KAMALIKA PIERIS

Yahapalana has put in place many measures to impoverish the public. This is a planned move to break the spirit of the nation. Welfare benefits have been removed.   Yahapalana has stopped the fertilizer subsidy, free school uniforms, elders and disabled benefits, observed Chandraprema.   Construction projects started by the earlier government have been stopped resulting in loss of jobs. Due to the stoppage of the Port city 5000 jobs were affected in 2016. In 2016, it was decided to extract rural people’s savings by amalgamating cooperative and rural banks. There is now a move to tax EPF at an unprecedented 28%,  14 % on EPF income and 14% withholding tax. Private sector workers were solely dependent on their EPF after retirement.  There is also a move to amalgamate EPF and ETF funds. Private pension schemes have also been proposed.

Yahapalana supports the issuing of loans and expanding micro credit. It plans to entrench loans and financing in every aspect of people’s daily lives, complained critics.  Yahapalana has tightened up on loans. Yahapalana   plans to expand the draconian Debt Recoveries Act. The provision of giving loans to EPF members for housing projects was withdrawn by Ravi Karunanayake, Finance Minister, saying that the EPF members would get a depleted amount when they retire.  Poor families which were given Rs 2,500 each to improve their houses by President Rajapakse have been ordered to repay the money. The money given to Samurdhi beneficiaries during the 2015 Presidential election of 2015 has been recalled. This was a loan said Yahapalana,   it must be repaid. Samurdhi funds have decreased and they have to recover this money.

Yahapalana is crushing small enterprises in several ways.  Under the guise of social concern, school canteens and wayside caterers will be inspected by the Health Ministry. Reports will be called every two weeks from the wayside stalls which cater to bus passengers.  Legal action will be taken under the relevant laws. The fine for long distance buses plying without valid permits has been increased from Rs.10,000  to Rs.200,000.  Mannar- Colombo luxury bus  was stopped for overloading and fined 30,000 in March 2017.  The driver, conductor and passengers objected. Other buses also joined and the protest lasted over three hours. The driver told  Derana television,  he  is unable to work as a farmer, now. If  ‘ this is also stopped’ what is he to do? The government must introduce more buses.

Small businesses have been hit hard by the policies adopted by this government, said critics. Micro enterprises account for 91.8% of the total business establishments in the island and employ 44.6% of the total labor force.  The tax on vehicles has made it difficult, if not impossible, for the small business man to buy a vehicle. The tax of Rs 1 million imposed on the import of vehicles, in 2017,   increased the duty threefold.  The selling price of mini trucks jumped from Rs 1 million to around Rs 1.8 million. The loan-to-value  ratio on a three-wheeler was capped at 25%, making the initial down payment jump from Rs 200,000 to Rs 485,000. Mini trucks and three-wheelers were among the worst hit. The purchase of mini trucks, crashed to 298 from around 1,400 units a month, and three-wheeler registrations crashed from around 6,000 a month to 900 in February 2017.

Mini trucks and three-wheelers were mainly used by micro enterprises like small retail stores, garages and bakeries. The worst affected were micro enterprises of less than 5 people, observed Murtaza Jafferjee. It is they who use a basic utilitarian vehicle like a three-wheeler or mini truck. A baker who has access to a mobile retailing unit through a modified three-wheeler or mini truck enjoys much greater sales, carrying and displaying capacity is greater, radius of travel is 10 times more.  The alternator can charge the battery that can power a fan or food warmer. A tradesman can fit out a truck as a mobile workshop permitting him to carry a larger range of tools, spares, material for the job, and power his electrical tools, he said. A farmer growing vegetables can carry his product to the wholesale market before spoilage. Making mini trucks unaffordable prevented these persons from rising economically. Also the individual who bought a truck before the budget was significantly better off than one who did not.

The goal should be to increase the output of the butcher, the baker, the plumber, the shop keeper, the farmer. Even in the most advanced of economies,   the majority of the population is in low productivity manufacturing and service jobs, said an observer who seemed unaware of the real motive of Yahapalana  Large businesses are provided with concessions and tax holidays in 2017 budget  but it has no help for farmers, fishermen and small enterprise owners, concluded Jafferjee.

Government is offering financial support under Swashakthi, for startups, as part of the one million jobs programme. The offer is a  mere 2 lakhs at 5.5.% and an additional Rs 10,000. The businesses selected are small time domestic ones, fruit and vegetable procession, plant and nursery development,  dairy, poultry, aquaculture, beauty culture, motor cycle repairs, electrical  repairs landscaping.    Garments, welding, concrete work, leather, painting, masonry and carpentry,  gem cutting are also included.

However, Yahapalana is not  deeply interested in supporting local industries. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe only speaks of foreign factories, not local enterprises.      BOI Chairman Upul Jayasuriya, had, it appears,  had ‘run down’ Sri Lanka’s only car assembly company Micro and its  Chairman Dr. Lawrence Perera in an interview with the press. This is a very sad stance taken by the BOI Chairman,”  said  the Ceylon Motor Trader’s Association. Why was the government offering concessions to a new second hand car assembly plant without promoting Micro.

Lanka Confectionary manufacturers Association issue a press release stating their difficulties. Our products are good. We export to over 55 countries. We employ over 50,000 direct and 500,00  in indirect employment. Government has  increased the import levies of confectionery fats from 60% to 160% in its 2016 Budget.. This increases  the cost and price and will also  lead to a reduction in the small pack sizes. Cheap, inferior import will now  flood the market, they said.

Small and medium industries are badly affected by Yahapalana. In 2017, the government  increased the salaries of workers  by Rs. 2,500  with a grace period of two years. Factories having over 800 workers will face inevitable closure if this salary increase is granted, said critics.  In addition the factories  have to pay VAT at 15%,  this was not imposed on the exporters earlier. These taxes are for local factories, not for  factories that foreigners will bring in, critics observed.

Yahapalana loves foreigners. In 2015, Yahapalana Government  removed taxes on leasing of land to  foreigners and removed all restrictions on ownership of investments.  Critics observe that this will help small and medium Indian companies to get entrenched in Sri Lanka and to eventually force out the local small and medium industries from the      competition, using the concessions provided by the  2015 budget.  The 2017 Budget offered Five year multiple visas    to foreign investors and their labor.  Tax concessions and visa  extensions would be offered to those who invest over USD 1.5 million. This would help attract more foreign investments and create employment, said Yahapalana .

In 2017, Yahapalana government will pass a  ‘Special Deposit Account Act.’ A foreign national who maintains a deposit account  of USD 500,000  will be eligible to obtain residency visa up to a period of 10 years. The spouse and the minor children are also eligible for the residency visas. The  equivalent amount could be deposited in other foreign currencies such as  Australian, Singapore, Canadian, Euro, British, Japanese  or Swiss . A  foreign national who makes such a deposit  can also use it for investment in Sri Lanka. The Bill  is silent  on the authority that will  monitor  such investments, observed critics. (Continued)

R Chandrasoma

As part of the prevailing capitalist philosophy, the notion of nations trading freely in goods and services is seen as the panacea for all the economic ills that beset mankind. If we look around the world, do we not see a marked increase in material prosperity at all social levels in most countries of the world? This is the argument trotted out by the defenders of the so-called ‘Free World’. That there have been vast social changes worldwide following the expansion of global trade is not contested. This expansion has made life potentially richer but at a social cost – an elite has climbed to new heights of material prosperity while the vast majority is enslaved to a system that operates not for its benefit but for the prosperity rich capitalist elites. In recent years some countries – forced devotees of the open market and trading freely in the good things that Nature had bestowed on them – have failed spectacularly while the Big Capitalists thrive on the misery of the deceived. As an example of this double-play by the rich, take the case of Venezuela – a once prosperous country now struggling to feed a population near starvation. A more telling example is the misery and starvation that engulfs most parts of Africa – once rich in resources but sadly ripped of its resources by the ‘open markets’ and ‘free trade’ forced on them by the white skinned foreigners who manipulate the market and harvest the richness that rightly belongs to the people of this benighted continent.

It is not necessary to overstate the case – that great champion of Free Trade and Open Markets – the USA – is now the victim of its own cleverness. American trade is now in the hands of bankers and capitalists who find it better to tie hands with aliens in distant lands than to invest in native ventures that directly benefit the people. They see such people-oriented investment as an inefficient use of resources – as their cherished goal is to make money – not the amelioration of social ill. The spectacular result is near extinction of heavy –industry in the USA and the catastrophic loss of jobs for the ordinary citizen while the big companies rake in the profits from investments overseas. The New President – Donald Trump – has his weaknesses but he is dead right when he sees unfettered international trade as the root cause of the economic decline of the USA.

There is a lesson here for the people of Sri Lanka. We have the current leader of economic thinking in Sri Lanka – Mr Ranil Wikramasingha – as an open and fervent advocate of foreign capital investment in Sri Lanka. He sees this investment as the key to the resolution of the poverty and economic bankruptcy that supposedly assails our poor nation. In the light of what we have said above, any capitalist investing money in this country will do so to make more money – not to help a struggling economy to regather strength. Indeed, the very purpose of such investment is to create global monopolies that reduce most poor countries such as Sri Lanka into clients states that provide  cheap labour and captive markets. In this larger sense, the agenda that Mr RW and his political friends that advocate is the direct route not only to economic thralldom but also – more disastrously – to a loss of national identity with the economic overlord calling the shots while true independence withers.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති 

අටේ පන්තියෙන් නවය පන්තියට සමත්වුනා ම ශිල්පීය විෂයයක් ඉගෙනගන්න මේ ලේඛකයාට සිද්දවුනා. ඒ, අවුරුදු බර ගණනාවකට ඉස්සර. දැනුත් එහෙම වෙන්න ඇති. පොතේ පතේ දේවල් විතරක් ගිරව් වගේ කියවා කියවා ඉන්නවාට වඩා මොකක් හරි ශිල්පයක් ඉගෙනගන්න එක වටිනවානේ. ඉතින් අපේ අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයෙන් දීලා තිබුණු ඒ මහඟු ඉඩකඩ ප්‍රයෝජනයට ඇරගෙන මේ ලේඛකයා තෝරගත්තේ වඩුවැඩ. මේ වගේ වැඩක් ඉගෙනගත්තා ම ගෙදර දොරේ තියෙන පුංචි පහේ වැඩක් හරි කරගන්න බැරිකමක් නැහැනේ. කොහොම හරි සතියකට පැය කිහිපයක් වඩුවැඩ ඉගෙනගැනීමේ වරම මේ ලේඛකයාට ලැබුණා. වඩුවැඩ ගුරුතුමා බොහොම පිළිවෙලට වැඩ කළ කෙනෙක්. පාසල් ගුරුවරයෙක් වුනා ම හොඳින් මැදපු ඇඳුමක් ඇඳගෙන පිළිවෙළට වැඩට යන්න එපායෑ. එහෙම වුනොත් තමයි ළමයි වුනත් පිළිවෙලකට හදාගන්න පුළුවන් වෙන්නේ.

මේ ශිල්පය ඉගෙනගැනිල්ල සතියකට පැය කිහිපයකට සීමා වුනත් අවුරුදු තුනක් ඉගෙනගත්තා ම ලැබෙන්නේ සුළුපටු දැනුමක් නෙවෙයිනේ. ඉතින් අපොස සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ විභාගයට වාඩිවෙන්න කලින් මේ ලේඛකයාට පුළුවන් වුනා වඩුවැඩ ගැන සෑහෙන දැනුමක් අත්පත් කරගන්න. කියත අල්ලන්න ඕන කෝණය මොකක්ද කියලා ඇහුවොත් ඒකට අදාළ උත්තරේ ටක්කෙට ම දෙන්න මේ ලේඛකයාට අද වුනත් පුළුවන්. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. වැඩට ගන්න කියත් වර්ග ගැන, යතු කැට ගැන, බුරුම – අවගාර ගැන, විවිධ පූට්ටු වර්ග ගැන, ප්‍රක්‍ෂේපණ අඳින විදිහ ගැන, … . අපොයි, ඉගෙනගත්ත දේවල් මෙච්චරයි කියලා කියන්න බෑ. ඉතින් අපේ අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමයෙන් ලැබුණු ඒ ඉඩෙන් උපරිම ප්‍රයෝජන ගත්ත මේ ලේඛකයාට පුළුවන් වුනා වඩුවැඩට විශිෂ්ඨ සාමාර්ථයක් ලබාගෙන සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ විභාගයෙන් වැඩ පෙන්නන්න.

කොහොම වුනත් පොඩි රහසක් කියන්න තියෙනවා. මේ ලේඛකයාට අදටත් බෑ ඇණයක් ගහන්න, ලීයක් කපාගන්න. සමහර විට ඇණවල, මිටිවල, කියත්වල, ලෑලිවල අඩුපාඩු තියෙනවා වෙන්න පුළුවන්. වායුගෝලයේ ඇතිවෙන වෙනස්කම් වුනත් මේවාට බලපානවා ද දන්නේ නැහැනේ. මේ වගේ බරපතල දේවල් ගැන මෙලෝ හසරක් දන්නේ නැති අය නම් ඇණ, මිටි, කියත්වලින් සෙල්ලම් කරනවා. හොඳ ම උදාහරණය තමයි මේ ලේඛකයා ගේ නිවසේ වහළ ගහන්න ආපු හාදයා. ඒ මනුස්සයා අටේ පංතියවත් පාස්වෙලා නෑ. ඉතින් කොහොම ද වඩුවැඩ ගැන පිළිවෙලකට ඉගෙනගන්නේ? ඒත් මොකක් හරි රහස් ක්‍රමයක් ප්‍රගුණ කරලා තියෙන හින්දා ඒ හාදයා වහළවල් ගහනවා වගේ වැඩ කරන්න දන්නවා.

ඉතින් ගෙදර දිග පළල මැනපු ඒ බාසුන්නැහේ කිව්වා බාල්ක, යට ලී, පරාල, රීප්ප මේ මේ ප්‍රමාණවලින් ගේන්න කියලා. ඇණ වර්ග කීපයකිනුත් කිලෝ යම් යම් ප්‍රමාණයක් ගේන්න කියලා. මොකද ඉතින්, උඩ නැගලා වහළ මනින්න තරම් දැනුමක් තියෙන කෙනෙක් නෙවෙයිනේ. කොහොම වුනත් ගමේ මනුස්සයානේ. හොඳට වහළ ගහන්න දන්නවා කියලා අලුතින් ගෙවල් හදපු අයත් රෙකමදාරු කළානේ. ඉතින් ඒ මනුස්සයා කියපු විදිහට බඩු මුට්ටු ගෙනැල්ලා දෙන්න මේ ලේඛකයා කටයුතු කළා. ගෝලයෝ දෙතුන් දෙනෙක් එක්ක ආපු බාසුන්නැහේ වහළ ගැහුවා. පරාල, රීප්ප, ඇණ ඉතිරි වුනෙත් නෑ. පොඩි පොඩි හුලස් කෑලි කැපුනා ඇරෙන්න බඩු මුට්ටු නාස්ති වුනෙත් නෑ. ඇත්තට ම ඒ මනුස්සයා කොහොම ද එහෙම කළේ?

මේක තමයි අපේ උගත්කමේ රහස. අපි ඉවරයක් නැතිව පොත්පත් කියවලා විභාග පාස්කරලා තියෙනවා. සාමාන්‍ය පෙළ, උසස් පෙළ, පළමු උපාධිය විතරක් නෙවෙයි ආචාර්ය උපාධි පාස්කරන්න පවා අපිට පුළුවන් වෙලා තියෙනවා. අපේ මහත්තයා ගමට ම ආඩම්බරයක්” කියලා මේ ලේඛකයා වගේ විභාග පාස්කරපු අය දැක්කා ම ගමේ පන්සලේ හාමුදුරුවොත් කියනවා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. අහළ පහළ ගම්වල හාමුදුරුවරුත් අපේ ගුණ වනනවා. වහළවල් ගහන අර හාදයාට මහත්තයා” කියලා ඒ මනුස්සයා ගේ බිරින්දැවත් කියන්නේ නැතුව ඇති.

මෑතක ඉඳලා අපේ මහත්තුරු කියන තව කතාවක් තියෙනවා. ඒ අය කියන විදිහට අපේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්නේ කිසිම අධ්‍යාපනයක් නැති මී හරක් ටිකක්. ඉතින් මේ අපේ මහත්තුරු කියනවා පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙක් වෙන්න නම් පළමු උපාධියවත් සමත්වෙලා ඉන්න ඕන කියලා. ඒ වෙනුවෙන් නීති පනවන්න ඕන කියලා ඒ අය දවල් රෑ නැතුව ෆේස්බුක් එක හරහාත් කියනවා. ඒත් මේ නූගත්තු ඒ විදිහට නැගෙන මහා හඬට කන්දෙන්නේ නෑ. මේ ලේඛකයා අපේ මහත්තුරු කියන දේ ගැනත් හිතලා බැලුවා.

කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදී උවදුර මඩින්න කරපු මෙහෙයුම ‍අවසන් වුනේ 2009 අවුරුද්දේ දී. ඒ කාලේ අපේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ හිටියා ගාමිණී ලක්‍ෂමන් පීරිස් මහාචාර්යතුමා වගේ මහා උගත් මහත්තුරු. ඒත් ජනාධිපතිකම කළේ ඒ තරම් උගත්කමක් නැති කෙනෙක්. අනේ ඒ නූගතා වෙනුවට පීරිස් මහාචාර්යතුමා ජනාධිපතිකම කළා නම්? පීරිස් මහාචාර්යතුමාට සිංහලත් ඉංග්‍රීසිත් චතුර විදිහට වතුර වගේ කතාකරන්න පුළුවන්. නීතිය ගැනත් මහා පුදුමාකාර දැනුමක් තියෙනවා කියලානේ කියන්නේ. දැන් තියෙන “අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ චෝදනා විමර්ශන කොමිෂන් සභාව” පවා එතුමා මුල්වෙලා ආරම්භ කරපු එකක්නේ. ඒ තමයි චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක කුමාරතුංග මැතිනිය ගේ නායකත්වයෙන් 1994 දී අත්පත් කරගත්ත ජනතා ජයග්‍රහණය” තහවුරුකරන්න කරපු මුල් ම කටයුත්ත. කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ උපකුලපතිකමට ආයුබෝවන් කියලා දේශපාලනයට ආපු පීරිස් මහාචාර්යතුමාව අධිකරණ සහ ව්‍යවස්ථා කටයුතු ඇමැතිතුමා විදිහට පත් කෙරුණා. උගතුන්ට තැන දුන්නා ම කරන්න පුළුවන් දේවල් කොච්චරක් නම් තියෙනවා ද!

ඉතින් ජනාධිපතිවරණයකට ඉදිරිපත් වෙන්න පුළුවන් මහාචාර්යකමක් තියෙන කෙනෙක්ට විතරයි කියලා නීතියෙන් නියම කරගෙන තිබුණා නම් එතුමාට මේ රටේ ජනාධිපති වෙන්නත් තිබුණා. මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහත්තයාට තංගල්ල නගර සභාව වගේ තැනක නාගරික මන්ත්‍රීකමක් කරගෙන ඉන්න තිබුණා. ඒත් අපේ රටේ උගතුන්ට තැනැක් නැහැනේ.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ, රජගෙදර විතරක් නෙවෙයි. හැම තැනැක ම මෙහෙමයි. බලන්න අපේ වාහනයක් කැඩුණා ම හදන්නේ කවුද? අපේ රේඩියෝ එකක්, ටී වී එකක් කැඩුණා ම හදන්නේ කවුද? කිසිම සුදුසුකමක් නැති මිනිස්සුනේ. ඒ විතරක් ද? බලන්න අපේ දළදා පෙරහැරේ එහෙම නටන බෙර ගහන අය දිහා. සෞන්දර්ය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ පස් පාගන්නවත් සුදුසුකමක් නැති අයනේ. කොහෙ හරි ගමක ඉන්න ගුරුන්නාන්සේ කෙනෙක් යටතේ නටන්න, බෙරගහන්න ඉගෙනගෙන ඇවිල්ලා පෙරහැරේ නටනවා, බෙරගහනවා. මේ අය අපේ සෞන්දර්ය උපාධිධාරීන් අහලකින්වත් තියන්න පුළුවන් ද? ඉතින් අපේ ආණ්ඩුව කරන්න ඕන නැටුම් කලාවේ කෙළ පැමිණි අපේ උපාධිධාරී තරුණ තරුණියන්ට ගුරු පත්වීම් දීලා තව තවත් උපාධිධාරීන් බිහිකරන්න කටයුතු කරන එක නෙවෙයි ද?

අපේ රටේ මහ දැවැන්ත බුදු පිළිම හදලා තියෙනවා. රජ කාලේ හදපු ඒවා නෙවෙයි. මේ මෑත කාලේ හදපු ඒවා. වෙහෙරහේනේ, වැවුරුකන්නල, දඹුල්ලේ, ඇයි අර කුරුණෑගල ගල උඩ. මේ හැම එකක් ම වගේ ඒ ඒ පන්සල්වල හාමුදුරුවරු, දායක සභා, වෙළෙඳ සංගම් සම්බන්ධවෙලා කරපු වැඩ. ඔය වගේ වැඩ කරද්දි වුනත් අපේ උගත් අයට තැනැක් ලැබෙන්නේ නැහැනේ. ඒ වැඩවලට ඕනකරන සල්ලි හොයන්න, ඒ අරමුදල් කළමනාකරණය කරන්න, ඔය වගේ තව කොච්චරක් නම් වැඩ කරන්න තියෙනවා ද. ඒත් උගතුන්ට නිසි තැන නො දී තමයි මේ හැම වැඩක් ම කරන්නේ.

මේ අවුරුද්දටත් ලබන අවුරුද්දටත් ඌව වෙල්ලස්ස මුල් කරගෙන ඇතිවෙච්ච උඩරට මහ කැරැල්ලට අවුරුදු 200 ක් සම්පූර්ණ වෙනවා. ඉතින් මේක සමරන්න ලිපි ලියනවා, දේශන පවත්වනවා වගේ ම තව වැඩත් කරන්න පුළුවන්. උදාහරණයක් විදිහට කියනවා නම්, වෙල්ලස්ස පැත්තේ මහා සිංහ ස්මාරකයක් හදන්න පුළුවන්. වෙහෙරහේනේ, වැවුරුකන්නල වගේ තැන්වල මහා බුද්ධ ප්‍රතිමා හදපු අපේ අයට දැවැන්ත සිංහ ස්මාරකයක් හදන එක වැඩක් නෙවෙයි. මේ වැඩකින් අපේ අභිමානය වඩවනවා වගේ ම ඒ පැත්තේ මිනිස්සුන් ගේ ජීවිතත් පෝෂණය කරන්න පුළුවන්. අපි හිතමු ඒ පැත්තේ බිමක මහජන චත්‍රරශ්‍රයකට ඉඩක් වෙන්කරලා ඒ මැද්දේ හදන පීඨිකාව උඩ නැගී සිටින සිංහ රාජයකු ගේ ප්‍රතිමාවක් නිර්මාණය කරනවා කියලා. මේ වැඩේ කරන්න පුළුවන් කාට ද?

ආණ්ඩුවට මෙහෙම දෙයක් කරන්න තියා හිතන්නවත් බැරි බව අපි දන්නවා. රාජ්‍ය තන්ත්‍රයේ කාර්යක්‍ෂම බවත් අපි දන්නවා. ඒ හින්දා අපිට කරන්න වෙන්නේ වෙන පැත්තක් දිහා බලන්න. මේ ලිපිය කියවන අපේ උගත් අයට හිතෙන්න පුළුවන් මේ කියන දේවල්වලින් තමන් ව අවඥාවට ලක්වෙනවා කියලා. ඇත්තෙන් ම, එහෙම කරන අදහසක් මේ ලේඛකයාට නෑ. සිංහ ස්මාරකයක් හැදීමට කරපු මේ යෝජනාව ඇත්තක් කරගන්න අපේ උගත් අයටත් දායකවෙන්න පුළුවන්. මේ වගේ වැඩකට ඔන කරන සැලැසුම් ඇඳලාදෙන්න අපේ උගතුන්ට පුළුවන්. ඉංජිනේරු දායකත්වය ලබාදෙන්නත් ඒ අයට පුළුවන්. වෙබ් අඩවියක් ආරම්භ කරලා මංගත විදිහට මුදල් හොයලා දෙන මාර්ගයක් සකස්කරන්නත් මැදිහත්වෙන්නත් පුළුවන්. නීති ආධාර වගේ උවමනාකම් පවා සපයලා දෙන්න පුළුවන්.

මේ මොනවා කළත් උගත්තු එක දෙයක් දැනගන්න ඕන. ඒ තමයි මේ වගේ වැඩක් ඉස්සරහට කරගෙන යෑමේ ජවය තියෙන්නේ අපි නූගත් කියලා හංවඩු ගහලා ඉන්න මිනිස්සු ළඟ කියන එක. ඉතින් අපේ උගත්තුන්ටයි නූගත්තු කියලා අඩුතක්සේරුවට ලක්කරලා තියෙන අයටයි අත්වැල් බැඳගන්න පුළුවන් නම් මේ සිංහයා ව නැගිට්ටවන එක අමාරු වැඩක් වෙන්නේ නෑ.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති ෴

V.Anandasangaree Secretary General- TULF 

Party system was unheard of in Sri Lankan politics till the Labour Government announced its decision for Electoral Reforms in Ceylon. The country gained its independence from the British rule on the 4^th Feb 1948.  The All Ceylon Tamil Congress was founded in 1944 by Hon.G.G.Ponnambalam Q.C and Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam Q.C, to give evidence before the Soulbury Commission on constitutional reforms. Both of them got elected to Parliament at the General Election held in 1947. Due to some difference of opinion Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam broke away from the ACTC and founded the Federal Party in December 1949. Till 1970 a period of 22 years, both these parties functioned separately.

The Srimavo Bandaranayake government that came to power in 1970, had a mandate to draft and adopt a new Republican Constitution.  Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam realizing the imminent danger that the Tamil community will be exposed to, on the adoption of the new constitution, appealed to the leader of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress to join hands to oppose the new constitution. Both the leaders realizing the need for unity agreed to bury their 22 year old enmity to form the Tamil United Front in 1972 which later evolved in to the Tamil United Liberation Front in 1976.  The merger of both these parties, being the two main political parties operating in the Tamil areas, gave the effect of sole representation of the Tamils, although it was not so, because there were a few minor parties also operating there, but some of them also got merged and the left groups comparatively lost their strength. In any case the Sri Lankan Tamils living all over the world appreciated the merger and celebrated in different ways, the reunion of the two Tamil political giants.  Very soon these leaders realized that they should not break away once again and decided to leave the TULF as their legacy to the Tamil people.  To strengthen the merger and also to bring the up-country Tamils under one umbrella. Hon. S.J.V.Chelvanayagam voluntarily offered to share the chair of the TULF with Hon.G.G.Ponnambalam and Hon.S.Thondaman leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress at the annual session of the TULF in 1976. Hon.G.G.Ponnambalam and Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam  died in 1977 before the TULF faced the first Parliamentary elections in 1977 under the symbol of the TULF the ‘Rising Sun’. Hon.S.Thondaman  as a member of the nomination board, took part in the selection of candidates of the TULF for the general election of 1977.  The results of the elections proved beyond doubt that the Tamil people had taken the unity of the Tamils very seriously and elected with very good majority all the candidates, with only one losing by about 500 votes. It was because the winner Hon.K.W.Devanayagam had given full cooperation to the TULF from the very inception. I need not throw a challenge to anybody to disprove my claim that the very first general election the TULF faced and won helped everybody to forget their past enmity and reconcile with their friends and relations.

This unity among the people prolonged till the armed groups started their activities, much detrimental to the TULF.  With this, the democratic principles about which the Tamils were hither to proud of also had become questionable. The political activities of the TULF also started limping and took a tragic turn with the assassination of the Secretary General of the party Hon.A.Amirthalingam and Hon.V.Yogeswaran. Many other assassinations that followed made things worse.

Mr.A.Amirthalingam’s assassination created a vacancy in Parliament on the National list. With the filling of that vacancy the TULF entered a gloomy period. With all precaution taken and sacrifices made by many to save the party, the greed for power of one or two key members continued as a threat to its very existence.  The diplomatic manner, I dealt with the situation saved the party from extinction. Ultimately it had been proved that ingratitude is stronger than traitor’s arms.

Mr. Mavai Senathirajah who had not understood my diplomacy, thought that I proposed him because he was the most suitable candidate to fill Mr.A.Amirthalingam’s vacancy in Parliament. But in fact everyone at that time was of the view that he was the most unsuitable candidate, being in receipt of a monthly salary from the party and also compared to the claims of members like Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam, Mr.R.Sampanthan and many such others with higher academic qualifications. I was also not a Member even in a local body. The secret of this appointment was that Mr.Mavai Senathirajah, soon after Mr.Amirthalingam’s demise had written to Mrs.Mankayarkarasi Amirthalingam to have him nominated as Member of Parliament and also to have him elected as Secretary General of the party. At the same time he had packed up to leave the party, if not considered for these appointments. This was one of the reasons why I proposed him for nomination as National list Member of Parliament. We got him nominated in spite of the reluctance the Commissioner of Elections had, to fill the vacancy, at the request of Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam, since according to the records available at the Election Secretariat Mr.Amirthalingam’s name was still there as the Secretary General of the Party. We got over the problem by the three of us Mr.R.Sampanthan, Mr.Mavai Senathirajah and I as Members of the Politburo nominating Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam to act as Secretary General till the election of the new Secretary General.

Mr.Mavai Senathiraja was nominated to contest the Ampara Electorate at the General Election held in 1994. Having lost at that election he and Mr.R.Sampanthan who also lost the election in Trincomalee insisted on having Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam’s name replaced with their names in the nomination list. Luckly for Mr.Mavai Senathirajah with the assassination of Mr.Thangathurai Member of Parliament, Mr.R.Sampanthan automatically became Member of Parliament, his name being next in the list. Mr.Senathiraja’s main grievance was that he was not qualified for Parliamentary pension. I had to plead with Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam, a number of times verbally and twice by letters, one of which was running to five pages. On the assassination of Dr.Neelan Thiruchchelvam I had to rush back from Germany to attend his funeral. Two days later a meeting was held at Mr.R.Sampanthan’s place, attended by M/s. Selvarajah,Thurairajasingam,S.T.R, Senathirajah, Joseph Pararajasingham  and myself, the question was raised by Mr.Sampanthan about Dr.Neelan’s vacancy in Parliament.  I proposed Mr.Senathirajah’s name and that was accepted. There were several people in the party who were angry with me for nominating Mr. Senathirajah as Member of Parliament in the national list, a second time.

When nomination was called for the next Parliamentary General Election of 2001 the same group met again at Mr.Sampanthan’s place to select the candidates. At this meeting Mr.Senathirajah shocked everybody by demanding that he should be the first candidate for the Jaffna Electoral District. When I ask him whether he was joking, he angrily got up from his seat and after second thought sat down. Everyone present at that meeting was surprised at Mr.Senathirajah’s behavior. His request was ignored. During the election campaign he selected two good candidates named Mr.Sivamaharajah and Mr.Chandraraja along with him and canvassed support for the three of them. This was a high handed act on his part for which he should have been expelled from the party. But I remained silent and got 36,000 votes against his 33,000. From that time onwards Mr.Senathirajah’s conduct and behavior annoyed all the other candidates. He was determined to do everything possible to keep me out of politics. In 2003 with the support of Mr.Sampanthan he successfully carried on a silent campaign against me.  When Mr.Prbhakaran was sentenced to two hundred years jail it was I who commented about it in Parliament and said that one day soon Prabhakaran will go round the world like Yazir Arafat. On a number of occasions I had made speeches defending him. One day looking at the Deputy Minister of Defence Hon.Anurudha Ratwatte I said Even if you fight for ten years you will not recapture Palai and taking Elephant Pass will be a Day Dream. But ironically Mr.Sampanthan and Senathirajah jointly tried to have a no confidence motion passed against me on the grounds that I wanted Elephant Pass to be handed back to the army. At this juncture I wish to throw a challenge to both of them to go to the Kali Kovil in Trincomalee and swear that I wanted Elephant Pass to be handed over to the army. If  they do I am prepared  to quit politics and serve them as their slave for the rest of my life. Mr.Senathirajah’s  major plot was to revive the Federal Party 28 years after the founder the late Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam died. He had under taken this job on the orders of Mr.Thangan a close associate of S.P.Thamilchelvan.

There should be a limit for everything. Mr.Senathirajah should admit that he had no legal authority to revive the Federal Party. He should also admit that he revived the Federal Party while being a Member of Parliament representing the TULF. Mr. Senathirajah by his foolish conduct had become answerable to the deaths of several thousand innocent people, the LTTE cadre and several thousands of youths who were in the battle front. Mr.Senathirajah and Mr.Sampanthan were very much aware that arrangements had already been made for all political parties to come under one banner and contest the 2004 general election on a common policy and a common symbol the ‘Rising Sun’. At that time the Federal Party was only on paper. If the Tamil parties had contested as one party the war would have come to an end in April 2004 itself or at least remained suspended with the elections held in 2004. This also means that there would not have been any more killings and proper grounds would have been found for talks between the government and the LTTE. Above all several thousands of lives would have been saved without any loss of life. Mr.A.Amirthalingam till he died had kept the registration of the Federal Party in force to prevent anyone misusing the name and the symbol of the Federal Party. Mrs.Mankayarkarasi Amirthalingam had confirmed this by a statement, an extract of which is as follows:-

My husband preserved the registration of the Federal Party for the sole purpose that no undesirable elements could misuse its symbol and the name. He never wanted to revive the Federal Party.

It is a pity that some of those who have been groomed by him have attempted to misuse the name of the Federal Party and are trying to revive it. They have only breached the Trust he had placed on them”.

I am very strongly of the view that neither Hon.S.J.V.Chelvanayagam nor Hon.G.G.Ponnambalam or even a single founder member of the TULF never thought of reviving the Federal Party even in their dreams.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානය

බණ්ඩාරවෙල ට හදුන්වන සුරතල් නාමය ‘වසන්ත නගරය‘ යි.  මහ පොළොව පුපුරා යන, නිවාඩ කඩා වැටෙන, වතුර නැති, ගස් කොළං මියැදෙන, පාසල් වැසෙන, ලිං හිදෙන, සරණාගතයින්ගේ පුරය ‘විසාලාවක්‘ මිස වසන්තයක් නොවේ.  මේ උමා ඔය විසින් විසාලාවක් කළ නගරයේ කථාව යි.

බණ්ඩාරවෙල ග්‍රාම සේවා වසම් 16 කට හිස මත උමා ඔය ඛෙදවාචකය දැන් පතිත වී හමාර ය.  තවත් ග්‍රාම නිලධාරි වසම්  3  කට එහි පීඩනය දැනෙමින් තිබේ.  වෙහෙරගලතැන්න, මකුල්ඇල්ල, එගොඩගම, උඩපේරුව, බඹරගම, තන්තිරිය, වටගමුව, ඇත්තලපිටිය, බණ්ඩාරවෙල නැගෙනහිර, බිදුණුවැව, මහඋල්පත, උතුරු කැබිල්ලේවෙල, ගොඩියාරෙද, කිරිඹරුව සහ කොන්තේහෙල ග්‍රාම නිලධාරි කොට්ඨාශය මේ ව්‍යවසයේ කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය යි.

මේ වසම් 16 හි පවුල් 9495 ක් ජීවත් වෙති.  නිවාස 8547 ක ජීවත්වන ජනගහනය 30,320 කි.  පුද්ගලික නොවන ගොඩනැගිලි 883 කි. මේ ග්‍රාම නිලධාරි වසම් 16 හි පමණක් නිවාස 2979 කට මේ වන විට හානි සිදුව ඇත.  දෛනිකව මෙයට අලුතෙන් නිවාස, සිදී යන ලිං ඇල දොළ ලැයිස්තුවක් එක්වේ.  බණ්ඩාරවෙල සමීක්ෂණ සිදු කොට ඇති පවුල් 8547 න් 4002 ක් එනම්, සෑම නිවාස දෙකකින් එකක්ම විපතට පත්වී ඇත.  ඒවායේ මිනිසුන් 14,982 ක් ජීවත් වෙති. 

හානියට පත් නිවාස වෙනුවෙන් ඉරාන සමාගම මගින් ලබාදුන් මුදල් රු. මිලියන 160 ක් (රු. 160,432,257.00) ක් වන්දි වශයෙන් ගෙවා ඇත.  ඒ වෙහෙරගලතැන්න නිවාස 440, මකුල්ඇල්ල 455, එගොඩගම 398, උඩපේරුව 7 ක් ලෙසින් නිවාස 1300 කට පමණී.  උඩපේරුවේ පවුල් 29 ක්, මකුල්ඇල්ල පවුල් 10 ක්, වෙහෙරගල පවුල් 4 ක් ඉවත් කොට ඇත.  පවුල් 26 කට ගෙවල් කුලී ලෙස රු. 15,000 ක් බැගින් ලැබේ.  රජයේ නිවාස 3 ක ද මිනිසුන් පදිංචිව සිටී.  තවත් රුපියල් මිලියන 300 ක් පමණ වගා සහන ලෙස (ගෙවී ගිය වසර 2 තුල) ගෙවා ඇත. නමුත්, මේ සහනය විනාශයෙන් සොච්චමකි.

මේ සංඛ්‍යා ලේඛන නිවසින් නිවසට ගොස් ග්‍රාම නිලධාරින් විසින් ලබාගත්, සිවිල් සංවිධාන විසින් ස්ථිර කරනු ලැබූ වසම් 16 ක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් පමණී.  තවත් ග්‍රාම නිලධාරි වසම් ගණනාවක් බණ්ඩාරවෙල පමණක් ඇත.  බණ්ඩාරවෙල බටහිර වසමේ ලිං 31 ක් දැනට සිදී යමින් තිබේ.  ගෙවල් 52 කට හානි සිදුව ඇත.  ඒවා මේ ලැයිස්තුවට තවමත් එකතු කොට නැත. මෙයට අමතරව වැලිමඩ, ඌව පරණගම, ඇල්ල, හාලිඇළ, වැල්ලවාය විනාශය මෙයට ඇතුලත් නැත.

වියළි කතරක් වූ වග

හානියට පත් බොරලන්න හැර අනෙක් ප්‍රදේශ දැනට අවුරුදු දෙක තුනකට පෙර තිබුණේ වතුරේ පොගවනු ලැබූ ස්පොන්ජ් කැබැල්ලක් මෙනි.  බණ්ඩාරවෙල ආසන්නයේ ඇති ගම්මාන බහුතරයක නම් සෑදී ඇත්තේ ජලය, ඇල,දොළ, ගංගා, ඇල, කුඹුරු හදුන්වන යෙදුම් වලිනි. 

ඉහතින් දැක්වු ග්‍රාම නිලධාරි වසම් 16 හි පමණක් ලිං 2051 ක් සිදී ගොස් ඇත.  ඒ ලිං පවුල් 3822 කට ජීවත්වන්නට, බොන්නට, නාන්නට වතුර දුන්නේය.  ඉහත භුගෝලීය කලාපයේ පමණක් ජල මුලාශ්‍ර‍54 ක් සිදී ගොසිනි.  ඔබ බණ්ඩාරවෙලට එක්වරක් හෝ ගොස් ඇති නම්  ගල්ඇක්ක, හීල්ඔය, මකුළුදෝව, දෝව, අයිස් පීල්ල, ඇල්ලේඅරාව, උල්ලේඅරාව, මහඋල්පත නොදන්නවා විය නොහැකිය. හීල් ඔය තබා තන්තිරියේ ඇළ වත් දැන් නැත. ‘බණ්ඩාරගේ වෙල හෙවත් කුඹුරින් නම් ලැබූ නගරයේ ජල උල්පත් තුනම ඉරිතලා වියැලී ගොසිනි.   කදු අතරින්, ගස් වැල් අතරින් ගලා එන බණ්ඩාරවෙල සීතල වතුර පානය කර ඇතිවාට සැක නැත.  ඒ කිසිවක් තවදුරටත් එහි නැත.  ඒවා පරිහරණය කළ පවුල් 2001 කි. සතා සිව්පාවුන් ගැන සමීක්ෂණ දන්නේ නැත.

වතුර බිදක් හෝ නල ජලය, නොමැති පවුල් 2533 කට අවම ජල අවශ්‍යතාව සපුරන්නට නම් දිනකට ජලය ලීටර් 280,000 ක් අවශ්‍යය. නමුත් බව්සර් මගින් සැපයිය හැකි උපරිම ජල ප්‍ර‍මාණය ලීටර් 190,000 කි.  බණ්ඩාරවෙල දරුණුම නියං සමය ජූලි සිට සැප්තෑම්බර් තුන්වන සතියේ ඊසාන දිග මෝසම ආරම්භය දක්වා සමය යි.  පානීය ජල අර්බුදය තවමත් ආරම්භ වූවා මිස අවසන්ව නැත.   වසන්ත නගරයේ අද ජලය ගබඩා කරගන්නේ ඉරාන ෆරාබ් සමාගම දුන් ලීටර් 500 ටැංකි 2894 කිනි.  ලීටර් 1000 ටැංකි 10 ක්, 2000 ටැංකි 7 ක් ද ඇත!   ඒ අතරතුර මධ්‍යම කදුකරයේ ජලය ලීටර් කෝටි 22 ක් දිනකට උමං කටින් එළියට යයි.  දවසින් දවස භූගත ජල ප්‍ර‍මාණය පහත බසින බව ‘වෙහෙරගලතැන්න‘ ජල මාපකයේ දත්ත පෙන්වයි.

උමා ඔය විසින් ක්‍ර‍මිකව බණ්ඩාරවෙල ජන ශිෂ්ඨාචාරය ගිල ගනිමින් තිබේ.  ඛෙදවාචකය ඇරඹී වසර දෙක හමාරකි.  හර්තාලයට අවසන් වී දැන් සති දෙකකි.  අවම වශයෙන් ජනතාවට සහන සැලසීමේ ක්‍ර‍මවේදය හෝ අද දක්වාම බිදකින් හෝ වෙනස් වී නොමැත.  ෆරාබ් ආයතනයෙන් ලැබෙන මුදල් හැර එක් මැති ඇමතිවරුන් කියන පරිදි එකම රුපියලක් හෝ අලුතෙන් මේ ජනතාවට හර්තාලයෙන් පසුව ලැබී නැත.  එකම වතුර බවුසරයක් හෝ අලුතෙන් සේවයට එක් කොට ද නැත. දැන් බණ්ඩාරවෙලට දැඩි නියං සමය ඇරඹී ඇත. 

ජලය, නිවාස, ආදායම් මාර්ග මිනිසාගේ මුලික අවශ්‍යතාවන් ය.  ඒවා සුරක්ෂිත කිරීම රජයේ වගකීමකි.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍ර‍ය සහ කැෆේ සංවිධානය

SB wants govt to takeover Perpetual Treasuries media network 

By Norman Solomon Courtesy truthdig.com

Shenali D Waduge

At some point in time this question needs to be answered before agreeing to any form of war crimes tribunal. It is a miscarriage of justice if the initial & foundation of the process to deliver justice is legally flawed. Justice should not only be done, but also seen to be done and has to be seen to be believed. However, the case of Sri Lanka and the manner that the UN system has functioned during and in the aftermath of the conclusion of a 3-decade conflict raises some serious legal questions. International legal luminaries and terrorism experts must address and answer this before any war crimes tribunals are created. Until such time the legality of UNSG report being used as basis for investigations is established, Sri Lanka should refuse to implement any form of tribunal.

The most crucial question that fails to grab the attention of the UN/international community or one which they are evading to answer is the key question – Can a report that was personally commissioned by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon be used as the basis for 3 UNHRC Resolutions and 2 investigations and now demanding a war crimes tribunal?

Does that mean a UN Secretary General can take arbitrary action against a UN Member State overruling the UNSC & UNGA? If so what is the role of the UN Security Council or the UN General Assembly? This also leads to the question why ONLY Sri Lanka, why has the UNSG not personally commissioned reports on other conflicts happening all over the world? Is there anything written in the UN system that the UNSC & UNGA take action against some countries and UNSG can on his own take decisions against other countries? Can someone in the UN please answer.

All of the 3 Resolutions at UNHRC in 2012, 2013, and 2014 have been based on the UNSG’s Panel of Expert Report and the UNHRC Heads report which also uses the PoE as the basis for its conclusion on the need to investigate Sri Lanka War Crimes and initiate a War Crimes Tribunal.

Does the UNSG & UNHRC have authority to authorize War Crimes Tribunal when the process leading to such is not authorized or mandated by either the UN Security Council either/or the UN General Assembly?

Can personally commissioned reports of the UNSG which are not officially tabled become the foundation for UNHRC Resolutions & UNHRC Investigations leading to War Crimes Tribunals? Is this in keeping with the spirit of the UN Charter & its objectives?

The PoE was never tabled officially. The GOSL was never given the right to respond. The PoE was leaked to public domain. How can a leaked personal report be used to charge a sovereign UN member nation?

Moreover, there are serious discrepancies in the PoE. If the PoE claimed not to be a fact-finding mission how can it become the basis for 3 resolutions & an OISL investigation?

The PoE besides being a personally commissioned report was tasked to report ONLY on the final stages of the conflict. How can a report covering 3 months of the conflict be used to establish a war crimes tribunal of a conflict that covered 30 years ignoring the criminal acts of violations committed by the LTTE upon innocent civilian victims since 1980s? This was a great miscarriage of justice and clearly evades treating all victims equally.

Crucial to this argument is the joint statement issued by 14 nations including Russia, China, Venezuela and Iran objecting to the report issued by the UNHRC in February 2013.

We note that the objective of resolution 19/2 was to mandate the OHCHR to provide, in consultation with and the concurrence of the government of Sri Lanka, advice and technical assistance on implementing the said resolution….We are of the view that in the report A/HRC/22/38 the High Commissioner has clearly exceeded her mandate of reporting on the provision of assistance, by making substantive recommendations and pronouncements.  These recommendations are arbitrary, intrusive and of a political nature”

http://archives.dailynews.lk/2013/03/21/news12.asp

Russia through its UN ambassador even raised objections in the UN Security Council.

On the grounds that it was not a UN report.  On the grounds that it was not done in accordance with the regulations and the procedures of the UN.  From the very beginning it was told that the report was purely for the Secretary General.  So if it was for the Secretary General why did they have to publish it?” http://www.sundaytimes.lk/110501/News/nws_26.html

Can the UNHRC use personally commissioned reports as the basis for Resolutions and Actions against a UN Member state?

The UNHRC head quotes from the UNSG’s report

In June 2010, the Secretary General appointed the Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka and offered it as a resource to the Government, and particularly to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission.  The Panel, which submitted its report to the Secretary General in April 2011, found credible allegations of potential serious violations of international law committed by the Government of Sri Lanka and by the LTTE.  The Government of Sri Lanka has never afforded any credence or legitimacy to the report of the Panel.”

That the UNHRC head used the UNSG’s personally commissioned report as the basis for UNHRC Recommendation is proven in the UNHRC Head’s report that gives 3 sources:-

1. Secretary General’s Report,
2. LLRC report, and (where in the world do war crimes tribunals take place simply because ALL of the recommendations in the LLRC are not completed? LLRC report was released in Nov 2011 and UNHRC report was released in Feb 2013!)
3. Channel 4 videos (individual violations if any can easily be addressed by military tribunals in Sri Lanka as has happened in the past so long as C4 unedited videos are examined and proof beyond doubt is established)

The biased nature of the former UNHRC head needs to be examined separately primarily on the grounds that her being an ethnic Tamil, the onus was on her to recuse herself from handling Sri Lanka’s case. That her office had been used in a biased and derogatory manner goes without saying.

The March 2013 Resolution has all but concluded the need for a war crimes tribunal ignoring all of the illegalities, bias and discrepancies that have been omitted and ignored.

Noting the High Commissioner’s call for an independent and credible international investigation into alleged violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.” (Resolution 2013)

The issue at hand is simple. Sri Lanka ended a terrorist conflict that lasted 30 years. Sri Lanka had every right to take military action against a brutal terrorist outfit that had been banned in 32 countries. Plenty of chances had been given to the LTTE to give up arms and enter the democratic framework. Even during the military effort several appeals were made by both the GOSL & the UN & foreign envoys for LTTE to lay down arms and surrender. They refused. GOSL as a sovereign state is responsible to defend its citizens against armed militant acts by non-state actors.

Whether accesses were committed & by whom becomes secondary especially when the process to establish this is flawed. The crux of the argument is on 19 May 2009 a 30 year terror phase ended, 4 days later UNSG arrived on 23 May 2009 a joint statement issued though it never agreed to any investigation by Sri Lanka. http://www.sinhalanet.net/the-bogus-joint-statement-between-president-of-sri-lanka-and-ban-ki-moon

Pressure forced Sri Lanka to appoint LLRC on 15 May 2010 and barely 3 weeks after in June 2010 UNSG appoints a 3 member team to personally report to him on the last 3 months of the conflict. On 31 March 2011 UNSG’s personal report is in public domain.

http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/POE_Report_Full.pdf though the panel officially hands over the report to UNSG on 12 April 2011. On 25 April 2011 the report appears on the UN News Centre.

https://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38187&Cr=Sri+Lanka&Cr1=#.WWCEtRhh21s

The LLRC report is officially submitted to the GOSL on 15 November 2011 and made public on 16 December 2011 after tabling in Sri Lanka’s Parliament.

Therefore, before establishing any war crimes tribunals the most important question that needs to be answered is whether there is a legal basis for a personally commissioned report meant for the eyes of the UNSG ONLY and covering ONLY 3 months of a 30 year conflict, to be used as the foundation for 3 successive UNHRC Resolutions and an UNHRC investigation with the UNHRC extensively quoting the PoE as being the basis for the resolutions and calls for a war crimes investigation.

What is more important is that this personally commissioned report does not have UNSG or UNGA approval and raises the question of the legality of a UNSG unilaterally commissioning war crimes tribunals against a UN Member sovereign state. Please note at this juncture, we are ignoring all of the other biases and conflict of interests that shroud around the resolutions and statements issued by the UNHRC.

Our argument is solely on the legality of a personally commissioned report by the UNSG being used for a war crimes tribunal as it is going to create a precedence and as such before an illegal precedent is being created legal luminaries in the UN and internationally must seriously look at this and provide a legal answer.

Shenali D Waduge

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Yahapalana came to power because it promised the voters that they would reduce the cost of living. After Yahapalana came to power, the cost of living went up and up. The public complained about the skyrocketing cost of living.   Food prices have gone into the stratosphere with more and more people going to sleep on empty stomachs said Island in January 2017. Family of four needs Rs 61,000 monthly for food, said Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna in February 2017.

The world price of milk food, wheat, sugar, crude oil, steel, cement had gone down but the local prices of these goods have been increasing, observed Mahinda Rajapakse in July 2016. The Rajapakse government sold rice at around Rs 60 a kilo, Yahapalana rice has gone up to Rs 100 in February 2017. Prices of other essential commodities had also increased. Bag of fertilizer has increased from 1200 to 3000 by December 2016.  Prince control had raised the price of chicken.

Yahapalana removed price control on sugar in March 2017. This triggered an increase in the price of sugar based products, with the biggest impact being felt by those in the sweetmeats industry catering to the upcoming Sinhala New Year. The retail price increased by Rs 17 a kilo in some shops.

Some of the well known manufacturers of traditional sweetmeats at Padiliyatuduwa, Doowa junction in Kiribathgoda, ‘kavum gama,’ said they would find it difficult   make a profit in the Sinhala New Year. one manufacturer, popular for her kavum, kokis and athiraha said this year they have received far less orders than before,  with customers complaining their prices were too high.Some of our traditional customers have cancelled their orders. This is all due to the Government removing the control on the price of sugar and allowing vendors to decide the price,” she said.

An owner of two large scale sweet shops at Pettah market said they try to make at least a five rupee profit from each product. But this time they won’t be able to do so. Also, orders were not coming their way this Avurudu season. They usually started getting orders from the beginning of March. Then Yahapalana increased the special levy on sugar. This was done despite the fact that world market prices was coming down for sugar. A Rajagiriya retail seller said he was now selling white sugar at Rs 110. It was Rs 105 a few days ago. A cup of tea with milk went up by Rs 5.

Vegetable prices are going through the roof, complained the public. Prices of all vegetables at Dambulla Economic Centre had increased in April 2017. Wholesale prices of all vegetables had doubled. The price of one kilo of imported potato had increased to Rs 98, big onions sold at Rs 85, Jaffna onion at Rs 170, beans at Rs 170, local potato at Rs 120, cabbage at Rs 55, tomato at Rs 140, green chilies at Rs 140, leaks at Rs 40, and carrot at Rs 110.

In a market in Delgoda, Kelaniya, a road side vendor offered 250 grams of beans at Rs 50, while 250g of beetroot was Rs 40. Okra was sold at Rs 50 for 250g and the same amount of tomato cost Rs 40. From the first week of this month to the second week, the price of green chillie has jumped from Rs 270 a kilo to Rs 310.43 a kilo in the main markets of Colombo. Local potato sells for between Rs 140 and Rs 180 a kilo. Small scale vegetable sellers have been badly hit due to high prices. One vegetable seller complained that consumers are buying ever smaller quantities of vegetables. We can’t increase the price of lunch packets as it would hurt sales,” said another. ‘But the quality of packed meals has worsened’.

Taxes are the main tool adopted by Yahapalana government to reduce the budget deficit. if the aim was to increase revenue, it would have been better to limit tax holidays enjoyed by firms earning super profits rather than imposing a high burden on the economically under privileged through indirect taxes, said critics.   Yahapalana taxes have been described as ‘highly iniquitous’. Cost of living will go up due to the direct and indirect taxes now imposed on goods and services, said critics.  All will be affected, irrespective of the income of the person, said critics. This will exert a considerable burden on the poor.

Yahapalana is hitting the public with taxes. A water tariff carrying a sharp increase  was imposed, outside the 2017 budget. Schools, religious place and even hospitals have to pay this tariff. It is a huge tariff hike for certain categories. There is also the Nation building tax. The 2017 budget had a fee on filing a court case. Sri Lanka is the only country to tax electric vehicle imports, said critics.

The tax exemption for deposits of senior citizens has been removed and their withholding tax has been increased. PAYE exemption granted to doctors, judges, university dons have been withdrawn. In future, PAYE will be deducted from the salary. The employer will no longer pay PAYE on behalf of the employees. Income from secondary employment will be taxed at 10 percent for the lowest bracket and then 20 %.

In 2016, Yahapalana increased the value added tax (VAT).  The first VAT bill was withdrawn in response to widespread opposition, but an amended one was produced after International Monetary Fund (IMF sent a review mission to Sri Lanka. The 4% increase in the VAT tax, from 11% to 15% will impact on numerous consumer items and services. It will severely affect the living standards of workers, the poor and sections of the lower middle class, said critics.

The Federation of Traders Association called a meeting   regarding VAT.  Representatives of all districts including the north and east were present. A trader who had been in business for nearly      20 years, said he had never before seen the business community united in their opposition to the government in this manner. The   Tamil representative addressed the gathering in Sinhala. He said that he represented at the district chambers of commerce from Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, Vavuniya, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara.  Earlier VAT was a manageable one, but not this one.  The trader, of the North and east were prepared to close their      shops, on the same day as the Sinhala shops. .

The Federation said that the new VAT would apply    down to the smallest shop. VAT will make it impossible for the small and medium business men to survive and they would have to wind up their operations. The traders had suggested a simpler system but the government won’t listen. traders would have to supply copies of all invoices to the Inland Revenue Department.

The traders closed their shops for a day.  Yahapalana government retaliated. They needed to stifle the dissent ahead of reintroducing the new Vat Amendment bill.    shops of three traders in Pettah who had taken part in the hartal were sealed by the customs on 8.8.16. They were ‘Asian traders’, ‘Anglo shirt’ and ‘Romax ‘of Keyzer street. These were small establishments, ten feet by eight, fifteen and sixteen. ‘Asian trader’ was a   three storied shop. The owners, who were Tamil,   went to the President, who referred them to Customs. But Finance ministry had blocked any relief being given. Then they went to Mano Ganesan. a meeting was arranged in the parliament complex   where ‘they were given a telling off by a UNP politicians’.

‘Prasad textiles’ in Piliyandala, belonging to the President of the Federation of Traders Associations, ‘India Dress Point’ in Anuradhapura , belonging to the  secretary of the Federation, ‘Hemara Rich look’ in Galle and   ‘Colombo shirts ‘in Pettah  were sealed on   11.8.16 . The owner of the Anuradhapura shop had been the principal financier of Maithripala Sirisena in Anuradhapura. ‘Prasad’ and ‘Hemara’ owners had also played a leading role in financing the UNP campaign in their areas.  Traders said they intend to complain to Human Rights commission and present FR petitions in Supreme Court against the repression launched by the government and also inform the public and the international community about this harassment.

VAT was now charged on goods that did not have VAT before. Previously the VAT on the retail and wholesale trade was limited to large establishments with a turnover of more than Rs. one million a day. This did not affect the rest of the trade. But now the threshold was brought down to Rs. 33,000 a day. that brings even small establishments within the ambit of VAT, said Chandraprema.  The small and medium sector is the largest employer in the country, not the government or the formal private sector. Operations of small and medium business places in economic hubs like Dambulla, Embilipitiya, Pamunuwa, Pettah, will be endangered.

Small traders countrywide are the source for essential commodities to lower income groups, said Chandraprema.  They would sell even small quantities. they will sell milk powder by the spoon to those who cannot afford to buy a packet. The imposition of VAT on small business like eateries, barber shops, retail shops, repair shops, service stations, furniture shops as well as cottage industries will be a severe burden on that sector as they operate mostly on credit,

VAT was initially imposed on those with a daily turnover of more than Rs 33,000 a day had been increase to those with turnover of 138,000 a day. The first proposal would have brought virtually every small shop in the towns across Sri Lanka into the VAT. a storm of protest arose. But in the revised proposal too, most small hardware, clothing, shoe and furniture shops, bakeries and eateries and shops selling mobile phones and other such consumer durables will be affected. For these small and medium enterprises the increase is therefore from nought to 15%, said Chandraprema.

VAT is imposed on turnover not on profits. So VAT will result in an immediate rise of prices. And when the affected shops increase prices, the smaller shops will also do the same. The price increase will be around 15%. the large establishments will try to break their operations into sections which will then not have to pay VAT. even then price increase will be around 15% increase. ‘Vat payable on daily basis increases with each increase in turnover and they are not amounts that business can pay and survive. VAT will eat into the retail margin. When retail sales drop as a result of increased prices, it leads to a chain reaction and the manufacturers who supply the goods will not get enough orders to be able to break even, concluded Chandraprema.

Yahapalana had promised free Wi-Fi for all but taxes on the phone bill now amounted to more than the call charges. Cell phone charges have doubled.   Taxes on internet fees had increased so internet charges will go up. The VAT on telecommunication service will hold back growth in ICT, also related industries like business process outsourcing, said C.R. de Silva. There is VAT on Health services, lottery tickets, cooperative services and Lanka Sathosa services as well.

The motor industry has been reeling from the effects of motor taxation charges made in three consecutive budgets since 2015. car sales plunged to over 50 per cent compared to previous years, said critics.  There was a significant fall in new car registrations in February 2017 itself. ‘The number of customers visiting vehicle showrooms has come down to near zero. Most visitors to car sales outlets walk away without buying vehicles due to high prices.’ the vehicle import business is on the verge of collapsing triggering fears of job losses for hundreds of people currently employed directly and indirectly in the industry.  It will definitely collapse if the government attempts to extract more taxes from the sector.    Such taxes on vehicles will facilitate Indian made vehicles, critics observed.

Tea Exporter’s Association (TEA) has complained of the high taxes imposed on the sector. Exporters have to renew their licence with the Tea Board annually at a cost of Rs. 500,000 for large and medium tea companies and Rs. 50,000 for small companies. Yahapalana has also increased the tea cess and tea promotion levy.  The payment amounts to around 1.5% of the annual tea exports revenue. This may be the highest cess payment made by the tea exporters in a tea producing country, exporters said. Tea production is on a declining trend in the last few years but Yahapalana does not care.

Yahapalana says this increase in tax is a temporary one. We do not expect to leave the present tax burden on the people for a long time.  Tax will be reduced once the economy gains momentum, Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake said. Yahapalana will systemically reduce taxes with the passage of time. Once the expected revenue was earned to match government expenditure, the need to raise taxes will not arise in future budgets, said Sarath Amunugama. The VAT is to permit an economic ‘lift off’   and also to repay loans obtained by the previous government. ( continued)

Dilrook Kannangara

Local Indian sponsored hitmen have launched a vicious attack on the Maha Sangha claiming that 6.2 million voters outnumber the Sangha. This was stated by Citizens’ Movement (Puravesi Peramuna”) – a Yamapalanaya suckling. In doing so, they have shown acute disregard and disrespect to the Sangha. That is sufficient for most of the 6.2 million voters to reject them. However, it is not their fault alone they go to any lengths to bash anyone opposed to the Indian agenda they implement. They know very well what India will do to their god father if they fail. And that will be very unpleasant!

Reading a biased article in an Indian newspaper with a creed-tribal name, it is obvious India is behind the assault on Buddhism. India desperately wants to demote Buddhism from its present foremost position in Lanka’s Constitution so that the sham secular atmosphere will allow it to push its Hindu expansionism. Although India (Hindustan) is namesake secular, it is hardly so. India is a Hindu theocracy where killing bovine cows results in the death of Muslims and other non-Hindus. As an Indian woman claimed recently, cows have more respect than women in India! Even making that statement has attracted death threats. Such things can happen only in religious theocracies like Iran, Saudi Arabia and India. The secular and democratic labels cannot cover up India’s shame.

http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-07-06/india-death-threats-for-asking-if-cows-more-respected-than-women/8682618

India has contracted Parajitha to carry out its agenda in Sri Lanka by whatever means. He rightfully fears the worst if he fails. Not only will India dump him for someone else who can deliver the goods, but also silence him to keep the matter secret. He is a desperate politician now. It is a do-or-die situation for him facing up to India’s wrath given the hostile local constituency. India used thousands of hitmen over the years and most of them met an untimely end when they failed to deliver.

It is utterly foolish on India’s part to continue its anti-Buddhist campaign at a time when China openly promotes Buddhism as a geopolitical tool. At this very moment India and China are engaged in a low level military clash near the Bhutan and Sikkim borders, separately – two Buddhist nations.

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/24/opinion/sunday/chinas-communists-embrace-religion.html

What Indians and their local hitmen must understand in the Sri Lankan context is that India is dispensable, Buddhism is not. If India is so keen about Tamil autonomy, why not do so in India where over 90% of world Tamils live and all Tamil cultural productions are made? Why should Sri Lanka take the Tamil autonomy poison India refuses to take? In another 18 months, it will be a presidential election year. Unpopular constitutional changes are already too late and have a nasty bearing on the election. Yamapalanaya’s end will be as interesting and as dastardly as its birth.

By Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

2017-07-08

A particular planter appeared to have been disturbed for calling the Ceylon Tea Traders Association (CTTA) as the “Apex body of the Industry” in my article on 1 July 2017 on the Sesquicentennial of the Ceylon Tea Industry. He wrote to me enquiring the reason for using such a phrase, stating that the CTTA was created long after the tea industry. Responding to his query, I replied stating that the CTTA was formed 27 years after the commercial cultivation of tea commenced, for the specific purpose of regulating and monitoring the tea trade, at the request of the producers of tea, who were confined to their plantations, and in any case, had no knowledge or experience in the marketing or exporting of the product.

Going deeper into the history of the tea industry, explanations were given to him by the writer as to how the auctions were held privately and haphazardly by individual brokers in their own offices, with no formal uniform set of rules or regulations. By the 1890s the volume of tea produced had grown to a remarkable extent and the growers / manufacturers were dissatisfied with the loose arrangements under which their teas were being handled in Colombo, which had become the main port of the island; hence, their request to the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce to set up an institution to oversee this aspect, the CTTA was bestowed as the mantle of ‘Apex Body’ from its inception. I further intimated to him about the CTTA’s celebrations on its anniversary (only a day or two prior to the publication of the article) at the Cinnamon Grand Hotel in Colombo, where its 123rd Annual General Meeting, also followed by cocktails and dinner, attended by over 500 guests from all sectors of the industry.

Apex body

The planter being still dissatisfied with my answer delved further into the subject by maintaining that the CTTA could only be described as the “Apex body for overseeing the sale of tea produced by the growers.” Next he lamented on the levy of Rs 40,000 per head to participate in the event, which according to him had caused “a lot of heart burn of the CTTA members that will lead to ‘shutting out’ so many planters in the participation of the celebrations”. He also pointed an accusing finger at the Organizing Committee for ignoring the estate staff and workers, expressing how they were as important as the planters, towards the survival of the Tea Industry.

Another grievance appeared to be that the CTTA had not planned to commemorate this historic occasion as a ‘corporate’ occasion in the heart of the tea growing areas, instead in the metropolis and on the beaches around Colombo, where “tea will not even grow.” The blame was thrust upon the Organizers asserting it was a creation by those whose existence and prosperity depended on the tea industry.

Misconception

This misconception was referred to a very Senior Member of the Tea Trade who elucidated the matter in the following manner: “The stakeholders, whose own associations sought affiliation to the CTTA and were graciously granted the opportunity to serve on the CTTA committee, where deliberations and decisions on the entire industry take place, as well as the state institutions and agencies, acknowledge and recognize the CTTA as the apex body of the tea industry is sufficient validation of its position”.

‘The CTTA does not only oversee the sale of tea, but it also has numerous other functions which ensure the well being of the entire industry. Spanning over a 27-year period from the commencement of commercial cultivation of tea on a mere 19 acres up to the point of the formation of the CTTA and the inauguration of the formal public tea auction in Colombo, under an official set of rules and regulations in 1894 the industry developed without any direction or leadership. The first export consignment of tea comprised just 23 lbs and that too was to the London auction. The first private tea auction offered just five invoices of tea, of which only one was sold due to bids not meeting the expectations of the sellers. This was why the producers themselves requested that an institution should be set up to lead the industry as an apex body.

International tea conventions

“The CTTA with representation from all the stakeholders has held international tea conventions in 1966, (nationalisation of plantations accounting for the hiatus) 1992, 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2012, all of which were fully subscribed with overseas delegates and local participation from every sector of the industry. The Colombo International Tea Convention has become legendary and is held up as a model by other producing countries that have tried to emulate it, but have fallen far short. The 2017 convention is no different”.

Overseas delegates and local participants are clamouring to attend and, although a maximum limit was placed on numbers, the CTTA was compelled to extend it. There have even been suggestions that it should be moved to a venue that can accommodate larger numbers, like the BMICH. There are no facilities outside Colombo to hold an event of this magnitude and the Organizing Committee believes that it is ridiculous even to suggest that estate staff and workers, other than the planters, would dream of attending, even if given the opportunity to do so at no charge. There are social, cultural and language barriers still prevalent in Sri Lanka, in case Sri Lankan ‘protagonist’ is not aware of, that would make them feel embarrassingly uncomfortable in such circumstances.

In this day and age, Rs.40, 000 per head for four days of business sessions with convention material, complemented by meals and refreshment and social events with entertainment at venues, which necessarily have to be upmarket and conducted exclusively in the English language is not considered excessive. Overseas speakers and presenters, internationally renowned in their respective fields, had also to be brought in and accommodated for the duration of the convention. In fact, it costs much more but has been subsidised by sponsorships. For younger participants (below the age of 35 years), a concessionary rate of Rs 30,000 has been offered. Not only has large representation from RPCs registered to attend, but a great number of private factory owners and even small holders have also done so. A senior member commented that he had “not heard of anyone complaining other than this single individual. Furthermore, his lone voice is not going to change the CTTA’s stature globally, which it has maintained for the past 123 years.

Woeful planter

Unfortunately, this woeful planter does not appear to be aware of the other events planned for the Sesquicentennial. All the proceeds from the Grand Charity Auction will be used on projects for the benefit of the children of the plantation labour. The outreach awareness/educational programme that has been conducted from March will conclude at the end of this month. It has covered rural and plantation areas. All proceeds from the convention will go into the Colombo Tea Traders’ Charity Trust, the accumulated funds of which have been judiciously invested in projects mainly in the plantation areas.

Today the CTTA has over 200 Corporate Members, and every year a chairman is elected – and may be re-elected for a successive term or two. The association’s role has changed quite significantly over the years. In 1962 out of those attending the auction about 60 per cent were British and of other foreign nationalities. Later Prime Minister S. W.R. D. Bandaranaike followed by Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake looked into ‘Ceylonising‘ the industry. Therefore, it was in the 1960s that Sri Lankans gradually took over the management of the Tea Industry and CTTA.

There are two major divisions in the Ceylon Tea Industry. Sellers produce the tea and buyers export it. These two sectors were kept as separate entities with good intentions where the brokers coordinated between the two, at the auction. After the nationalisation of tea estates, fragmentation took place within quite a number of privately owned estates, which were handed over to the smallholders. This managed to create the smallholder section that did not have facilities or the capacity in comparison with the plantation companies to manufacture tea. This gave rise to private companies to set up factories, which would use the tealeaves grown by smallholders for manufacture forming the fifth sector of the industry.

Liberalized economy

As time progressed, President J.R. Jayewardene’s government liberalized the economy paving the way for the opportunity of entrepreneurship in the Industry. By that time the British had nearly all left, the very first generation of Sri Lankan managers were in there 40s. Some young and dynamic tea traders who did not wish to mark time before they could climb to the top of the ladder established their own exporting companies, which resulted in a proliferation of exporters expanding the number of growers and manufacturers of tea and the industry, became crowded with competition intensified.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

සී. ඒ. චන්ද්‍රප්‍රේම

සිංහලයා දුර්වල කර මුස්‌ලිම් පාර්ශවය
ශක්‌තිමත් කළ බොදු බල උපාය
මා ඉකුත් ජුනි 25 වැනිදා ඉරිදා දිවයිනේ “බොදුබල සේනාව ගැන අත්‍යවශ්‍ය සටහනක්‌” යන මැයෙන් ලියූ ලිපියට විශාල ප්‍රතිචාරයක්‌ ලැබුණි. එම ලිපිය ලංකා සී නිවුස්‌ වෙබ් අඩවිය විසින්ද දිවයින උපුටා දක්‌වමින් පළකර තිබූ අතර එහි පාඨකයෙක්‌ “සශීමා” යන නම යටතේ පළකර තිබූ කමෙන්ටුවක්‌ පහත දැක්‌වෙන පරිදි විය.

2015 ජනවාරි 8 ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී ඥානසාර හිමි මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාට සහයෝගය දෙනවා යෑයි ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කීවද සැබවින්ම සිදුවූයේ වෙනත් දෙයකි. ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයේ ප්‍රධාන ක්‍රියාකාරිකයකු වන අශෝක අබේගුණසේකර මහතා “යුග පෙරළිය” නමැති තමාගේ කෘතියේ පෙන්වා දී ඇති පරිදි ඥානසාර හිමි මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාට සහයෝගය දෙන බව ප්‍රසිද්ධියේ කියමින් සිටි වකවානුවේම මහින්ද පරාජය කිරීම සඳහා චම්පිකව සිංහල බෞද්ධ අපේක්‍ෂකයෙකු හැටියට ඉදිරිපත් කොට ප්‍රතිවාදියකුට ජය ගැනීමට මග පෑදීමට ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය සාකච්ඡා කරමින් සිටි අවස්‌ථාවේදී ඔවුන්ගේ එම වැඩපිළිවෙළට පූර්ණ ලෙස සහයෝගය දැක්‌වීමට බොදුබල සේනාවද සූදානම් වී සිටි බවයි. 2014 ජුනි 22 වැනිදා ඒෂියන් මිරර් වෙබ් අඩවියේද බොදු බල සේනාව චම්පික රණවකව ජනාධිපති කළ යුතු බවත් සිංහල ජාතිය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින්නේ චම්පික රණවක පමණක්‌ බවත් කියමින් සමාජ ජාලා ව්‍යාපාරයක්‌ ඒ වනවිටත් ආරම්භ කර තිබෙන බවට ද ප්‍රවෘත්තියක්‌ පළ කළේය. ඉතින් මෙහිදී ඥානසාර හිමි 2015 ජනවාරියේදී මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාට සහයෝගය පළකිරීමෙන් බලාපොරොත්තු වූයේ ඔහුව පරාජය කිරීම මිස දිනවීම නොවේය යන්න පැහැදිලිය. මුස්‌ලිම් හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි පිරිස්‌ වලට හතර අතේ පහරදී එසේ පහරදුන් මැරයන් “අපි සිටින්නේ මහින්ද සමග යෑයි” කී විට මුස්‌ලිම් හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි ඡන්ද දායකයන් ඉබේටම නවතින්නේ අනෙක්‌ පැත්තේය. ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය 2014 බොදුබල සේනාවට දුන් කොන්ත්‍රාත්තුව එයයි.

2012-2014 කාල පරිච්ඡේදය තුළ බොදු බල සේනාව රාජපක්‍ෂ ආණ්‌ඩුව අස්‌ථාවර කෙරුවේ මුස්‌ලිම් හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි පිරිස්‌වලට පහරදී ඔවුන් රාජපක්‍ෂ ආණ්‌ඩුවට විරුද්ධව පෙළගැස්‌වීමෙනි. ඒ සඳහා බොදු බල සේනාව රාජපක්‍ෂ ආණ්‌ඩුවේ අනුග්‍රහය යටතේ වැඩ කරන බව පෙන්වීම අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය සාධකයක්‌ විය. මේ සඳහා ඔවුන් විවිධ සූක්‍ෂම උපක්‍රම භාවිතා කළේය. රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන්ට සමීප සම්බන්ධකම් තිබෙන ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ නමක්‌ වන කිරම විමලජෝති හිමියන් තම ව්‍යාපාරයට එක්‌ කර ගෙන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතාට සෘජුව කතා කළ හැකි සංඝපිතෘවරයෙක්‌ද මේ ව්‍යාපාරයට සහභාගී කරවා ගන්නා ලදී. ඔවුන් මහා පාරේ ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩත්වයේ යෙදෙන විට නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම ප්‍රමාද කිරීමට නැතිනම් අත්හිටුවා ගැනීමට එවන් මැදිහත්වීම් ද බෙහෙවින් උපකාරී විය. ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය තුළ උදය ගම්මන්පිල සාධකයද මෙහිදී වැදගත් විය. චම්පික කුමන්ත්‍රණකරුවෙකු වුවත් උදය අවංක ජාතිමාමක සිංහලයෙකු බව රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන් විශ්වාස කළේය.

උදය හා කිරම විමලජෝති හිsමියන්ට බොදුබල සේනාව සමඟ සම්බන්ධකම් තිබුණු නිසා ඒ හරහා මේ ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩකාරීන් “ෂේප්’ කරගෙන ‘බැලන්ස්‌’ කරගත හැකි බවට රාජපක්‌ෂවරුන්ගේ විශ්වාසයක්‌ තිබුණේය. ඇත්තටම නිදාගෙන සිටින පුද්ගලයකු ඇහැරීමට හැකි වුවත් බොරුවට නිදාගෙන සිටින අයකු ඇහැර විය නොහැකිය යන කියමන සත්‍යයක්‌ කරමින් බොදුබල සේනාව ශේප් කිරීම හෝ බැලන්ස්‌ කිරීම සාර්ථක වූයේ නැත. අවුරුදු 2 ක්‌ තිස්‌සේ මේ ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩත්වය බැලන්ස්‌ කිරීමත් ශේප් කිරීමත් එහාට මෙහාට ගිය පසු සියල්ල සිදුවී හමාර විය. උදය ගම්මන්පිලද තමා මූලාරම්භයේ සිටම සිටි දේශපාලන පක්‌ෂය වූ ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය සමග අවසාන මොහොත දක්‌වා සිට හෙළ උරුමය යහපාලනයට යන විටද ඔවුන් සමග අකැමැත්තෙන් ගොස්‌ බැරිම තැන පක්‌ෂය කඩාගෙන නැවතත් රාජපක්ෂවරුන් හා ජාතිකවාදී ව්‍යාපාරය වෙතට පැමිණියේය. ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය තුළ උදය ගම්මන්පිල සිටීමද බොදුබල සේනාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් රාජපක්‌ෂවරුන් ෂේප් න්‍යාය අනුගමනය කිරීමට ප්‍රධාන හේතුවක්‌ විය.

අලුත්ගම සිද්ධිය වන විට අවශ්‍ය කාරණා ටික සියල්ලම ඉටුවී තිබුණි. ඊට පසුව ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය වඩා විවෘත ආකාරයට රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන් පරාජය කිරීමේ කුමන්ත්‍රණය දියත් කරනු ලැබීය. මේ අදියරේදී ඉදිරියට දමනු ලැබුවේ අතුරලියේ රතන හිමි ප්‍රමුඛ පිවිතුරු හෙටක්‌ සංවිධානයයි. අවසාන මොහොත දක්‌වාම ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන් සමග සිටිමින් බොදුබල සේනාවට පමණක්‌ නොව පිවිතුරු හෙටක්‌ වැනි වෙනත් සංවිධානවලටද ආවරණය සැපයීය. මුස්‌ලිම් හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි ඡන්ද අනෙක්‌ පැත්තට යෑවීමෙන් පසු මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන පොදු අපේක්‍ෂකයා හැටියට එළියට ගැනීමටත් ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය කටයුතු කළ හැටි අශෝක අබේගුණසේකරගේ “යුග පෙරළිය” කෘතියේ සඳහන්ව ඇත. එජාප ඡන්ද දෙමළ ඡන්ද, මුස්‌ලිම් ඡන්ද හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි ඡන්ද යන සියල්ල පෙළ ගැස්‌වීමෙන් පසු සිංහල ඡන්ද ලබා ගැනීමට මාදුළුවාවේ සෝභිත හිමි මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන හා චම්පික රණවක එයට එකතු වීමෙන් යහපාලන මාර සේනාව සම්පූර්ණ විය.

මේ සියල්ලටම කේන්ද්‍රීය පුද්ගලයෙකු හැටියට ඥානසාර හිමිද සිටී. රාජපක්‍ෂවරුන්ගේ ජාතිකවාදී ආණ්‌ඩුව පරාජය කොට සුළු ජාතීන් හා විදේශීය බලවතුන්ගේ පදයට නටන ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ ගෙන ඒමට හැකි වන්නේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බෞද්ධ භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලාද ඒ ව්‍යාපෘතියට හවුල් කර ගැනීමෙන් බව විදේශීය බලවතුන් සෑහෙන කලකට පෙර අවබෝධ කරගෙන සිටි ආකාරය මම කලින් ලිපියේ විස්‌තර කෙරුවෙමි. මෙවැනි ව්‍යාපෘතියක්‌ සඳහා ඥානසාර හිමි වැනි භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලාද අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය සාධකයක්‌ විය. උන් වහන්සේට එක මතයක්‌ කියා දෙයක්‌ නොමැති අතර අවශ්‍ය දේ ලැබෙනවානම් කොයි පැත්තත් එකය. 2002 එජාප ආණ්‌ඩු කාලයේ සටන් විරාම ගිවිසුම ඇතුළුව රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ගත් පියවරයන් වලට එරෙහිව නැගී ආ බලවේගය වූයේ ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයයි. ඒ නිසා 2004 දී ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයෙන් ඡන්දය ඉල්ලූ අයෙක්‌ 2005 දී රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාට සහයෝගය දෙන තත්ත්වයක සිටිය නොහැක. නමුත් ඥානසාර හිමිට ඒවා ප්‍රශ්න නොවීය. 2012 ඥානසාර හිමි ඇතුළු පිරිස නෝර්වේ රාජ්‍යයෙන් නැවත පැමිණි පසු උන් වහන්සේ සංහිඳියාව හා බලය බෙදීම වෙනුවෙන් රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතා සමග එක්‌වී බණ්‌ඩාරනායක සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලාවේ භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලා 1000 කගේ සහභාගීත්වයෙන් සම්මන්ත්‍රණයක්‌ සංවිධානය කිරීමට යොදාගෙන සිටි හැටි මම පසුගිය ලිපියේ පැහැදිලි කෙරුවෙමි. මේ වැඩපිළිවෙළ සැලසුම් කරමින් සිටි අවස්‌ථාවේදී රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතාද මවිතයට පත් කරමින් ඥානසාර හිමි බලය බෙදීමේ හා සංහිඳියාවේ සම්මන්ත්‍රණය අතහැර හලාල් විරෝධී ව්‍යාපාරයට එක්‌ විය. ඒ හෙළ උරුමයෙන් ලැබුණු කැඳවීමක්‌ මත විය යුතුය.

2012 දී නෝර්වේ ගමනින් පසු දොස්‌තර රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතා හා කුමාර රූපසිංහ මහතා සමග සංහිඳියා සම්මන්ත්‍රණ පැවැත්වීමට සූදානම් වී සිටි ඥානසාර හිමි 2006-2007 කාලයේදී ජාතික හෙළ උරුමයේ කීමට ඒ කුමාර රූපසිංහ හා ඒ රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතා විසින්ම සංවිධානය කරන ලද යුද විරෝධී පෙරමුණේ රැස්‌වීම් කඩාකප්පල් කිරීමටද සහභාගි වූයේය.

ගිහියෙකු වන රාජිත සේනාරත්න මහතා මා දන්නා කාලයේ සිටම ඉන්නේ එකම ස්‌ථාවරයකය. නමුත් භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ කෙනෙකු වන ඥානසාර හිමි අද එක තැනකය. හෙට තව තැනකය. විදෙස්‌ චරපුරුෂ සේවාවන්ද තම වුවමනාවන් ඉටුකර ගැනීම සඳහා යොදා ගන්නේ ද එවැනි චරිතය.

අද මුළු සිංහල ජාතියම අනතුරට වැටී ඇත්තේ ඥානසාර හිමි වැනි භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලාගේ ක්‍රියාකාරීත්වය නිසාය. සිංහලයාව ඒ සිදුවූ වින්නැහියෙන් බේරා ගැනීමට අද අස්‌ගිරි පාර්ශ්වයට හා ෙත්‍රෙනිකායික මහ නාහිමිවරුන්ට ප්‍රකාශ පිට ප්‍රකාශ නිකුත් කිරීමට සිදු වී ඇත. ඒ ප්‍රකාශ වුවත් මේ ආණ්‌ඩුව ගණන් ගන්නා බවක්‌ පෙනෙන්නට නැත. බොදු බල සේනාව හා ඥානසාර හිමි දෙමළ හා මුස්‌ලිම් ආධිපත්‍යය ගැන කියන කතා ඇත්ත නොවේදැයි ඒවා අසා සිටින අත්දැකීම් නැති අය සිතනු ඇත. නමුත් මෙයද උපක්‍රමයේ කොටසකි. විදෙස්‌ බලවතුන් යම්කිසි ජාතියක්‌ විනාශ කිරීමට එවා ඇති චර පුරුෂයන් සැමවිටම පෙනී සිටින්නේ ජාතිය බේරා ගැනීමට ආ පිරිස්‌ වශයෙනි. ඔවුන් කතා කරන්නේ ඇති ප්‍රශ්න ගැන මිස නැති ප්‍රශ්න ගැන නොවේ. නමුත් ඔවුන්ගේ වැඩවල අවසන් ප්‍රතිඵලය වන්නේ සතුරා ශක්‌තිමත් වීමත් ජාතිය මකබෑවීමත්ය.

මෙයට හොඳම උදාහරණය වන්නේ බොදුබල සේනාවයි. ඔවුන් මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිසුන් ගෙනයන ආගමික අන්තවාදී ආක්‍රමණය ගැන කතා කරන විට හැමවිටම හම්බයෝ, තම්බියෝ, මරක්‌කලයෝ, යනාදී වචන භාවිතා කරයි. පරුෂ වචනද සමග මෙවැනි වදන් කියන විට ඇතමුන් සිතන්නේ ඥානසාර හිමි සිංහලයන් වෙනුවෙන් කතා කරන බවයි. නමුත් ඔවුන් 2012 සිට කළ හැම දෙයකින්ම සිදු වූයේ සිංහලයා දුර්වල වීමත්, මුස්‌ලිම් පාර්ශවය ශක්‌තිමත් කිරීමත් පමණි. සද්දය හා පරුෂ වචන වලින් සිංහලයන් ඉදිරියෙන් සිටියත් බලය වැඩි වූයේ මුස්‌ලිම් පාර්ශ්වයටය. ජාතික හෙළ උරුමය හා බොදු බල සේනාව එක්‌ව කළ කුමන්ත්‍රණයෙන් ජාතිකවාදී ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ පරාජය වී සිංහලයන්ගේ සතුරන් ශක්‌තිමත් වී ඇත. මෙයට පිළියම වන්නේ තවත් සද්දය දමා තවත් පරුෂ වචන කීම නොවේ.

මෙයට එකම පිළියම නැවතත් මේ රටේ ජාතිකවාදී ආණ්‌ඩුවක්‌ ඇති කිරීම පමණි. ජනවාරි 8 කුමන්ත්‍රණකරුවන් බොදුබල සේනාව යළිත් මහපාරට බස්‌සවා සද්දය හා පරුෂ වචනවලින් සිංහල පිරිසක්‌ එක්‌ කරගෙන ඡන්ද බෙදා මේ විජාතික ආණ්‌ඩුවේ පැවැත්ම තහවුරු කිරීමට මාන බලමින් සිටී. 2015 පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයේදී බොදුබල සේනාව මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ පාර්ශ්වයට විරුද්ධව ඡන්දය ඉල්ලුවේ ඒ තීරණාත්මක මොහොතේ ඡන්ද දාහක්‌ හෝ කඩා යහපාලනය රැක ගැනීමට දායක වීමට නොවේද? ඒ දේ නැවතත් කිරීමට ඔවුන් මාන බලමින් සිටින මේ අවස්‌ථාවේදී සිංහලයා ඉතා බුද්ධිමත්ව කටයුතු නොකළොත් රටත් ජාතියත් බරපතල උවදුරකට ලක්‌වනු ඇත.

තරංග රත්නවීර උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

ඡායාරූප නිමල් දයාරත්න

අන්තවාදී ආක්‍රමණය ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩ වී අරිසිමලේ පුදබිමේ මුඩුක්‌කු නැගෙයි…
ආණ්‌ඩුවට අවුරුදු දෙකක්‌ පිරෙන ජනවාරි 08 ත් බුදුපිළිම කඩා දැමේ…
බොරලු කපන්න කියලා පුරාණ ගල් කණු,
සෙල් ලිපි, සඳකඩ පහන ඩෝසර් කරයි…

උතුර, නැගෙනහිර දෙපළාතේ සහ තමන්කඩුව දිසාවේ ප්‍රධාන සංඝ නායක
පනාමුරේ තිලකවංශ හිමි.

කතාව ඇසෙන විට අපට අපි ගැන දුක සිතිණි. ඒ වැඩි කාලයක්‌ නොගොස්‌ අපිට උරුම රටේ කල්ලතෝනි ලෙස ජීවත්වීමට සිදු වන බව හැඟෙන නිසාය. නැගෙනහිර පළාතට ගිය විට මන්දබුද්ධික නොවන ඕනෑම කෙනෙකුට එය හොඳින් වැටහේ. එහෙත් සර්ව ආගමික පිරුවටය පොරවාගත් බලධාරීන් ඒ බව තේරුම් නොගැනීම ජාතියේ කරුමයයි.

ඉඩම් කොල්ලය විඳ දරාගත හැකිය. එහෙත් අපේ උරුමය තලා පෙළා කුඩු පට්‌ටම් කර ඇති අයුරු දකින විට පපු කැවුතු පිච්චෙන්නේය. බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්‌ථාන, වෙහෙර විහාර ගොඩනැඟිලි අන්‍ය ආගමික ආක්‍රමණිකයන් විසින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් අල්ලාගෙන සිටින අයුරු දකින විට ගත සිත කෝපයෙන් වෙව්ලන්නේය. එහෙත් උපන් බිමේ අපි අසරණය. උතුර, නැගෙනහිර දෙපළාතේ සහ තමන්කඩුව දිසාවේ ප්‍රධාන සංඝ නායක, කුච්චවේලි ශාසනාරක්‍ෂක බලමණ්‌ඩලයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේඛකාධිකාරි අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසන නායක ස්‌වාමීන් වහන්සේ පනාමුරේ තිලකවංශ හිමියන් පවසන කරුණුවලින් ජාතියේ නිවට නියාලුභාවය අපට හොඳින් අවබෝධ විය. දැන් අප උන්වහන්සේගේ හඬ වචන කරන්නේ සංවේදී ඔබගේ දැනගැනීම පිණිසය. මෙතැන් සිට පෙළගැසෙන්නේ උන්වහන්සේගේ කතාවය.

අතීතයේ ඉඳලම බෞද්ධයන්ට විවිධ හිරිහැර කෙරුණා. ඒක අපේ රටට පමණක්‌ සීමා වෙච්ච දෙයක්‌ නෙමෙයි, ලෝකයේ විසිරුණු සියලු බෞද්ධයන්ට මේ කෙණහිලිකම් උරුමයි. සෑම අවස්‌ථාවකම වැඩි බහුතරය ඉන්න පරිසරයක සුළුතරය යට කරගෙන ඉන්න ප්‍රවණතාවය වැඩියි. ලංකාව සිංහලයන්ට උරුම රට වුණාට උතුර, නැගෙනහිර පළාත්වල සුළුතරය වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ සිංහල බෞද්ධ මිනිස්‌සු. එහෙම පරිසරයක අපට ජීවත් වෙන්න වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ අන්‍ය ආගමිකයන්ගේ කෙණෙහිලිකම් මැද. දැන් මම වැඩ වාසය කරන අරිසිමලේ අරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට අයත් විශ්‍රාම ශාලාවක්‌ ප්‍රදේශයේ මුස්‌ලිම් ජනතාව බලහත්කාරයෙන් අල්ලාගෙන ඉන්නවා. ඒ පූජා භූමියේ වැට මායිම් සකස්‌ කරගන්න මැණුම් නියෝගයකුත් ලැබිලා තියෙනවා. එම භූමිය තුළ මහ දිසාපතිවරයාගේ නිසි අවසරය ඇතිව තමයි අපි එම ගොඩනැඟිල්ල ස්‌ථාපනය කළේ. ගොඩනැඟිල්ල ඉඳිකරන්න දායකත්වය ලබා දුන්නේ නුවර මහත්මයෙක්‌. පහුගිය අවුරුද්දෙ ඉඳලා මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිස්‌සු ඒ ගොඩනැඟිල්ල ආක්‍රමණය කරලා පදිංචි වෙලා ඉන්නවා. අදාළ සියලු ආයතනවලට මම ඒ බව දැනුම් දුන්නා. ඒත් ඒ ආක්‍රමණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් අදාළ කිසිදු ආයතනයක්‌ ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙලා ඔවුන්ව පලවාහරින්න කටයුතු කළේ නෑ. තව මුස්‌ලිම් ජාතිකයෙක්‌ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයේ කුටි ගෙවලුත් අල්ලලා ඔප්පුවක්‌ හදලා. පරීක්‍ෂණ කරගෙන යනකොට හොර ඔප්පුවක්‌ කියලා තහවුරු වුණා. ඒත් කූඨ ලේඛන සකස්‌ කළා කියලා නීතියක්‌ ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණේ නෑ.

අරිසිමාලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනය මුහුද අයිනේ සුන්දර පරිසරයක පිහිටලා තියෙන පුදබිමක්‌. ඒ වගේම ඓතිහාසික වටිනාකමක්‌ ඇති පූජනීය සිද්ධස්‌ථානයක්‌. තපස්‌සු භල්ලුක වෙළෙඳ දෙබෑයන් කේශ ධාතූන් වහන්සේලා රැගෙන ගොඩ බැස්‌සේ අරිසිමලේ වෙරළට. වෙළෙඳ දෙබෑයන් වෙරළට ගොඩ බැස්‌සට පස්‌සෙ සම්බුද්ධ වන්දනාව කරන්න හාල් තිබිලා නෑ. වෙරළට ගොඩ බට වෙළෙඳ දෙබෑයන් සම්බුද්ධ වන්දනාව කරන්න සහල් ලැබේවා කියලා ප්‍රාර්ථනාවක්‌ කරලා තියෙනවා. පස්‌සෙ වෙරළේ තිබුණු වැලි කැට සහල් බවට පත් වෙලා. ඒ සහල් අරගෙන බත් පිසලා සම්බුද්ධ වන්දනාව කළා කියලා ජනප්‍රවාදයේ කියෑවෙන කතාව. අදටත් අරිසිමලේ වෙරළ පුරා විසිරිලා තියෙන්නෙ හාල් වැල්ලක්‌. ඒ අසිරිමත් වැල්ල ඉස්‌මත්තේ කඳු ගැටය මත තමයි ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනය පිහිටලා තියෙන්නෙ. බණ, භාවනා කටයුතුවල යෙදෙන්න ශාන්ත පරිසරය. බුදුන් වහන්සේ බුද්ධත්වයට පත් වෙලා දවස්‌ හතළිස්‌ අටක්‌ ගත වෙනකොට සම්බුද්ධත්වයෙන් පාරිශුද්ධත්වයට පත් වෙන්නෙ මේ අරිසිමලේ වෙරෙළ. අතීතයේ ඉඳලම ආරණ්‍යවාසී භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලා මේ ස්‌ථානයේ වැඩ වාසය කරමින් බණ, භාවනා කටයුතුවල යෙදිලා තියෙනවා. නටබුන් බවට විසිරිලා තියෙන කුටි ගෙවල්, චෛත්‍යය, දාගැබ්, පෝය ගෙවල්, සඳකඩ පහණ, ගල් කණු විශාල පාදම කොටස්‌ මතු වෙලා සනාථ වෙන්නෙ මේ ස්‌ථානයේ විශාල ආරාම සංකීර්ණයක්‌ තිබුණු බවයි. ඒ නටබුන් අක්‌කර පන්සියකට වැඩි භූමි භාගයක විසිරිලා තියෙනවා.

1980 වර්ෂයේ හිටපු කර්මාන්ත අමාත්‍ය සිරිල් මැතිව් මහත්තයාගේ මගපෙන්වීම යටතේ උතුර, නැගෙනහිර බෞද්ධ නටබුන් සොයාගෙන, ඒ ස්‌ථාන ආරක්‍ෂාකරගැනීම සඳහා පිහිටුවාගත් රාජ්‍ය කර්මාන්ත බෞද්ධ සංගමය මගින් ගොඩනැගුණු ප්‍රධාන ආගමික සිද්ධස්‌ථානය අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනය. නින්දානේ කාශ්‍යප ස්‌වාමීන් වහන්සේ තමයි ආරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයේ ආරම්භක විහාරාධිපති හිමියන් බවට වුණේ. උන්වහන්සේට එම නායක පදවිය සන්නස්‌ පත්‍රයකින් පිළිගන්වලා තිබුණා. මගෙත් ගුරු හාමුදුරුවො උන්වහන්සේ. 1980 අවුරුද්දේ රාජ්‍ය කර්මාන්ත බෞද්ධ සංගමය මගින් උතුර, නැගෙනහිර බෞද්ධ සිද්ධාස්‌ථාන සීයක්‌ ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණය කරලා දකුණේ ස්‌වාමීන් වහන්සේලාට සන්නස්‌ පත්‍ර මගින් භාරදුන්නා. එවැනි ආගමික පුනරුදයක්‌ ඇති වෙනකොට තමයි 1983 අවුරුද්දේ එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ. ත්‍රස්‌තවාදී කලබල පටන් ගත්තේ. මේ ප්‍රදේශවල හිටිය දෙමළ, මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිස්‌සු තොරතුරු සපයමින් එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ.යට පක්‌ෂපාතීව වැඩ කරගෙන ගියා. ඒ අනුව මේ ප්‍රදේශ එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ. ග්‍රහණයට නතු කරගන්න පහසු වුණා. මුහුදු මාර්ග ඔස්‌සේ එල්.ටී.ටී.ඊ. සාමාජිකයන් අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට ඇවිත් ‘සාදු මහත්තයා මෙතැන ඉන්න එපා. අපි නම් කරදරයක්‌ කරන්නෙ නෑ. ඊළඟට එන ටීම් එක මොනව කරයිද කියලා අපිට කියන්න බෑ. ඒ නිසා දැම්ම මෙතැනින් පිටත් වෙන්න..’ කියලා නායක හාමුදුරුවන් අතට පතොරම් කිහිපයකුත් දීලා ගිහින් තිබුණා. ඒ වේලාවේම නායක හාමුදුරුවො ඒ බව හමුදාවට දැනුම් දීලා තිබුණා.

‘ඔය ටීම් එකම තමයි ඊළඟට එන්නෙත්. ඒ නිසා හාමුදුරුවනේ දැන්ම ඔතනින් ඉවත් වෙන්න…’ කියලා හමුදා නිලධාරීන් නායක හාමුදුරුවන්ට කියලා තිබුණා. ඒ අනුව නායක ස්‌වාමීන් වහන්සේ ඇතුළුව සෙසු හිමිවරු දකුණු පළාතට වැඩම කරලා තිබුණා. මේ ප්‍රදේශ එල්.ටී.ටි.ඊ.ය යටතට පත් වුණාට පස්‌සෙ මුහුද අයිනේ පිහිටි අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනය මුහුදු කොටි මධ්‍යස්‌ථානයක්‌ ලෙස ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙලා තියෙනවා. සංඝයා වාස, බුදු පිළිම කඩා බිඳ දාලා විනාශ කරලා තිබුණා.

යුද ගැටුම් අහවරවීමත් එක්‌ක නැවත මේ ප්‍රදේශය ආරක්‍ෂක හමුදාව යටතට පත් වුණා. 2009 අවුරුද්දේ අවසාන භාගයේදී මම අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට වැඩම කළා. එතකොට එම ස්‌ථානයේ තිබුණේ නාවික හමුදා කඳවුරක්‌. මුලින්ම අපි නතර වෙලා හිටියේ ඛනිජ වැලි සංස්‌ථාවේ. මුලදි මේ ප්‍රදේශයට එනකොට අවට මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිස්‌සු අපි දිහා බැලුවේ හරි අමුතු විදිහට. පස්‌සෙ මම නාවික හමුදාපතිවරයා මුණගැහිලා ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයේ අයිතිය ලිතව ඉදිරිපත් කළාට පස්‌සෙ නාවික හමුදා කඳවුර පහළට අරගෙන සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට වැඩ ඉන්න පුළුවන් විදිහට පරිසරය නිදහස්‌ කළා. ඊට පස්‌සෙ නාවික හමුදාවේ දරුවන්, ඛනිජ වැලි සංස්‌ථාවේ කිහිපදෙනෙක්‌ගේ උදව් උපකාර ඇතිව මැටියෙන් කුටියක්‌ හදාගෙන මම මෙතැන වැඩ වාසය කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. දවසටම දානය ලැබුණේ එක වේලයි. ඒකත් දුන්නේ නාවික හමුදා කඳවුරෙන්.

මම මේ ස්‌ථානයට ඇවිත් වැඩ වාසය කිරීමත් එක්‌ක අරණ්‍යවාසී භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලා අතර අරිසිමලේ අරණ්‍ය සේනාසනය ප්‍රසිද්ධ වුණා. ආරණ්‍යවාසී භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේලා වරින්, වර මේ සෙනසුනට වැඩම කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ටිකෙන්, ටික දායක පිරිස වැඩි වෙලා මේ ස්‌ථානය දියුණු වෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ඒ එක්‌කම මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිස්‌සු ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට අයත් භූමිය පුරාවිද්‍යා චෛත්‍ය පැත්තෙන් අල්ලගෙන ඉහළට එන්න පටන් ගත්තා. මම මේ ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට වැඩම කරන්න ඉස්‌සර වෙලා ඉඳලා බොරළු කපන්න කියලා මේ භූමියේ අක්‌කර අටක විතර පුරාවිද්‍යා නටබුන් ප්‍රදේශයක ගල් කණු පෙරළලා, සෙල් ලිපි, සඳකඩ පහණ විනාශ කරලා තිබුණා. එතැනින් නතර වුණෙත් නෑ. සංඝයා වහන්සේලා වැඩ වාසය කරන කුටි ගෙවලුත් පෙරළගෙන යන තරමට අන්තවාදී ආක්‍රමණය ප්‍රචණ්‌ඩ වුණා. ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසන භූමියේ පුංචි, පුංචි පැල්පත් හදාගෙන මිනිස්‌සු පදිංචි වුණා. පස්‌සෙ මම බණ භාවනා කටයුතුවලින් මඳකට ඈත් වෙලා ඉඩම් මංකොල්ලය ගැන හොයා බැලුවා. ඛනිජ වැලි සංස්‌ථාවේ බෞද්ධ සංගමයේ දායක මහත්වරුත් ඒ කටයුතු සාර්ථක කරගන්න ගොඩක්‌ උදව් උපකාර කළා.

හොයාගෙන යනකොට 1980 අවුරුද්දේ සිරිල් මහත්තයාගේ කාලේ සකස්‌ කරපු ලිපි ගොනු ටිකක්‌ මට ලැබුණා. ඒ ලිපි ගොනුවල අරිසිමලේ ආරණ්‍යය සේනාසනය ගැන වගේම මේ ප්‍රදේශයේ අනිකුත් වෙහෙර විහාර පිහිටලා තියෙන තැන්වල විස්‌තර සඳහන් වෙලා තිබුණා. පස්‌සෙ මම ආරක්‍ෂක අංශවල උදව් ඇතිව ඒ ස්‌ථාන ගැන සොයා බලන්න ගියා. අපි ඒ තැන්වලට ගිය විට අපිට දකින්න ලැබුණේ කුඩුපට්‌ටම් කර දාපු විශාල බුදුපිළිම. චෛත්‍යය හාරලා. බෝධීන් වහන්සේලා කපා දලා. ඒ ඉඩම්වල අන්‍ය ආගමිකයන් පදිංචි වෙලා. බණ භාවනා කරන්නත් භූමියක්‌ තියෙන්න එපෑ… ඒ වගේම අපේ සිංහල අම්මලාගේ දරුවො ලේ වගුරමින් මේ භූමිය නිදහස්‌ කර ගත්තේ අන්තවාදයක්‌ ගොඩනගන්න නෙමෙයි… ඒ හැම දෙයක්‌ ගැනම හිතලා අන්තවාදීන්ගෙන් බෞද්ධ උරුමය බේරාගැනීම උදෙසා මම පෙරමුණ ගත්තා. මුලින්ම අදාළ ආයතන දැනුවත් කරලා බෞද්ධ ස්‌ථාන ගැන ගවේෂණය කරන්න ලිත අවසරයක්‌ ඉල්ලුවා. එම ආයතනවලින් ලිතව මට අවසරය දුන්නා. ඒ අනුව නාග ලෙන, බඹරගල, යාංඔය, ඈතානැගි කන්ද, මිහිඳු ලෙන වගේ බෞද්ධ වෙහෙර, විහාර තිබුණු ස්‌ථාන රැසක්‌ හඳුනාගෙන නැවත ප්‍රතිසංස්‌කරණය කරලා සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට වැඩ ඉන්න පුළුවන් විදිහට පරිසරය සකස්‌ කළා. ඒත් මේ වන විට ඒ ස්‌ථානවලට තියෙන ප්‍රධාන ගැටලුව ආරණ්‍ය සංචිත ඉඩම් අන්‍ය ආගමිකයන් වේගයෙන් ආක්‍රමණය කරමින් තිබෙන ඒකයි.

කෝකිලායි කලපුවෙන් වටවෙච්ච තෙන්නමරච්චි සංඛමලේ පුරාණ රජමහා විහාරස්‌ථානයේ කන්ද මුදුනේ පුරාවිද්‍යා චෛත්‍යය ආසන්නයේ පිහිටි බුදුහාමුදුරුවන්ගේ රුව සහිත ගල් කැටයම් මීටර් අටසියක්‌ විතර දුරින් තියෙන කෝවිලක බිත්තිවලට තියලා බැඳලා. දෙමළ සන්ධානයේ නායකයන් රජයට බල කරනවා එතැන පන්සලක්‌ හදන්න දෙන්න එපා කියලා. පුරාණ බෞද්ධ නටබුන් තියෙන එම ස්‌ථානයේ මේ මොහොත වෙනකොටත් කුටි සෙනසුනක්‌ හදන්න ඉඩක්‌ නෑ. ගියොත් දෙමළ අන්තවාදීන් පහරදෙනවා. පහුගිය කාලේ යාංඔය රජමහා විහාරයේ චෛත්‍යය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ඩෝසර් කරලා විනාශ කරලා තිබුණා. ඒ විනාශය ගැන පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට, පොලිසියට, මහ දිසාපතිවරුන්ට දැනුම් දුන්නා. ඒත් අපරාධය කරපු කිසිම කෙනෙකුට නීතියක්‌ ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණේ නෑ. පහුගිය ජනවාරි 08 වැනිදා බුදුපිළිම හත, අටක්‌ කඩා බිඳ දාලා තිබුණා. තවත් බුදුපිළිමවලට කළු තෙල් ගහලා තිබුණා. මේ අපරාධය ගැන හොයන්න හමුදාව, පොලිසිය දෙකම දැම්මා. ඒත් අපරාධ කරපු කිසිම කෙනෙක්‌ව තවම නීතිය ඉදිරියට ගෙනත් නෑ. ස්‌වාමීන් වහන්සේනමක්‌ ගල්ලෙනක වවුල් බෙඩි ටිකක්‌ සුද්ධ කළත් ඊළඟ දවසේම පුරාවිද්‍යා දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙන් නඩු දානවා. දැන් අලුත් නීති පනවලා මේ ප්‍රදේශවල පාරවල් අයින්වල බුදු කුටි හදන්න දෙන්නේ නෑ. අලුතින් පන්සල් හදන්න දෙන්නෙ නෑ. තියෙන බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්‌ථාන ඉවත් කරගන්න කියනවා. බෞද්ධ සිද්ධාස්‌ථාන සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට පරිහරණය කරන්න ඉඩක්‌ නෑ. හමුදා කඳවුරුවල බුදුපිළිම පාරට පේනවට තල් වැටවල් ගහලා වහලා. සමහර ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනවල සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට දන් ගෙනයැම තහනම් කරලා. ඒක තමයි උතුර, නැගෙනහිර සංහිඳියාව. දකුණේ අපි කෝවිලකට, පල්ලියකට ගිහිල්ලා නිකමට අගෞරව කරනවද… සිංහල මිනිස්‌සු එහෙම කරන්නෙ නෑ. ඒත් මේ මිනිස්‌සු බලන්නෙ දවසින්, දවස බෞද්ධ වෙහෙර, විහාර බුදු පිළිම විනාශ කරන්න.

මුස්‌ලිම්, දෙමළ, සිංහල ඕනෑම ගම්මානයක බෞද්ධ නටබුqන් තියෙනවා නම් ඒවා බෞද්ධ ආගමට අයිති උරුමය. ඒවා අද ඊයේ දේවල් නෙමෙයි. රජ කාලේ ඉඳලා පැවත එන උරුමයන්. ඒත් දැන් අපේ රටේ බෞද්ධ උරුමය ආරක්‍ෂා කරන්න පණ ඇති නායකයෙක්‌ නෑ. බෞද්ධ කටයුතු දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව මේ ගැටලු ගැන හොයා බලන්නෙ නෑ. ආණ්‌ඩුකාරවරයා මගෙන් අහනවා හාමුදුරුවනේ සිංහල බෞද්ධ මිනිස්‌සු නැති පළාතකට පන්සල් මොකදට කියලා. අපි සිංහල බෞද්ධයන් ගැන කතා කරනකොට අන්තවාදීන් කියනවා. බුදුපිළිමයක්‌ හදන්න ගියොත් ආගම්වාදීන් කියනවා.

උතුර, නැගෙනහිර බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්‌ථානවලට අයත් ඉඩම් නිරවුල් කරගන්න පහුගිය රජය කාලේ අට වතාවක්‌ විතර මම උත්සාහ කළා. පොලිසියේ දෙතුන්සියක්‌ දාගෙන අරිසිමාලේ ආරණ්‍යය සේනාසනයට අයත් රක්‍ෂිත භූමිය මැනුම් කටයුතු කරන්න පටන් ගත්තා. ඒ අවස්‌ථාවේත් තුන්හාරසීයක මුස්‌ලිම් සේනාවක්‌ කැලේ කඩාගෙන ඇවිත් පොලිස්‌ නිලධාරීන්ට පහර දුන්නා. මැනුම් කටයුතු නතර වුණා. වර්තමාන ආණ්‌ඩුව පත් වුණාට පස්‌සෙ මේ ප්‍රදේශවල බෞද්ධ පූජා භූමි සියල්ලක්‌ම වගේ සීග්‍රයෙන් අන්‍ය ආගමිකයන් ආක්‍රමණය කරගෙන යන්න පටන් ගත්තා. පහුගිය දවස්‌වල දේශපාලන බලපුළුවන්කාරම් යටතේ පූජා භූමි ඉඩම්, පුරාවිද්‍යා රක්‌ෂිත, වනසංරක්‍ෂණ රක්‍ෂිතවලට බලපත්‍ර හත්සියයක්‌ හදලා තිබුණා. එක දිගට කෝවිල්, පල්ලි හැදෙනවා. පුරාවිද්‍යා නටබුන් ගොඩවල් ඩෝසර් කරලා හෝටල් හදනවා. ඒවට කිසිම බාධාවක්‌ නෑ. බුදුපිළිමයක්‌, සෙනසුන් හදන්න ගියොත් නීතියෙන් ඉඩක්‌ නෑ. නීතියෙන් සරණක්‌ ලැබුණත් අන්තවාදීන් අකුල් හෙළනවා.

අපි මේ ප්‍රදේශවල නොහිටින්න මේ වෙනකොට බෞද්ධ සිද්ධස්‌ථාන කිසිවක්‌ නෑ. අදටත් උතුර, නැගෙනහිර ප්‍රදේශවල කිසිම විහාරස්‌ථානයකට ඔප්පු තිරප්පු නෑ. උරුමය පෙන්වන්න තියෙන එකම සාක්‍ෂි ගල් කණු. නටබුන් කොටස්‌ විතරයි. ඒවා පෙන්ගෙන ඉඳලා වැඩක්‌ නෑ. වටෙන්ම අල්ලගෙන ඇවිත් අපිව පර්චස්‌ ගානකට සීමා කරනවා. දැන් අපි වෙරදරන්නේ මේ පූජා භූමි ටික නිරවුල් කරගෙන, මැනුම් කටයුතු කරලා සිංහල බෞද්ධ පවුල් හත, අටක්‌ පදිංචි කරවන්න. එහෙම කළොත් මේ සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට කැඳ ටිකක්‌ හරි ලැබෙයි. බුදුපිළිමයක්‌ ළඟට ඇවිත් මලක්‌, පහනක්‌ පූජා කරයි. අපිට ලෙඩක්‌ දුකක්‌ හැදුණොත් ඇවිත් උපස්‌ථාන කරයි. එහෙම නොවෙන්න මේ හමුදා කඳවුරු ටික ඉවත් කරපු දවසකට අපිටත් මේවා අතහැරලා යන්න වෙනවා.

අතීත රජවරු නිර්මාණය කරපු ශාසනික දේවල් තමයි අද නටබුන් වෙලා ඉතිරි වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ. ඒත් බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේගේ පාද ස්‌පර්ශය ලද නාගදීප පුද බිමේ බුදුපිළිමයක්‌ හදන්න බැරි තරමට අපි නිවට ජාතියක්‌ බවට පත් වෙලා. මේ තත්ත්වය ඉදිරියට ක්‍රියාත්මක වුණොත් අපිට බෞද්ධ උරුමය කෙසේ වෙතත් රටක්‌ ඉතිරි වෙන්නෙත් නෑ. අපිට මේ පළාත්වල ඉන්නත් බැරිව යනවා. දැනටමත් මට මරණ තර්ජන තියෙනවා. සමහර ආරණ්‍යය සේනාසනවලට වැඩම කරන්නෙ පොලිස්‌ ආරක්‍ෂාව යටතේ. පහුගිය කාලේ මම වැඩ වාසය කරන කුටිය පින්තූර ගන්න කිහිපදෙනෙක්‌ විටින්, විට ආවා. වැඩි කාලයක්‌ යන්න ඉස්‌සර වෙලා අතේ ගෙනියන බෑග් මල්ලට මොනවහරි දාලා හරි මාව අත්අඩංගුවට ගන්නවා. නැති නම් අපවත් කරනවා. ඒකට මම බය නෑ. ශාසනය ආරක්‍ෂා කරගැනීම උදෙසා වෙර වීරිය දරන අපිට සෑම මොහොතකම තුනුරුවන්ගේ සරණ තියෙනවා. අන්‍ය ආගමිකයන්ට හිරිහැර කරන්න, ඔවුන්ගේ ජීවිතවලට බාධා කරන්න අපට අවශ්‍ය නෑ. කාගෙවත් දේපළක්‌ කොල්ලකන්න ඕනෑ නෑ. අපිට ඕන බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ නාමයෙන් අවිහිංසාවාදී ජාතියක්‌ විදිහට බෞද්ධ උරුමය ආරක්‍ෂා කරගන්න විතරයි. බුද්ධ ශාසනය, ජාතිය ආරක්‍ෂා කරන්නේ යම් පාලකයෙක්‌ද ඒ පුද්ගලයාට අපි ආශිර්වාද කරනවා. ඒ වගේම සියලු සංඝයා වහන්සේලාගේ ආශිර්වාදය ලැබෙනවා. ඒ ඇරෙන්න ආරණ්‍යවාසී භික්‍ෂූන් වහන්සේ නමක්‌ විදිහට අපි කිසිම නායකයෙක්‌, පක්‍ෂයක්‌ පත් කරන්න ඡන්ද පාවිච්චි කරන්නෙ නෑ. අර පුද්ගලයා, මේ පුද්ගලයා හොඳයි කියලා සම්මත කරන්නෙ නෑ. ඒක අපේ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක්‌.

අද සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ට නායකයෙක්‌ නෑ. බුදුරජාණන් වහන්සේ ශාස්‌තෘවරයා විදිහට හිටියට මේ රටේ සංඝයා වහන්සේලාට නායකයෙක්‌ නෑ. සංඝයා වහන්සේලා පක්‍ෂ පාටවලට, නිකායවලට බෙදිලා. පන්සල් අතර ප්‍රශ්න. බලමණ්‌ඩල අතර ප්‍රශ්න. අපේ මිනිස්‌සු දෙපැත්තට ඇදෙනවා. රට ජාතිය වෙනුවෙන් කතා කරන සංඝයා වහන්සේලා උපක්‍රමශීලීව අපවත් කරනවා. දෙමළ මුස්‌ලිම් මිනිස්‌සු රට ටිකෙන්, ටික අල්ලනවා. හරි පාලකයෙක්‌ නොහිටින්න නැගෙනහිර පළාත මුස්‌ලිම් ජනතාව, උතුර දෙමළ ජනතාව අල්ල ගන්නවා. ඒත් දැන් අපිට වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ ඇටිකෙහහෙල් කෑව මුක්‌කුන්ද වගේ විරිත්ත, විරිත්ත ඉන්න..’ අරිසිමලේ නායක හාමුදුරුවන්ගේ දේශනය අවසානය. මේ උන්වහන්සේගේ කතාවෙන් අපට තේරුම් ගිය යථාර්ථයයි.

අවිහිංසාවාදී ජාතියක්‌ ලෙස ඉතිහාසය පුරාවට බෞද්ධ ජනතාව ආගම වෙනුවෙන් අරගලවල පැටලී නැත. එහෙත් සිදුවෙමින් තිබෙන අන්‍ය ආගමික ආක්‍රමණය සමඟ බෞද්ධ ශාසනය ආරක්‍ෂා කරගැනීම උදෙසා විවිධ සංවිධාන බිහිවෙමින් තිබේ. තවදුරටත් ගෝත්‍රික අන්තවාදීන්ගේ ආක්‍රමණය ඉදිරියේ බලධාරීන් අඳ, ගොළු බිහිරන් සේ සිටී නම් බෞද්ධ ශාසනයේ ආරක්‍ෂාව සඳහා බලවේග, බලමුළු සංවිධානගත වීම නතර කළ නොහැකිය. අහිංසක අංගුලිමාල වූවා සේ පීඩාවට පත්වෙමින් සිටින බෞද්ධයන් ද අංගුලිමාලලා වීමට ඉඩ තිබේ. සිදු විය යුත්තේ පක්‍ෂ පාට, සංඝ බේද පසෙකට තබා ගිහි පැවිදි දෙපාර්ශවයම සිහිබුද්ධියෙන් මේ උද්ගතව ඇති ආගමික ගැටලුව විසඳීම සඳහා එක පොදියට එකතු වීම පමණි.

Dr. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

July 7, 2017, 10:09 pm
In his lengthy presentation on Islamophobia and allegations thereof, entitled ‘A reappraisal of evidence and claims: Emerging Buddhist-Muslim Rivalry in Sri Lanka?’ (The Island, July 4th, 5th, 6th, 2017) Prof GH Peiris has chosen to conclude with a three paragraph reference to an idea I had advanced. I would have thought this gratuitous but it is dwarfed in that department by his range of references with relation to Ven. Gnanasara’s rhetoric, which include Jesus Christ, Mark Antony and JFK. I had recommended that instead of a flailing about at all forms of racism and extremism, and risking greater polarization and instability, the state authorities focus on the most dangerous issue, that of incitement to violence and prosecute Ven. Gnanasara on those grounds, given that there seems to be ample audio-visual evidence accumulated over time, on that score.

In an attempt to dismiss my view, Prof Peiris argues that the same charge may be levelled against Jesus Christ’s denunciation in the Temple, Mark Antony’s oration, John F Kennedy,et al.In effect, Prof. Peiris does not see a qualitative difference between the discourse of Jesus Christ and that of Ven. Gnanasara. Prof Pieris probably sees a congruency between Mein Kampf and the Communist Manifesto, not to mention Hitler’s torchlight Nuremburg speeches and Fidel’s address to the courts, “History Will Absolve Me!”

Prof Peiris’problem seems to be that of a classic “category error”: the inability to distinguish between an exhortation to resistance and rebellion against injustice, and a fascist or neo-fascist exhortation to violence against a community. In his spree of mixing apples, oranges, chalk and cheeses, I am thankful he did not suggest that the Sermon on the Mount could be considered in the same category as Herod’s injunction on the newborns!Certainly, Prof GH Peiris’ line of argumentation would sit well with those such as Zeid al Hussein, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, who place Mahinda Rajapaksa in broadly the same category as Velupillai Prabhakaran, and the Sri Lankan state’s war on the same plane as that of a separatist-fascist, terrorist militia!Is there ‘No Limit’ (so to say) to Prof Peiris’ridiculous exercise in moral equivalence?

Prof Peiris also assumes that the law will be unable, or will find it gravely problematic, to observe the distinction. If ever a government prosecutes the likes of Ven. Gnanasara on the grounds of incitement to violence, I trust that his lawyers will press into service Prof GH Peiris’ helpful references to Jesus Christ, Mark Antony and JFK in his defense. I wish them luck in that endeavor in logic, law, ethics and moral philosophy.

Prof Peiris concludes with a sideswipe about “duumvirates”, implying that my suggestion of a Mahinda-Gotabhaya ticket is doomed to fail and arguing instead for a Mahinda-led project,pure and simple. The problem there is not so much one of desirability but of possibility. The 19th amendment prevents Mahinda from contesting the Presidency and the Presidential election precedes (2019) the parliamentary one (2020).

The UNP-NGO solution, namely to abolish the executive Presidency,only transfers power to Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and the Chief Ministers, chiefly Wigneswaran, and is therefore far worse than the problem.

This leaves a “duumvirate” as the only option. It is incumbent to pick the best possible “duumvirate”, electorally and from the standpoint of the country’s main needs in the context of the current crisis. I have advocated Gotabhaya plus Mahinda.

As for Prof Pieris’ statement that “duumvirates” are almost always disasters or failures, I have only to point to Russia, which is hardly a failure (Putin-Medvedev), and to Cuba in its most glorious decades, which was a “duumvirate” of Fidel and Raul Castro, as Sandinista Nicaragua was of Daniel and Humberto Ortega.

Editorial Courtesy The Island

July 7, 2017, 10:03 pm

The outcome of Thursday’s talks between Mahanayake Theras and President Maithripala Sirisena in Kandy on the former’s campaign against the government’s proposed constitutional reforms etc has been described as fruitful in some quarters. The President has, by rushing to Kandy, demonstrated his concern for the opinion of Buddhist monks. The powwow was cordial.

But, as for the new Constitution, we believe, the Nayake Theras have got a typical yanne-koheda-malle-pol—irrelevant—response. They have made their position very clear that there is no need for a new Constitution at all, but the President says he will make one that is acceptable to them! The prelates should explain whether they are agreeable to such an arrangement, having rejected the idea of a new constitution lock, stock and barrel.

Even if the protesting monks agree to consider the President’s offer, they won’t endorse a constitution sans the unitary status of the state, the foremost place given to Buddhism and other such key features they hold sacrosanct. The objectives of those, including the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and a section of the international community, who pressure the government to introduce a new Constitution, run counter to the position of the Maha Sangha, especially where devolution is concerned. Never the twain shall meet, one may say. Drafting a constitution to the satisfaction of both these camps is well nigh impossible.

The 2015 Geneva resolution co-sponsored by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government is the mother of all constitutional issues troubling the yahapalana leaders at present. The question is why the government did not consult all stakeholders without plunging feet first into co-sponsoring that resolution.

Now that the government has undertaken to devolve more power and appoint a hybrid war crimes tribunal as demanded by the UNHRC at the behest of the US and its allies, there is no way it can renege on its pledge. The yahapalana regime cannot wish away its Geneva commitments and the attendant political issues. Human rights have sadly become an instrument in the hands of the western powers, which use them to make inroads into the sovereignty of the countries they want to reduce to puppets. So, desperate to keep China in check and promote their interests in this region, they are sure to use Sri Lanka’s Geneva commitments as a goad to make the yahapalana leaders more pliable.

Meanwhile, the TNA has urged the government to go ahead with the new Constitution and place it before the people at a referendum for their endorsement. Before that, a constitution will have to be drafted and the President has undertaken to ensure that it passes muster with the Maha Sangha before taking any action to promulgate it. There’s the rub! What is acceptable to Mahanayake Theras will be unacceptable to the proponents of federalism. Supposing a referendum is held by any chance on the new Constitution to be made, with or without the consent of Buddhist monks, are the TNA leaders ready to accept its outcome in case it turns out to be unfavourable to them and stop demanding federalism thereafter?

The government may have been able to wriggle out of a difficult political situation through the President’s meeting with the Nayake Theras on Thursday, but its problems are far from over where constitution making is concerned. It finds itself between a rock and a hard place. Co-Cabinet Spokesman Rajitha Senaratne has said the government will have to go ahead with its constitutional reform project in keeping with its promise to do so at the last two elections. Whether the government is so strong as to translate such rhetoric into action without heeding Buddhist monks’ shot across its bow remains to be seen.

By Lucien Rajakarunanayake Courtesy The Island

July 7, 2017, 10:05 pm

Anyone watching TV feels there is no Govt. in the country: President – News Item

Does one have to watch TV to feel this?

The President says the media reveals the opposite of what is really happening in the country. Development activities, people’s welfare, the peaceful situation in the country are all turned upside down to attract people’s attention, says the President.

Let’s begin with just one matter – the building to house the Ministry of Agriculture. The advance paid for it in 2016 was Rs 504 million. There was an estimated rent for it of Rs. 13.5 million, with an actual rent of Rs. 21 million, and a monthly service charge of Rs. 6.1 million. Damn it, all that is a lot of public money. But, the Ministry has not yet shifted there, because it is still not rendered suitable for occupation.

Just a little more – the Minister of Agriculture is  Duminda Dissanayake, MP from the Anuradhapura District, not very far from the President’s own Polonnaruwa, and he is also the General Secretary of the SLFP, that is led by President Sirisena. Is it very difficult for the President to have a chat with this minister and at least get this building occupied?

Is any media – TV, radio, print or social – turning anything upside down when this is reported, yes, time and again, because it is taking such a long time to have an officially rented building occupied?

What exactly is happening in the country that would give the people any idea there is a government in place?  What are the development activities that are going ahead, pointing to any progress?  Let’s not talk about that Hoaxwagen Project.

Can we talk much about people’s welfare – when faced with the reality of people who were the victims of floods and landslides at different places, and the Army’s central armoury explosion at Salawa, not receiving their relief or compensation yet?

Do we really have a peaceful situation in the country?  Yes, the war with separatist terrorism is over – nearly a decade ago. But, what about the increasing rate of crime in the country – the figures are really shocking, and they keep rising each day, while the Police are said to meditate every morning – possibly on the prevailing peace and not the control of crime? As crime keeps rising in this manner, can the people and the media, believe there is a government in place?

Anyone who thinks these are signs of governance must be joking, or else trying to take the people and country on a really long ride on political buffoonery.

The President is not only thinking of the media and upside down reporting on reality.  He also has strong words to say about the Police, FCID and the Attorney General’s Department.  At no less a place than at a Cabinet meeting, he has said they had not dealt with financial corruption under the Rajapaksa regime, for the past 18 months. But, the probes had been about those from the Rajapaksa days who had joined the government. What a shame … and the President says he can show these institutions how the thieves could be nabbed in three months if they are all brought under him!

That calls for a real WoW.  Come on Mr. President, you are the Executive President, and all of these institutions you are so critical of are under you, managed by ministers appointed by you. Did you not realize this when that recent so-called reshuffle of the Cabinet took place?  Why did you not take any of these institutions under you, and launch the fight against the Rajapaksa corruption and fraud? Was it more important for the government to give the control of lotteries boards to the Foreign Minister? We will have to keep guessing.

Of course, we know that you are heading a coalition, and things must be getting tougher to keep the coalition unity going – when fraud as well as corruption is spreading so fast within the ranks of government, both Green and Blue, and giving a big challenge to the corruption of the Rajapaksa days.

But now that you have mentioned the FCID and Police, it may be helpful to recall the hard words you had to say about the CID, FCID and the Bribery Commission, not so long ago, in October last year. That is what led to the resignation of the Director General of the Commission to inquire into Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) – she was Dilrukshi Dias Wickramasinghe.

I’m sure you can’t forget the Presidential displeasure you expressed about how the former Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and former Navy Commanders were brought to Court, on a matter being probed by the CIABOC. You were strongly critical of the CID, FCID, and CIABOC working to political agendas.

So, Mr. President, why not take all these slow moving, and possibly pro-Rajapaksa institutions under you, and show how the thieves could be nabbed in three months – and also show that you are not working on any political agenda?

But, it is certainly not easy to do all that just now, even though you may like to. Corruption and fraud are spreading wider each day. You will have to catch your own guys (who made the leap from MR) and also seek to curb the steadily rising Green corruption. What will you do about the Central Bank and all the corruption that is revealed by your own Commission each day?

It is certainly no easy task. But, it is good to bear in mind that the people of this country, on their own reading of events, are beginning to believe that there is no proper government in place today – this has everything to do with the corruption of politics and government.

Watch out, Mr. President. We are fast moving towards the absence of government. That is the reality and not any upside down media reporting.

by Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

July 7, 2017, 10:23 pm

Law and Order and Southern Development Minister Sagala Ratnayake, MP, has stoutly defended the police in the wake of President Maithripala Sirisena’s onslaught against them at the last Cabinet meeting.

Addressing the media at the Temple Trees on Thursday (June 6), Minister Ratnayake emphasised that he had fulfilled his responsibilities 100 per cent and was satisfied with the performance of the institutions under him.

The UNPer said so in response to questions regarding President Maithripala Sirisena’s claim that the police had failed in their duty.

Minister Ratnayake addressing the media at Temple Trees

Co-Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Rajitha Senaratne said he had asked the President to take over those institutions which had failed to haul up at least a single former SLFP heavyweight before courts for bribery and corruption.

The UNP and the SLFP shared defence and law and order portfolios with President Maithripala Sirisena taking defence and Ratnayake receiving law and order in addition to Southern Development.

Minister Ratnayake, who is also the Chief of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s staff, didn’t mince his words when he said that unsubstantiated allegations were being directed at law enforcement authorities.

Temple Trees called Thursday’s briefing to explain the objectives of a three-day SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) meeting in Colombo commencing from July 11.

Minister Ratnayake said that though he was confident that he had carried out his duties and functions properly in the present capacity, he was ready to accept any other portfolio.

Fielding more questions from journalists, Minister Ratnayake said he would call a separate briefing to explain the situation with permission from President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Minister Ratnayake declared that he didn’t have anything to hide and was concerned about his self-respect. The institutions tasked with investigations and the follow-up action had been free to operate without political interference, he added. The government expected them to function independently and as the minister in charge of the portfolio he wouldn’t under any circumstances interfere in their work.

However, the civil society organisation that campaigned for Maithripala Sirisena and the UNP at January and August 2015 presidential and parliamentary polls, respectively, yesterday backed President Sirisena’s condemnation of the police. However, the grouping rejected President Sirisena’s assertion that he could achieve success within three months in case failed institutions were placed under him.

Gamini Viyangoda of Purawesi Balaya told The Island that the top UNP and SLFP leadership had caused irreparable damage to the yahapalana cause by not heeding their advice.

The National Movement for Just Society (NMJS) and Purawesi Balaya had repeatedly requested President Sirisena to strip Ratnayake and Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse of their portfolios, Viyangoda said. Those ministers had interfered in investigations and in some instance went out of their way to protect those who had been in power before, he added. The civil society activist said President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe couldn’t absolve themselves of responsibility for the current sorry state of affairs. Responding to a query, Viyangoda said: “Ministers in charge of law and order as well as Justice are responsible for the inordinate delay in bringing high profile investigations to a successful conclusion. We have requested at least on six occasions to remove Ratnayake and Rajapakse this year.”

Viyangoda said civil society felt that President Sirisena shouldn’t take over those so-called failed institutions, including the Attorney General’s Department. He recalled that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had brought the Attorney General’s department under the latter’s purview.

Viyangoda also pointed out what he called the absurdity of the government accommodating UNP National List MP and former Attorney General Tilak Marapana in the Cabinet in spite of his close relationship with the Avant Garde Maritime Services (AGMS) under a cloud. He added that yahapalana leaders should be ashamed of accommodating former foreign affairs minister Rohitha Bogollagama. “Having condemned waste and irregularities under the previous regime, the government has appointed Bogollagama the Governor of the Eastern Province,” he said.

The civil society member hailed the recent appointment of Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake as the army commander, Kapila Waidyaratne, PC, and former Additional Solicitor General as the Defence Secretary and experienced civil servant Austin Fernando as the Secretary to the President. “Why on earth, did President accommodate Bogollagama, a person rejected by people at the last general election in August 2015?” Viyangoda said that those rejected by people shouldn’t be accommodated through National List in parliament or given key posts.

Shenali D Waduge

In one part of the world military interventions are taking place. In another part of the world the soft power of Buddhism is being tapped and not just by the Asian giants but even the West is pivoting to Asia on the back of Buddhism. Notice Western military personnel suddenly taking to Buddhist meditation! In such a scenario when the golden eggs are in Sri Lanka’s basket, our leaders are adopting a conflicting and counter-productive anti-Buddhist foreign policy. The reason is clearly that the descendants of the lascoreens & sepoys are now at the helm and attempting to redirect policy which is not in cohesion with the historical foundation of the country. While the GOSL celebrated UN Vesak Day with pomp and pageantry, the foreign policy statement made has no mention of Buddhism & its soft power role given that it is part & parcel of the foreign policy of both China, India & even the West.

The 21^st century belongs to Asia. China & Russia have clearly established themselves as superpowers and leaders of Asian nations. India too is vying for its stake. Former Indian Foreign Secretary Krishnan Srinivasan says Buddhism in Asia is one of our greatest assets, a definite element in our soft power.”

Sri Lanka cannot discount the importance of its geopolitical positioning. Sadly, Sri Lanka has had few leaders to take advantage of that positioning in particular taking advantage and improving Sri Lanka’s ports.

The strategic importance is such that the West’s economic policies are pivoting to Asia and rebalancing their strategies in the region. The symbolic gestures indicate the importance of Buddhism in that policy. Obama & Hillary were seen worshipping at Buddhist temples, even China and India are tapping Buddhist diplomacy to penetrate to countries of Asia – sponsoring conferences, financing Buddhist religious sites, displaying relics in countries. Diplomatic pragmatism must always take stock of the religious and cultural feelings to connect with countries and the key countries that India, China & West are enthusiastically renewing ties with are very proud Buddhist nations gripping desperately to hold on to their proud Buddhist heritage.

Friendships with countries are sustained by ancient links as noted every time world leaders look back and recall the treasured memories of how relations had nurtured and developed over centuries.

China never forgets to fondly draw reference to the long historical & cultural relations shared between Sri Lanka & China. Buddhism holds a special and significant place as Buddhism has been part & parcel of that link. For China reviving its ancient silk maritime route, Buddhism and Trade are synonymous.

What is important is that Buddhism spread WITHOUT a shred of violence or coercion. The tenets of compassion, right livelihood, and self-salvation is what the world is urgently in need of. It was that success that resulted in Buddhist globalization without harm to none not even sentient beings. This is what stupefies and alarms most who see Buddhism as a challenge.

At the other end it is a perfect means of truly advocating democracy in a political process that is not country-destructive. Buddhism affords people the ability to think beyond fixed ideas and that in turns helps transform self and societies irrespective of race, nationality or gender. Superficial cultures” do not have the muscle” or function as a vehicle to drive the objectives that Buddhism is able to achieve as a soft-power tool.

Asia rising to super power status will be a far peaceful and compassionate continent following the dogmas of Buddhism with the economic and developmental changes taking place. Ideals of Buddhism intersect with the political and economic contexts of many Asian nations & is embedded into their nationalistic” thinking. Elsewhere too it is generating a spiritual awakening especially among Europeans who have found solace away from living in a myth and following faith based on rules & regulations. Large numbers are now turning closer and closer to Buddhist philosophy.

It is easy for any nation to use hard power – military might is never without drawbacks, economics has its ups and downs but a far greater way is to use soft power and with majority of Asian nations spiritually aligned to Buddhism there is no other soft power that needs to be used.

If any country should champion Buddhism it is Sri Lanka with its unbroken record of continuity with the country’s culture and identity underlining that status quo. To use a soft power tool, it must have native ownership” and India nor China can claim to have given due place to Buddhism in their national policies unlike Sri Lanka where Buddhism is enshrined in its Constitution. However, the issue has been why Sri Lanka’s Governments have failed to make maximum use of it? The problem has been that the country’s foreign policy has been shifting to adjust and meet the religious affiliations of the subject Minister or the external powers that help bring governments to power. However, individuals cannot be allowed to determine a country’s foreign policy undermining the Buddhist identity of the country which is why the Maha Sangha must at a future date bring up this factor for discussion and ensure that Buddhism remains part of the country’s foreign policy and used as a soft power tool in view of its relevance to both the West and Asia.

Hard as it is to accept the West has nothing close to match the ancient cultural historical heritage of the rest of the world. It is possibly a key reason why the West is promoting new cultures that sets out to undermine and compromise those ancient cultures. Multiculturalism, shared values are just a handful of experiments now being ironed out forced through UN programs and international trade deals.

However, sovereign nations and leaders must have the pluck to say that while minorities have all of the individual freedoms and rights to follow their individual faiths, the status quo of Buddhism cannot be bargained or compromised at any cost and must be respected.

Sir Edwin Arnold, in his book The Light of Asia (1879), recorded that Buddhism has influenced millions for over 26 centuries and the spatial dimension of its dominions extended from Nepal and Ceylon over the whole Eastern Peninsula to China, Japan, Tibet, Central Asia, Siberia, and even Swedish Lapland.”

Shenali D Waduge

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Yahapalana said that when it took power in 2015, Sri Lanka was facing an extremely precarious economic situation. We have inherited a heavy national debt, said Yahapalana. The   figures vary. Here is a selection. The country had a debt of SLR 9000 billion [60 billion USD] when Yahapalana took over, said President Sirisena. We are saddled with USD 1900 million in loans, said Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe. That excludes the loans obtained by state institutions during the Rajapakse administration. Wickremasinghe said the national debt stood at Rs. 8503.2 billion as at December 31, 2015. Of that amount, Rs. 4,959.2 billion was local debt, while Rs. 3,544 billion was foreign debt. The debt had increased to Rs 9,387 billion in 2016  of which 57% was domestic and 43% foreign debt. Paying off foreign loans would hit a record $2.41 billion in 2017, up from $1.82 billion in 2016.

But Yahapalana was very hopeful. Yahapalana government stated that it was going to completely reform the economy of the country.  Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe said the main objective of government was to develop the economy and also ‘complement the economies of its regional neighbors’. A ‘balagathu Sri Lanka’ national economic plan,  will be formulated, and a huge economic reorganization will    take place,  aimed at making Sri Lanka a high income country by 2030. Later, the date was changed to 2045. Once the country is developed, all can have a good house, vehicle, with the children provided with a sound local or foreign education and the people enjoying a good life,   the Prime Minister said.

Here is the Yahapalana economic policy in a mouthful. ’We are repositioning Sri Lanka to maximize our relationships with both our historic and new trading partners to leverage our geo-strategic position  and become a logistic and business hub in the Indian ocean. For this, Sri Lanka must build strong bilateral relations with the Bay of Bengal members of ASEAN and the countries of South Asia. We will integrate with the Asian markets and become a transshipment port for the Bay of Bengal trade.’  There will be a prioritized five year action oriented framework for trade development and competitiveness.

‘Sri Lanka is gradually moving from an inward-oriented and debt-ridden development model to a one with an outward-orientation using trade and investment as engines of growth and employment generation, continued Yahapalana .    A suitable environment has been created today for everybody to lead a better life than they did in the past. The perilous economy we inherited has been brought under control, and today we are on the right course, with financial discipline and ensuring capital investment for tomorrow. We are freeing exchange controls and allowing easier trading. We are aiming to improve our revenue, with higher tax compliance, and a bigger base.”  Our country,” said Ravi Karunanayake is taking a new path.”

Now here is the reality. Sri Lanka recorded an 8% growth from 2009-2011. Growth was y 4.8% in the third quarter of 2015.  Growth was at 4.4% in 2016, the lowest in three years. The Sri Lanka Rupee has fallen steadily  against the USD. Sri Lanka Rupee depreciated by 3.8% against the US dollar in 2016. It depreciated a further 1.2% between January and March 22. 2017. The  Sri Lanka Rupee depreciated from Rs. 132 in 2005 to   Rs. 153 in March 2017 .  It is expected to slide more and settle at Rs 168 per USD towards end of 2017.

Foreign reserves decreased sharply after Yahapalana government took office. USD 324.3 million was withdrawn in 2016 and USD 309 million was withdrawn in January-February 2017. Official reserves were down to USD 5.5 billion at January 2017, compared to $ 6 billion at end of 2016. Foreigners who had invested in state treasury bills steadily withdrew their money after Yahapalana took over. Foreign holding of bonds declined in 2015  and 2016. Franklin Templeton funds amounting to USD 1,475 million were withdrawn over a period of 14 months, including USD 475 million during January and February 2017. Sri Lanka‘s Foreign Direct Investment also declined.  It dropped to USD 300 million in 2016 from USD 658 million in 2015. Bloomberg a respected private data company in New York rated Sri Lanka as red or high risk for investments.  Analysts say the outflow of financial investments was due to a lack of confidence in the Government’s economic policies.

Yahapalana‘s own   loan taking has been heavily criticized. Yahapalana has borrowed heavily from domestic and international markets. The loans taken in 2015 were nearly double the borrowing limit mandated by Parliament, said the Auditor General. By September 2016   Yahapalana has borrowed USD 2.3 billion from India, USD 3.65 through sovereign bonds, USD 3.1   through Sri Lanka development bonds and USD 1.5 billion from IMF Bringing the total to an incredible 10.5 billion USD in just 18 months. In addition, the Government has in 2016, made arrangements for a consortium of five banks including HSBC, Citibank and Credit Suisse to take a syndicated loan of up to 3.5 billion USD. Certain clauses in the agreement, such as that the government can be asked to pay back the entire amount if certain events occur, have been criticized by the Auditor General. It was reported (without being contradicted), that the ‘Economic Council’ shot down an offer of $ 1.8 Billion, in an interest-free loan from Iran for oil refinery expansion. However, loans worth $ 650 million were raised via bi-lateral and multi-lateral donors including the World Bank (WB) and Asian Development Bank (ADB).

In January 2017 Cabinet approved a further USD 1500 million bond issue  to meet its loan installments and interest payments for     2017. Due to this reckless borrowing, Moody, Fitch, Standard and Poor the three top international credit ratings,  gave Sri Lanka a negative outlook in 2016. They also warned that if there was no improvement a further down grade may follow. Fitch gave a negative rating for Sri Lanka banks for 2017.

Yahapalana government has also borrowed locally. Cabinet approval was sought in February 2017 to raise Rs. 23 billion from the National Savings Bank and the People’s Bank to fund the second phase of the Central Expressway Project. The project has been awarded to a consortium of 16 local contractors and Rs 11.2 billion from the NSB and Rs. 12 billion from the People’s Bank would be required.

Yahapalana was looking for ways to make money since money was urgently needed to meet the debt crisis. We need US$ 11 billion Yahapalana said. The government had to repay Rs. 960,000 million in foreign loans in 2015. These were loans obtained during 2007, 2008 and 2009.  During the four years thereafter, the total repayable foreign loans amounted to US $ 1,500 million. This was a staggering amount which would make us faint, said Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe. (Daily News 8.5.17 p 1)  The domestic debts will need to be paid in 2017 and 2018, said Yahapalana.  In 2019, the country needs to start repaying the foreign debt.

Superintendent of the Central Bank Public Debt Department said ‘we need more than USD 2 billion in 2019 and a similar amount in 2020 to 2024 to pay up bonds. The Central Bank had, under the Rajapakse government, thought the economy would grow by the time these bonds reached maturity. They thought a hundred billion would not be a problem to manage. This officer also observed that there are techniques like ‘buy back facility’ which can be used to deal with such loans.

There was also the recurrent expenditure. Sri Lanka printed currency worth Rs.217 billion from January to March 2017.This was needed to pay public sector salaries and other state expenditure as government revenue was far below expenditure. Around 50 public institutions had been lined up for privatization   in the 2017 Budget. The proceeds from of the sale of public properties was one of the main sources of revenue expected to be raised to cover the budget deficit in 2016, said Yahapalana. This includes Sri Lankan Airlines and the hotels owned by the government.

Yahapalana has also considered other avenues of getting money. Yahapalana government had informed state backs that it was going to take the valuables in bank lockers which had not been opened for several years. Locker owners were asked to quickly come and open their lockers. Yahapalana was also eyeing the Tea Cess. The tea industry strongly opposed this.. Tea Exporter’s Association said that Tea Fund had now reached Rs 6 to 7 billion. .We strongly believe that further accumulation of funds may prompt the Treasury to force the Tea Board to use the idling funds for recurrent expenditure or for other non-promotional activities”.

We have embraced the IMF said Yahapalana happily. Yahapalana government has entered into an agreement to obtain a loan of $ 1.5 billion with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in June 2016. IMF has approved a three year Extended Fund Facility (EFF) of SDR 1.1billion (approximately USD1.5 billion). It would come in three tranches over a three year period. IMF has so far given two tranches of this loan to the value of SLR 239 million, approximately   USD 325 million.

The Chinese government had offered USD1000 million at 2% so government did not need to take IMF loan of USSD 15,000 million at 6% said critics. Critics observed that the IMF money was ‘peanuts’ compared to Yahapalana expenses and dismissed it as ‘dribbles’. After the IMF money started coming in Moody gave Sri Lanka a negative outlook. Experts say this is the only known instance when even acceptance into an IMF programme has failed to bolster market confidence in a country.

IMF is the least transparent, most secretive, of the international financing agencies,  say critics.  IMF economic policies do not help countries. IMF applies a one size fits all formula, which does not take into account the unique needs of each economy  Also, the free market policies adopted by the IMF do not work in the  Third world.

IMF adds to the economic burden on the people. For example, instead of increasing the taxes which target the rich, such as income tax, corporate tax and capital gains tax, IMF goes for taxes affecting ordinary people, like the recent VAT increases. This impoverishes the middle and working class of the country   and ‘kills’ savings. Loss making state owned enterprises   are transformed to work like commercially focused private companies. Electricity, fuel and water are made to reflect market prices, disregarding how it might affect the people.  This too affects the poor consumer.

All IMF loans are subject to conditions. These conditions invariably include higher taxes, reduction of government expenditure on welfare and subsidies,   the sale of state-owned enterprises, preferably to foreign buyers, and foreign direct investment (FDI) where the land also goes to the investor. IMF also insists on several structural changes, such as increasing taxes, restricting public expenditure, reforming state-owned enterprises and liberalizing trade.

IMF’s Structural Adjustments programme of the 1977, In Sri Lanka, killed off Sri Lanka’s small and medium industries by the dozen, and pushed Sri Lanka into repeated and deeper financial crises. Before IMF, Sri Lanka’s foreign debt was only USD 750 million, mainly for project development. IMF advised Sri Lanka to   over spend   and then borrow more.

Yahapalana government has also agreed to the conditions given to it by IMF. Budget 2017 has cuts to spending on essential services  and reforms to taxes, state services, land ownership and labor laws. Why has the IMF not advised the Government to seek debt rescheduling to ease unaffordable interest and loan amortization payments, especially of the USD 8 Billion debt to China, ask critics. One explanation is that the IMF is waiting for a worsening of Sri Lanka’s BOP crisis, by approving only a paltry commitment of funds, so that a second, larger bail-out, with even more troubling conditions, will become inevitable.

Usually, the IMF delegation discusses matters with ministry officials such as Deputy Secretary. It is only the head of the IMF who gets to meet the Minster. This time the IMF delegation was steered directly to the Minister of Finance. This left no space for the ministry officials to interact with the IMF delegation. The IMF       delegation went 45 minutes late to meet the minister .This, said observers, and is most unusual for the IMF.  It is a measure of disrespect to the Minister.

Yahapalana proudly stated that they were negotiating to get the GSP+ concession, which had been withdrawn in 2010 back for Sri Lanka . GSP” is the European Commission’s  ‘Generalized Scheme of Tariff Preferences’. Yahapalana  succeeded in June 2017.  However, Sri Lanka will graduate out of the program when it reaches the status of an upper-middle income country.

GSP+ is the most unsuccessful trade preference programme ever launched by the European Union, said critics. The Sri Lankan garment industry did not fall when the GSP+ concession was removed in 2010.  Instead, the industry continued to grow at around 6% to 7% annually. The Sri Lankan garment industry was doing well before GSP+ was obtained in 2005 and it continued to do well after 2010 when the GSP+ concession was withdrawn. So the question is why do we need this concession.

GSP+ is not an incentive given to the garment producers at the Sri Lankan end. It is a concession given to the importer at the European end so that the importer will not have to pay duty when importing garments from Sri Lanka. Therefore Sri Lankan garment factories may not get anything more than they are now getting per piece of clothing after GSP+ is restored.

It could be argued that it is not just the garment industry that benefits from GSP+ and that tea, coconut products, other items like fish, cut flowers, vegetables, fruits and ceramics can be exported duty free to the EU if GSP+ is restored. But how much can Sri Lanka   export of these items?  Can the garments industry cater to the increased demand, continued critics.

This GSP concession comes with conditions attached. These conditions have nothing to do with trade. The ‘Article 13’  of the EU Regulation No 978/2012 gives the European Commission the power to supervise the implementation  of  27 issues  inside the  beneficiary nations.. These relate to  human rights, environmental protection and labor standards. The ‘Report on assessment of the application for GSP+ by Sri Lanka’ put out by the European Commission on 11 January 2017 clearly indicates the conditionality of  GSP+.  Yahapalana’s human rights action plan for getting GSP  includes prosecuting perpetrators of   religious violence,   review and consider the need to declare English as an official  language under the constitution.

In contrast to other countries benefiting from GSP+, monitoring of Colombo’s implementation will be three track. This monitoring framework forms a vital part of the new GSP  scheme. I want to underline one element which is slightly different in Sri Lanka’s case, than in other beneficiaries,” the EU representative said. The GSP+ monitoring will be reinforced by two  additional controls. Firstly, a bilateral HR dialogue with Sri Lanka. This has already commenced. Secondly, the ‘UN track’ particularly  what happens  in UN HR Council. The EC has used the reports of the UN High Commissioner for HR,  as reference, when evaluating Sri Lanka’s eligibility for the GSP+.

For Sri Lanka, the monitoring mechanism will operate at three levels. One, written questions,  two, regular dialogues with the authorities,   three, a well functioning Working Group on Democracy, Good governance  and Human Rights will have a dialogue with Sri Lanka . We are now granting them GSP+ status but, it doesn’t mean we are fully satisfied with the situation.   EU  will continue to monitor the country’s future progress towards reforms and reconciliation. It is planning to commence its first monitoring mission in September, in order to include SL in the 2018 GSP+ implementation reports.

Former President Mahinda Rajapakse stated emphatically that the  restoration of the GSP+ facility to Sri Lanka by the EU could cause permanent damage to the country. That was why his government allowed it to be withdrawn in 2010 without agreeing to their demands. Sri Lanka is just USD 200 away from  the threshold of USD 4,035. After Sri Lanka reaches the USD 4,035 mark in a particular year, we will be under observation for a further two years and then given a grace period of about one year before being taken out of all EU-GSP schemes.. It would have been better if we had simply remained within the ‘general GSP’ scheme paying a concessionary duty until we cross the USD 4,035 mark. Then the transition to full import duty would have been easier.

Now, once we cross the USD 4,035 mark, we will have to make a sudden transition from enjoying zero duty status to paying the full import duty. Since we are very close to the USD 4,035 per capita threshold, we should prepare for a future without any GSP concessions from the EU, by building on the strengths we already have.   The government should inform the people and the export industries that we are on the verge of losing not only the recently restored GSP+ but the ‘general GSP’ concession that we had since 2010 as well.

Rajapaksa also pointed out that even after losing the GSP concession, ‘our apparel exports to the USA continued to grow.’ Our export industries have certain marketable strengths such as the absence of child labor, adherence to high environmental standards and comparatively good working conditions for employees. Buyers can thus rely on getting an untainted product from Sri Lanka. Since we are very close to the USD 4,035 per capita threshold, we should prepare for a future without any GSP concessions from the EU, by building on the strengths we already have, concluded Rajapaksa.

Central Bank Governor Indrajit Coomaraswamy said the country is now in the midst of the most favorable set of economic circumstances it has encountered in 50-60 years.  He said that Sri Lanka must now increase exports and foreign-direct investment and  engage in broad macroeconomic adjustments. But the government, in his view, does not have the fiscal capacity to drive development processes at this time. The private sector will now have to take the reins of the economy.

Some who had campaigned for toppling the Rajapaksa administration were trying to defend economic policies of the new government. But others were critical. The government lacks imagination in economic strategy and the lack of a robust economic plan is evident, said economists.  Harry Jayawardene said there are no long term economic policies polices now change frequently. There is considerable uncertainly in the economic policies of the government this year.  They keep changing said Sanderatne.   Razeen Sally said we have so far not seen any serious economic reforms.  We need to implement unilateral liberalization in terms of tariffs; custom procures, shipping and so on.  We do not see enough investment coming in it has become painfully obvious that the government is not able to manage the economy properly. They have mismanaged it. Dinesh Gunawardena said in March 2017 that the Yahapalana government had caused an unprecedented economic crisis and the situation was rapidly deteriorating. ( continued)

V.Anandasangaree   Secretary General- TULF

This is an urgent invitation, coming from one who is one of the most senior Tamil politicians, of 84 years, still active in politics, to all the Sri Lankan Tamils living in Sri Lanka and elsewhere spread all over the world. The invitation is to know the truth, without being moved by sentiments and false reports. This is a desperate call to all young and old, students, teachers, undergraduates, professors, lecturers, doctors, engineers and above all every Tamil citizen. This need arose, due to the indifferent attitude many of us showed in the past  to the ethnic problem, which after several years of  non violent agitation, arms struggle etc, ended up with the death of several thousand innocent people men women and children, youths of both sex and destruction of billions worth of property. All of us must admit that leaving the responsibility in the hands of a small group of persons had been our serious mistake. When we woke up we saw so much of destruction had taken place in our midst.

The country and the people, more particularly the Tamil people, are still in a confused state. It is my duty as far as possible to pull out the country and the people from the present confusion that is prevailing in the country. It is very unfortunate, although over a period of time I had been trying hard to impress on the Tamil people as to why this confusion arose, most of them don’t seem to have understood the problem properly. The route cause for the confusion is due to the trust and confidence the people still have on the TNA and the Federal Party and their leaders without realizing the extensive damage that had been caused to the Tamil people that cannot be valued in terms of money.

To start with the TNA, the people are still made to believe that the TNA is the savior of the Tamil people. I have made it very clear that it was neither founded by the LTTE nor by Taraki as people had been made to believe. At the most appropriate time in Feb 2004 Taraki made it clear that:-

1. The Tamil National Alliance has been made out to be more than what it actually is. If not for a variety of external pressures, it would have imploded at inception.
2. It is a myth that it is managed by the Liberation Tigers.
3. That some of the leading politicians have had no scruples in running with the hare and hunting with the hound and smartly exploiting the LTTE for their own political advantage.
4. That some of them wouldn’t even care two hoots for the struggle and the aspirations of the Tamil people.
5. He had also said that even the name TNA was imposed by the Tamil media when the TULF and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress preferred to call it the ‘alliance of Tamil political parties’.
6. That the dominant image of the TNA as the political paw of the Tigers is deceptive.
7. That several interest groups in the North East should be brought under one Tamil National Umbrella regardless of their deep divisions and regardless of their long association with the military and allegations of rights abuses.
8. That when the matter was discussed with the Tamil United Liberation Front stalwart who strongly objected to the TELO and the EPRLF joining the proposed alliance claiming that the Tigers were completely opposed to the two groups.
9. That it was Karikalan a senior Tiger leader in the East who had said that the LTTE had no objection at all to the TELO and the EPRLF joining the alliance but also very keen that the two groups and the PLOTE should be brought under the Tamil National umbrella as soon as possible. (This was at a time when PLOTE,EPRLF and TELO were officially working with the Sri Lanka army in intelligence and counter insurgency operations)
10. That it was only at the eleventh hour that ACTC was persuaded to contest under the common ‘Rising Sun’
11. That the Federal Party gave up its long established ‘HOUSE’ symbol when the ‘Rising Sun’ was adopted by the Tamil national unity that emerged at the Vaddukoddai Conference that year, subsuming the ACTC and the FP by the new political identity of the TULF.
12. That is why one time ACTC stalwarts like M.Sivasithambaram and Anandasangaree continued their political carriers with the new political identity that they accepted with the forging of the TULF. Federal party leaders gave up their established political identity when the TULF was launched. Today the FP exists only on paper.

The above list is comprised of several extracts from an article of Taraki published on the 11^th February, 2004. The contents of this article cannot be ignored. At the same time certain matters need some explanation. At that time in 2004 the people were made to believe that the TNA was a creation of the LTTE, that the LTTE had full control of the TNA and some other minor matters like some politicians making use of it for their personal benefits, that they were not much bothered for the struggle and aspirations of the Tamil people are matters that has shocked everybody. It is now very clear that under the name of the TNA the innocent people had been taken for a ride at heavy loss to them including loss of life. It is also clear that the TNA was formed by the TULF but named by the media although the TULF and the ACTC wanted it to be named as Alliance of  Tamil Political Parties.

Although much effort had been taken for over two years by a group of Tamil organizations to bring all Tamil political parties under one umbrella, those who were in the forefront did not whisper even one word about the unity of all political parties. If only they had made it known that unity of all Tamil political parties was sought, I don’t think ultimately the struggle would have ended in the death of several thousand men women, children and total eradication of a freedom movement with several thousand brave youths and their leaders.

What vicious intension the so called TULF stalwart had in telling the Tamil groups that the Tigers will not accept the EPRLF and the TELO joining the alliance we don’t know, but it was not done with good intension. Perhaps they were trying to promote their own political party, the Federal party.

On the whole it is very clear that all arrangements had already been made for the TNA to contest under one symbol the ‘Rising Sun’, a common policy and one party. It is very clear that the Federal Party successfully sabotaged this move.

If the 2004 election had been contested as planed by the Tamil groups with full backing of the LTTE there is no doubt that a party common to all with a common policy and the symbol of the TULF the ‘Rising Sun’ would have contested the 2004 general election and would have won all the 22 seats in a democratic way, the war would have stopped and talks would have started with the government. Above all several thousands and thousands of lives would have been saved. Today the country would have become prosperous with all problems the ethnic problem in particular, also would have reached a solution or at-least talks would have commenced with the government with hopes of a fair settlement. The defeat in the war, large scale loss of lives, the eradication of the freedom movement, if compared with the activities of the  TNA will clearly show that the TNA did not work in the interest of the Tamil people but only worked in the interest of some individuals. The activities of the Federal Party that functioned as a partner of the TNA, will be brought to light soon.

V.Anandasangaree   Secretary General- TULF

Dr Sarath Obeysekera  

Much awaited canal transport project details are out recently.SLLRDC under Megapoils has issued a  EOI ( Expression of Interest  ) to call interested parties to bid. .Conditions stipulated in the EOI is prepared with the help of  Dutch Assistance ( Grant) ,seems quite stringent .Prospective bidders should submit a 75 million Rupee bond ,which is never heard in EOI bid submission process .Then EOI stipulates that bidders  should have experience in Water Transportation Projects . ( Ebert Silva cannot bid !)

The way whole project is structured so that after evaluation of the EOI submission five companies may be selected and RFP ( Request for Proposals) will be issued. Whole process will take almost 18 months from now before awarding a contract to a successful bidder .

Having experience in boat building ,I can assure you that it will take another year to build 10-20 ,passenger boats which can carry at least 25 passengers in each journey.That means another year added we will  not see the boats in the horizon for next 21/2 years .By that time term of the government may be over ( unless JOC rocks the boat” and next government will sink” the project .

These engineers guiding the Megapolis minister have no clue how fast we need do implement such project due to publicity given .

There was a Pre EOI bid meeting in Waters Edge ( right place next to Diyatha Uyana) where the bidders were charged 2500 rupees ( never heard of it in EOI process –history )

At the meeting a very pertinent question was raised about the rights SLLRDC has under their ACT to run Canal Buses, and one person said it is approved by the Cabinet .SLLRDC wants to be a shareholder under PPP slogan ,but they should amend the act which will take 2 years minimum .There is no EIA ( environment impact assessment ) carried out and it will take another year .

Last pertinent question posed to the Dutch Consultant was about ferocious crocodiles surfing in the Parliament Lake and possible invasion in to Canal system no answer could be given.

After the EOI session all bidders went on a joy ride on navy boats along the Battaramulle –Wellawatte Canal and found two giant crocodlies sun bathing on the banks .( awaiting a prey?)

One participant also noted few flying fish along the canal and amazingly one jumped into the navy boat which was caught for later consumption by the Navy !

I as the ex chairman SLLRDC and CEO of a boat building outfit have many doubts that this project can ever be implemented by Megapolis ( like any other ) unless Honourable Minister throws out EOI ,and call to implement pilot project by Local Boat Builders .

They should simplify the project and call tenders to supply few suitable boats which are protected from Crocodiles ,and run a pilot project to see how it works .

We will be sailing into un know waters full of flying fish and Crocodiles which may be subjected  for a Fauna /Flora lover to go to courts on fundamental rights and boats  may have to be moored permanently as a breeding ground for Dengue Mosquitoes !

If judges can issue a restraining order on Muthurajawela on the ground of adverse environment impact ,under Yahaplanaya someone else living along canal banks will go to courts and ask for redress  ( Engine noise  of boats may also be sited as sound pollution ! nd they are unable to sleep !!)

Finally I would like to propose to implement a project to create a Crocodile Park” next to parliament lake so that opposition can feed the crocodiles  with  failed law makers after three years !)

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

V.Anandasangaree   Secretary General-TULF

The Maha Sangha had been right through out agitating for a reasonable solution for the ethnic problem. The sudden change in the attitude of the four Mahanayakas is very surprising. What made the Mahanayakas to come to this decision all of a sudden, will have to be considered seriously.  I hope they will soon reconsider their decision in accordance with the high principles of Buddhism.

I will only blame the Federal Party and not the TNA for the latest developments. As far as I am concerned the TNA has lost its credibility because most decisions are taken in the name of the Federal Party and implemented in the name of the TNA. This matter is such a serious one, that needs the involvement of the entire Tamil leadership and cannot be allowed to be handled by novices in politics, who by their thoughtless utterances had created a certain amount of suspicion in the minds of even the clergy and the moderates. Even leaders like Mr.R.Sampanthan had contributed to some extent for the present developments, by saying one thing in the morning and another the next day.

During the Presidential election of 2005, the UNP candidate Hon.Ranil Wickramasinghe offered Federalism as a solution to the ethnic problem and obtained 49.5 % of the votes while the SLFP candidate Hon.Mahinda Rajapakse polled about 50.5%, opposing the Federal solution. At that time I appealed to the newly elected President backed by the leftists, who under normal circumstances support a Federal solution, to consider the leftist votes as those of the supporters of a Federal solution. I also urged him to consider Federalism as a solution for the ethnic problem. If a few thousand voters had voted for the UNP, Federalism would have been accepted as a solution to the ethnic problem.  The Sinhala people who came close to a Federal solution have now taken a right about turn, may be due to the thoughtless speeches and statements made by the MPs. The Federal Party in the TNA should take the blame for this change of mind, among the Sinhala people and perhaps the Maha Sangha too.

A sensitive issue should be dealt with utmost caution. Mr.R.Sampanthan is very well aware that the TNA has lost its credibility and the constituent partners of the TNA are not consulted for anything. Problems that should have been taken by the Tamil leadership cannot be dealt with by novices in politics.

In the interest of peace I strongly urge Mr.R.Sampanthan to organize a meeting for a delegation of members from various Tamil political parties, with the Maha Sangha to discuss this issue.

V.Anandasangaree
Secretary General-TULF

Dr SARATH OBEYSEKERA

Finally HE has understood the status of affairs in the country .We have three TV channels owned by stooges of the previous regime going hell bent to topple the government .Whenever we watch not only TV news but listen to Radio we get the signal  that almost all the news are about how miserable situation is .Yesterday one of the TV station was interviewing the North Western MP who met the as ambassador of Russia  in Japan with the Ex Chief .He was also implicated in an ethanol affair ?Same MP once said the Eknaligoda is  alive and he saw him somewhere aboard .He also thinks that that Ambassador cousin may be  innocent .People may believe what he says .Then the interviewer was asking about his role the  Deputy to Tourism Minister .He was praising the minister who was castigated by the same press for abusing a journalist on the subject of garbage .

(By the way I was doing my routing walk along Galle face and note the garbage heap infested with crows and dogs emanating a repugnant smell .I saw the tourism minister walking and approached him as I know him .and told him about the garbage heap .I also told him that last week HE was passing by walking in the area and yet the garbage is still there .He said Is that so?” Then I reminded him about how he was confronted by a journalist and he said During Gotabaya these garbage would not have been lying and also no journalist would dare to talk like that to a minister, and we get battered!! As a senior politician he is right .If a journalist provokes me I would have done the same thing.

Hopefully he will call new Army Commander and impose law and order

The President should appoint capable people to handle matters related to Media .Every government needs a Goebbels if necessary?

Why do these stations run these (un) Reality shows? Obviously to agitate the people who are somewhat disgruntled with the way state is handling important national issues

Press was giving publicity about prohibition imposed by court of law to dump garbage in Muthurajawela.Yes .I may agree but dumping is taking place in an area of 200 acres where SLLRDC has got the permission for CEA to fill with Sea sand .Defendants should have consulted each other and present proper facts to the judges .If the dumping is in Bopitiya I may agree as it is disturbing the neighbourhood but in 200 acre area allowed for filling may be used as an emergency measure.

New minister of Media should have people who know the subject and be interviewed or called as witnesses before the hearing. Judges would have been convinced that dumping may be allowed for a while until an everlasting solution is found

Then next press item shows how Prime Minister was critical about judges for giving the ruling actually he should have blamed Attorney General and CMC commissioner a they have not fought the case.

Various stations hold discussions with various politicians who have no clue how to propose solutions to the problems we are facing today.

The way these stations behave, people may think that MR is still in power???

Dr SARATH OBEYSEKERA