An unknown and MYSTERIOUS country that has one of the oldest and most complex cultures on the continent—and yes, it remains one of the least understood places in the world. The name itself says a lot: Sri Lanka, which means glorious island” in Sinhalese, is called by many the Pearl of the Indian Ocean. And it’s not just because of its appearance. The combination of spirituality, ancient traditions, unique biodiversity, and a history full of twists and turns makes this place a true cultural puzzle. That’s exactly why, today, Belo Mundo will take you inside this fascinating country, full of beauty and surprises, and reveal curiosities that will leave you speechless.
The book “The Separatist Terrorism in Sri Lanka 1975–2009” was launched today at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI).
The publication offers a comprehensive analysis of Sri Lanka’s civil conflict, with a particular focus on the struggle for a separate Tamil state in the Northern and Eastern provinces and the role played by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The book was authored by former Army Commander General Daya Ratnayake and Major Sarath Jayawardana. Pix by Nisal Baduge
Sri Lanka’s former sports minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage (left) and former trade minister Anil Fernando are escorted by police outside a court in Colombo on May 29, 2029 (Photo by Ishara S. Kodikara/ AFP)Follow usnewsCopyA+A-
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Colombo: A Sri Lankan court sentenced on Thursday two former ministers from the government of deposed president Gotabaya Rajapaksa to decades in prison in a landmark corruption case.
Ex-sports minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former trade minister Anil Fernando were found guilty by the Colombo High Court of misappropriating 53 million rupees ($177,000) of state funds.
The pair were also fined $2,000 for using government money to donate board games — including 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 draughts sets — in an attempt to boost the failed 2015 re-election bid of Gotabaya’s elder brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years in jail. Fernando was sentenced to 25 years.
Aluthgamage is now the most senior member of a Rajapaksa-led cabinet to be successfully prosecuted for corruption.
The cases against both men were initiated six years ago, when the Rajapaksa brothers were out of power, but the case had been making slow headway until a new government took office last year.
Aluthgamage also faces a separate investigation into allegations that he authorised in 2022 a payment of $6.09 million to a Chinese supplier for a fertilizer shipment that was never delivered.
He caused a stir in 2020 when he accused Sri Lanka’s national cricket team of rigging the 2011 World Cup final in favour of India, triggering an investigation that ultimately failed to substantiate his claims.
Aluthgamage, who served as sports minister from 2010 to 2015, said in June 2020 that he had “not wanted to disclose” the alleged match-fixing plot at the time.
“In 2011, we were supposed to win, but we sold the match. I feel I can talk about it now. I am not implicating players, but certain sections were involved,” he said.
Sri Lanka lost the final at Mumbai’s Wankhede Stadium by six wickets. Both Indian and Sri Lankan players have strongly denied any wrongdoing.
NDB Bank has further strengthened its commitment to enabling Sri Lankan students to pursue global academic opportunities through a newly signed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with ABEC (Australian Business Education Centre), a leading international education consultancy.
The official signing ceremony was held with the participation of senior representatives from both organizations. Representing NDB Bank were Mr. Sanjaya Perera, Senior Vice President – Personal Banking & Customer Experience, and Mr. Zeyan Hemeed, Vice President – Retail Banking. ABEC was represented by its Managing Director, Mr. H J M Dilip Kumara, and Executive Director, Mr. N S Amarasinghe.
This partnership brings together NDB’s comprehensive banking solutions and ABEC’s global expertise in educational counseling and international student placements. With a track record of guiding thousands of students toward affordable, globally recognized higher education, ABEC supports applicants through the entire process—from university selection and course matching to visa application and pre-departure services.
Through this collaboration, NDB Bank will offer specialized financial services including tailored education loan schemes, foreign exchange services, and advisory support designed to ease the financial burden on students and their families. This initiative aligns with the Bank’s mission of supporting Sri Lankans in achieving their aspirations while enhancing financial accessibility and convenience.
Commenting on the partnership, Mr. Sanjaya Perera stated, At NDB, we believe in the transformative power of education. This partnership with ABEC allows us to bridge financial and informational gaps for students who dream of studying abroad. By combining our banking strength with ABEC’s extensive consultancy experience, we are empowering the future generation and making overseas education seamless.”
NDB Bank remains committed to forming strategic alliances that deliver practical, life-enhancing benefits for its customers. With this partnership, the Bank continues to stand at the forefront of empowering Sri Lankan youth to explore global educational pathways with confidence and ease.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
The Minister of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, Wang Wentao, who is currently on an official visit to Sri Lanka, has met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake this afternoon (29) at the Presidential Secretariat for discussions.
Minister Wang noted that, considering the current political and economic stability in Sri Lanka, along with the clear policy direction being pursued by President Dissanayake’s administration, there has been a notable rise in interest from Chinese investors looking to invest in the country.
He further stated that this visit undertaken with the participation of over 100 Chinese investors demonstrates a solid dedication to enhancing economic collaboration between the two nations, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said in a statement.
The discussion also focused on the importance of working together to achieve mutually beneficial trade and economic goals during this challenging period. In light of global economic instability, the Chinese Minister of Commerce reiterated China’s commitment to providing the necessary support to Sri Lanka.
One of the key objectives of Minister Wang Wentao’s visit is to follow up on the agreements reached during President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent visit to China.
The two sides also discussed the timely completion of on-going development projects in Sri Lanka with Chinese government support, as well as the prompt implementation of proposed new initiatives, the statement noted.
The Chinese delegation included Qi Zhenhong, Ambassador of China to Sri Lanka, Wang Liping, Director General of the Department of Asian Affairs and Ms. Shu Jueting, Director General of the Department of Foreign Affairs.
Representing Sri Lanka, Minister of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development Wasantha Samarasinghe Secretary to the President Dr. Nandika Sanath Kumanayake and Senior Additional Secretary to the President Roshan Gamage, along with other officials, were also present at the occasion.
For the twenty-two year old Anagarika Dharmapala, his encounter with the fifty-four year old Sir Edwin Arnold proved to be a pivotal moment in his life as a Buddhist revivalist and international Buddhist missionary (of his own characteristic Buddhist model). His acquaintance and his later mentor mentee relationship with Edwin Arnold (‘my English guru’) led to his involvement in the campaign for the restoration of Bodh Gaya to Buddhists, while also opening doors for him to visit Europe, America, as well as countries in Asia, for his missionary work. As he once specifically said, he was not aiming at converting any non-Buddhists to the Buddhist religion, but at explaining to them the rational teachings of the Buddha (‘my Compassionate Master’). He devoted much less time for his secondary role of advocating and promoting social reform among his own people in Ceylon. Because of this dominant aspect of his work focusing on foreign engagements, about seventy-five percent of his communications in the form of speeches and writings were through the medium of English, according to the reputed Buddhist scholar and diplomat, the late Dr Ananda Guruge.
Actually, as already mentioned previously, the very idea of having Bodh Gaya transferred to Buddhists’ custodianship was advanced by none other than Edwin Arnold on his first visit to Ceylon in 1886. In his autobiographical booklet ‘My Life Story’ Anagarika Dharmapala writes: ‘In February 1886, when Sir Edwin was in Ceylon, he brought the Buddha Gaya question before the late Weligama Siri Sumangala Nayaka Thero, and requested him to urge the Buddhists to petition the Government for the restoration of the holy site to Buddhist monks’. Arnold had visited Bodh Gaya in 1885 and was deeply moved by the state of neglect and desecration that it was being subjected to in a non-Buddhist neighbourhood (as Arnold described in his book ‘India Revisited’).
The meeting between Edwin Arnold and Weligama Siri Sumangala Thero took place at the latter’s Rankoth Viharaya monastery in Panadura, which was the first place Arnold visited after disembarking at the Galle harbour on his first visit to Sri Lanka in 1886. The two had been in contact with each other through correspondence before that date. Jairam mentions the fact that the monk had made the first Sinhala translation of the Sanskrit language text ‘Hitopadesha’ or ‘Beneficial Advice’. Arnold himself had rendered it into English from original Sanskrit as ‘The Book of Good Counsels’ (1861).
Madame Blavatsky and Col. Olcott had popularised a mystical belief that, in the Orient, there was a class of ‘Mahatmas’ ‘Great Souls’ or philosophers with esoteric wisdom and special psychic powers. In his autobiography, Dharmapala refers to these as ‘Adepts of Tibet’ or ‘Himalayan Masters’ who, as he, under the influence of especially Madame Blavatsky, persuaded himself to believe, were devoted to the Buddha; the impressionable young Dharmapala heard about these so-called ‘Masters’ from the theosophists who mesmerised the young boy with stories about them.
Arnold had heard about them too, but, being a learned man himself, was too sceptical to take those stories seriously. So he asked Weligama Siri Sumangala Thero if such sages really existed. The monk told him that such beliefs were totally false and baseless. Hearing this, Anagarika Dharmapala himself, who had, because of his adolescent naivety, been inclined to accept that particular piece of fiction as true, must have come out of his own original delusion.
A large crowd of over one thousand had gathered at Rankoth Viharaya to welcome him that day. Such warmth and adulation extended to him by the Buddhists of Panadura must have convinced Arnold of the rightness of his own decision to help Buddhists in the fight for gaining control over Bodh Gaya..
Edwin Arnold’s second meeting after his arrival in Ceylon was at the Vidyodaya Pirivena, at Gangodawila, Nugegoda, near Colombo, headed by the erudite scholar monk Hikkaduwe Siri Sumangala, who had founded it in 1873. A large company of some 3000 Buddhist monks and members of the laity had assembled there. The monks spoke in Pali and Sinhala, welcoming him, and Arnold responded speaking in Sanskrit.
His third meeting with the monks was in Kandy, where he worshiped at the Dalada Maligawa. The Mahanayakes, ordinary monks, the Diyawadana Nilame or the lay custodian of the Temple of the Tooth Relic, and lay Buddhists, were there to welcome Edwin Arnold with great honour. He presented them with a leaf from the Sri Maha Bodhi at Bodh Gaya. For Buddhists, the bodhi leaf symbolizes the ‘enlightenment, spiritual awakening, and the potential for growth and wisdom within each individual’ (AI summary) The monks reciprocated his gesture by giving him a begging bowl and a yellow robe.
That particular gift implied what the monks thought about Arnold: for him to be so devoted to Buddhism meant that he was indeed a ‘Bodhisattva’, a ‘Buddha-to-be’, who would like to assume robes soon, and join the Sangha Sasana, like them. Anagarika Dharmapala was to pay the same compliment to Col. Olcott years later, before he fell out with him over his alleged lack of respect towards some Buddhist statues or some other sacred objects that Olcott had in his room. However, it is known that Dharmapala and Olcott parted company on grounds of some more serious disagreements, while still retaining their friendship and mutual goodwill. Even in his younger days, Dharmapala was his own man.
Coming back to Arnold, his love towards the people of India and of much smaller Ceylon was genuine. But they were the subjects, and he, a loyal servant, of the British empire, which he considered a benign overlordship over them all. As a man of education and culture, and a free thinking spiritual seeker, he had a consuming interest in Eastern religions and he was much excited by his discovery of the unique teachings of Buddhism.
It is not surprising that there was latent disapproval and even hostility that Edwin Arnold had to have risked in the Christianity dominated conservative British society of the time back home on account of his unconcealed enthusiasm for Buddhism. Despite the controversy he invited through his ‘pagan’ fascination with Buddhism, Arnold was quite hopeful of being appointed Poet Laureate on the demise of the then incumbent Laureate, Alfred Tennyson in 1892, but the honour was given to poet Alfred Austin after a four year lapse, in 1896 and he remained in the post till 1913. Meanwhile, there is evidence to show that Edwin Arnold remained strong in his self acquired Buddhist faith until his death in 1904.
If Sir Edwin Arnold was denied the Poet Laureateship because of his alleged Buddhist ‘paganism’ and his ‘The Light of Asia’, that unjustified stigma had worn off by 1930 mostly due to the more friendly reception of the Buddha’s teachings in Britain that he worked towards initiating. For, in that year, the poet who was appointed Poet Laureate was John Masefield (1878-1967). He was not only an admirer of Buddhism, but also had drawn inspiration from The Light of Asia in his teenage years. Masefield published a collection of poems entitled Gautama the Enlightened and Other Verses in 1941, which is still available.
According to Jairam, in his old age Edwin Arnold was thoroughly disappointed about one of his sons, who was the only degenerate among his six children. He was blind and paralytic then, but cheerful and generous as ever. Anagarika Dharmapala, who happened to be in London in 1904, called on Edwin Arnold and found him ‘a changed man. Time and illness had done the rest’. However, Sir Arnold was well looked after by his Japanese wife Tama Kurokava for which, he praised her in these terms:
‘I am blind, and yet I can see. I am chained by my infirmities to one spot, and yet I have feet that carry me everywhere’.
In the final months of his life, Arnold wrote of the Buddha as providing ‘Light to all the world’. Naming his epic poem about the Buddha ‘Light of Asia’ was apparently a concession to the prevailing Christian religious dominance of the age. No wonder, in the 1880s he had been accused of being a Buddhist, for it was obvious that he was attracted to the Buddha more than to any other religious founder. Jairam says that after his passing, some people thought that Arnold had embraced his wife’s Shinto faith in his very last days. But this is unlikely to be true. We can assume that he was too much of a Buddhist to hurt her native Shinto religious sentiments though they were naturally contrary to his rational and non-mystical Buddhist beliefs. He was generous and respectful towards the woman who loved and cared for him.
Probably, he didn’t differentiate much between Buddhism and Hinduism, except for Hinduism’s emphasis on the importance of devotion (bhakti) to a supreme deity or deities and elaborate rituals (puja) for worshiping them, and Buddhism’s freedom from such elements (i.e., bhakti and puja). As a man of great intellect, he understood what he thought was the essence of Buddhism, which he found in both of its two main branches or forms: Mahayana and Hinayana (Great and Minor Vehicles). The Light of Asia incorporates elements from both branches of the same tree that is Buddhism: it comprises the mythologized biography of the Buddha and his basic doctrinal concepts. The later mythological accretions should be discarded as the wrappings, once the essence is grasped. Jairam correctly identifies the last canto of the poem entitled BOOK THE EIGHTH ‘as the most important section of the poem’ for it contains a reflection of Edwin Arnold’s rational understanding of Buddha Gautama’s life and his teachings.
Following are some lines chosen at random from that section.
‘Pray not! the Darkness will not brighten! Ask
Nought from the Silence, for it cannot speak!
Vex not your mournful minds with pious pains!
Ah! Brothers, Sisters! Seek
Nought from the helpless gods by gift and hymn,
Nor bribe with blood, nor feed with fruits and cakes :
Within yourselves deliverance must be sought;….’
Arnold ends his epic narrative with a humble expression of his own inadequacy to deal with the lofty theme he has chosen:
‘A little knowing, little have I told
Touching the Teacher and the Ways of Peace
Forty-five rains thereafter showed he those
In many lands and many tongues, and gave
Our Asia Light, that still is beautiful,
Conquering the world with spirit of strong grace.’
But Edwin Arnold’s voluntary conversion (so to say) to Buddhism is implicit in the words that he puts in the mouth of the ‘imaginary Buddhist votary’, the medium by which he sought to ‘depict the life and character and indicate the philosophy of that noble hero and reformer, Prince Gautama of India, the founder of Buddhism’ (The words I have put within quote marks in this sentence are from Arnold’s own 1879 Preface to his poem). The following seven capitalised lines from the end the poem (in BOOK THE EIGHTH) are of central importance:
AH! BLESSED LORD! OH, HIGH DELIVERER!
FORGIVE THE FEEBLE SCRIPT, WHICH DOTH THEE WRONG,
MEASURING WITH LITTLE WIT THY LOFTY LOVE.
AH! LOVER! BROTHER! GUIDE! LAMP OF THE LAW!
I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY NAME AND THEE!
I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY LAW OF GOOD!
I TAKE MY REFUGE IN THY ORDER! OM!
Here, the poet and the persona (the imaginary votary) have become one by emotional fusion in the ethereal realm of felt experience evoked through poetry. The last three lines correspond to the traditional triadic Pali formula of ‘Tisarana’ (The Three Refuges) or Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha: Buddham saranam gachchami, Dhammam saranam …., etc. In Buddhism, that amounts to formal embracing of the Faith (Trust in the Triple Gem or the Gem with Three Aspects).
This depth of absolute devotion, piety or faith was not replicated in the other three religious poems that Edwin Arnold subsequently went on to compose: Pearls of the Faith or Islamic Rosary Being the Ninety-Nine Beautiful Names of Allah (1884) about the Islamic faith, The Song Celestial: a poetic version of the Bhagavad Gita (1886) about Hinduism, and The Light of the World or The Great Consummation (1891) about Jesus Christ and Christianity. But it can be safely said that The Song Celestial,The Light of Asia and The Light of the World form a monumental trilogy on the single theme of Awakening or Enlightenment, which is the highest spiritual goal of self realization taught in Buddhism.
Jairam Ramesh implies a special warning to Sri Lanka that I didn’t mention in this essay. About that, later.
Sri Lanka is not just a country—it is a civilization built on wisdom, ethical governance, and deep-rooted cultural integrity. Our Constitution mandates the protection of Buddhist principles, ensuring that our laws reflect moral discipline and social stability. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka has proposed the repeal of Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code, citing concerns about consensual same-sex relationships and human rights obligations. While human rights considerations are important, Sri Lanka’s laws must prioritize constitutional obligations, national morality, and child protection above foreign-imposed legal changes.
Sections 365 & 365A of the Sri Lankan Penal Code serve as critical safeguards against unnatural offenses and acts of gross indecency, particularly in cases involving minors under sixteen. These laws impose rigorous punishments for violations, reinforcing Sri Lanka’s commitment to child protection, ethical governance, and societal stability. While the Human Rights Commission has proposed their repeal citing concerns over consensual relationships, such action risks undermining their protective role, exposing children and society to legal loopholes that predators can exploit.
Repealing these provisions without providing equivalent safeguards would jeopardize child welfare, undermine Buddhist ethics, and threaten our nation’s sovereignty. Article 9 of the Constitution mandates that Buddhism be given foremost place, ensuring that our legal system aligns with ethical teachings. The Five Precepts advise abstaining from sexual misconduct, reinforcing the necessity of maintaining moral discipline in relationships. The Eightfold Path encourages Right Action, ensuring purity in conduct, and the Vinaya Pitaka strictly regulates unnatural sexual conduct, reinforcing self-restraint and moral discipline.
Sri Lanka’s legal system must reflect these ethical principles, ensuring that child protection, morality, and social harmony remain intact. While the Human Rights Commission argues for repeal, their proposal is one-sided and flawed, failing to address concerns about child protection and social stability. It does not propose safeguards for minors in case of repeal, fails to consult Buddhist religious leaders, educators, or child protection authorities, and disregards Sri Lanka’s constitutional duty to uphold Buddhist ethics and national morality. Removing these laws without protective measures exposes children to legal loopholes that predators can exploit.
It is essential to recognize that carnal intercourse, when removed from ethical constraints, is not a humanized act but a direct violation of moral discipline. Societies that seek to normalize such behavior without moral and legal safeguards risk destabilizing social harmony and weakening cultural identity. Buddhism teaches self-restraint and ethical responsibility, reinforcing the need to regulate carnal acts that deviate from moral purity and undermine human dignity. Sri Lanka’s legal framework must continue to reflect these values to ensure a disciplined and ethically sound society.
Many nations have rejected foreign-driven legal shifts that attempt to weaken national morality and child protection laws. Hungary and Poland have reinforced strict child protection laws, resisting EU pressure, while Florida, USA, under Governor Ron DeSantis, has reversed radical education policies, restricting gender ideology in schools. Russia criminalized foreign-funded human rights activism, recognizing its use as an ideological tool to destabilize society. Japan and Singapore uphold stringent morality laws, ensuring that child protection and ethical governance remain prioritized. Sri Lanka must follow these examples, ensuring that legal reforms do not weaken our moral and ethical foundations.
Sri Lanka’s legal system is sovereign and cannot be dictated by international pressures. While treaties provide guidelines, no external convention can override Sri Lankan law. Legal reforms must be rooted in our cultural traditions, not imposed through Western ideological movements. Sri Lanka is not a test subject for foreign social experiments. We remind the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka that any repeal of Sections 365 and 365A without safeguarding constitutional obligations may be legally challenged. Sri Lanka’s courts permit lawsuits against legal changes that violate Article 9, undermine Buddhist culture, or attempt to impose foreign ideological pressure on national governance. Any attempt to destabilize Buddhist morality through rinathmaka or danathamaka influences may constitute a constitutional violation and judicial challenge.
Parliament must reject any proposals that undermine Sri Lanka’s constitutional obligations or contradict national ethical mandates. Law enforcement agencies have a duty to uphold laws that ensure child protection, societal stability, and moral discipline, rather than bowing to foreign ideological pressure. Society must recognize that government actions contradicting constitutional principles can be legally challenged, reinforcing public accountability. The public possesses the right to challenge any state decision that violates Article 9 and Buddhist ethics, ensuring that no administrative body exceeds constitutional limits.
We urge His Excellency the President to reject any legal reforms that disregard Sri Lanka’s constitutional obligations to Buddhist ethics, fail to provide child protection safeguards, or compromise national sovereignty through foreign ideological influence. Sri Lanka is not just another country—it is a civilization of wisdom, ethical governance, and cultural integrity. We must protect our laws from ideological interference. We trust the wisdom of Sri Lanka’s leaders to uphold the values that have sustained this nation for centuries.
“A nation that blinds itself to deception will awaken in ruin. Parents who surrender their children’s future to fraudulent constitutional reforms led by political elites and international mafias are not guardians—they are accomplices in dismantling morality and sovereignty.”
By Palitha Ariyarathna
Ceo and Founder Ceylonwatch” Analyst of Buddhist Affairs Desha Abhimani Surya Vansa Ratna Vibhushan Senkadagala Sinha Dwaraya President of Jathika Bawuddha Balwegaya
Founder of Sinhala Prathipatthi Kendraya
TCFBI PEC President, Unethical Conversion of Buddhist TCFBI International Co-ordinator Hela Abimani National Foundation-Secretary Author, Publisher, and Journalist
“This article was developed upon reviewing the Human Rights Commission’s proposal and analyzing discussions from key commentators, including Shenali Waduge, whose insights on national sovereignty and child protection reinforce the urgency of rejecting the repeal of Sections 365 & 365A.”
NDB Bank is proud to announce its continued support for Royal College Rugby as the Event Co-Sponsor for the Royal Rugby Season, marking the fourth consecutive year that NDB has partnered with Royal College. The partnership was officially announced at a press conference held recently at Courtyard by Marriott, Colombo, in anticipation of an exhilarating season ahead.
As one of Sri Lanka’s most celebrated school rugby teams, Royal College holds a distinguished legacy in the sport. NDB’s enduring partnership reflects the Bank’s unwavering commitment to nurturing sporting excellence and empowering the youth of Sri Lanka.
Speaking at the press conference, NDB Bank’s CEO, Kelum Edirisinghe, shared his sentiments:
At NDB, we believe in empowering youth and nurturing leadership. Rugby is a powerful platform for shaping future leaders, both on and off the field. Royal College Rugby carries a legacy that continues to inspire and NDB is proud to stand beside them as a partner in their journey towards excellence.”
This year’s Royal Rugby Season promises to deliver thrilling encounters and culminates in the much-anticipated Bradby Shield Encounter, one of the most iconic events in Sri Lanka’s school sports calendar. As anticipation builds, NDB remains steadfast in its role, standing beside the players, coaches, and supporters as they rally behind the blue and gold.
NDB’s association with Royal College Rugby is a testament to the Bank’s broader mission of creating lasting value through strategic partnerships that uplift communities and inspire progress. Through this sustained support, NDB continues to champion initiatives that go beyond banking, nurturing talent, celebrating legacy, and empowering future leaders.
NDB Bank is the fourth-largest listed commercial bank in Sri Lanka. NDB was named Sri Lanka’s Best Bank for Corporates at Euromoney Awards for Excellence 2024 and was awarded Domestic Retail Bank of the Year – Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Domestic Project Finance Bank of the Year by Asian Banking and Finance Magazine (Singapore) Awards 2024. NDB is the parent company of the NDB Group, comprising capital market subsidiary companies, together forming a unique banking and capital market services group. The Bank is committed to empowering the nation and its people through meaningful financial and advisory services powered by digital banking solutions.
The Colombo Magistrate’s Court today (28) granted permission to detain and question the three individuals arrested yesterday over the shooting incident targeting the vehicle of former Executive Director of the National Lotteries Board (NLB), Thusitha Halloluwa, for 24 hours, Ada Derana reporter said.
The suspects were presented before Colombo Additional Magistrate Pasan Amarasena.
During today’s proceedings, Police informed court that the investigations regarding the suspects have not been completed and sought permission to detain the trio.
Considering the request, the Magistrate granted permission for the suspects to be detained and questioned for 24 hours.
This case was heard at the Magistrate’s official residence.
One of the suspects, identified as Mohammad Shafni, informed the Magistrate that he wished to make a personal statement.
The Magistrate, having granted permission to detain and question the three suspects, ordered the prison officers to present the other three suspects who are already in custody in connection with this case to court tomorrow (29).
Three individuals, including the motorcyclist involved in the shooting incident were arrested yesterday (27) in Wattala and Kirulapone.
The suspects aged 31, 32 and 40, are residents of Wattala and Colombo 14.
Three other suspects, including a female were arrested in relation to the incident previously.
They were remanded until 29 May after being produced before the Hulftsdorp Magistrate’s Court.
On 17 May, two unidentified men on a motorcycle opened fire at a vehicle carrying the former Executive Director of the National Lotteries Board (NLB), Thusitha Halloluwa, and his lawyer at Dabare Mawatha in Narahenpita.
It was later revealed that Halloluwa was assaulted and was subsequently admitted to hospital with injuries.
Additionally, a file belonging to Halloluwa was allegedly stolen during or immediately after the incident, police said.
Investigations into the incident were handed over to the Colombo Range Crime Division on the instructions of the Acting Inspector General of Police (IGP) Priyantha Weerasuriya.
Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka stated his disagreement with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s assertion that “every party fought for peace” during the war.Speaking to Hiru News, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka made this comment.The President had expressed this view during the National War Heroes’ Day commemoration.
The Central Bank of Sri Lanka estimates that it will take at least another two to three years for the country’s economy to return to the level it was at in 2018.
Dr. Chandranath Amarasekara, Assistant Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, made this statement while participating in a lecture on the annual economic review for 2024.
He added that the cost of living had doubled by last year compared to 2021.
Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara Minister of Justice, National Integration Ministry of Justice, Colombo, Sri Lanka
Subject: Repealing Penal Code Sections 365 and 365A will endanger 6.1 Million Sri Lankan Children — Strengthen the Law, don’t dismantle it.
Dear Hon. Minister Nanayakkara
No civilized society repeals laws that protect children without first securing stronger ones. To do otherwise is not reform — it is calculated negligence.”
As a Cabinet Minister — and more importantly, as a father — you will understand the grave public concern surrounding the proposed repeal of Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code. These provisions are not mere legal texts; they are Sri Lanka’s final legal bulwark against paedophilia, grooming, and sexual abuse of children — acts that are not only unnatural but stand in direct opposition to the moral teachings of Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and Catholicism.
This move follows a sudden and unvetted recommendation from the Human Rights Commission — made without public consultation, without any proposed child-focused replacement law, and under the guise of human rights” in favor of a statistically tiny minority — in stark contrast to the State’s moral and constitutional duty to protect and safeguard 6.1 million Sri Lankan children.
Let us be clear:
Those calling for repeal are effectively demanding the following:
The removal of the legal definition of sexual predators
The elimination of minimum sentences for crimes against children under 16
The weakening of laws that cover grooming and non-penetrative abuse
Lighter punishment for psychological and emotional trauma inflicted on minors
The decriminalization of adult-minor sexual acts under the pretext of consent”
The legalization of conduct deemed against the order of nature” — which contradicts every major religious and cultural value in Sri Lanka
Are these demands in the best interest of the child, the family, or the country? Absolutely not.
What the Repeal will result in:
Remove clarity from the law, giving predators legal grey zones to prey on kids
Encourage lenient sentencing for abusers
Prevent police and courts from intervening in early stages of grooming
Leave emotional and psychological trauma unaddressed
Open doors to paedophile and trafficking networks — turning Sri Lanka into a destination for exploitation
These scenarios are already occurring on a limited scale in Sri Lanka — from online grooming to ideological manipulation of children — by repealing Sections 365 and 365A it would legally enable and normalize them, removing vital protections and giving predators a free pass.
This is not reform. This is Betrayal.
If this repeal was truly about reform, a stronger, child-protective law would have been proposed first. Yet there is no draft, no replacement, no consultation. Only the attempt to dismantle Sri Lanka’s legal shield..
That’s not an oversight. It’s deliberate.
The complete failure to initiate any plan for child protection post-repeal exposes the true motive:
The sheer vigour with which certain individuals and organizations are lobbying for this repeal reveals an alarming truth — they stand with predators, not with the children.
Anyone who reads Sections 365 and 365A will clearly see whose side they are on in demanding its repeal.
Sri Lanka must learn from the West:
Countries that followed this path are now battling:
Paedophilia disguised as minor-attracted preference”
Gender confusion and pornographic content in schools
Laws that fail victims while empowering predators
Children pushed into irreversible hormone treatments and surgeries
Drag shows targeting children, even at schools
Families broken, faith communities silenced
Do we want this future for our nation?
What about private adult conduct?
Sri Lanka has never criminalized private consensual acts between adults in private. This is not about consensual privacy — it is about children.
No private lifestyle, especially one now aggressively marketed via global campaigns on social media, should be legalized at the cost of child safety, family stability, and national values.
We are witnessing a surge in gender identity confusion and sexualized ideologies targeting youth, marketed as gateways to social acceptance, career success, and self-worth. This is not organic — it is ideological, imported, and dangerous.
Who gains from Repeal?
Not parents
Not children
Not Sri Lankan families
The only beneficiaries are:
Paedophiles
Groomers and traffickers
Foreign-funded activist networks
Ideological lobbies seeking to erode cultural foundations
What must be done:
We urge you, Hon. Minister:
Do not repeal Sections 365 and 365A.
Strengthen child protection laws — especially against online grooming, trafficking, and ideological coercion.
Publicly disclose the funding and lobbying behind repeal efforts.
Defend the rights of 6.1 million children, not imported ideologies.
As Justice Minister & as a Father – the responsibility is yours:
At a time when public trust in the government is rapidly eroding due to economic hardship and misgovernance, this reckless move risks uniting every religious community — Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian/Catholic — in outrage.
If this repeal goes through, the government will not just be blamed for legalizing child endangerment — it will be held responsible for destroying the innocence and future of 6.1 million children. This is not just political misjudgment; it is moral failure of national proportions. Every religious leader, every parent, will point to this moment and fault your government for choosing ideology & appeasement over protection.
The Ministry of Justice is not just a custodian of the law — it is the guardian of the nation’s moral framework.
Be the shield our children need — not the hand that removes their last defence.
Protect our laws. Protect our children. Protect Sri Lanka’s future.
This letter reflects the growing voice of parents, educators, clergy, doctors, and civil society across Sri Lanka who reject this repeal and demand the protection of our children — not their exposure.
If this repeal becomes law, history will remember who stood for the predator — and who stood for the child.
Sri Lanka is not for sale. Our children are not experiments. Their innocence is not collateral.
Social media and online platforms have amplified false narratives about Buddhism, distorting historical accuracy and core teachings. With actors, influencers, missionary groups, and even some Buddhist monks spreading misleading metaphors, Sri Lanka must uphold its constitutional duty to protect the Buddha Sasana. Legal safeguards, defamation laws, and global human rights conventions provide tools to challenge these distortions. Preserving Buddhist wisdom requires awareness, accountability, and legal intervention to ensure doctrinal integrity for future generations.
Preserving the truth of Buddhist teachings is essential. Misinformation and modern reinterpretations must not distort the wisdom that has guided generations. Let us stand for accuracy, respect, and the integrity of the Buddha Sasana”.
In recent times, misinformation has become a growing concern, especially when it distorts the truth behind religious doctrines and historical events. A recent social mediacontroversy has highlighted a deliberate misrepresentation of the Buddha’s teachings—an attempt to modernize Buddhist history by falsely claiming that the Buddha placed a mobile phone instead of his alms bowl into the Niranjana River.
This fabricated narrative is not only misleading but also undermines the authenticity of Buddhist doctrine. As Sri Lanka is constitutionally obligated to preserve the Buddha Sasana, it is essential to address such misinformation before it causes irreparable damage to Buddhist heritage.
Buddhism is built upon unchanging truths that transcend time. These teachings remain relevant across generations without needing reinterpretation based on societal or technological developments. The alms bowl, which the Buddha released into the Niranjana River, is a profound symbol of renunciation and detachment from material possessions. Equating this sacred act with a mobile phone risks distorting the essence of his teachings.
Modern technology has changed communication, but Buddhist wisdom is not defined by technological shifts. Renunciation is not about rejecting physical objects alone—it is a profound journey of letting go of desire, attachment, and ignorance.
Sri Lanka has legal safeguards in place to protect Buddhism from distortion and misinformation. Misrepresenting Buddhist teachings violates both national and international protections, including:
Article 9 of the Constitution – Grants Buddhism the foremost place, obligating the state to preserve the Buddha Sasana.
Defamation Laws (Penal Code Section 479) – Criminalizes false statements that harm religious institutions and reputations.
Cybercrime & Online Safety Laws – Prevent the spread of false religious narratives that mislead the public.
ICCPR Act (2007) – Criminalizes incitement of religious hostility through misinformation.
Universal Declaration of HumanRights (Article 18) – Protects religious freedom from distortion.
Misinterpretation of Buddhist teachings can lead to legal consequences under Buddhist Sasana law and, in some cases, extend to international civil cases. While no formal legal action has been initiated, the law allows any individual or religious organization to file complaints with law enforcement or the courts against those who distort Buddhist narratives. The legal system can intervene at any time to uphold doctrinal accuracy.
This issue extends beyond religious misinterpretation—it also affects cultural and linguistic integrity. The Sinhala language is deeply linked to Buddhism, and altering core teachings through inaccurate metaphors threatens both religious sanctity and linguistic preservation. Sri Lanka has a constitutional responsibility to ensure Buddhism remains accurately represented and language is used responsibly in religious discourse.
Several individuals have attempted to reshape Buddhist teachings using misleading metaphors. Whether done deliberately or unknowingly, such actions do not go unnoticed. Sri Lanka’s legal system provides protections against religious misrepresentation, and any individual has the right to file a formal complaint with law enforcement or take legal action in the courts if Buddhism is misrepresented.
If such distortions persist, authorities may intervene under Sri Lankan and international laws protecting religious integrity and defamation rights. Those engaging in intentional misinterpretation must understand that legal consequences can be pursued at any time.
Buddhism is built on unchanging truths that must be preserved accurately and responsibly. Misrepresentation—whether intentional or due to misunderstanding—must be challenged through education, legal action, and cultural preservation.
Ensuring Buddhist teachings remain untouched by speculative reinterpretations is a collective responsibility. Misinformation must be addressed with clarity and legal accountability to safeguard the integrity of the Buddha Sasana for generations to come.
It is essential for authorities to assess this matter and ensure that Buddhism is represented with accuracy and respect. Preserving the truth of Buddhist teachings is essential. Misinformation and modern reinterpretations must not distort the wisdom that has guided generations. Let us stand for accuracy, respect, and the integrity of the Buddha Sasana.”
— Palitha Ariyarathna
Ceo and Founder Ceylonwatch” Analyst of Buddhist Affairs Desha Abhimani Surya Vansa Ratna Vibhushan Senkadagala Sinha Dwaraya TCFBI PEC President, Unethical Conversion of Buddhist TCFBI International Co-ordinator Hela Abimani National Foundation-Secretary Author, Publisher, and Journalist
Justice L.T.B. Dehideniya Chairman Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka Colombo
Subject: Rejection of HRC’s Proposal to Repeal Sections 365 & 365A: A Call to Protect 6.1million of Sri Lanka’s Children, Culture, and Constitutional Morality
Dear Justice Dehideniya,
We write to express our unequivocal objection to the Human Rights Commission’s recent recommendation to repeal Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code — two provisions which remain vital to protecting the most vulnerable members of our society, especially children.
Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code are among the few strong legal safeguards shielding children from sexual predators — repealing them would be an unforgivable act of legal and moral irresponsibility.
The repeal of Sections 365 and 365A would strip this nation of critical legal protection for children and embolden predators under the guise of rights.”.
Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code are not outdated relics — they are Sri Lanka’s vital legal shield against paedophilia, child sexual exploitation, and abuse. Repealing them would strip this nation of critical protections, embolden predators under the guise of rights,” and open the gates to legalised vulnerability for our children.
Section 365
Where the offence is committed by a person over eighteen years of age in respect of any person under sixteen years of age… \[shall face] rigorous imprisonment not less than ten years…”
Section 365A
… any act of gross indecency in respect of any person under sixteen… \[shall be punished similarly]
These provisions are a clear legal deterrent against paedophilia, grooming, and predatory behaviour. To repeal them would be to invite a legal and moral vacuum** that predators can exploit. No country truly committed to child welfare would propose such a move — least of all under the banner of human rights.”
What These Laws Do:
Section 365: Criminalizes carnal intercourse against the order of nature” — including non-consensual and exploitative acts, especially against minors under 16.
Section 365A: Criminalizes gross indecency — including sexual advances, grooming, or acts with or in front of children — again with strict punishments for adults involved with those under 16.
These laws are not merely about private adult relationships — they are a line of legal defence against paedophilia, child abuse, and exploitation.
So why would anyone want to Repeal them?
Activist Misrepresentation
Some human rights activists mischaracterize these sections as being anti-LGBT” or colonial-era morality laws,” ignoring the fact that:
The amended versions (1995, 2006) are modern laws not colonial
They contain specific protections for children, which have nothing to do with consenting adult relationships.
Repealing them entirely would remove protections for minors.
Imported Western Agendas
Internationally funded NGOs and some UN-linked entities push decriminalization of all consensual same-sex acts” without understanding — or deliberately ignoring — how Sri Lankan law is structured.
They don’t propose reforms. They propose total repeal, which would:
Leave gaps in protecting children.
Enable predators to exploit those legal grey areas
Sri Lanka should not be forced to adopt foreign solutions that have failed elsewhere.
Ideological Extremism
Some proponents of repeal argue that any regulation of private sexual conduct is oppressive.” But that’s a dangerous logic:
By that standard, even paedophilia and incest laws could be challenged under personal liberty.”
Globally, fringe activists have already started pushing to normalize youth-attracted” preferences under rights-based” arguments.
Repealing these laws could embolden dangerous movements.
The Real Danger
Repealing Sections 365 & 365A in their entirety would:
Legalize many forms of grooming and indecency if the child cannot testify to penetration.
Invalidate punishments for same-sex abuse involving minors.
Allow loopholes for predators under the cover of privacy” or consent.”
No parent, teacher, judge, or religious leader in their right mind would support the repeal of protections for children under 16.
The only people who would benefit are:
Predators,
Abusers,
Or those with a radical agenda that places ideology above child safety.
Global Crisis: Don’t let Sri Lanka Repeat the West’s Mistakes
Across the Western world, societies that removed such protections are now dealing with the devastating consequences:
Paedophilia networks have flourished under vague consent” laws.
Child sex trafficking and online exploitation are now multibillion-dollar criminal industries. The issue is slowly penetrating to Sri Lanka as the Crimes Division of the Sri Lanka Police would confirm.
Medical experimentation on minors through puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and surgeries has led to irreversible damage — with young people now speaking out about being manipulated and medically harmed in the name of gender identity.”
Thousands of youth are suffering from sterility, bone damage, loss of sexual function, and lifelong depression because adults failed to draw a line.
Sri Lanka cannot, must not, and will not follow this irreversible damaging & destructive path. We must learn from the West’s errors — not import them.
Equality before Law not Legalising every Lifestyle
All people deserve protection under the law.
But not all private sexual preferences are fundamental rights to be legalized.
You are attempting to elevate private sexual conduct — which the vast majority of our population rejects — into a constitutionally protected class.
This is legally flawed, culturally alien, and morally unacceptable.
ICCPR Article 18(3) allows governments to limit freedoms to protect public morals.
ICCPR Article 19(3) explicitly allows expression to be limited for the same reason.
The rights of 0.1% cannot override the conscience of the nation.
Elevating a lifestyle choice into legal supremacy is not equality — it is ideological tyranny.
Majority Rights Must Be Respected
Sri Lanka is a culturally rooted nation. The moral code of Buddha Sasana, Article 9 & our Buddhist, Hindu, Christian, and Muslim communities rejects homosexuality and sexual anarchy.
That is not bigotry. It is a civilizational identity.
Any attempt to repeal child protection laws under the guise of freedom” will be seen by the public as an attack on religious freedom, parental rights, and national sovereignty. The Human Rights Commission must represent the rights of all citizens, not a vocal activist minority.
Misuse of International Law
Your letter misleadingly claims that Sri Lanka is bound under international human rights law to repeal these sections. That is factually and legally false.
There is no binding treaty that requires Sri Lanka to:
Legalize unnatural carnal conduct
Remove age-based child protection laws
On the contrary, international law affirms Sri Lanka’s right to protect its children and moral order.
In fact:
ICCPR Articles 18 and 19 both allow restrictions on rights to protect public morals and the rights of others.
There is no universal definition of morality” — it is determined by culture, religion, and the people that has been passed down from generation to generation over centuries.
By falsely invoking international law, you mislead the public and policymakers and risk discrediting the Commission itself.
This Is not Equality — This Is Social Engineering
It must be said plainly:
Children are not lab rats.
Culture is not a Western experiment.
Rights must be balanced — not weaponized.
If this repeal is permitted, it will:
Undermine parental authority.
Destabilize the education system.
Remove barriers that currently protect children from ideological, sexual, and pharmaceutical exploitation.
You risk opening the floodgates to foreign-funded influence that treats our children as collateral in a cultural war. And for what gain?
Opposition is not Hate
Your dismissal of national concern as homophobia” is both intellectually lazy and democratically dangerous. The majority of this nation has a right to express concern, to dissent, and to resist these proposals without being slandered or silenced.
Disagreement is not discrimination. Opposition is not hate! Freedom of expression includes the freedom to oppose what we do not believe in.
Conclusion: Protect the Children. Preserve the Nation.
We urge the Human Rights Commission to:
Immediately withdraw this reckless recommendation.
Respect the rights of the majority and uphold the moral code of this nation.
Reaffirm your duty to protect Sri Lankan children from global forces that have already destroyed countless lives elsewhere.
Why is the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka prioritizing adult sexual liberties of a very minute number of people over the xafety of Sri Lanka’s 6.1million children under the age of 18?
These are the children whose legal protection from sexual predators, grooming, paedophilia, and psychological trauma currently depends — in part — on the existence of Sections 365 and 365A of the Penal Code.
Yet the HRC-SL, a body mandated to protect the rights ofallcitizens, is calling for the repeal of these provisions — with no plan to replace them, and no evidence of broad public demand, and no assessment of harm to children.
So we ask directly:
What child protection impact assessment was conducted before issuing this recommendation?
Did the Commission consult with paediatric psychiatrists, teachers, child protection officers, or religious and community leaders? Then again some of these so-called experts” also seek to repeal 365 and 365A because of the funding they receive.
Why has the Commission failed to provide a single safeguard proposal for children under 16 in the event of repeal?
Are the rights of children — 1/3rd of our nation — less important than the sexual preferences of a very few adults?
The Moral Reality:
HRC SL cannot protect the future of a nation by stripping away the very laws that shield its children from sexual abuse.
HRC SL cannot claim to promote rights while enabling legal gaps that predators can exploit.
HRC SL cannot claim to speak for justice while ignoring the voices of parents, religious leaders, and teachers & centuries of morality & ethical behavior who oppose this repeal on moral, medical, and cultural grounds.
The children of Sri Lanka must not become the next casualties of a failed ideological agenda. We call on all responsible institutions — legal, religious, medical, and political — to stand united in defending the laws that protect our people.
Despite the splutterings of editorials & gushings of tears, buses keep falling off hills, and trains keep being derailed. People keep getting maimed and killed. Is this an exaggeration? Is it all natural? What kind of terror is this? The media certainly thrives on reporting such horrors, minus photographs of the gory details. This ee looks at the thriving trade & treachery inimporting lorry chassis for use in public bus transport, via the detailed witness of a Senior Customs Official (see ee Random Notes). Such chassis, not designed for passenger transport use, assure that the commuting worker comes not just tired to work – they may never arrive there at all! That overloaded Ramboda bus that helped kill & maim over 30 people, had a lorry (not a bus) chassis like all local buses. Yet this is just one factor. The powers-that-be have been insistent on maintaining the rule of the World Bank that initiated this havoc on our roads (see The World Bank Driving Madness on Our Roads, ee 2022Jan 1).
The government has decided to set up a Western Province Bus Sector Modernization Taskforce to align with the proposed ‘World Bank-supported Bus Sector Modernization Program.’ The Western Province Governor’s Office will serve as the Secretariat for the Taskforce, in close collaboration with the Ministry of Transport. The WP governor Hanif Yusoof is the ‘former owner’ of ExpoLanka, which is controlled by Japan’s Sagawa Group’s Singapore-based SG Holdings Global Ltd. They are linked to Sagawa Express Co, a major transportation company in Japan, founded by Kiyoshi Sagawa. That Senior Custom’s Official has much to say about the import of cheap Indian chassis & expensive Japanese buses.
for fear of being name-called by those adept in the business
of vilification, was the fact that Ceylon was the European
corruption of ‘Sinhale’, the true name. – Malinda Seneviratne, see
ee Sovereignty, Today we (don’t) celebrate 40 years of independence
May is the month of the Enlightenment – Vesak. May also illuminates us to bear witness to the delicate treasons of the English media in Sri Lanka in choosing not to celebrate (front-page headline, illustrate, highlight) the 53rd anniversary of the 1972 May 22 declaration of Sri Lanka as a Republic. Yet can the media alone be blamed – ‘The Government has chosen not to celebrate it’ (see ee Sovereignty). Are such rituals outdated, superfluous, or premature?
This 1972 act formally bid good riddance to the English monarchy as our theoretical overlords and overladies. Over a year before in 1971, the leadership and cadre of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP, now in office but still not in power) had been charged with attempting to overthrow a German tart named Elizabeth Alexandra Mary, aka the Queen of England. This charge may have perhaps reminded our learned constitutionalists (what the majority of the country knew in their bones) that Sri Lanka, decades after 1948 ‘Soulbury’ independence, was still an English ‘dominion’ and not an independent country, at least in words. England’s overruling of the 1958 Paddy Land’s Act, and their release of those who had plotted to coup the government of Sirimavo Bandaranaike (but not that Hanoverian Queen?), in 1962, was meant to remind that Sri Lanka was still a colony in all but name, even if SWRD Bandaranaike had gotten rid of those English military bases, and paid a heavy price for it.
Two years after the declaration of the Republic, came the early warning shots in 1974 of the separatist war waged by the LTTE – a video doing the rounds states that the Indian government trained the LTTE leadership and also then used them for target practice in ‘jungle warfare’, while using the excuse of the government’s repression of a Tamil ‘minority’ to invade the country (see ee Sovereignty,LTTE – Explained in 18 minutes by Indian Commando). The video goes onto show that the LTTE was trained at a joint Indian-US camp that also trained Tibetans, Baluchis and other ‘minorities’ in the arts of terrorism, to be practiced on its neighbors.
Indeed, May being the month of an Enlightenment (that long preceded Europe’s own ‘Enlightenment’ to the mechanisms of a wider world which they then resolved to invade & plunder), May 19 saw the 16th anniversary of the defeat of the LTTE, with a host of imperialist governments colluding to efface their role in promoting that war. The farce of the Canadian government trying to deflect their own genocidal horrors onto others is part of the coordinated attempts to undermine a nation-state by labeling military officials as war criminals, and by their NGOs’ insistence on removing the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and Online Safety Act, etc. War is War & the state is a pair of handcuffs, but it is not the place of the imperialists to determine any country’s laws, or on whose wrists those handcuffs be placed.
There is another irony in Canada’s purported expertise on genocide. Their genocide of the original people, involved playing one nation against the other, and creating fake nations, tribes, bands, etc. Last week former Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabry called out Canada’s addiction to playing on ‘ethnic vote banks’ at elections. Many ‘ethnic leaders’, MPs, MPPS, etc, in Canada have been involved in the human trafficking game, arranging for ‘settlement & adaptation’, supplying workers to break strikes, assuring them police protection etc. Sabry, however, could very well have examined the history of ‘special representatives’ in Sri Lanka, that appointed and ‘nominated’ MPs representing ‘minorities’ & special interests, such as English, Burgher, Tamil and Muslim traders. Yet, Canada as a ‘settler nation’ is considered a novel experiment in ‘multiculturalism’, or ‘multivulturalism’ (many vultures!). Canada has become one of the leading experts on modern tribalism (aka ethnicity), having learned divide&rule from their imperial masters, England & now the USA.
‘The allegiance of foreign-born citizens was further assured by humoring
their national pride in the holding of Irish, German & French meetings
in the hall, where each nationality was addressed in its own language. The
more influential foreigners were rewarded with places on the Assembly
or local ticket, and to the lesser workers of foreign birth were given petty
jobs in the department offices, or contract work.’
– Gustave Myers, History of Tammany Hall, 1917
*
This ee Focus continues looking into Myers’ 1917 History, with this excerpt on the origins of ‘ethnic vote banks’. While Myers curiously avoids the US role in encouraging Irish emigration after the English-induced famines in Ireland, in this excerpt on the history of municipal shenanigans in New York, he described in detail how Tammany Hall became an extension of the US government’s immigration department, and the history of the ‘ward heeler’ and the gangs that delivered assured votes to political parties. Familiar?
*
• Having failed to ‘overthrow’ the Sri Lankan government, by 1974 the imperialists were also showing an at-least nominally ‘independent’ state, that the economy was still in their hands. They skyrocketed oil & food prices etc, causing shortages. They bribed ruling party politicians to defect and promoted the subsequent alienation of its ‘Leftist’ partners in the coalition United Front government. In 1978, the government of JR Jayawardena reverted to the colonial ‘Independence Day’ of February 4th (see ee Sovereignty, Today we (don’t) celebrate 40 years of independence).
History repeats itself, alternately wailing and guffawing, as the imperialist powers show how they have been able to undermine any government that dares to try to change our colonial import-export plantation economy – by legislative hampering, by coup, by bribery, by terrorism from all sides….
May being the month of the enlightenment, we are indeed illuminated by how the English media (not just the BBC, CNN, etc) has been teaching their readers and viewers to again love the Nazis and assorted fascists (all good children & students of colonial invasions), while erasing the role of the USSR in the defeat of the Nazi Germany on 09 May 1945 , along with the role of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) in the defeat of an imperialist Japan. This ee records not only how we paid to finance England’s wars (see ee Quotes, Patnaik), but also how the USSR’s defeat of Nazi Germany led to the ‘strategic withdrawal’ of the imperialists from their colonial domains. We also describe the role the USSR played in attempting to advance the true liberation of our countries from the colonial stranglehold of our economies by supporting our modern industrialization (see ee Random Notes).
*
‘You work 12-hour days, take calls at midnight when
containers are stuck at customs, and then they tell you
they can’t offer a bonus because ‘the market is tough’
– right after buying their third Prado.’
• The Shipping Mafia’s Ladies – This week saw ‘women in shipping’ hold their 10th annual general meeting. So what exactly do women ship, as opposed to their male counterparts? Do they do it differently? We’re not told. But this little news item (see ee Who’s Who) also enlightens us to the corporations behind what is called ‘The Shipping Mafia’ (see ee Focus), who ‘invoice foreign clients in dollars but dispense salaries in rupees, without any inflation adjustment or cost-of-living considerations.’ The media rarely reports on the actual conditions of port workers, unless criticizing their strikes. Yet these workers’ fastidious job of documentation and cargo handling ‘has made Colombo Port a darling of international shipping lines’. Yet Sri Lankan shipping employees are the lowest-paid in the region, and social media memes compare shipping owners to pirates. The bosses have ‘fought back’ not ‘with pay raises, but with glossy LinkedIn posts’, and love to import HR consultants. ‘We value our employees as our greatest asset,’ says one CEO just after proudly buying a villa in the Maldives.
In this ee, we are told that the Ministry of Labour and the trade unions ignore that ‘Sri Lanka’s shipping sector is notably devoid of any meaningful collective bargaining mechanisms’. Most employees are on temporary or contract terms, and fear being flung overboard. The Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) is more interested in foreign partnerships than the labour rights of private-sector logistics employees. The story ends – ‘So here’s a modest proposal for the Colombo shipping mafia: Trade in one Prado. Pay your staff. It might just save your business.’
*
‘The traditional working class is being replaced globally
• This ee’s Random Notes also reproduce details on the move by England’s largest retailers to sack almost 2,000 workers in Katunayake’s Free Trade Zone (FTZ). Next Manufacturing gave no prior warning as required by law. It was considered a model for Sri Lanka’s export industrialization drive in the late 1970s, as one of the first foreign investment projects set up in the-then FTZ which forbade trade unions. The company claims operating costs are too high, and indirectly blames the trade union, as well as ‘activism’. The charge of activism may be linked to their failure to pay a living wage. An NGO Living Wage Foundation is said to have bought Next shares and attended their annual general meeting, demanding they pay better wages. After all, Next has claimed to be a good employer while making huge profits. Yet these profits in such labor-intensive sectors are based on gross exploitation, as opposed to investment in modern technology and upgrading workers’ skills. While critics claim such employers could afford to pay much more, economists claim that state enforcement could cause unemployment in the retail and labour-intensive industrial sector. The English government claims they pay billions to low-paid workers through tax credits, and retail companies – which have the highest proportion of low-paid workers – exploit austerity, effectively adding their workers’ unpaid wages to England’s welfare bill.
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‘A Congolese bourgeoisie never existed. Internal trade,
which in most colonies, including West Africa, was a
stamping ground for small-scale indigenous enterprise,
was dominated by Portuguese & Greeks. The closed
trading networks of these alien minorities were a barrier
to all but a handful of Congolese petty traders in Leopoldville.’
– SBD de Silva (see eeFocus)
• Could Africa’s experience illuminate Sri Lanka’s own political economy? Indeed, they can & do, and is indispensable. As we approach the 7th anniversary of SBD de Silva’s passing from the planet, let’s recall de Silva’s efforts to scour the world to find resonances with the roots of our country’s discontent. This eeFocus concludes the excerpts from Chapter 4 of SBD’s classic, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment. This chapter examines the alleged exceptions to his thesis on the dichotomy between such settler-colonial states as Algeria and in Southern Africa, & non-settler colonial states such as ours. The names appearing in this excerpt echo names sometimes broadcast in the news on the current US war on the Congo. The names from Indochina (Vietnam) echo the news of earlier European & US wars. But SBD’s focus was on how these countries have been set up for destabilization and underdevelopment. Rather than strictly adhering to one or the other in SB’s division of the world, he found they represent a continuum in between.
In the Congo, expats dominated the economy, thwarting ‘a fuller realization’ of its growth potential. The plantation and mining companies had ‘to purchase more than half of its materials from Belgium and to employ Belgians to the extent of 60% of its European personnel’. And yet in the province of Katanga, Flemish settlers dominated the economy, and created a different society based on developing modern industry and a home market to sustain it. The europeanized buffer class of Congolese – the évolué (‘evolved ones’) – who were promoted to take over, only wished to re-enact the colonial game, minus investing further in industrial production. They also prevented real economic independence, helping to murder Patrice Lumumba. Continued warfare has been that legacy.
Meanwhile in Asia, Franceextricated Indochina’s economy from its geographicmilieu, from which its commodities were derived. France bought rice, corn, coal and cement ‘(mainly to help its balance of payments) but they ‘were notcomplementary to the French economy; as bulky or heavy commodities, they ‘could more conveniently’ have been exported to Indochina neighbors.
Like Sri Lanka, Indochina’s export trade with France was encumbered by heavy payments to middlemen & other distributive agents, and by high freight rates due to a monopoly by French vessels of the shipping between France and the colonies.
Tariffs and financial subsidies encouraged the development of the production of minerals & agricultural raw materials, compared with industrial investment. The colonies were not permitted to compete with France in any part of the world market – in France, in the colonies, or outside the empire.
Meanwhile, large French imports challenged Indochina’s access to low-cost goods from Japan & China (which were then smuggled in). The French-owned branch plants did not substitute for nor reduce the dominance of French imports. Indochina’s colonial export produce was forced to depend on a precarious French market, based on ‘the vagaries of domestic harvests and the mood of the agricultural interests’. Indochina served the French economy more ‘as an investment outlet and a market’. This made the French Parliament and industrialists willing to finance French PM Jules Ferry’s invasion and war on Tonkin (Vietnam) in 1885.
SBD de Silva’s detailed analysis of imperialist exploitation in Africa and Southeast Asia provide fresh clues into the insidious ways and means by which the Republic of Sri Lanka is still held in the grip of thralldom He also charts for us a map of the ways and means to get out of and overcome their old non-settler colonial traps.
Colombo, May 26 (Daily Mirror) – A group of businessmen has come forward to fund parties in an attempt to woo members to form the administration of the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), particularly on behalf of the ruling National Party (NPP), a Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MP alleged yesterday.
SJB Colombo District MP Mujibur Rahman told the Daily Mirror that some businessmen supporting the National People’s Power (NPP) had offered cash inducements. We are making this allegation with full responsibility,” he said, alleging that the NPP is attempting to woo several independent groups that secured seats in the CMC.
Five independent groups won seats at this year’s local government election. Independent Group 1 secured one seat, Group 2 one seat, Group 3 three seats, Group 4 two seats, and Group 5 two seats.
Mr. Rahman said Independent Group 5, which secured two seats, had pledged to support the opposition led by the SJB.
Water has always been the cornerstone of human survival and agricultural development. In ancient Ceylon—modern-day Sri Lanka, once known as Hela—visionary engineers and kings created one of the world’s most advanced irrigation networks. This remarkable hydraulic civilization demonstrated profound foresight, engineering skill, and ecological harmony, establishing a sustainable system that supported thriving communities and bountiful agriculture for centuries.
The evolution began with simple rain-fed agriculture, which gradually transformed into a sophisticated rainwater harvesting system. Small village reservoirs, known as wewa,” were at the heart of this transformation, ingeniously constructed to collect and store monsoonal rains. These tanks were more than just water storage units—they were sacred, often built alongside Buddhist temples, symbolizing the unity between nature, faith, and daily life.
Among the most significant innovations were the sorowwa” (sluices), bisokotuwa” (regulation chambers or access towers), spillways, and embankments—sophisticated hydraulic mechanisms that allowed precise water control. These technologies enabled the creation of large cascading tank systems, in which water from one tank overflowed into the next, ensuring consistent irrigation throughout the year. These interconnected reservoirs transformed arid regions into fertile farmland, supporting rice cultivation and securing food supply for millions.
Strategic river diversions, permanent weirs, and an expansive network of channels were added later to enhance the functionality of these reservoirs. These innovations reflected technical brilliance and an understanding of sustainability, water conservation, flood control, and soil retention. This holistic approach, refined over centuries, formed a resilient ecological framework that balanced human needs with nature.
Regrettably, modern engineering approaches have often dismissed or neglected this ancient wisdom, (falsely) claiming that they are inefficient. Driven by large-scale development priorities, many modern water infrastructure projects have ignored the time-tested principles of Ceylon’s hydraulic civilization. Recent projects like those at Udawalawe and Lunugamvehera exemplify the consequences—poor planning, soil degradation, sinking lands, water wastage, and frequent flooding.
Besides, the mentioned constructions created land subsidence—a gradual settling or sudden sinking of the Earth’s surface owing to hydro compaction, subsurface movement of earth materials, sinkholes, and thawing permafrost. The focus of modern hydraulic engineering was providing water for agriculture. Consequently, rather than focusing on practical and worthwhile, it implemented ‘mechanical’ solutions (ignoring the nature), sidelining the integrated ecological balance that ancient systems achieved. It is a classic failure due to egotistic and improper prioritizations.
Hydrology today must reclaim its original purpose—not merely manipulating water flow but managing water holistically for agriculture, flood mitigation, and ecosystem preservation. Reviving and integrating ancient Sri Lankan irrigation knowledge with modern innovations offers a pathway to sustainable water management, food security, and economic revitalization.
Each major modern irrigation project in Sri Lanka has consistently failed in the intended benefits and humanistic aspects by the failure to incorporate the invaluable insights of pioneering engineers such as D.L.O. Mendis and Joseph Needham, along with dedicated professionals like Mr. Godfrey de Silva—former Chief Irrigation Engineer in Kandy and later Chairman of the Mahaweli Authority—and a few other pragmatic engineers who deeply valued Sri Lanka’s ancient hydraulic heritage. These experts recognized the brilliance and sustainability of the centuries-old water systems, emphasizing ecological harmony, community-driven management, and long-term resilience.
I remain deeply grateful to these visionaries for sharing their knowledge, which we have applied over the past four decades through charitable projects focused on water and agricultural initiatives, including the provision of potable water to rural communities affected by chronic kidney disease of unknown origin (CKDu) (now called, CKD of crystal-tubular nephropathy (CKD-CTN) [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37408060/; DOI: 10.1186/s40001-023-01162-y].
Sadly, modern engineering has largely disregarded this rich legacy, resulting in inefficient infrastructure (geo-genic and Geo-Bio issues), increasing water scarcity, and significant environmental degradation. The prevailing approach has been narrowly focused on transporting water from point A to point B, while neglecting critical elements such as ecological balance, soil conservation, and groundwater recharge.
A striking example is the high prevalence of CKD-CTN—a likely a “geogenic” issue resulting from groundwater contamination—in Mahaweli-affected (and other) regions, such as Dehiattakandiya. This emerging public health crisis reflects the consequences of poorly planned water interventions that ignored traditional ecological safeguards. The failure to incorporate ancient wisdom and holistic water management practices has led many large-scale irrigation projects to fall short of their intended benefits, ultimately causing long-term harm to both communities and ecosystems.
Conclusion: The ancient irrigation systems—refined over millennia with engineering precision and environmental foresight—offer time-tested, practical solutions. Reintegrating these foundational principles with modern innovations is not only wise but necessary. Such an approach could restore ecological balance, ensure sustainable food and energy security, and strengthen resilience in the face of climate change. Honoring and learning from Sri Lanka’s ancient water legacy is more than a tribute to the past. It is essential for building a sustainable and equitable future, as well as ensuring food sustainability—a practical necessity for resilient development.
