is yet to give their set of proposals in salient areas. However, he promised that a draft will be presented to Parliament by the end of August 2017. From our side, we put forward a condition that there is no need of a Constitution if it doesn’t go through a referendum”, Saman Ratnapriya of Puravesi Balaya said.

Prime Minister’s response to the demand was that there is no change in their ideology that a new Constitution should get approved by a referendum.

President Sirisena also has pledged support for the idea of going for a referendum and has said that the social and political environment in the country for such an event should be created first through rigorous campaigning.

While it is said that President Sirisena did not get a mandate to go for a referendum, the civil society activists pointed out that the agreement they (49 civil organizations) reached with Presidential Candidate Sirisena, clearly stated that a new Constitution will be presented with the approval of people.

“This means it needs to be passed by a referendum. On the other hand while this agreement was in the public domain, another internal agreement was reached with a group led by Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera. We do not know what’s in it and based on that only some are saying that President Maithri does not have a mandate to go for constitutional amendments that gives rise to the need of a new Constitution being passed through a referendum”, civil activists opined.

However, when contacted, SLFP General Secretary Duminda Dissanayake said that his party is of the view that the first phase of drafting the Constitution should avoid anything that would create the need for a referendum.

“First we must present a draft to Parliament without further delaying it and our party believes we should do so without going for a referendum. However, we can go for a referendum if the Supreme Court determines that there is a need for certain clauses be passed at a referendum”, he added.

When asked as to why they are delaying in submitting proposals as alleged by the UNP, Dissanayake clearly said that they have actively participated in all meetings and have given their guidelines that are in line with the party principles.

Even though Prime Minister Wickremesinghe is confident of presenting the steering committee’s draft to Parliament by end of August, it is learnt that clauses on devolution of power have not even been discussed. While, political parties have agreed to almost 80% of proposals on the electoral system, reaching a consensus on the Executive powers and devolution of powers remain untouched.

According to sources, majority of the political parties on principle have agreed to abolish executive powers being given to one individual, while few others are of the opinion that there should be a person who has executive powers – a President or a Prime Minister.

“We are hopeful that we will be able to reach some consensus on that issue as well. What we have failed miserably is on the matter of devolving powers. We have not reached any agreement on anything that has been proposed”, sources said while noting that the situation is such despite the fact that nothing has been even talked about changing the status given to Buddhism in Constitution or changing the unitary status of the country, signalling things could get worse if these topics were also being discussed.

By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan Courtesy Ceylon Today

A sudden announcement by the government that it has gazzetted the long awaited Office of the Missing Persons (OMP) came in without much ado and at a time when the UN under Secretary General for Political Affairs Jeffery Feltman was in town.

It’s obvious the high-powered official seemed to have held his ‘last round’ of serious talks to remind the government of its failure and lethargic attitude towards paying attention to the thousands of grieving parties who lost their loved ones on the battle field and beyond.

Hearing the OMP being established, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres also congratulated the Sri Lankan Government for setting it up. It’s an important step for all Sri Lankans who are still looking for the truth about their loved ones.”

He also said that the UN stands ready to support this process and he looks forward to the OMP becoming operational as soon as possible, starting with the appointment of independent commissioners.”

In the last two weeks, Sri Lanka saw several top visitors arriving in the country to check out what’s going on here as time is ticking for Sri Lanka – a co sponsor of the UN Resolution but stagnated due to political bureaucracy.

MP Namal Rajapaksa also tweeted about his wonderment at the OMP. He tweeted yesterday, “Will the Office on Missing Persons also investigate the many Tamil child soldiers the LTTE terrorists forcefully recruited (now missing)?”

Before Feltman came, an independent human rights expert from the UK Ben Emmerson was here and came out with outright criticisms noting that Sri Lanka has made ‘routine and endemic’ use of torture against people detained on national security grounds. He quoted some of the prisoners’ living conditions in the camp. “Based on my experience in the last six years in human rights monitoring in countries where counter terrorism is a problem, nowhere has such treatment been so endemic and systematically built into the entire criminal justice system as it has been in the PTA in this country.”

He also said the international community was running out of patience.

His revelations agitated the Justice Minister and the President. Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said Rapporteur Emmerson and many others who have visited Sri Lanka lacked calibre and diplomacy and that he would inform the President and the Premier about them.

The OMP and its contents thereof were interpreted in many ways even saying that the incumbent government was playing to the whims and fancies of the international community and all attempts were basically to ‘please’ the minority communities, especially the Tamils, by means of ‘penalizing’ the security forces for their alleged war crimes.

However, the government over and over again explained it was not a process to try the security forces and the OMP will also heal many of the saddened families who lost their loved ones during the JVP insurgency and beyond that.

At Thursdays’ press conference, Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake promptly added that the OMP is an independent commission open to all.

There was some amendment to the OMP Bill that was concluded three weeks ago over which the President placed his signature to pass the Act.

The Foreign Minister stated that with the OMP every single armed forces person who has done no wrong will be protected. But certain persons who have put on their hat themselves and who misused their powers, are the ones who feel vulnerable in this process, he pointed out. “All those in the armed forces that have done their job properly have nothing to worry. That is the reason the PM stopped short of signing the ‘Rome Convention.’

Also at the end of last week, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) made public its annual Human Rights Report for 2016, placing Sri Lanka as one of 30 ‘Human Rights Priority Countries’ (HRPCs).

The report also welcomed the improvements in the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, while also emphasizing the need for further progress.

The report just before the OMP was gazzetted called on the OMP to be operationalized. The report also calls on the government to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and draft new counter-terrorism legislation in line with international human rights standards.

It recognizes the need for further development of the Police force, in order to reduce the risk of human rights violations, including torture, and improving public confidence in the rule of law.

The international community has taken the lead in support of human rights and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Many of the diplomats stationed in Sri Lanka took to tweets to congratulate the government for fixing the OMP to address the people’s grievances.

The UK Government has pledged £6.6m in the period 2016 – 2019 to continue support for reconciliation and human rights. Work with the Government of Sri Lanka will be to continue to strengthen democracy and the rule of law, and to share UK experience and expertise.

British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka James Dauris, said:

“The purpose of our Annual Report is to draw attention to human rights issues of concern in countries around the world, to encourage progress and recognize achievements made. In the past year we have engaged closely with the Sri Lankan Government and many others to support delivery on human rights commitments.”

The OMP should have clear cut policies in running the Office including paying attention on criminalizing disappearances that could lead to minimizing the number of missing persons in future accounts.

 Dr Sarath Obeysekera

PM may want to play a child’s game .When the kid get bullied in schools and he comes crying ,parents keep advising them and say the same thing .

I do not agree.

If the accusations are factually incorrect, party or the government should answer.When the majority of press and TV are somewhat anti government ,who will  try to justify the claims by the opposition government should fight back.

Government should listen  to the accusation and analyse whether they are factual .If there is a case of corruption ,state should investigate and take action ,If it is related to non-performance  of any law maker ,state should promise to take action. State or pro government press is not active enough to fight back .

Press and social media are quite effective .If the government keeps quiet and play dumb slowly and gradually all will be doomed .Only way to counter attack is TO show REACTION

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Anrudda Bandara Ranawarana Media Secretary National Freedim Front.(Translated by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA)

The leader of the National Freedom Front Mr. Wimal Weerawansa said that the Constitutional Council became defunct with the withdrawal of the 05 National Freedom Front MPs including him and challenged the government to bring in a federal constitution and get it approved if possible.

Mr. Weerawansa made this challenge addressing a media conference held at the headquarters of the National Freedom Front in Pitakotte.  Speaking further Mr. Weerawansa said

We informed the Speaker in writing that the 05 National Freedom Front MPs will dissociate from the Constitutional Council.  You know that it was the Parliament with all its 225 members was termed as the Constitutional Council. As we were members of parliament automatically we became the members of this Constitutional Council. But from the very beginning we refrained from participating in the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Council or in the 06 sub-committees appointed by it,

We had a premonition from the very beginning that this process of bringing in a constitutional amendment under the leadership of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe is detrimental to the contry. We arrived at that premonition because it was mentioned in the proposal submitted against Sri Lanka by the United States at the United Human Rights Concil in 2015,    in the reports relating to Sri Lanka submitted by the Human Rights Commissioner Sayyed Al Hssain, in the conditions submitted by the European Union to grant GSP+ concession to Sri Lanka it had been emphasized that Sri Lanka should expeditiously bring in a federal constitution. It was under obligation to aforementioned international pressure that Prime Minister Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe took the leadership and started this process of formulating a constitution.  The agenda they had was to formulate a draft constitution by a group they termed as the Constitution Formulation Body” and bring it to the Parliament. But they had to abandon that plan because of opinion expressed by our group of MPs and the leader of the joint opposition parliamentarian Mr. Dinesh Gunawardene. Finally, the whole parliament was made as a Constitutional Council.

It is clear that this is a constitution being formulated under international pressure

The attempts to bring in a new constitution or the constitutional amendment are being done under the aforementioned international pressure.  But a new constitution isformulated it should only be made to fulfil the aspirations of the people of this country.

What the UN special representativ Mr. Ben Emmerson who came to Sri Lanka recently did?  What he did was to observe whether Sri Lanka was implementing the programme of work entrusted under the timetable of his organization.  If the programme of work has been done he would say good” and otherwise he would say cannot be satisfied” . Now this government, this country has become a country under international observation.

Hidden even from the steering committee

Eventhough the whole parliament was constituted as a Constitutional Council this constitution formulation process is not straight. The Prime Minister who functions as the Chairman of the Steering Committ of the Constitutional Council submitted a report recently prepared outside the steering committee as a report of the steering committee.  Even the members of the steering committee were not aware of anything about this report. The Prime Minister attempted to sbmit this externally formulated report to the Constitutional Council as a report of the steering committee.  This clearly shows that there are some external groups who are involved in the process of formulating this constitution.  The Prime Minister is also only an intermediate leading figure.  These people are planning to impose a separatist constitution wanted by them through the parliament.  Several such reasons were also impacted for us to take this decision.

The important reason

The TriNikaya Mahanayaka Theroes also issued a Monks’ Decree to this government.  That Decree was No need for new constitutions or constitutional amebdments”.  The Anu Nayake Theroes expressed this matter in a different manner. That was that the known devil is better than the unknown devil”.  From the bogus report submitted by the Prime Minister to the steering committee of the Constitutional Council it can clearly be grasped how the unknown devil” will be.  That report shows that the new constitution will make this contry a federal state.

A government that does not understand the historical traditions.

Going ahead with the process of formulating a new constitution despite the joint decree issed by the Mahanayake Theroes is an act violating their decree.   In the history of this country the Maha Sangha were above the King.  The Maha Sangha did not get up when the King arrived.  But when the Maha Sangha visited the King, theKing got up.  The Maha Sangha did not prostrate before the King.  But the King prostrated before the Mahaa Sangha.  The King always anticipated admonitions from the Maha Sangha.  The Rulers who acted without heeding the advice of Maha Sangha fell down prematurely.  Therefore this government should understand that there is something called historical tradition” in this country.

When the Mahanayake Theroes of the Tri-Nikaya seeing through the process being undertaken say that there is no need for a new constitution or amendments” we cannot remain as representatives in anywhere of such a process being undertaken as the members of the Constitutional Council.  That is why the 05 members of us decided to withdraw ourselves from the Constitutional Council after discussing deeply within the political bureau of the National Freedom Front an after discussing deeply with other leaders of the political parties in the joint opposition.

Now the Constitutional Council is defunct.

It was all the 225 members of parliament that was considered as the Constitutional Council.  But there is a question now,  After 05 members of parliament gave a written letter to the Speaker saying that they are withdrawing from the Constitutional Council it can no longer be called as the Constitutional Council. It cannot be teermed as such even if one member withdraws from it. It is contrary to the traditions and contrary to the Law.  Therefore we request today as well as it was requested in the letter submitted to the Speaker that it was the whole parliament that was named as the Constitutional Council. When you say the whole parliament it includes all the 225 members.  Now 05 members have withdrawn themselves from the Constitutional Council.  Therefore saying that the whole parliament became the Constitutional Council is no more valid.  Therefore we ask the Speaker to inform of this new situation to the Parliament.  Since 05 members have withdrawn from the Constitutional Council it can no longer be called as the Constitutional Council and you must tell the Parliament that under the present circumstances the Constitutional Council becomes invlid.  On the legal side also that is the truth.

We respectfully ask the Hon’ble Speaker without obliging to Prime Minister’s illegal advises to take a justifiable decision at least in this matter.  Similarly we tell this govwenment that there is no Constitutional Council now.  Therefore, if you want to formulate a new Constitution formulate it by the government itself.  As Chandrika brought the ‘package’ in the past bring in a constitution formulated by the government to the parliament.

But if a new constitution or constitutional amendment was brought disregarding the decree of the Mahanayake Theroes of the Tri-Nikaya, the Mah Sangha and the psople of this country will not allow to get it approved.  We emphasize to this government that people in hundreds of thousands are prepared to come out to the streets to prevent that sinful act.  We are prepared to give leadership to such a process.

The Deputy leaders of the NFF MPs Weerakmara Dissanayake and Jayantha Samaraweera and the NFF poitbreau memer MP Niroshan Premaratne also attended this media conference.

Anrudda Bandara Ranawarana

Media Secretary

National Freedim Front.

(Translated by : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA)

by Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

July 21, 2017, 10:23 pm
Joint Opposition (JO) parliamentary group leader Dinesh Gunawardena has called for an end to UN interference in on-going constitutional making process in accordance with Geneva Resolution 30/1 adopted in Oct 2015.

MP Gunawardena has said that the JO that represented a large segment of people strongly opposed to the current UN initiative that was inimical to Sri Lanka’s national interest.

The veteran politician was responding to Under-Secretary General for Political Affairs Jeffrey Feltman currently here on a three-day visit to ascertain the current status of the constitution making process.

Feltman, who had served successive US administrations, arrived in Sri Lanka last Wednesday (July 19).

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda and Secretary General and Deputy Secretary General of parliament had been among those present at the meeting chaired by the Speaker.

Sources told The Island that MP Gunawardena had explained the JO’s stand on constitutional making process was different to that of the government.

The UN is in the process of evaluating the on-going UNP-led constitution making process marred by political turmoil close on the heels of UN Special Rapporteur Ben Emmerson, QC’s controversial visit.

Feltman held discussions with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in addition to several other politicians, including Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake.

Sources quoted Gunawardena as having told Feltman that the 52-member JO parliamentary group was strongly opposed to foreign influence and dictates in respect of constitutional making process.

Recollecting previous constitutional making processes, MP Gunawardena emphasized that external advice was not required though the JO respected the UN and believed in working with the global body.

The MP also briefly explained successive presidents having to face terrorism before Mahinda Rajapaksa defeated the LTTE. The MEP leader pointed out that Sri Lanka had been able to completely eradicate terrorism in the wake of UN Resolution against terrorism adopted subsequent to 9/11 al Qaeda attacks on the US.

Sri Lanka defeated the LTTE in May 2009.

Gunawardena also explained the developments and crises relating to the 13thAmendment to the Constitution. The UPFA parliamentarian pointed out how the LTTE’s defeat had paved the way for provincial council polls in the Eastern and Northern Provinces in 2008 and 2013, respectively, during the Rajapaksa presidency.

The JO parliamentary group leader also expressed serious concern over repeated condemnation of the Sri Lankan military by a section of the international community. MP Gunawardena has explained that if not for the sacrifices made by the armed forces, the country would have been divided on ethnic lines.

Jaffna District MP Devananda had reiterated that as the full implementation of the 13thAmendment to the Constitution would suffice there was no requirement for a new constitution.

Sources said that Sampanthan had loudly reiterated the TNA’s call for foreign intervention to ensure the full implementation of the Geneva Resolution 30/1. However, the TNA leader hadn’t responded to MP Gunawardena during talks in parliament. Political sources told The Island that the TNA had pushed for UN intervention in a separate meeting the party had with the UN official.

Meanwhile, senior JO sources told The Island that Gunawardena on behalf of the outfit had brought up its opposition to the constitutional making process though it recently decided against quitting the Constitutional Assembly as well as the 21-member Steering Committee headed by Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe spearheading the process. The JO had in no uncertain terms had told the UN that it resented the process and wouldn’t support an initiative harmful to Sri Lanka’s unitary status and security of the people.

During yesterday’s meeting, Gunawardena had suggested that the UN could assist Sri Lanka struggling to cope up with severe drought in the Northern and North Central Provinces instead of influencing and intervening in matters such as constitution making.

Shihar Aneez Courtesy  Reuters

COLOMBO (Reuters) – Sri Lanka’s new tax bill, demanded by the IMF as a condition for a third tranche of aid disbursed this week, will seek to ensure that all citizens pay direct taxes and cut indirect taxes, top finance ministry officials said on Friday.

The new Inland Revenue Act, the island nation’s major tax reform since independence from Britain in 1948, will expand the tax net and seek to stamp out evasion, when implemented at the start of the next fiscal year on April 1, 2018.

“The idea is everybody should pay taxes,” Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera said, speaking for the first time about the measure, which is to be debated in parliament next month.

“The main aim of the reform is to reduce indirect taxes and increase direct tax,” he told reporters in the capital, Colombo, adding that it would include few exemptions.

The new measure will support fiscal consolidation, make the tax system more efficient and equitable, and generate resources for social and development programs, the IMF, which approved a loan of $1.5 billion last year, said this week.

Tax revenue in Sri Lanka has risen to 12.4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in the last two years, recovering from an alarming fall to 10.1 percent in 2014.

The bill follows pressure from the IMF to hike revenues amid repeated balance of payment crises that saw Sri Lanka’s rupee currency depreciate 29 percent since 2008, as external borrowing spiked in the final phase of a 26-year war.

The previous government borrowed heavily to rebuild infrastructure after the war ended in 2009.

Junior Finance Minister Eran Wickremeratne said the new reforms would be fair and just, with possible cuts in indirect tax, which put an outsize burden on the poor versus the rich.

“There are people who earn a monthly 20,000 rupees, 200,0000 rupees, and 2 million rupees each. But all three pay the same indirect tax for a loaf of bread. This is not fair,” he said.

Sri Lanka’s government revenue surpassed expectations to rise 17 percent in the first quarter on the year, fuelled by higher collections after a hike in Value-Added Tax since last November.

Tax revenue rose 9.2 percent to 1.66 trillion rupees ($11 billion) last year, as Sri Lanka achieved its budget deficit target of 5.4 percent of GDP, down from 7.4 percent in 2015.

http://in.reuters.com/article/sri-lanka-economy-tax-idINKBN1A61J2

by Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

In the article written by Carol Goar (Toronto Star May 26, 2010- ‘No female scientists? No surprise’), she points out that females were not promoted as leading scientists. An invisible force prevented women from reaching top levels. The Industry Minister Tony Clement too expressed his concern following no female nominations having been made for the Canada Excellence Research Chairs.

Is there unseen sexism among the professional communities? According to article 27-sub section 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freely participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. Based on the UDHR, gender cannot be considered a decisive factor.

In 2009, the equity analyst of the Canadian Research Chairs Secretariat David Marchand told the Canadian Association of University Teachers that the programme had no gender equity target. Although attempts were not made to exclude women deliberately, the recruiters say they that they did not look for female candidates because the government made no request. The conservatives launched the Canada Excellence Research Chairs programme in 2008 and the programme was criticised by various academics. Even though women make up 35 percent of university professors and 59 percent of degree recipients, only 20 percent of research chairs were awarded to women. Many felt this was an unjust decision.

The original Canada Excellence Research Chairs programme was challenged by a group of female professors because it did not have sufficient female representation. The two sides reached a settlement requiring the government to take adequate measures. Both parties agreed to set up guidelines, which included adequate participation of women, visible minorities and other underrepresented groups. Despite these assurances, the list had only males. The programme had no incentive to hire women. It was a violation of the settlement agreement. The matter escalated things further until ministerial involvement occurred. Then the minister assembled an all female committee, which found no fault in the process.

The committee’s conclusion was that women had not reached senior levels in areas, such as, health, energy and environment. Many expressed the view that this conclusion had no basis and that it was invalid. Female academic participation in fields, such as, health, energy and environment is very well documented throughout the world. To date, 16 women have won Nobel Prizes dating back to Marie Curie in 1903. Therefore, the contributions made by female scientists for the advancement of science should be evaluated appropriately. The panel’s suggestion underlines that female scientists are reluctant to compete for international academic posts. In spite of the panel’s suggestion, the journalist further underscores that female academics were not invited aptly.

Carol Goar ’s article ‘No female scientists? No surprise’ implies possible discrimination against women. Women face many hardships in various fields and even in the academic world. Their academic credentials and achievements are not recognized and not treated on equal grounds. Women have contributed a lot for the advancement of science in Canada; unfortunately, gender disparity has caused obstacles for them to climb the academic ladder. Carol Goar ’s revelation could be a stunning example of sexism in science. Although it is unethical to prevent women from going into higher positions, due to gender bias, it has become a harsh reality. Such actions detach women far, far away from academia.

Many female academic staffers continueto encounter discrimination, may be due to traditional belief systems. In the absence of any other information but sex, women are considered less competent than men in a wide range of areas. (Women Men and Power – Hilary M Lips ) Women have contributed a lot in the field of science. For instance, Rosalind Franklin made her contribution in physical chemistry and molecular biology, Sophie Germain in physics, Winifred Goldring in geology etc . Therefore, their skills and knowledge cannot be underestimated and women should be given an equal opportunity in the advanced sciences. Gender inequity is the outcome of unequal social relations that are found only sometimes and in some places. Work is a basic human activity embedded in the very fabric of all human societies. It is connected in some way to all other human activities, including the reproduction and maintenance of workers (‘Women, Work and Social Rights’, by Cecilia M. Benoit).

The segregation of women into dead -end jobs, the lack of on the job training for women seeking higher level positions, and the preference given to men even when promotion is theoretically possible for women, combine to keep women concentrated at the bottom of the hierarchy (A Working Majority – What Women Must Do for Pay- Pat Armstrong & Hugh Armstrong- Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women 1983). Despite the points made by the author, some argue that women have equal and fair participation in the field of science. The existence of gender disparities in the awarding of tenure, therefore, raises serious concerns about the status of female faculty in Canadian universities. Women historically have been far less likely than their male counterparts to be appointed to a tenure or tenure track position. While there have been significant gains for women in recent years, fewer than 3 out of 10 tenured positions were held by women in 2005, and women accounted for 4 out of 10 tenure track positions.(CAUT Equity Review – The Tenure Gap September 2008 No 4).

The gender inequity and under representation of women in science may be a possible fact and active measures should be implemented. The United Nations article 27-sub section 1 says that everyone has the Right to freely participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. Therefore, if such aq problem is prevailing it can be interpreted as a violation of human rights. In order to eliminate systemic discrimination that adversely affects women in the field of advanced sciences, it’s essential to establish a Science Review Committee that will monitor any under-representation of women and report and take active measures when there are irregularities. The selection committees must be informed about the existing problem and they should be encouraged to promote more female intellectuals in the advanced science fields.

කීර්ති වර්ණකුලසූරිය උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

අශ්වයා පැනගිය පසු ඉස්‌තාලය වසා දැමීම යන කියමනක්‌ ඇත.

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By Tamara Kunanayakam,
former Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva
and
Dr. PalithaKohona,
former Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York

July 21, 2017, 12:00 pm

The Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur Ben Emmerson’s haughty statement at a media briefing in Colombo on 14 July,with the UN Resident Representative at his side not contradicting the special rapporteur in any way, and his official communiqué in Geneva on 18 July, is arbitrary, judgmental, arrogant, accusatory, threatening, interventionist,and insulting. It reeks of the worst white supremacist holier than thou attitude with regard to the non white world. When a national of a country, which has persistently violated human rights standards, including in Sri Lanka during its colonial overlordship, adopts a profoundly objectionable judgmental attitude, one must dismiss it publicly with contempt.

Ben Emmerson

Emmerson exceeds mandate, fails to “fully respect” mandates of other mandate-holders and OHCHR

The Special Rapporteur was entrusted with a thematic mandate,as opposed to a country-specific mandate, confined to the question of “protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism.” The Human Rights Council circumscribed the scope of his work by requiring that the duplication of efforts by other actors be avoided. In gathering, requesting, receiving and exchanging information and communications on individual allegations “including through field visits,” the Council requires Emmerson to pay “special attention to areas not covered by existing mandate holders.”

Despite these confines, in a 7-page report titled “preliminary findings” of a 5 day visit to Sri Lanka, made public on the fifth day of his visit disguised as a Press Release, Emmerson exceeded his mandate and acted well beyond his specified limits and addressed a wide range of human rights issues not within his specified role, As a lawyer, he should have known better than to act ultra vires.

His entry point was the unprecedented and infamous US-led 2015 Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 on Sri Lanka, (which we meekly cosponsored) which covers a wide range of human rights issues and even political issues that do not fall within the purview of the Human Rights Council. In a sweeping statement, arrogating to himself a power that was not his on the extent to which that resolution had been implemented, a task that was given to OHCHR, Emmerson claimed, “…two years on, and already four months into a two-year extension granted to the Government by the Human Rights Council,progress in achieving the key goals set out in the Resolution is not only slow, but seems to have ground to a virtual halt. None of the measures so far adopted to fulfil Sri Lanka’s transitional justice commitments are adequate to ensure real progress, and there is little evidence that perpetrators of war crimes committed by members of the Sri Lankan armed forces are being brought to justice.”

The Council resolution on Sri Lanka does not authorise Emmerson to monitor its implementation, it only “encourages” relevant special procedures mandate-holders to provide advice and technical assistance on implementation of the steps required”in consultation and with the concurrence of the Government.” Of relevance to Emmerson’s mandate is only the Government’s commitment “to review the Public Security Ordinance Act and to review and repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and to replace it with anti-terrorism legislation in accordance with contemporary international best practices.”

Emmerson’s conduct, questions his integrity, independence and impartiality

Was he simply miffed at the statements made by the Justice Minister, nevertheless, he had no right to exceed his mandate on that basis. Commission on Human Rights Decision 2000/109 that governs the network of special procedures requires that, in making appointments, paramount importance will be “the professional and personal qualities of the individual – expertise and experience in the area of the mandate, integrity, independence and impartiality. ” (para. 7)

On his visit to Sri Lanka, Emmerson was tried and found wanting in all respects.

By launching a targeted attack on what he described as “retrograde elements in the security establishment and their allies in Government” and calling upon”Government and people” not to “allow the process to be diverted,” Emmerson proved to be partial, interventionist, arrogant, insulting and unprofessional.

His integrity, independence and impartiality, as well as his professionalism were brought into question by the threat he is reported to have made at the media briefing in Colombo that “a range of consequences”will “befall Sri Lanka” if it failed to meet “the United Nations Human Rights Council commitments.”So did his listing among possible measures, unilateral coercive measures that are contrary to international law and others that were the sole prerogative of the Council:(a) the revocation of Sri Lanka’s “newly regained GSP+ facility” by the European Union; (b) “potentially increasing the various measures by the Human Rights Council or indeed a reference to the Security Council” – decisions that are the prerogative of the Human Rights Council; and (c) “a range of measures increasing in severity that are potentially available” to an “international community,” that he does not define.

Unilateral coercive measures refer to”tools of political or economic pressure against any country, particularly against developing countries, with a view to preventing from exercising their right to decide, of their own free will, their own political, economic and social systems.”Understood in the context of Emmerson’s desire for “a new order in Sri Lanka,” his motivations become clear.

Emmerson absurdly takes upon himself a role that was never within his purview, and ventures blatantly into the political realm. If every special rapporteur were to do so, the day when special rapporteurs are used to encourage and enhance global human rights standards would rapidly come to an end.

‘Preliminary findings’ or ‘press release’ – a subterfuge?

Emmerson’s release already on the fifth day of his visit of a seven-page document containing assessment, conclusions, and recommendations,rather than the customary brief non-judgmental press communiqué issued at the end of similar visit, violates the rule of contradictory procedure applicable to mechanisms that include country-specific sections in their reports. The rule requires that texts of reports are made available to the concerned Government “a minimum of six weeks” in advance so that it has the opportunity to comment. The comments must also be made available as an official document and circulated at the same time as the report. (Commission on Human Rights Decision 2000/109)

This is standard procedure. Any special rapporteur who violates this standard with regard to any other country would be dragged over the coals. The Sri Lankan Government must act promptly and expose Emmerson. Had he done this to any Western country, he would have been thrown to the wolves, and perhaps, the investigations into sexual abuse allegations against him reopened.

This can mean that Emmerson was resorting to subterfuge by calling a “report,” a “press release,” but it can also mean that the report was prepared in advance, shared with and approved by the Government,or perhaps a section of the Government as his attack on “retrograde elements … and their allies in Government” seems to indicate.

Usurping the authority of Human Rights Council, and beyond

By releasing a report on his “preliminary findings” containing ‘recommendations,’Emmerson usurped the authority of the Human Rights Council, which alone is authorised by the General Assembly to “make recommendations with regard to the promotion and protection of human rights.” [GA resolution 60/251, Op 5(i)] Special procedures mechanisms are subsidiary organs of the Human Rights Council to which they must submit their report, along with their personal conclusions and recommendations that have the value of suggestions, for consideration and action.

By issuing orders to a sovereign State and by bullying and threatening sections of the Government, Emmerson not only violated his obligation to implement his mandate through dialogue and cooperation, but went beyond the authority accorded even to the Human Rights Council, the principal human rights organ of the United Nations, which is bound by the General Assembly to respect the principles of “universality, impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity, constructive international dialogue and cooperation” [GA resolution 60/251 Op 4]

What is more, he may have come dangerously close to violating a sacred principle of the Charter, the non intervention in internal matters of a Member State incorporated in art 2(7).

Intervention, on whose behalf?

If Emmerson was not acting within the scope of his mandate and in the interest of the UN, then the legitimate question is for whom was he acting, in whose interest?

A pointer may be his references at the Colombo media briefing to a nebulous “international community” that would reach “the end of its patience” and to his identification with the likely initiator of a follow-up resolution in March 2019 when it discusses implementation of the 2015 resolution: “all of that, we [our emphasis] will have to look at, at the end of the current extension.”

He continues to suffer from the delusion (or is it arrogance?) that the international community consists of Western nations who only yesterday, (and in the case of some still continue to), were violating human rights standards with gay abandon. We all know who that might be.

The United Nations must act urgently to restore credibility of its human rights actions.

The UN Resident Representative must disown the unfounded and ill researched statements of the special rapporteur.

When Emmerson threatened, blackmailed and bullied Sri Lanka, he was acting as a representative of the United Nations. His undermining of the credibility of the Human Rights Council makes it incumbent upon both the Council and the General Assembly to urgently act to ensure that the multilateral human rights system can play its role effectively.

The Government, must defend the sovereignty and integrity of Sri Lanka

The conditions that made Emmerson’s attacks possible while still on Sri Lankan soil and a guest of the Sri Lankan Government must be traced back to the Yahapalana Government’s meek acceptance of resolution 30/1 in Geneva, in 2015; and its abdication of its sacred responsibilities toward nation, people and its armed forces.

It is the responsibility and duty of the Government to safeguard the sovereignty, integrity and independence of the State, and to ensure that the dignity of the nation is respected. Under similar circumstances, any self-respecting Government would have packed the Special Rapporteur off on the first flight out of the country and intervened directly with the UN Secretary General, the President of the General Assembly, and the President of the Human Rights Council to request immediate clarification and appropriate action against the offender. The UN Resident Representative should have been asked to clarify Emmerson’s statements and retract any apparent endorsement by the UN.

The government has so far failed to react to the attack, a fact that does not augur well for the treatment reserved for Sri Lanka as a nation, in the future. The question that requires an urgent response now is: Will the Government fulfil its constitutional obligation to defend the Sri Lankan State, the sovereignty of the nation that belongs to all Sri Lankans, and to safeguard its independence?

It is incumbent upon the President of the country, who has executive powers as the Head of State and the Commander of the Armed Forces, to take necessary measures for the urgent restoration of the nation’s dignity.

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

That day I was being driven in my car on the back seat trying to do some work using my laptop and noted that a road in Colombo 15 from Tholatanga getting congested due to a trench being dug by a contractor ( by the way it is going on for months and no sign of completion ).A thee wheeler driver did a sudden U turn just before the blocked road and almost hit my car .He started abusing by driver in filth demanding that car should move to the left  where there was drain .I opened the back window and told  him that he should not have done the gangerous  U turn .He looked at me and started firing same filthy words telling me to F –offf !

Another incident where I had to call Governor Northern Province to get his opinion about some transport vessels being built and the council was only asking the Japanese own Dockyard to build it .I wanted to talk to the Governor and inform that other local companies should also be given a chance to tender,He was so rude ,did not even want to listen start firing questions like What do you want ? in a very aggressive manner  and cut off

I stopped my car near a mango seller and asked him the prices . I knew that price quoted are  exorbitant ( may be due to the fact that I came by car ) ,When I confronted him about overpriced fruit he fired at me and said   mahattayo ,onaa  natinam yanna !”

( sir if you do want it just bugger off

Well . another incident near Galle face .I was crossing the yellow line ( now  it has become white)  meant for pedestrians  and I also noted that  pedestrians were crossing from other side of the road .A ( immaculately dressed and wearing sunglasse) policeman was standing in the middle of the crossing and permitted all the people to cross to both directions .I private bus coming fast ( he could see from far that pedestrians are crossing and the police was standing in the middle) and yet did not stop .I braved myself ( with no fear of reprisals) asked the cop why did not you stop the bus? His rude answer was so what ?” I just walked away .

In another event a frequent beggar with no hands ( looks like he lost them when he was making hand bombs ) was pestering money from me and I refused ,He hit the car door with his stump of the  hand and uttered filth and left .

I wrote about a Banglaseshi Monk who  taked  about how uncivilised our society has become and yet our people go to temple and recite chanting with Metta .Karuna .Upeksha .We are becoming a nation of animals and Darwin,s theory may be working backwards ?

Mahnayake theros trying to run the country ?

They should jointly get the country back to Dharmasoka times ?

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Priyantha Fernando sings his father’s first recorded song. Pinsidu Wanne in this video. This is primarily for educational and personal enjoyment and not for commercial purpose. The meaning of this song is both deep and touching. A bird’s appeal.

Priyantha Fernando sings his father’s first recorded song. Pinsidu Wanne in this video. The meaning of this song is both deep and touching. It is a bird’s appeal through the mouth of a compassionate song writer and singer.

This song has so much appeal in today’s scene in a country like Sri Lanka where stray animals including dogs and cats are being liquidated inhumanely with the connivance of public authorities, and therefore this song must resonate in the ears of the many including politicians, University authorities, public servants, police and of course the younger generation, the children in particular, who must be inculcated with thoughts of compassion to all living beings.

The Vilapaya of suffering animals require more songs of this nature to touch the hearts of humanity.

Please listen also to a beautiful instrumental version of C.T. Fernando’s immortal song ‘ pin sidu wenne ane baala lamunne’

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Sri Lanka can be termed as a country of semi theocracy where the Kings and the rulers have always sought advice and guidance from Buddhist monks on all major issues confronted by the country and the ancient Kings and freedom fighters have received blessings from the monks before embarking on wars and rebellions and on auspicious occasions.

As far as I know the country’s history does not have any record of a King or a Ruler gone against the admonitions of the Chief Monks of the country. It seems that it is going to happen for the first in respect of introducing a new constitution under this inept foreign and Tamil diaspora slavish government.

The Mahanaayaka Theroes of the Tri-Nikayas issued a decree on 4^th July 2017 ordering the government to cease the process being undertaken to introduce a new constitution.  They said that the country neither needs a new constitution nor amendments to the existing constitution at the moment.  Accordingly everyone except the separatists and their minions expected that introduction of the much dreaded and non-mandated Ranil-Smanthiran-Chandrika-Rajitha constitution will be ceased and the country can be rest assured without getting subjugated to the manouvers of the separatists and their cronies. .

Nevertheless it has been only an illusion.  For the government fulfilling the dictates of their western and Indian masters and the Tamil diaspora have become more holy than the admonitions of the Maha Nataka Theroes.   The government seems to have totally ignored the call of the Maha Nataka Theroes. Ranil Wickremasinghe the chief architect of this federal, and secular constitution addressing a seminar at the BMICH has said that a preliminary report relating to the new constitution will be presented to the Parliament soon.

It is strange to find that Pacha Ranawaka, Rathana thero, Karunasena Paranavithana and other members of the JHU (called by some people as Jathika Hele Karumaya) in the Parliament who talks much about Buddhism and the sanctity of the Maha Singha and makes Buddhism as their political trump card remaining as DDBs (Deaf, Dumb and Blinds) in the face of the open rebuttal of Maha Nayaka Theroes’ decree by Ranil Wickremasinghe.

Similarly many dollar voracious NGO vultures have also ridiculed the Maha Nayake Theroes for the decree they issued demanding to cease the constitution process. It seems that they have no respect at all for the Maha Nayake Theroes and they would betray the country and the people on any issue. They have said that the Maha Nayaka Theros with 30,000 monks are only a minority in this country.

The bold decision taken by Mr, Wimal Weerawansa and his National Freedom Front MPs in this regard to withdraw from the Constitutional Council deserves much appreciation as it is needed to somehow to wreck the moves being taken to introduce the new constitution. In the 10 point letter submitted by them to the Speaker it is pointed out that the process of drafting a constitution has been commenced as per recommendations made in the despicable UNHRC resolution No. 30/01 of 2015 which the government endorsed under pressure, and various forms of pressures have been exerted by the UN Human Rights Commissioner, and various other special representatives becoming emboldened to recommend the provisions that need to be included in the constitution, and separatist forces too are exerting various forms of pressure to direct the constitutional formulation process in the manners they anticipate. Under the same point No. 10 of the letter it says that it is quite clear that a constitution that would confer fairness to all people, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims will not be formulated

The letter emphasizes that the government has not received a clear mandate to establish a Constitutional Council, to sustain it, and to accept its recommendations of it despite various parties attempt to socialize in bogus ways the suitability of it

It adds that since the President has no political authority or moral right to establish a constitutional council, to approve a new constitution or to amend any clause of the constitution that requires a referendum, and he has received a mandate through the election manifesto presented to the people only to make a constitutional amendment that does not require a referendum.

In conclusion, the letter says that as per the proposal approved in the parliament that the Constitutional Council should constitute all the 225 members represented in the Parliament and their withdrawal gets that condition violated, and the 10 points presented by them have challenged the validity of the Constitution Council.

Although the Constitutional Council can be deflated by the withdrawal of some other MPs as well we cannot expect that it will put an end to the attempts being made to bring in the abhorrent constitution as long as Ranil Wickremasinghe remains as the Prime Minister of this country and the draft constitution seems to be almost ready.  If the constitutional council becomes defunct Ranil Wickremasinghe will still introduce the draft Bill in the Parliament to get it approved.

The Eunuch Sirisena who is a notorious con who denies lack of knowledge on many things and claims that he came to know about such things through newspaper reports or through the television has deliberately hidden from the Maha Nayake Theroes the near existence or near conclusion of the new constitution.  With his meeting with the Maha Nayake Theroes on 6^th July he has sad that if a new constitution is to be drafted it would be done only in consultation with the Maha Sangha and other stakeholders.  What a misleading and despicable statement it was a President of the country to say to the Maha Sangha who are the spiritual heads of the 14 Million Buddhists in this country. As this crook has signed the gazette notification for establishing the ‘Missing Persons’s office today (20^th July) he will not hesitate at all to sign the gazette notification n the new constitution as well.

In an article written Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke quoting Tamil National Alliance MP Sumanthiran, who is the real architect of this constitution as Neelan Thiruchelvam was the architect of old hag Chandrika’s package points out that Sumanthiran has said that the new constitution will be federal but the label will not say that.  Speaking in Jaffna Sumanthiran has said that the new constitution will be based on the federal system but it will not be indicated in such terms. Dr, Jayatilleke points out that this is like the wrapper of a product saying something and the contents inside having a totally different thing.  He says the envisaged constitution will be a federal one masked as unitary and asks why the drafters do not say it openly if the constitution is going to be, in effect, federal in content and character?

In addition to this the Indian Origin Tamils have also demanded that the new constitution should confer land, Police and other forms of administrative rights to them.

The JVP hooligans who have completely deviated from the nationalist ideals advocated by Rohana Wijeweera and Somawansa Amerasinghe and have now become underlings of Ranil have said that a new constitution is more suitable for the country and it is essential..  The leader of the hooligans of this richest party of Sri Lanka Anura Kumara Dissanayake has alleged that some forces are opposing the constitution just to cover up criticism against them with regard to acts of large scale corruption committed by them when in power.

As per Sumanthiran the chief architect of this reprehensible constitution, the modern progeny of Ponnambalam/Chelvanaygam breed the drafting of the envisaged constitution has almost been completed and the Steering Committee has held over 60 meetings.  He says that the people (implying Tamils) voted this government into power on the promise of bringing in a new constitution and this pledge must be respected.  He adds that both JVP and the TNA (the destroyers of this country) fully support the government in this endeavour.

All the signs are there that Ranil-Sumanthiran-Chandrika-Rajitha coterie is not going to get deterred by any form of opposition whether it is by the Maha Sangha or by the people of the South.  The Tamil diaspora has come forward to spend any amount of money to get this constitution approved as it would be the achievement of their long held dream of establishing Tamil Eelam which they could not get achieved through Prabhakaran.

In order to promote the new constitution and mislead the masses in the south hey have funded for establishment of an organisation called The Natinal Organization for a new Constitution” and it is steered by Ranil Wickremainghe.  The prominent members of this Organization are NGO vultures such as former JVP activist Dambara Amila Thero, Gamini V-angoda, K.W.Janaranjana, Sarathy Wijesuriya, male nurse Saman Ratnapriya and several other notorious pro-Tamil elements.

Patriotic masses and organizations now itself, without waiting for guidance and steering from politicians, should form grass root level anti-constitution organizations and launch wide spread agitations against the envisaged constitution through the country until it is recalled by the  government. Otherwise our children and the children who are to be born in the future in this country will have a country called Sri Lanka without the Northern and Eastern Provinces and Malai Nadu consisting Badulla and Nuwara Eliya districts and parts of adjoining districts.(End)

H. L. D. Mahindapala

I am impressed by Prof. Laksiri Fernando’s letter to the Governor of Jaffna highlighting the failure of his administration to issue summons in Tamil to a Tamil journalist of Jaffna. This journalist has a right to receive a communication from the government in  his mother tongue. To issue summons in Sinhalese is a violation of  his  legal and human rights. I wish to congratulate Prof. Fernando for the bold stand he has taken to protect the rights of Tamils. Well done, Professor! And I mean it. I am with you all the way.

Now we have also to consider the next scenario with equal concern : The Government Agent  of Jaffna, N. Vethamayahan, wrote an official letter to the Ven. V. N. Padumahathitha Thissa Thero of the Rajamahavihara in Nainativu (Nagadeeepa) referring  the application to construct a Buddha statue in the temple to the Coast Construction and Central Resource Management Department — no not in Sinhalese — but in English. Prof. Fernando can’t deny that he did not know about it because the GA’s letter was published in the Colombo Telegraph in relation to another story. He raised Cain in defence of the Tamil journalist, and quite rightly too. But does he have a right  to be deaf, dumb and blind when the same administrative failure hits the Sinhalese?

The simple explanation is that in the Police Station and in the GA’s office there were no qualified staff to reply in the language of the recipients. Obviously, the same administrative blunder  that occurred in the case of the Tamil journalist also occurred in the case of the Buddhist monk. I am sure this must be happening  to the Muslims as well. Without making excuses, it can be admitted that has happened since 1956 and it will continue to go  on until the issue is addressed with adequate bilingual staff. I don’t think it is a deliberate policy of the Government— certainly not of the Yahapalanaya government which is stretching every limb to appease the Tamil demands —  to deny the right of the Tamils to receive communications from the state in a non-Tamil language.

If the Professor can prove that it is the deliberate policy of the Government to deny the Tamil their right to receive state communications in their mother tongue then it should be condemned roundly and remedial steps should be taken forthwith. But that is not the case and he knows it. Or at least he should know it. He could  have always checked the facts easily with his old university mate, the Governor, without grandstanding to pose as a champion of the rights of the Tamils, and/or to vilify the Sinhala-Buddhists as the villains who are out  to deny the Tamils their rights. It is absolutely childish and irresponsible  on his the part to run around like a chook without a head each time the Tamils complain that the Sinhala government” is not sending letters in Tamil. At least he should have balanced this complaint with that of the administrative failure to reply the Buddhist monk in Sinhala.

To blow this up into a deafening cry of discrimination by the Sinhala government” against the Tamils is a deliberate propaganda ploy by Prof. Fernando to exacerbate the delicate Sinhala-Tamil relations as it exists now. His politics of exploiting an administrative defect as a deliberate policy of discrimination against the Tamils by a Sinhala-Buddhist government” (which is what  the Tamils in the diaspora would do in the West) does not do much credit to his intelligence. When he has direct access to his old mate to check the facts what does he do : he makes a ha-ho as if the entire Sinhala-Buddhist state” is bent on oppressing and persecuting the Tamils. This is not the way to go forward towards reconciliation. Every peace-loving individual will agree that we have to get out  of the old mould and be more  understanding of each other’s failures. Rectifying errors are a necessity. But to exploit the missteps for political grandstanding is counterproductive.

Of course, most of this stems from the incurable paranoia which makes the Tamils and their agents believe that everything that the Sinhalese has done since independence has been to deny them their rights, their dignity, their history, their prosperity,  etc., etc. Every administrative, political, economic misstep of the state has been exploited by the Tamil leadership to polarise the society. I do not deny that the clash of the subterranean historical  forces unfolding in the post-independent era, both in the north and the south, contributed to each other’s fears and misery. Undoubtedly, the conflicting policies of the state and the Tamil leadership pushed each other into extremist corners from which they could not get out. Their respective fears that generated incurable suspicions eventually derailed communal harmony.

It  happened on both sides of the communal divide. For instance, scare-mongering, demonising the Sinhala-Buddhist as the inveterate enemy of the Tamils,  has been the standard tactic of the Tamil  political class to win votes in the Jaffna electorate. Political scientists have never looked  into the single-minded racism – no  other ideology propelled northern  politics — that warped Jaffna society and prevented any compromise short  of their extremist demands possible. Step by step they escalated Tamil racism, on the little now and  more later” tactics of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, until they painted themselves into inescapable corner of the Batakotte (Vadukoddai) declaration of war against the nation in 1976. Demonising the Sinhala governments”, they refused to acknowledge that the best period in their brief history, starting from the 13th century, was when they co-existed peacefully with the Sinhala-Buddhists since 1948. (This aspect  has to be developed separately.)

The symbiotic relationship  that held both communities together for millennia has always yielded good harvests to both communities and the nation as a whole.  But the tragedy is that the social scientist who stepped in  to pontificate on the escalating crisis pointed their finger only at the south without a commensurate analysis of the racial juggernaut  that came hurtling down from the north and crushed everything in its destructive path. This mono-causal theory of blaming only the Sinhala-Buddhists blinded the competing politicians and the decision-makers of both sides. The most minute slipup was picked up and exaggerated as the racist policies of the state against the Tamil minority. As I used to say, if Velupillai Prabhakaran had constipation they would blame the Sinhala government” for not sending basmati rice and porichchi koli, his favourite, while he fed the Tamil youth with suicide pills.

The tilt  towards  one  side, as if the  victims were only Tamils, has been a common crime  committed by our so-called human rights activists and intellectuals. The latest example is the summons  sent in Sinhalese to a Tamil journalist. Any stick is good enough for the anti-Sinhala-Buddhist gangs to beat the  Sinhala governments”. Consider, for instance, the role played by Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, the head  of ICES. She would hold seminars, inviting international  dignitaries, to say NEVER AGAIN” to 1983. That is acceptable. But what is  not acceptable is her refusal to hold similar seminars to remember the victims of Kathankudi where the innocent Muslims at prayer were massacred by the Tamil Tiger terrorists or the Sinhalese victims at Arantalawa slaughter house. When  did she hold a ‘NEVER AGAIN” to the crimes committed against  non-Tamils? When did Jehan Perera and Paki Saravanamuttu rave and rant against the Tamils for committing crimes against Sinhalese and Tamils in the global and local fora the way they did to demonise the Sinhala-Buddhists? Didn’t the non-Tamils bleed when the  Tamil Tiger terrorists slaughtered the innocent Muslim and Sinhalese non-combatants?

These one-eyed Jacks and Jills made compromise and reconciliation an impossibility because their rationalisations justified and reinforced the racist ideology of the ruling Vellala elite – there was  no other politics in Jaffna other than the Vellala politics – to pursue relentlessly the intransigent policy of insisting that the only way out  was to give in to every demand of the North, including separatism, irrespective of the consequences to the other communities. The Batakotte (Vadukoddai) Resolution of 1976 summarises the essence of the mono-causal politics manufactured by the one-eyed Jacks and Jills in academia. It contains their version of history, politics, fears, aspirations and, finally, the declaration of war to achieve their Eelam, deliberately opting out  of the democratic mainstream. Like most  other crises their kind of racism became fashionable in the post-Cold War period.

In the 20th century racism  triumphed in the name of minority rights. Partisan theorists boosted minoritarianism as being superior to majoritarianism even  though the evidence in Sri Lanka ran contrary to this fiction, proving that majoritarianism was more  humane and democratic than  minoritarianism, even under stressful conditions of a brutal war. The central issue in Sri Lanka too boiled down to the relationship between the majority and  the minority. Race relations became the overwhelming  force that replaced Left-Right politics that overwhelmed the 20th century. Racism is the new spectre that haunts global and local politics. It is the new ideology that plagues global politics. And the global and local experiences have  repeatedly driven  home the conclusion  that neither violence nor separatism can  be the answer to  the  plague  of  our  time.

The latest incident raised by Prof. Fernando is the kind of racist singularity peculiar to peninsular politics. He tends to  pick the slightest mishap to justify racism that leads to intransigent politics and violence. His hidden agenda in picking this infinitesimal incident is not to rectify it but to boost the cause of Tamil extremism which is now re-emerging through constitutional changes. He is saying that this is  what happens to the Tamils under the Sinhala governments and governors”. He is saying  that if the Tamils want Tamil language enshrined they must have a Tamil regime though it may not guarantee the Sinhalese and Muslims living under their separate state their rights. As things are under the Tamil-dominated  regime in the north, the Muslims can hardly get an appointment with the Tamil Chief Minister. That doesn’t concern the Professor. He  is only concerned about a summons sent to a Tamil  in Sinhalese. In other words, he is telling  the Tamils that there is no hope in reconciliation because you will always get summons in Sinhalese. He is polarising  the two communities. His highly publicised letter to the Governor should be viewed in this context. In itself it is a trivial incident but in the larger context of the devastating forces that shook the foundations of the nation in the post-independent era it moves into another level of greater significance. He, in sort, advising  the Tamils to follow the path Ponnambalam because the Sinhala governments” will not give the Tamils their disproportionate share of power. As I said earlier, he is acting like an incorrigible Ponnambalaya!

Please Professor, you and I have witnessed enough brutalities and bloodshed. Can you kindly stop this nonsense of posing as Napoleon Bonaparte charging around in his steed, waving the banner of Liberty, Equality and Fraternite. When  you pick up this trivia, which can  add up bit by bit into catastrophic proportions, you will not look like Bonaparte. You will end up looking more like Boru-part! So can you give us break, please!

චාර්ල්ස් පෙරේරා විසින්.

ඒදා ඒ ව්‍යාපාරය ගෙනගිය ඉස්කෝලේ හාමිනේලා අද ලංකාවට වෙලාතියෙන වින්නැහිය දැකලා දැන් මොනවා සිතනවා ඇද්දැයි දන්නේ නෑ. ඒ වගේ කාලකන්නියෝයි  අද ලංකාව පාතාලයට ඇදදමන්ට යන මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව පිහිටවන්ට සම්මාදන්  උනේ. 

රාජපක්ස ජනාධිපති තුමා දුටුවා යම්හෙතුවකින්  වෙන ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක් හෝ වෙන රජයක් බලයට  පත් උනොත් ඊ ලඟට එන කොය්යම් ජනාධි පතිවරයෙක්  හෝ රජයක්වත්   තමා ගෙනයන සංවර්ධනය ඒ විධියට ගෙනයන්නට  සමත්වන්නේ නැ කියලා. 

මේ නිගමනයට  ඔහු පැමිණියේ  1948 ඉඳල 2004 දක්වා බලයට පැමිනි දේශපාලන පක්ෂ  පිහිටෙව් ආණ්ඩු දිර්ගකාලයක් බලයේ  සිටීම සඳහා රනිල්වගේ ත්‍රස්තවාදියොත් එක්ක ගිවිසුම් ගහගෙන  කටයුතුකලා මිස ලංකාව නිදහස් රටක් වශයෙන්  දියුණු කරන්නට උත්සහයක් නොගත්බවත් ලංකාව කොයි ආකාරයට දියුනුකලයුතුදැයි වැටහීමක්  ඔවුන්ට නොමැති  බවත් ඔහුට හොඳ හැටි තෙරුම්ගිය නිසාය.

ඇරත් ඔහුගෙන් පසුව රනිල් ඔහුගේ නායකත්වයෙන් යුඇන්පී ආන්ඩුවක්පිහිටෙව්වොත්  ලංකාව බටහිරට ආවඩන වහල් රටක් බවට පත්කරන බව රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමා හොඳින් දැනසිටියේය..

අපේ  ඉංග්‍රීසි ඉගෙනගත් කොළඹ පන්ඩිතයන්ටවත්  මාද්යවෙදින්ටවත්  තේරෙන්නේ නැ රාජපක්ස ජනාධිපති තුමාට තිබුන  රට දියූණුකිරීමෙ අනොමය අභිප්ප්‍රාය. ඒ වීරවන්ත පුද්ගලයා  හොරෙක්යයි  හන්ග්වඩු  ගැහුවට  ඔහුට උවමනා උනේ රට දියුනුකරන්නට මිස තමන් පොහොසත් කරගන්නට නොවේ.

ඒ නිසයි එතුමා  තවත් අවරුදු දෙකක කාලයක් තිබුනත්  වෙන්නට තිබෙනවායයි සිතූ නස්පත්තියෙන්  රට බේරගෙන රට පිළිවෙලකට දියුනුකිරීම සඳහා  කාලයක් ලබාගැනීමට ජනාධිපති තේරීමේ  චන්ඳයක් කැඳ වුයේ.

එතුමා හිතුවා, ත්‍රස්තවාදය නැතිකරලා අවුරුදු පහක් ඇතුලත ඔහු රටට කල දියුණුව ඇස් ඉදිරියෙ තිබියදී ඔහු පරාජයකරන්න උන්ගේ චන්දය පාවිච්චි කරන්න තරම්, අඩුගනනේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයෝවත්, කෙලෙහිගුණ  නොදත් අසමත් ජාතියක්  නොවන්නේ යයි කියලා. නමුත් කාලකන්නි අපේ මිනිස්සු කල වින්නැහිය නිසා අද ලංකාව ඒකීය සිංහල බෞධ රටක් වශයෙන් සම්පුර්නයෙන්ම විනාශවෙන තැනට ඇවිල්ලා.

දෙමලුන්ටවත් මුස්ලිම්කාරයින්ටවත් තේරෙන්නේ නෑ මේ ලංකාව සිංහල බෞද්ධ රටක්ව තියන කල් පමණයි ඔවුන්ගේ ආරක්ෂාවත්, පැවැත්මත්,  දියුණුවත් තහවුරු වන්නේ කියලා. ඔවුන්ට ආවේනික ප්‍රදෙෂ වෙන්කරගත්තොත් ඔවුන් අතරම ඇතිවන කපාකොටාගැනීම්වලින් ඔවුන් අතරම  සමගිය සාමය නැතිවී  යන්නට ඉඩ තියෙනවා.

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමාගේ ආණ්ඩුව  ත්‍රස්තවාදය පරාජය කරලා  කරපු  මාර්ග සංවර්ධනයෙන්ම පේනවා එතුමාගේ ආණ්ඩුව කොය්තරම් වේගයෙන් අපේ රට දියුණුකරවන් නට උත්සාහයක් ගත්තද කියලා.

කටහැකර කිරිඇල්ලලා, වික්‍රමසින්හලා ඒ දවස්වල පාරවල් හදන්නේ කන්ටයැ කියා කියා කරපු  විවේචනයන් මතක්වෙනවිට කාටත් තෙරුම්යනවා යුඇන්පී කාරයන්ට සංවර්ධනය ගැන කිසිම  හැගීමක්වත් නොතිබෙනබව. අවුරුදු දෙකහමාරකටත් වැඩිකාලයක් රටකරලත් බෝක්කුවක් වත් හදාගන්න බැරිඋන ආණ්ඩුවක් යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව.

ප්‍රන්සයේ  ඕනේ මුල්ලකටගියත් පළමුව දකින්නේ  රටේ ඉතා හොඳ මාර්ග පද්දතිය.  හැමරටකම දියුණුව පටන්ගන්නේ පාරවල් හදල. ඉංග්‍රීසිකාරයොත් ලංකාව උන්ගේ කොලනියක් කරගත් විටත් පලමුවෙන්ම කලේ  පාරවල්හදන එක.  යුඇන්පී කාරයන්ට කොහෙද ඒක තේරෙන්නේ ? ඔවුන්ට පන්දම් අල්ලන උන්ටවත් ඒක තේරෙන්නේ නැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමාගේ කාලයේ කරන ලද යෝධ සංවර්ධනය පිලිබඳ වචනයක්වත් කියන්න කැමැත්තක් දක්වන්නේනැති  ශමීන්ද්‍ර ෆෙර්දිනන්දෝ වැනි මාද්යවෙදීන් අපේරට බටහිරට විකුනන්න උත්සහදරන සිරිසේන රනිල් ආණ්ඩුවට ආවඩන එවුන්.

සිරිසෙන ජනාධිපති මහලොකුවටකතා  නම් කරනවා නමුත් රටහදනකාරියට අතගහන්න බැරිබවනම් මනාව පේනවා. මහබැංකුවේ බැඳුම්කර වංචාවට සම්බන්ධ එවුන් තාමත් රටේ වැදගත්තැන්වල. ජනාධිපතිට පුළුවන්කමක් නැද්ද අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍රව  සිරගතකරලා ඔහුගේ ගමන් පත් තාවකාලික අවලන්ගුකරන්න.  අර්ජුන මහේන්ද්‍ර මහා හොරකමක් කල හොරෙක් බව දැන් හොඳටම තේරෙනවා. නමුත්  විමල් වීරවන්ස, නාමල් රාජපක්ස,ගමන්පිල, බැසිල් රාජපක්ස, තිස්ස අත්තනායක   ආදී  ඇත්තවශයෙන්ම වචනයේ නියමාර්තයෙන්ම හොරකමක් සිදුනොකළ උදවිය මාන්චුදාළ අල්ලගේනගිහින් හිරේ දමනවා. මෙහෙම කරනඑක නවත්තන්න සිරිසෙන ජනාධිපතිට බැරිද ?

සයිටම් පිළිබඳව තියෙන ප්‍රශ්නය උනත් සිරිසෙන ජනාධිපතිට නවත්තන්න පුලුවන් ඒ පිළිබඳව පවතින තත්වය වඩාත් උග්‍රවත්කරන රාජිත සෙනරත්න ඒ අමත්යාන්සයෙන් වෙන අමාත්යාන්සයකට  යවල සයිටම් ආයතනය හා නෙවිල් ප්‍රනාන්දුගේ රෝහල රාජයට අරගෙන දැන් පවිතින අර්බුදය විසදන්නට සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිට පුළුවන්කමක්  තියෙන්ට ඕනැ . නමුත් මිනිස්සුන්ට එයා ලොක්කා යයි පෙනන්නන කතාකර කර අවශ්‍ය කටයුතු මගහරින බවක්  තමයි පෙන්ටතින්නේ.

එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සංගමයට ඕනෑකමතියෙන්නේ  දෙමලුන්ට වෙනම ප්‍රදේශයක් වෙන්කරගැනීමට ඉඩ ලබාදෙන්න. සිරිසෙන ජනාධිපතිට බලයක් තියෙනවානම් එක්සතින් ජාතීන්ගේ සංගමයට  දන්වන්න පුළුවන්කමක් තියෙන්න ඕනැ බෙන් එමේර්සන් වැනි නියෝජිතයෝ ලංකාවට ඇවිල්ල කෙලින්ම උතුරට ගිහින් දෙමළ දේශපාලඥයින් හමුවන්ට යනඑක නවත්තන්න. නමුත් සිරිසේන ජනාධිපතිට පුළුවන් එවුන් ඇවිල්ල ගියාට පස්සේ ඒ ගැන ඔහුගේ අකමැත්ත පලකරන්න. මුන් සුද්දන්ට බයයි.

සිංගප්පුරුවේ විදේශ අමාත්‍ය බාලසින්හම් කියන දෙමලමනුස්සය උතුරට ගිහින් එහි දේශපාලඥයින් හමුවෙලා කියනවා සිංගප්පුරුව යාපනය කෙරෙහි විශේෂ සැලකිල්ලක් තියෙනවා කියල. මේවාට ඉඩදෙන එකද සිරිසෙන ගේ සංහිඳීයාව ?

සිරිසේන රනිල් රාජිත සෙනරත්න ආදීන්ට තියෙන්නේ  මහන්තත්ත කමින්  ඉදිමුවාගත් ඔළුගෙඩි. ඒක ලෙඩක්.  එනිසයි උන්ට රටේ එක ප්‍රශ්නයක්වත් විසඳාගන්න බැරි.  යහපාලන රජයේ ඉංග්‍රීසි පත්තරයේ  ප්‍රමෝද සිල්වා කියනවා සිරිසේන කියනවාලු  ජාතිය නගාසිටුවීම සඳහා යුඇන්පී ඇස්ඇල්පී දෙබිඩි ආණ්ඩුව මොනප්‍රශ්නආවත් නොකඩවා ගෙනයනවලු. ඒ රටේ  ජාතියේ නගාසිටුවීම කෙසේවෙතත් රටජාතිය විනාෂ උනත් ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන පැවත්ම සඳහායි යන්න හන්ගන්ට බැ. මේ රට බටහිරටත්  ඉන්දියාවටටත්  දැනටමත් විකුණලා, ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ගන්ටදෙයක් දැන් නැ. මේ අවුරුදු පහම මුන්ගේ ඉලව් යහපාලනය පවත්වාගෙන ගියොත් ඒ සිංහල ජාතියේ අවසානයි.

 සිරිසේන රනිල් දෙපලටයි, මංගල රවී ජෝඩුවටයි  ජාතික කැක්කුමක්  නැ. ලෝකබැන්කුව උන්ගේ කොන්දේසි උඩ නයදෙනවා එයින්වෙන්නේ රට බටහිරට තවතවත් නයගැතිවෙන එකයි, ඉන් පස්සේ ලංකාවේ නිදහස අහෝසිවෙලා ලංකාව බටහිරට හිසනමන වහල් ජාතියක්වෙනවා. මදැයි වෙනසකට කියකියා සතාට කතිරෙගහල කරගත් වින්නැහිය ?

ලංකාවට අලුත් ව්‍යවස්තාවක් අවශ්‍ය නැ මොවුන් කරන්නේ බටහිර ට ඔවුන් දෙමළුන්ට සමතැනක්දෙනබව  පෙන්වන්න. එයින් වෙන්නේ අන්තිමේදී ෆෙදෙරල්  ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රමයක් හැදෙන එක. මේකට කොහෙත්ම ඉඩ නොදෙන්න දැන්මම කටයුතු කලයුතුව තිබෙනවා.

මහා පණ්ඩිත කථා කියන සිරිසේන ජනාධිපති අතුරුදහන්වූ මිනිසුන් සඳහා කාර්යාලයක් පිටුවීමට අවශ්‍ය කැබිනෙට් පත්‍රිකාව අත්සන්කලාලු. දැන්වත්  මේ ආන්ඩුව කියන්න ඕනේ  ත්‍රස්තවාදය නැතිකිරීම පිළිබඳව බටහිරින් හෝ එක්සත්ජාතීන්ගේ ජිනීවා කාර්යාලයෙන් එන මොනම තර්ජන යෝජනා ශ්‍රී ලංකාව  ප්‍රතික්ෂේපකරනබවත් ඒ පිළිබඳව බලකිරීමක් කලොත් ලංකාව  එක්සත්ජාතීන්ගේ මිනිස් අයිතිවාසිකම් පිලිබඳ ජිනීවාහි පිහිටි  කොමිසමෙන්  ඉවත්වෙන බව.  

ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් පීඩාවට පත්වුයේ අපියි. ඒ ගැන කිසිම  හැඟීමක් විදේශිකයන්ට නැ. ප්‍රන්සයේ ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන්  මළවුන් පිළිබඳව සිහිකිරීමේ උත්සව මහ ඉහලින් පවත්වනවා ඒවාට අනිත් යුරෝපා රටවල්ද සහභාගිවෙනවා. අපේ සිංහල ගම්වල හා වෙනත් ප්‍රදෙසවල කොතරම් අහිංසක මිනිසුන්,දරුවන් ත්‍රස්තවාදීන් විසින් අමුඅමුවේ මරාදැම්මාද ? ඒ සඳහා අපට බටහිර රටවලින් කිසි අනුකම්පාවක් ලැබුනේ නැ. ඔවුන්ගෙන් අපට ලැබුනේ අපවාද, හා ත්‍රස්තවාදය නැතිකළ අපේ යුදවිරුවන්ට දඬුවන්කිරීමේ යෝජනා එල්ලකිරීමයි.

ත්‍රස්තවාදය නිසා මැරුනේ වඩාත්,  අපේ සිංහල තරුණයන්. දෙමලුන්ටත් ඒ ගැන හැගීමක් නැ. අපිව ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් බේරාගැනීමට ජීවිත පුජාකලේ අපේම කොල්ලෝ. ඒ ගැන වේදනාවක් තියෙන්නේ අපිට. යුද්දය ගැන විහුලුකල රනිල් වික්‍රමසින්හට, රවී කරුනානායකට,මංගල සමරවීරට ඒ ගැන වේදනාවක් නැති නිසයි ඔවුන් අපේ වීර රණවිරුවන් පාවාදෙන්න ඉදිරිපත්වෙන්නේ. ඒකට සිරිසේනත් ස්ම්මාදන්වෙනවා.  මේ නොබෝද කොමොන්දෝරු  ඩී කෙ පී දිසානායක රණවිරුවත් අත්අඩංගුවට අරන්. තවකී දෙනෙකුට මේ වින්නැහියට මුණ දෙන්න සිදුවෙයිද?

ඇයි අප්පේ ත්‍රස්තවාදය නැතිකලේ කියලා අහනතරමට මේ  මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන හා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ අච්චාරු ආණ්ඩුව  අපේ ගෞරවය ආදරය හිමිකරගත් අපේ ආරක්ෂක දේවතාවන් වැනි රණවිරුවන් ට කොයි තරමක් වදහිංසා කරනවාද ? මේකම ඇති මුන්ට වැහි නැති හෙනගහන්ට.

වෙනසකට සතාට කතිරය ගහපු පන්විල ඉස්කෝලයෙ සමහරක් ගුරුවරියන්ට දැන් මොනවා හිතෙනවා ඇද්ද ?

BY MALINDA SENEVIRATNE

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Need of the hour ……..

Public is out of touch with governing politicians and only way they can meet top level politicians is when they go on demonstrations and HE and PM invite then for discussions. It is also good that well-dressed Ex Mrs World in her prime meet the public .Public, may forget why they came for when they are mesmerised during the encounter ?

It is also good to know that the government wants to enhance public relations as the current relationship is not at  the best .Bond scam .Garbage fiasco ,Salawa tragedy ,Dengue management ,Saitm issue ,never ending public demonstration causing much hardship to people has not created a good impression .Hence little pep talk may be helpful .Question is whether public has to reserve a time to meet the officers via online access portal like Chanelling a Doctor ?

All the questions raised at the Public Relations Office should also be placed in a online portal so that people do not have to repeat the same issue when they meet the officers.

When I go , I will take a nice bouquet of flowers to the lady and try to win her heart before I present my case

How is that ?

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

කුඩගම්මන සීලරතන හිමි

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග මෑතක දී පළ කළ ලිපිවල වත්මන් ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික සංඝ සමාජය පිළිබඳව කිසියම් අදහසක් පළ කිරීමට දරණ වෑයමක් පෙනෙන මුත්, ඒවා සාමාන්‍යයෙන් නිතර පළවන අදහස්වලින් එහා යන බවක් නොපෙනේ.   ඒ කියන දේවල්වල කිසියම් සත්‍යයක් ඇති නමුත්, බහුතරය  ඕපාදුප යයි මට හැෙඟ්. යුගයෙන් යුගය කවර සමාජයක වුව සුවිශේෂ පුද්ගලයන් පහළ වූ ආකාරයට ම ලාංකික සමාජයෙහි ද විවිධ දක්‍ෂතා ඇති භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ කවදටත් වැඩ සිටිති. ශක්ති පමණින් ඥාන පමණින් යම් යම් සමාජයීය මෙහෙවරයන් ඉටුකර වියෝ වූ යතිවරුනට අතපසු වූ බරපතළ ම දෙය තමතමන් කළ කී හරියවත් කර කියාගත නොහැකි තමන්ගේ යයි කිවහැකි ශිෂ්‍ය පුත‍්‍රයන් තනා වඩා තබා යන්නට නොහැකි වීම ය. එ නිසා, පොදුවේ සංඝ සමාජයෙහි මහා හිදැසක් දැකිය හැක. වෛද්‍ය රුවන් ජයතුංගයන්ට දම් ඇදුරු වී යයි කියන නාරද හිමියන් පවා, සාර්ථක ද්විභාෂක බෞද්ධ වියතකු වුව ද උන්වහන්සේ ඇවෑමෙන් ආධිපත්‍ය දැරූ වජිරාරාමය වසර ගණනාවක් පාලූවට ගිය අතර අද ද ඉඳහිට නම ඇසෙන තවත් එක් පන්සලකට වඩා යමක් එනමින් නැත.        

              කලකට පෙර වියෝ වූ ආරාමික නඩු පිළිබඳ පළපුරුදු නීතිඥවරයකු වරක් පැවසුවේ බුදුන් වහන්සේ ධරමාන සමයෙහි සිට ම ගොඩනැගෙන පරම්පරා උරුමයක් වශයෙන් ධර්මය රැුක ගැනීම පසුකාලයෙහි දේපළ රැුක ගැනීමේ සම්ප‍්‍රදායකට වෙනස් වූ බව ය. මෙම තත්වය අද වනවිට ශී‍්‍ර ලංකාවෙහි බුදු සසුනක් නොමැති වී, දේපල ඇත්නම් රැුක බලාගෙන, තමතමනට රිසි පරිදි හැෙඟන සිතෙන  ඕනෑ ම දෙයක් බුදුදහම ලෙස තේරුම් කරමින්, සිවුරු දරා සිටින, තනි තනි මිනිසුන් පිරිසකගේ ව්‍යාපාරයක් දැකිය හැකි තැනට පිරිහී තිබේ. හැම කෙනෙකු ම තනි තනිව කැපී පෙනෙන්නට වෑයම් කරන එහි නවකයන් පුහුණු කිරීමක් නැති අතර, ඔවුන්ට මග පෙන්වීමක් හෝ නියාමනයක් ද නොකෙරේ.

               ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික භික්‍ෂුව සම්බන්ධ තවත් කක්‍ෂණයක් ප‍්‍රකටව දැකිය හැක. තායිලන්තය. ලා ඕසය සහ ඉුරුමයට සාපේක්‍ෂව ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික භික්‍ෂුව කිසිවෙකුටත් ඇහුම්කන් දෙන කෙනෙකු නොවේ. ඔහු දායකයන්ගෙන් යැපෙන්නෙකුට වඩා, දායකයන් විසින් නඩත්තු කළයුතු යයි සිතන මෙන් ම ඔවුනගෙන් නඩත්තු වීම ඔවුන්ගේ අයිතියක් යයි සිතන, ඔවුනගේ ආගමික අවශ්‍යතා සපුරමින් අවශ්‍ය අවස්ථාවල ඔවුනට අවවාද අනුශාසනා කරන, සාමාන්‍ය සමාජයට ඉහළින් සිටින සමාජ ප‍්‍රපඤ්චයකි. දරුවකු පැවිදිකළ මොහොතේ ම දෙමාපියන් ඇතුළු රැුස්ව සිටින සියල්ලන්ගේ නමස්කාරයට ලක්වීමෙන් ඔවුන් තුළ ඇතිකරවන මානය මුලූ ජීවිත කාලය පුරාවට තදින් තහවුරු වෙමින් ඔවුන් ව නිවනින් ඈත් කරවන බව ඔවුහු නොසළකති. එහෙත්, පුදුම සහගත දෙය සහත දැක් වූ කිසිදු රටක පැවිද්දනට නොලැබෙන පිළිගැනීමක් සහ ගරුසරු දැක්වීමක් ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික සමාජයෙහි තවමත් තිබේ.

               බැමිණිතියා මහා සායෙන් පසුව එතෙක් මුඛ පරම්පරාගතව පැවති ධර්ම-විනය රැුක ගැනීමේ අභියෝයට මුහුණ දුන් සමකාලීන භික්‍ෂූන් අතර වූ සංවාදයක් පිළිබඳ තොරතුරු මනෝරථපූරණිය අංගුත්තර නිකාය අටුවාවෙහි දැක්වේ. ඒ අනුව, ධර්මය රැුක ගැනීමේ අභියෝගය ජයගත හැක්කේ කෙසේ දැ’යි සාකච්ඡුාවට භාජනය වී තිබේ. එහි දී වැඩි ඡුන්දයක් ලැබී ඇත්තේ ධර්මය හැදෑරීමට මිස, පිළිවෙතට යොමුවීමට නොවේ. එහෙයින්, ලෝකය දකින්නේ ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික භික්‍ෂුව ධර්මය දන්නා එහෙත් නොපිළිපදින්නෙකු ලෙස ය. එක්තරා අතකින් භික්‍ෂුව ගැරහීමට ලක් වීමට මෙම වාතාවරණය ද තුඩුදෙන බව දැකිය හැක.   

                ලාංකික සමාජයෙහි ධර්ම විනය පිරිහීම කඩිනම් කළේ හැත්තෑ අටේ ආර්ථික විපර්යාසය බව පැහැදිළි ය. වරක් මහැදුරු සරච්චන්ද්‍රයන් පැවසුවේ වෙළඳපොළ අර්ථක‍්‍රමය එතෙක් නොදුටූ විරූ මිනිසකු තනන බව ය. එතුමන්ට අනුව අවස්ථාවෝචිතව භූමිකා රංගනයක යෙදී වෙහෙසට පත්ව දවස නිමා කරන ඒ විපර්යාසයට අනුහුරු වූ මිනිසා, දිනෙන් දිනට ජීවත් වන, තමන්ට ම ආගන්තුකයකු වූ, අමුතු ම කෙනෙකි. එකවර ම මරණයට පත්වීමේ භාග්‍ය නොඑළඹියේ නම්, පැය කිහිපයකටවත් නිසොල්මන් ව තමන් වැතිර සිටින්නට වුවහොත්, ඒ අය තුළ එතුවක් කල් මිනිසකු ජීවත් වූ නොමැති බව පසක් වීමෙන් ඔහු මහත් කම්පාවකට පත්වනු නියත ය. මා දකින ආකාරයට අද ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික සමාජයෙහි සිටින ගිහි පැවිදි බොහෝ දෙන එසේ තමතමාට ම ආගන්තුක වූවන්ගේ පරපුරේ අය ය.

                බුදුන් වහන්සේ විසින් සිගාලෝවාදය සහ තවත් බොහෝ තැන්වල පෙන් වූ පරිදි සමාජයෙහි පදනම ආර්ථිකයයි. එය ම අවධාරණය කරන කාර්ල්මාක්ස්ගේ සමාජ විග‍්‍රහය අනුව ආර්ථිකය සමාජයෙහි අධෝ ව්‍යුහයයි. මේ භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලා තැනෙන්නේ ඒ පදනමෙහි ය. දායකයා (සමාජය* ඔරුවකටත් භික්‍ෂුව එහි නැගී එතෙරට යන මගියාටත් උපමා කළ බුදුන් වහන්සේ පෙන්වා වදාළේ, භික්‍ෂුව ඔරුව එතෙරට ගෙන යා ගැනීමට අසමත් වන තත්වයක් තුළ දෙදෙනා ම ගිලී මැරෙන බව ය. ඒ දිරාපත් වූ ඔරුව මගියාට දොස් නැගීමෙන් ඵලක් නොවන අතර, පණ බේරා ගැනීමට කළයුතුව තිබෙන එක ම දෙය දෙදෙනා අතර කෙරෙන සානුකම්පිත සංවාදයකින් පිළිගත හැකි ආස්ථානයකට එළඹීම පමණි.        

              ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ බහුතරය දිනෙන් දින කුණු වෙමින් ලොව ම ගඳ ගස්වන දේශීය දේශපාලන ගොහොරුවෙහි ගිලෙන්නේ ඒ ඇත්තන් විසින් උදුරා ගනු ලැබූ සමාජ නායකත්වය යළි දිනා ගැනීමේ උපක‍්‍රමයක් ලෙස වියහැකි නමුත් එය සාර්ථක වූ බවක් නොපෙනේ. ඒ වෙනුවට අද දැකිය හැක්කේ      

විවිධ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ භූමිකා රංගනයක නිරත භික්‍ෂූන් පිරිසකි. ඒ මාධ්‍ය ආයතනවලට සම්බන්ධ වීමට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ජනපි‍්‍රය වීමේ අභිලාශයෙන් මඩනා ලද, ඒ වෙනුවෙන්  ඕනෑම දෙයක් කැප කිරීමට සූදානම් භික්‍ෂූ පිරිසක් මිස බහුතරය නොවේ. භික්‍ෂුව මෙසේ ඉහත මහැදුරු සරච්චන්ද්‍රයන් පැවසූ ආකාරයේ නලූවකු වීම ඉබේ ම සිදුවන්නක් නොවේ.

             හැත්තෑ අටේ පෙරළිය හුමුවේ ඇතිවන සමාජ සංස්කෘතික හානිය දුටු යතිවරුන් අතර පලිපාන චන්දානන්ද අස්ගිරි මහ නාහිමි, මඩිහේ පඤ්ඤාසීහ මහ නාහිමි සහ මාදුලූවාවේ සෝභිත මාහිමි මුල් තැනක් ගත් අතර, උන්වහන්සේලාගේ හඬ ඉතා බලවත් විය. ඒ හඬ යටපත් කෙරෙන තුරුම්පුවක් පාවිච්චි කෙරුණේ මුලූ මහත් සඟසසුන ම විනාශ කෙරෙමිනි. එවකට පැවති රජය, පැවිදි පිරිවෙන් සිසුවකු සඳහා වසරකට රු. 450ක් සහ ගිහි සිසුවෙකුට සහ පුස්තකාල පහසුකම් සඳහාත් වාර්ෂික ව මුදල් ප‍්‍රදානයක් කිරීමට ඉදිරිපත් වීම පිරිවෙන් අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ හිමිවරුනට ඉල්ලමක් විය. අද වනවිට, මේ මුදල තෙගුණය ද ඉක්මවා වැඩිවී තිබෙන අතර, ව්‍යාජ වාර්ෂික වාර්තා ඔස්සේ පිරිවෙන් අධ්‍යක්‍ෂවරුන් මෙතෙක් අත්කර ගත් ජාතික ධනයෙන් සිදු වූ මොන ම හෝ ආර්ථික සමාජ ප‍්‍රගතියක් පෙන්නුම් කළ හැකි වී නම් අද නැගෙන අවලාද යටපත් වන්නට තිබුණි.

              හැත්තෑ අටට පෙර පිරිවෙණකට ශිෂ්‍යයකු ඇතුළත් කිරීම පරම්පරා ගණන් දිගට පවත්නා සමාජ ආගමික සබඳතා ගොඩ නැගෙන, සතර පේරුවේ ම දායක සහභාගිත්වය ලැබුණ. මහත් වගකීම් සහගත පින්කමකි. දායකවරු තමන්ගේ ආරාමයෙහි පොඩි හුමුදුරුවන් ඉගෙනුම ලබන පිරිවෙණට වාර්ෂික දාන පිරිනැමූ අතර, ස්වකීය විහාරස්ථානයේ කුදු මහත් කටයුතුවලට ඒ පිරිවෙණෙහි නායක කාරකාදි මහ සඟරුවනේ සහභාගිත්වය නිතර ලබා ගත්හ. මේ හරහා පොඩිහාමුදුරුවන් පිළිබඳ ඇගයීමක් සිදු වූ අතර, උන්වහන්සේ අත්කර ගන්නා කුසලතාමය සහ දැනුමේ ප‍්‍රගතිය සියලූ දායකයන් අතර ප‍්‍රචලිත විය. එහෙත්, බහුතරයකට ප‍්‍රතිපාදන ලබා දී ඉහත කී නාහිමිවරුන්ගේ හඬ යටපත් කරවා ගත් රජයන්ගේ මුදලට කෑදර වූ බොහෝ පාරිවේණික අධ්‍යක්‍ෂවරු ඔලූගෙඩි වැඩිකර ගැනීමේ සහ වැඩි මුදලක් ලබා ගැනීමේ මෙහෙයුමකට අවතීර්ණ වූයෙන් අර සබඳතා ජාලය නිහඬව නිවී ගියේ ය. අණු මාත‍්‍ර වරදෙහි බිය දක්නා සුලූව වාසය කිරීම අවධාරණය කෙරුණ බොදු හැදියාවෙන් මෙහෙයැවුණු පෙර පිරිවෙන්පති හිමිවරු සිසුන්ට දැඩි දඬුවම් දුන් ආකාරය සිහිපත්වන විට අදත් දැනෙන්නේ දැඩි බියකි.   

              දිනක් හරංකහව සංඝානන්ද පිරිවෙණෙහි (තවමත් තිබේ දැ’යි නොදනිමි* එක් තරුණ ශිෂ්‍ය භික්‍ෂුවකගේ නොමනා හැසිරීමක් එම පන්තියට උගන්වමින් සිටි ගිහි ගුරුවරයකුව කෙතරම් අපහසුවකට පත් කළේ ද යත් එකවර ම ගැරුවරයාගේ පහර දීමකට තරුණ පැවිදි ශිෂ්‍යයා ලක් ව තිබේ. ඒ භික්‍ෂවගේ  හැසිරීම එතරම් ම නොපනත් වූවකි. එකල මහනුවර දිස්ති‍්‍රක්කයේ දියුණු පිරිවෙණක් වූ එහි ශිෂ්‍යයෝ කිපුණහ. පැමිණිල්ල පිරිවෙන්පති නාහිමියන්ට ඉදිරිපත් කෙරිණි. ගුරුවරයා ගෙන්වා සිද්ධිය විමසා දැනගත් නාහිමියෝ සියලූ සිසුන් පිරිවෙණ හැරගිය ද තමන් වහන්සේ ඒ ගුරු භවතා පිරිවෙණෙහි තබා ගන්නා බව ප‍්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියා සිටියහ. ශිෂ්‍ය භික්‍ෂූහු නිහඬ ව පන්තිවලට ගියහ. එහෙත්, ඉහත ආර්ථික පෙරළියෙන් උඩුයටිකුරු වී ගිය පිරිවෙණ, අනතුරුව බලයට පත් රජයන් විසින් වරින් වර දීමනාව වැඩි කිරීමත් සමග සුණුවිසුණු වී ගියේ ය. දැන් තිබෙන පිරිවෙණ් බහුතරය හිතුමනාපේ  ඕනෑම කෙනෙකුට ඉගෙනුම ලැබිය හැකි, මොන ම ආකාරයෙන්වත් වරදක් පෙන්වා දිය නොහැකි, අවාසනාවන්ත ආයතන සමූහයකි. ඒවායින් ඔය කියන ආකාරයේ චරිත බිහිවිය හැකි පසුබිමක් නොමැත.

             ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික ආරාමවල පැවිදි කරවීම සිදුවන ආකාර ද කිහිපයකි. එකක් ඥාති ශිෂ්‍ය පරම්පරාව පවත්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ලේ ඥාතිත්වයක් ඇති දරුවන් පැවිදි කරවීම ය. ශිෂ්‍යානුශිෂ්‍ය පරපුර පවත්වා ගෙන යාමට තෝරාගත් දරුවන් පැවිදි කරවීම අනෙකකි. පිරිවෙණෙහි දීමනාව වැඩි ප‍්‍රමාණයක් ලබා ගනිමින්, ගුරු සංඛ්‍යා පවත්වා ගැනීමට පැවිදි කරවීම තවෙකකි. කිසිවක් සොයා නොබලා අහුවෙන කෙනෙක් පැවිදි කරවීම, ආයතන පාලූ වීම මග හරවා ගැනීමට වියපත් වූවන් පැවිදි කරවීම, පවුල් පසුබිමෙහි ගැටලූ නිසා පැමිණ පැවිදිවීම සහ අඟපසඟ බලා පැවිදි කරවීම ද කෙරෙන බව කණගාටුවෙන් වුව සඳහන් කළයුතු ය. මෙයින් මුල් ශීෂ්‍ය භික්‍ෂූන් අතිශය වරප‍්‍රසාද ලාභීන් ය. සමාජයේ ගැරහුමට ලක්වන බහුතරය ඒ පිරිස අතරින් ආ අය නොවේ. මේවා බැලූබැල්මට මිස, ශාස්තී‍්‍රයව කරුණු පරීක්‍ෂා කර දක්වනු ලබන අදහස් නොවේ.

            අවිවාහක පිරිමි ගැහැණු පමණක් සිටින ආයතනවල ලිංගික සබඳතා ඇතිවීම සාමාන්‍ය ස්වාභාවික සංසිද්ධියක් නමුත් ළමා අපයෝජනය කෙසේවත් අනුමත කළ හැක්කක් නොවේ. එයින් වන පෞරුෂ හානිය, මනෝ-කායික දුබලතා මෙන් ම ඇතැම් අමානුෂික සංසිද්ධීන් ද අඩුවක් නොමැත. බොහෝවිට, ඉහත ගණපූරණය පවත්වා ගැනීමට පැවිදි කෙරෙන්නේ බෙහෙවින් පාරිසරික සහ ආර්ථික ගැටලූ ඇති පවුල්වල දරුවන් ය. පිරිවෙන්වලට දිළිඳු දරුවන් සපයන ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් ද දක්නා ලැබේ. ඒ දරුවන්ට ලැබෙන යම්යම් සත්කාර, තෑගිබෝග නිසා, සිත්තුළ පවත්නා ආතතිය සඟවා ගෙන හෝ තවත්     සමහර විටක අවස්ථාව පැමිණෙන තෙක් රැුඳී සිටින අදහසින් විඳ දරාගෙන සිටින හෝ ඔවුන්ගේ තත්වය  තවත් වියවුල් වන්නේ කලවයස් සමග වැඩිහිටි භික්‍ෂූන්ගේ අමන අවශ්‍යතා සපුරාලීමට පසුබට වීමෙන් නොතකා හැරෙන තැනට වැටීමත් සමග ය. එතැන් පටන් කෙසේ හෝ ආරාවුල් කර ඔහුව ආයතනයෙන් බැහැර කරවීම ආයතනාධිපතිවරුන්ගේ අභිලාශය වෙයි.

             ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකික ආරාමික පරිසරය හා ආශි‍්‍රත අත්දැකීම් ලොවට පෙනෙන ආකාරයේ පාවාඩ වියන් යටින් ගොස් පිරුවට මත වැඩහිඳිමින් ලබන ඒවා ම නොවේ. වෛද්‍ය ජයතුංග පවසනවාට වඩා අමානුෂික මෙන් මදුෂිතය. ජුගුප්සා ජනක ය. බොහෝ තරුණ භික්‍ෂූන් ප‍්‍රකට කරන්නේ ඒ මානසික පීඩාවන් ය. මෙම තත්වය යම් තරමකට හෝ අවම කළහැක්කේ දැන උගත් දායකවරුන් කුඩා හිමිවරුන්ට සමීප ව තමන්ගේ දරුවන් වැනි ම ය වැනි ආකල්පයකින් තොරතුරු සොයා බලා අවශ්‍ය මග පෙන්වීම් කිරීමට යොමු වීමෙනි. එහෙත්, ප‍්‍රකට ව දැකිය හැක්කේ ස්වකීය ආගමික අවශ්‍යතා පමණක් සපුරා ගැන්මට ඒ අය ද මේ කුඩා ජීවිත පාවිච්චි කරන බවක් පමණි. එහි ලා වියතුනට කළහැකි එක් දෙයක් පිළිබඳ අත්දැකීමක් මට තිබේ. කවදත් කෙස් රැුවුල් කපන සිරිතකට හුරුවී තිබෙන මා බස් නැවතුමක සිටිය දී මහානුභාව සම්පන්න රථයක් නවතා කැමති නම් මිනුවන්ගොඩට ඇරලවිය හැකි යයි පැවසී ය. මා සිටි තැනින් බසයකට නැග ගැනීමේ අපහසුව දැන සිටියෙන් දෙවරක් සිතන්නට පසුබට නොවුනෙමි. වාහනය පැදවූයේ ටයි කෝට් ඇඳගත් වැදගත් පෙනුම ඇතියෙකි. බඹ කිහිපයක් ඉදිරියට ඇදෙද්දී එතුමා ම දෙස  ඕනෑකමින් බලා, ”හාමුදුරුවනේ, ඩංසමකසවාතාතපසිරිංසප සම්පස්සානං” කියන්නේ කුමක් දැ’යි විමසී ය. දෛනික භික්‍ෂු ප‍්‍රත්‍යවේක්‍ෂාවෙන් එය ඔහු ඉගෙනගෙන තිබුණේ පාසැල් වියෙහි දී, ඔහුගේ පියාගේ සෙහොයුරෙකු වූ නාහිමි නමකගේ පන්සලෙහි නේවාසික ව සිට නුවර පාසැලකට යද්දී ය. එය පහදා දුන් පසුව එතුමා පැවසූයේ භික්‍ෂූන්ට බසයකට නැග ගැනීමට තිබෙන අපහසුව දන්නා ඔහු යන එන පාරවල්වල බස් නැවතුම්පළවල කෙස්රැුවුල් කැපූ හිමිනමක සිටිනු දුටුවොත් කැඳවාගෙන යන බවත්, දන්නවා දැ’යි බලන්නට ඒ පැනය නැගූ බවත් ය. තවත් අත්දැකීමක් කියමි. යොවුන් වියෙහි පැවිදි වූ මා හමුවට හැම බ‍්‍රහස්පතින්දා ම උදෑසන ආ දායක මහත්මයකු බදාදා රාති‍්‍ර දම්දෙසුම ගැන කතාබස් කරන්නට පුරුදුව සිටියේ ය. මුල් ම දිනයෙහි ඒ ගැන නොදැන සිටි මුත්, ජාම බේරාගත් මම දෙවන දින සිට නොවරදවා ම බදාදා රාති බණ ඇසීමට පුරුදු වීමි. අදටත් අන්තර්ජාලයෙන් සුදුසු දම්දෙසුමක් ඇසීමේ පුරුද්ද තිබේ. මෙබඳු ගතිසිරිත් පුරුදු කරවමින් භික්‍ෂූනට කලණ මිතුරන් වීම කාට වුව කළහැකි වටිනා දේ ය.   

         දේශ දේශාන්තරණය බහුල වී ඇති මෑතක සිට දක්නා ලැබෙන තවත් දෙයක් මේ පරිහානිය තීව‍්‍ර කරවනු නිරනුමානය. පිරිකර පූජා කිරීම සාම්ප‍්‍රදායික සංසිද්ධියක් වන අතර එහි දී කිසි ම ප‍්‍රයෝජනයක් නොමැති දේ ලැබෙන අවස්ථා කොතෙකුත් තිබේ. විදේශගත ලාංකිකයන් සිවුරු පිරිකර ආදියක් සපායා ගත නොහැකි නිසා, ලියුම් කවරයක බහා ලූ කිසියම් මුදලක් පුදන සිරිතක් තිබේ. මෑතක සිට මෙම සිරිත ශී‍්‍ර ලාංකිකයන් අතර ද ජනපි‍්‍රය වෙමින් පවත්නා බවක් අසා ඇත. ඇතැම් අවස්ථාවල වැඩිහිටි භික්‍ෂූන් ම ඒ සඳහා දායකවරුනට උපදෙස් දෙන බව ද කියවේ. මුදල් කළමනාකරණයක් නොදන්නා භික්‍ෂූන් මෙම මුදල නාස්තිකර ගැනීම නිරනුමාන මෙන් ම, ඒවා නිරර්ථක මාධ්‍යවල වියපැහැදම් කිරීම ඉතාම අනර්ථකාරී ය. අඩුම තරම පිරිවෙන් බලධාරීන් විසින් මේ නොදරුවන්ට මුදල් කළමනාකරණය පිළිබඳ විධිමත් පුරුදු ඇති නොකරවන්නේ නම්, ඇතිවිය හැකි තත්වය අතිශයින් බියකරු ය. මගේ සමීප හිතවතකු ඔහුගේ නිවසෙහි ආගමික අවශ්‍යතාවකට වැඩමවාගත් වැඩිහිටි භික්‍ෂුවකට අවශ්‍ය දෙයකට ප‍්‍රයෝජනයට ගනු මැනවැයි සෑහෙන මුදලක් පිරිනමා තිබුණි. එදින හැන්දෑවේ ඔහුට කතා කළ භික්‍ෂුව ප‍්‍රශංසා කිරීමට ම දුරකථනයෙහි ගතකළ කාලය සඳහා ඊටත් වැඩි මුදලක් වියදම් වන්නට ඇතැ’යි මා සමග පැවසූ හිතවතා ඒ සඳහා ඔහුගේ කාලයත් සෑහෙන තරමක් විනාශ කළේ යයි පැවසුවේ සංවේගයෙනි. මුදල සර්පයකු ලෙස දුටු බුදුන් වහන්සේ මුදල් ඇතිබව යනු පංචකාමය ම භුක්තිවිඳීම යයි දැක්වූහ. පංචකාම සේවනය ඉක්ම වූ ධර්ම සංවාද බහුල කිරීම මෙම තත්වයන් පාලනය කර ගැනීමට මහඟු උපකාරයක් වනු ඇත.

කුඩගම්මන සීලරතන හිමි