Bonds of the crooked and privileged

March 11th, 2017

By Lucien Rajakarunanayake

Haven’t you heard enough of these bonds?

Depends on what bonds, you are talking about; there could be some bonds one may like.

I mean the bonds we hear and read about every day – these big money bonds.

You mean the Central Bank and Treasury bond stuff?

That is not all, but thinking of those, it looks as if each time a new Treasury Bond is announced, there will also have to be a Presidential Commission of Inquiry.

That seems a good idea, without waiting for a COPE Report and other inquiries before a serious probe is launched. These Treasury bonds look like the stuff of corruption, made much worse by delayed gazette notifications.

But that is not all I am talking about.

What are the other bonds you are thinking of?

I am thinking of the bonds of bad governance…the yamapaalana stuff… don’t you see how the people are being tied up by these bonds that go through so easily in Parliament?

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Bonds being passed by Parliament?

Why not – they are the Privilege Bonds – the stuff that no one dares to oppose. Not even the so-called Joint Opposition or the JVP.

This is the huge expenditure meant for the Members of Parliament- both elected and appointed – that are now considered Privilege Bonds.

Such as?

Well, just think of the 143 million, to allow the payment of a 100,000 rupees per month per MP to equip their electorate offices…the money is to be given without any check on the attendance record of the MPs in Parliament… They consider it a privilege payment and the Yamapaalana leaders fall in line. Ever ready to please this privileged few.

That is too much for these political catchers who never told the voters they will need money from the State to have political officers in their districts.

C’mon, don’t talk of it as money from the State…it is money from the people… from the VAT they pay and all the other revenue the government gets from the people.

I just realized…some of them were not even elected by the people… they crept in or were pulled in through the back door.

Well, they are about to get millions more by way of the cost of luxury vehicles to do their political and mostly personal rounds. That is hugely privileged transport in overly privileged comfort. The vehicles for some are more than 40 million rupees. There is no privileged bum that will be seated on anything less than 25 million rupees. There are 58 such vehicles to come. Don’t you think of this as bondage for the people?

But don’t you think they deserve to be considered as privileged people?

You mean the usual Parliamentary Privilege?

No, no. The usual Parliamentary Privilege will not cover any of this. What I am thinking of is the special privilege of their behaviour. Don’t you see it on TV – in what is now considered a privileged telecast of parliamentary proceedings?

Do you think they deserve all this because of Privileged Rowdyism or Favoured Hooliganism?

You may not like it. But don’t you agree that they do represent the rowdy and hooligan classes in our society? Those are people who have never been officially represented…and have now found their time…

Are you thinking of this after the riotous time in parliament this week?

Well, when you look at it…one can say it was a privileged riot. These people, whether they were involved in the rowdyism this week or not, are all earning their keep, through what you call these Privileged Payments.

You are going back to what I first said about these bonds.

What has this got to do with bonds? There was no such rowdyism in the Central Bank bond issues.

There was no rowdyism, but it was all crooked…and the hidden truths are now coming out: The elephantine crookedness of green politics.

My bigger concern is about the bondage the people are being put into by all this huge waste of money on a privileged few – just 225 of more than 20 million. How much more and for how much longer are the people to be held in such bondage?

15,000 ක ත්‍රස්තවාදි බල ඇණියක් පැය 48 ක් තුළ ක්‍රියාත්මක වීමේ අවදානමක්…දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාව යළි ක්‍රියාත්මකයි “කොටියා අළු ගසා දමා නැගිටිනවා “

March 11th, 2017

lankanewsalert.com

නැවත වරක් දරුණු ත්‍රස්තවාදයේ සෙවණැලි රට තුළ මතුවී ඇති බවත්,එවැනි ප්‍රපාතයකට රට ඇද දැමුවේ වත්මන් ආණ්ඩුව බව,රියර් අද්මිරාල්(විශ්‍රාමික) ආචාර්‍ය සරත් විරසේකර පවසනවා.අද (02) ශ්‍රි ලංකා පොදු ජන පෙරමුණේ පක්ෂ කාර්යාලයේ පැවති ප්‍රවෘත්ති සාකච්ඡාවකට එක් වෙමින් ඒ මහතා මේ බව සදහන් කළා.බුද්ධි අංශ සහ හමුදාව දේශද්‍රෝහින් ලෙස දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාවේ උවමනාව මත හංවඩු ගසමින් රජය කටයුතු කරන බවටද ඔහු චෝදනා කළා.

අද වන විට ත්‍රස්තවාදය නැවත හිස ඔසවමින් පවතින අතර,ඒ වගකීම රජය භාර ගත යුතු බවයි ඔහු අවධාරණය කලේ ,

රටේ මේ වන විට පවතින ජාතික අනතුරක් සම්බන්ධයෙන් දීර්ඝ ලෙස කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් කල සරත් වීරසේකර මහතා වැඩිදුරටත් මෙසේ සදහන් කළා.

අපි දන්නවා ඕනම රටක ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවේ කොදු නාරටිය තමා බුද්ධි අංශය.නමුත් අපේ රජය කාලයේ අපි ඉස්සල්ලාම කලේ බුද්ධි අංශ ශක්තිමත් කරපු එක.මොකද බුද්ධි අංශ ශක්තිමත් නම්,ත්‍රස්තවාදය හිස ඔසවනවා නම්,අන්න ඒ ගැන අපිට දැන ගන්න පුළුවන් නිසා.මොකද කියනවා නම් අපි ඇත්තටම අවසන් කලේ,ත්‍රස්තවාදි කොටියාගේ වල්ගය පමණයි.ඒ දේශිය වශයෙන්.නමුත්,ත්‍රස්තවාදි කොටියාගේ ඔළුව තියෙන්නේ කැනඩාවේ.ඌගේ අත් දෙක තියෙන්නේ , එංගලන්තය ,ඇමරිකාවේ.පස්ස ඝාතය තියෙන්නේ ඉන්දියාවේ.මයිල් ඝාත තියනවා බටහිර හැම තැනම.ඒ කියන්නේ කොටි ත්‍රස්තවාදය තවම ජීවමානයි.ඒකට තමා දෙමළ ඊළාම හදාගෙන තියෙන්නේ.දැනට මේකට අගමැතිවරයෙක් පත් කරලා තියෙනවා. කැබිනට් ඇමතිවරු 25 ක් ඉන්නවා.ඇමතිවරු 125 ක් ඉන්නවා.මේ ආකාරයෙන් ඉතාම හොදින් ස්ථාපිත වෙලා ඉන්නේ. එයාලා ඉන්නේ කවදාහරි මේ ඊළම ඇති කර ගන්න.ඒක නිසා තමයි අපේ රජය කාලේ බුද්ධි අංශය අපි ශක්තිමත් කලේ.බුද්ධි අංශය ශක්තිමත් කල නිසාම තමා 2009 ඉදලා 2014 වෙනකම් තුන් පාරක් එල්.ටි .ටි .ඊ නැවත හිස ඔසවන්න දරපු වෑයම අපිට ව්‍යාර්ත කරන්න පුළුවන් වුණේ.

ඒවගේම තමා ත්‍රස්තවාදයට සහයෝගය දැක්වූ ගෝලිය ද්‍රවිඩ සන්ධානය , ඇතුළු රාජ්‍ය නොවන සංවිධාන එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ ප්‍රඥප්තියට අනුව අපි තහනම් කලා .ත්‍රස්තාවදයට සහය දැක්වූ අය අප තහනම් කළා. ඒවගේම Tamil Net කියන වෙබ් අඩවිය.මේ වෙබ් අඩවිය කලේ ,දෙමළ තරුණ තරුණියන්ගේ සිත් සතන් කෲර ලෙස දුෂණය කිරීම . සිංහල ජාතිය කියන්නේ කෲර ජාතියක් කියලා මේකේ තිබුණා .සිංහලයා කියන්නේ දෙමළ ජනතාවගේ හතුරෙක් කිව්වා.මේක අපි තහනම් කළා.

ඒවගේම තමා අපි උතුර සංවර්ධනය කළා.උතුරු වසන්තය ඇරඹූවා.කොයි තරම් සංවර්ධනය කළාද කියනවා නම්,යාපනයේ සංවර්ධන වේගය 22 % නම් , රටේ සංවර්ධනය 07 % යි .ඉතාම හොදින් ඒක කළා.දෙමළ ජනතාවට බොහෝම සැහැල්ලුවෙන් ජීවත් වෙන්න පුළුවන් පරිසරයක් අපි ගොඩ නැගුවා.

මම දන්නවා දෙමළ ජනතාව යුද්ධ කාලයේදී කොහොමද ජීවත් වුණේ කියලා.අපි ජනතාවට ඒ නිදහස ලබා දුන්නා . අපි ත්‍රස්තාවදය පරාජය කරලා නැති වෙච්ච නිදහස ඇති කළා .අපි එහෙම රට ගොඩ නගනකොට තමා මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් වුණේ.දැන් මේ ආණ්ඩුව මොකද කරන්නේ ,ඉතා දුෂ්ඨ ලෙස,දේශද්‍රෝහි ලෙස බුද්ධි අංශ අකර්මන්‍ය කළා.බුද්ධි නිළධාරින්ට අභූත චෝදනා කළා .දෙමළ ඩයස්පෝරාවට දීපු පොරොන්දු අනුව මේ ආණ්ඩුව බුද්ධි අංශ අඩාළ කළා.

අපි එල් .ටි .ටි .ඊ සාමාජිකයන් 11,600 ක පමණ පිරිසක් අපි පුනරුත්තාපනය කළා.හැබැයි හමුදාවට භාර නොවුණ තවත් 4000 ක විතර පිරිසක් ඉන්නවා.අද යාපනයේ බුද්ධි අංශ ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ නෑ .අපි ගෝලිය දෙමළ සංසදය තහනම් කළා.හැබැයි මේ දුෂ්ඨ බෙදුම්වාදින් අද මොකද කරන්නේ යාපනයට ගිහින් , මේ15,000 ක එල් .ටි .ටි .ඊ සාමාජිකයන්ගේ දත්ත ගබඩා කරනවා .ඒ අයගේ දුරකථන අංක ,රැකියාව ,එයාලා කොහේද ඉන්නේ? එයාලාගේ නෑදෑයින් සියළුම දත්ත රැස් කරනවා.මේ අයගේ ආයුධ රැසක් භූගත කරලා තියෙනවා.එතකොට අද තියන තත්වය තමා පැය 48 ක් යනකොට ,ඔවුන්ට හොදට ආයුධ සන්නද්ධ,හොදට පුහුණු වෙච්ච ,අත්දැකීම් බහුල ත්‍රස්තවාදින් 15,000 ක ගේ හමුදාවක් ඉතාම කෙටි කාලයකදී ගොඩ නගන්න පුළුවන් තත්වයක් තමා අද රට තුළ තියෙන්නේ.

ඒවගේම තමා මේ රජය ද්විත්ව පුරවැසි භාවය දෙන්න යනවා.කවුද මෙතනදි ඒ පුරවැසි භාවය ගන්නේ,මේ රටට ආදරය නැති ,පැත්තකින්වත් මේ රට දිහා හැරිලා නොබලපු දෙමළ බෙදුම්වාදි ඩයස්පෝරාවේ අය.

එල් .ටි .ටි ඊ .සංවිධානයේ වාර්ෂික ආදායම ඩොලර් මිලියන 300 ක් කියලා විදෙස් සගරාවක් කරුණු වාර්තා කරලා තිබුණා.මේ සියළු මුදල් අරගෙන ඩයස්පෝරාව විසින් අපේ දේපළ,වෙරළ ආරක්ෂිත කලාප මේ අය මිලදි ගනිමින් ඉන්නවා.මේක හරිම භයානක තත්වයක්.

මේ අවස්ථාව වෙනකොට රණවිරුවා යුධ අපරාධ කලා යැයි කියමින්,අභූත චෝදනා නගන්න පටන් අරගෙන තියෙනවා ජිනීවා සැසි වාරයේදී .ඒක 22 වෙනකම් පැවැත්වෙනවා.තමන්ගේ රටේ යුධ හමුදාව යුධ අපරාධ කලාය කියලා පිළිගන්න ලෝකයේ එකම විදේශ ඇමතිවරයා මංගල සමරවීර.ඒ අතිනුත් රණවිරුවා අඩපණ කරනවා .බුද්ධි අංශ නිළධාරින් අඩපණ කරනවා.උතුරේ තියන හමුදා කදවුරු ඉවක් බවක් නැතිව ඉවත් කරනවා.අතුරුදන්වීමේ පනත හරහා රණවිරුවා අධිකරණයට ගෙනියන්න උත්සහ කරනවා .මේ හදන්නේ රණවිරුවා වැරදිකාරයෙක් කරන්න.මේ හරහා මොකද වෙන්නේ,මේ රණවිරුවන් මේ යුධ නායකයන් පිටරටදී අත්අඩංගුවට අරගෙන අධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත් කරන්න පුළුවන්.මේ කරමින් ඉන්නේ ඒක.මෙකේ තියන භයානක කම තමා , හදිස්සියේ යුද්ධයක් ආවොත් සටන් කරන්නවත් අත්දැකීම් තියන නායකයින් අපිට ඉතිරි වෙන්නේ නෑ.අද මේ ආණ්ඩුව කරන්නේ යුධ විරුවන් දේශද්‍රෝහින් ලෙස හංවඩු ගහන්න හදනවා.අද පාතාලය හිස ඔසවමින් ඉන්නවා.මෙහෙම තත්වයක් තමා අද මේ රට තුළ නිර්මාණය වෙලා තියෙන්නේ.මේ වගකීම ආණ්ඩුව භාර ගත යුතුයි.
Read more at http://lankanewsalert.com/archives/61214#2RMB7xrSxItBJFEz.99

Sri Lanka: We Challenge the UN to tell us how many LTTE cadres died in the final phase

March 10th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

Ever since May 2009 baseless allegations have been levelled against Sri Lanka’s military. Anyone can make allegations but facts and evidence is what counts. How can anyone accuse a person of murder without a dead body? We know how many Sri Lankan Soldiers died in the final phased but there is a big question mark as to how many LTTE cadres died. Without knowing that, no one can accuse the Sri Lankan Military of killing anyone. Can the UN that is throwing allegations of civilian deaths give proof that x number of civilians were killed after proving with names and clear identities of the LTTE cadres killed. It is only them that claims of killing can be entertained.

Let’s not forget that the Sri Lankan Army were fighting a brutal terrorist outfit that reigned terror upon a nation for 3 decades. These were no angels. They were supported by evil people living overseas and carrying out illegal and legal activities that raised money to buy arms and ammunition and helped by groups of locals and foreigners who were riding on the conflict to advance their own agendas. This was why we did not see any peace and every peace effort was a façade.

When a military offensive takes place there are casualties. If the LTTE had been man enough they should have fought the Sri Lankan Military face to face instead of taking lakhs of people. Yes, there are laws that govern how to engage in conflicts but does the UN seriously believe LTTE cared tuppence to follow Geneva Conventions except to use them for their own advantage. There must be equality and fairness in accusations. What is alleged against the Sri Lankan Army must be applicable to the LTTE. Here’s where we see non-conformity.

UN tell us

Guestimates count for nothing. We have not seen names of the supposed dead. It’s now 2017 – 8 years has passed since May 2009. Those that make guestimates must surely be able to give figures on LTTE deaths.

The Presidential Missing Person’s Commission mandated to investigate between 1983 and 2009 had only 16,179 names as of 9 April 2015. What happened to the 40,000 supposed dead? Why aren’t their names logged?

5000 names of missing soldiers had been logged with the UNHRC & Presidential Commission. Everyone is silent about these missing soldiers who have names!

To be dead one has to be born. Therefore, anyone who claims 40,000 dead must be able to provide details of names, relations, home address, school records, employment records, a birth certificate or some form of identity.

Those who claim 40,000, 125,000 or even 200,000 must produce some form of evidence that whoever they claim to be dead actually lived!

Where are the dead bodies?

Whereabouts of the dead bodies (at least skeletons) – by 18th May 2009 the military operations was over.

Surely even the skeletons must be there. Remember, the last battle was in a very small area so if the Army is supposed to have killed 40,000 people the soldiers would have to bury them. In the thick of fighting, the soldiers had no time to be carrying 40,000 dead bodies – even if you throw them to the sea or lagoon they should emerge!

  • How did SL Military kill between 40,000 to 125,000 people between 13-18 May while also saving 295,000 people?
  • How did SL Military dig graves to put 40,000 to 125,000 dead bodies? If C4 has obtained mobile footage of ‘crimes’ by SL forces why has no one taken footage of soldiers digging mass graves and shoving dead bodies inside these graves?
  • To dig graves for 40,000 is no joke. It cannot be done within a few minutes or even a few hours. Also, how deep does the grave have to be to put such a number? A standard grave is 2 ½ feet wide and 8ft in length and 4 ft deep.

These basic questions need to be ascertained before wasting money, time and resources on starting a bogus tribunal when preliminary evidence is zero.

How many actually died – we know the soldier deaths but how many Tamils died? All LTTE were Tamils though all Tamils are not LTTE.

  1. How many LTTE cadres in uniform died
  1. How many LTTE cadres in civilian clothes died
  1. How many Civilians fighting by voluntarily or by force died
  1. How many Civilians who were neither voluntarily nor by force with the LTTE died in battle

Let’s not forget that ALL of the 12,000 LTTE cadres who surrendered were wearing civilian clothing. How come they all lived and were put for rehabilitation.

With regard to the 4th question – which is the most important.

  • HOW MANY CIVILIANS DIED AS A RESULT OF GUNFIRE BY SRI LANKAN ARMY
  • HOW MANY CIVILIANS DIED AS A RESULT OF GUNFIRE BY LTTE – moreover Tamils themselves have said that LTTE was firing at them when they tried to flee. How many such civilians did LTTE kill by shooting?
  • HOW MANY CIVILIANS DIED NATURALLY DUE TO SICKNESS/WEARINESS/ LACK OF FOOD ETC?

It is in determining the above and in having concrete evidence to prove above that allegations against the Sri Lankan Army can be entertained

How ‘civilian’ were the civilians?

As for everyone claiming ‘Civilian’ dead. They first need to prove that these people were actually civilians. LTTE fought in civilian clothes and LTTE had a trained civilian armed force!

They trained civilians in armed combat. Civilians were taught how to fire and use guns. We don’t know how many of the ‘civilians’ claimed as ‘dead’ belonged to this category. We don’t know how many of the ‘civilians’ the Sri Lankan army saved were also trained in combat. Is it fair to call them refugees/IDPs if so? We are seriously questioning why LTTE spouses are also being called ‘war widows’ especially when not many LTTE cadres were married!

  • Does the UN know how many civilians did not take part in hostilities?
  • Does the UN know how many civilians took part in one or two acts of hostilities making distinction further complicated?
  • Does the UN know how many civilians volunteered to take part in hostilities?
  • Does the UN know how many civilians may have died while taking part in hostilities?
  • Does the UN know how many will admit and own up to being a civilian but took part in hostilities during the last phase?
  • Can the UN rely on these civilian accounts if all those saved claim they did not take part in hostilities and thus provide them the package of witness protection for no reason?

What does the lawbooks say?

  • Rule 1 of the ICRC declares the Principle of distinction between civilian and combatant. According to the rule, parties to the conflict must at all times distinguish between civilians and combatants. LTTE had a civilian force armed and trained to kill. Can these LTTE trained ‘civilians’ qualify as civilian under ICRC Rule 1? Principle of Distinction is blurred when LTTE has a civilian combatant force and LTTE also attack in civilian clothing.
  • Attacks may only be directed against combatants. Attacks must not be directed against civilians. LTTE should not have been shooting among civilians. Sri Lanka Army has every right to return fire because if LTTE should not have fired among civilians. However, LTTE has been firing among civilians since 1980s… was the UN asleep?
  • Under customary international law applicable to international and non-international armed conflicts. LTTE as combatants do not enjoy the protection against attack accorded to civilians.
  • LTTE designated as a terrorist outfit also does not enjoy right to combatant status or prisoner of war status
  • Rule 6 declares that civilians are protected against attack unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities. How many Tamils either voluntarily or by force took part in hostilities & died as a result (for a short time or throughout)?
  • A conflict that began in the 1980s and ended in 2009 cannot have just one group of victims and be confined to one select period. Every victim from 1980s, 1990s, 2000 upto 2009 must be given equal treatment. Sadly that is not how UN/UNHRC and foreign players are functioning.

Why have these basic questions been ignored by the UN? Like parrots a bandwagon of people are chanting war crimes and civilian deaths without taking cognizance of ground realities nor providing the facts and evidence to substantiate their claims.

We, the public of Sri Lanka will not allow our heroic armed forces to be taken to any tribunal without first producing the evidence to substantiate these claims. What all those proposing tribunals are trying to do is to set up international courts with international judges and then look for or frame lies as part of a witch hunt for ending a terrorist outfit that was a milking cow for many players.

Shenali D Waduge

Dire Straits – March 9,2017

March 10th, 2017

 Ira de Silva Canada

The Editor
The Hindu,
Delhi, India

 Dear Sir:

 Regarding the killing of a Tamil Nadu fisherman “somewhere between the Indian and Sri Lankan coast” on March 7,2017, it is correct that this is an unfortunate result of the long-standing dispute between Tamil Nadu fisherman and Sri Lankan fisherman. What you fail to indicate is, that it is due to the daily incidents of Indian fisherman backed by Tamil Nadu politicians, poaching in Sri Lankan waters, which they believe they can do with impunity, because the Government of Tamil Nadu refuses to recognize international boundaries and encourages the Indian fisherman to violate international law. The Central Government has done nothing to educate Tamil Nadu politicians on international law and continues to do nothing to prevent the Indians continuing to violate the law i.e., provides tacit backing for this illegal activity in it’s policy of being the “bully” of the region.

 For “forward movement”, what is needed is that India prevent the Indian fisherman from using bottom trawlers both in Indian and  in Sri Lankan waters. The Indians have depleted fish stocks and ruined  Indian waters by bottom trawling. The Indian fisherman believe that they have the “right to steal” from Sri Lanka which is supported directly by the politicians in Tamil Nadu with indirect support from the Central Government.  As stated by Subraminium Swamy on March 8,2017, the fisherman issue is being made out by some extremist elements in Tamil Nadu for “blowing up the issue out of proportion as they want to separate Tamil Nadu from India which has been a long dream and which dream is never going to come true”. Once again Sri Lanka is being robbed and plundered because of Tamil Nadu and Indian  politics.  He also states that India should compensate Sri Lanka for it’s losses. However his “solution” that for the time being Indian fisherman can do fishing in Sri Lanka till India re-populates it’s own area is outrageous. Given India’s duplicity, interference, support of Tamil terrorism in Sri Lanka and it’s bullying attitude in the region, it would be the height of stupidity for Sri Lanka to trust India. The irony is that the Tamil Nadu politicians supported by the Central Government claim that they are helping the Sri Lankan Tamils. Is depriving the Sri Lankan fisherman of their livelihood an example of India’s concern for their well being? All Sri Lankans know that India is only concerned for India and do not care what happens to Sri Lankans even if they are Tamil. 

 The easiest way to “manage” the fishing dispute is for the Tamil Nadu Government and the Central Government to impound the bottom trawlers, increase patrols and arrest the Indian fisherman BEFORE they cross the international boundary. The same applies to Sri Lankan fisherman who go into Indian waters. The Indian attitude is manifested in the statement that the Indian fisherman are invoking “traditional rights” to justify their incursions. They completely disregard the fact that Sri Lanka is a separate country and that Indians do not have any “traditional rights” in Sri Lankan waters. Throughout history, whatever India has taken from Sri Lanka is by aggression, invasion and subterfuge.  Also, to ask for a  three year phase out period clearly indicates that the Indian intention is to deplete all fish stock in Sri Lankan waters in the Palk Bay. What will the Indian fisherman and India claim at that point? The probable answer is  all of Sri Lanka’s territorial waters.  If Sri Lanka refuses will India again threaten to invade?

 Yours truly,

 I. de Silva

Canada

රනිල්ගේ පච හැලීම- රටේ සමස්ථ ණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 15000 ක් බව කියයි.. මේ රජය පැමිණ ගත් 20% ක් ණයත් සමඟ තවම ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 64 යි..

March 10th, 2017

ලංකා සී නිවුස්

ඇමරිකා එක්සත් ජනපදය ලෝකයේ අංක 1  ආර්ථික හිමි රටවන අතර එහි සමස්ථ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනය ඇ.ඩොලර් ට්‍රිලියන 18.56 කි එනම් ඩොලර් බිලියන 18560කි  2 වෙනි ස්ථානය චීනයට හිමිවේ. එය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 11391කි තුන්වන ස්ථානය හිමිවන්නේ  ජපානයටයි. ඒ ඇ. ඩොලර් බිලියන  4730කි,  එමෙන්ම ඉන්දියාවේ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනය ඇ. ඩොලර් බිලියන  2250 ක් ලබා ලෝකයේ 7 වෙනි විශාලතම ආර්ථිකයට හිමිකම් කියන අතර ශ්‍රීලංකාව ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 82 කක හිමිකම් කියමින් ලෝකයේ 67 වෙනි විශාලතම වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයට  හිමිකම් කියයි. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_(nominal)

අගමැති රනිල්ට ගණන් පැටලේ, රටේ සමස්ථ ණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 15000 ක් බව කියයි.. මේ රජය පැමිණ ගත් 20% ක් ණයත් සමඟ තවම ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 64 යි..

 එමෙන්ම රටක වාර්ෂික දල දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් ප්‍රතිශතයක් හැටියට එම රට ගත් ණය ප්‍රමාණය ගණනය කරනු ලබයි. ඒ අනුව ඇමරිකාව එක්සත් ජනපදය 2016 වසර වනවිට සමස්ථ ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 17910 කි. එනම් වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් ප්‍රතිශතය ලෙස 96% කි. චීනය සමස්ථ ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 1680 කි, එය චීනයේ සමස්ථ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් 16% කි. ජපානය සමස්ථ ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 2861 කි, එය ජපානයේ සමස්ථ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් 60%කි. එමෙන්ම ඉන්දියාවේ සමස්ථ ණය ප්‍රමාණය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 485 කි, එය ඉන්දියාවේ සමස්ථ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් 6%කි.

ශ්‍රීලංකාවේ සමස්ථ ණය ප්‍රමාණය 2014 දෙසැම්බර් 31 වෙනිදාට ( මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ යුගයේ) ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 56 කි. එය සමස්ථ වාර්ෂික දල දේශිය නිෂ්පාදනයෙන් 71%කි එනම් රුපියල්වලින් බිලියන 7500 කි. එහෙත් රනිල්-මෛත්‍රී ආණ්ඩුව පසුගිය වසර දෙක තුල පමණක් තවත් රුපියල් බිලියන 2200 කින් මෙම ණය ප්‍රමාණය වැඩිකර ගෙන ඇත, ඒ අනුව වුවද අදටත් එම ණය මුදලේ වටිනාකම රුපියල් බිලියන 9700 ක් වන අතර එය ඇ.ඩොලර් බිලියන 63 දශම 8 කි.

එමෙන්ම කිසි කලක මොනම රටක්වත් ඇමරිකාව හැරුණු කොට මේ තරම් විශාල ඩොලර් බිලියන 15000 පහලොස් දහසක් ණය ලබා ගෙන නැත. ඒ අනුව 1948 නිදහසන් පසු ශ්‍රීලංකාව වාර්ෂික දල දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනයට අනුව සමස්ථ ණය ගෙවිමට තිබු ප්‍රමාණයන් පහත වගුවෙන් දැක ගත හැකිය. එහිදි වරක් එජාප සමයේ එනම් 1988 වසරේ වාර්ෂික දල දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනයට අනුව සමස්ථ ණය ගෙවිමට තිබු ප්‍රමාණයන් 105% දක්වා ඉහළ ගිය අතර නැවත චන්ද්‍රිකා බණ්ඩාරනායක ජනාධිපතිනිය සමයේ මෙන්ම රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා අගමැති සමයේ එනම් 2002 සිට 2005 දක්වා ද වාර්ෂික දල දේශීය නිෂ්පාදනයට අනුව සමස්ථ ණය ගෙවිමට තිබු ප්‍රමාණයන් 105% දක්වා ඉහළ ගිය බව මහා බැංකුවේ වගුවෙන් පැහැදිලි කර ගත හැකිය.

එබැවින් ඊයේ 09/03/2017 දින ඩේලිමිරර් ඉංග්‍රීසි පුවත් පතේ මුල් පිටුවේ අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබූ ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 15000 ( පහලොස් දාහසක්) ශ්‍රීලංකාව මේ වනවිට ණය වී ඇතයි පැවසිම හරිහැටි සංඛ්‍යාය ලේඛන හැදෑරීමකින් තොරව හෝ කවුරුත් හෝ දෙන ලද වැරදි දත්ත පදනම් කරගෙන පැවසූවකි.

What brought down the Lions?

March 10th, 2017

By, Professor Nishan C. Wijesinha Beddagana, KOTTE

After the battle of the victorious Lions against the Tamil Tigers; it was taken carelessly to account that no more will it ever be possible for the northern terrain to fall into the hands of any political separatism.

Therefore it was decided by the then government to hold Provincial Council Elections under the Proportional Representation (PR) Electoral System in the Northern Province.

This was the first step down for the slippery destruction of the dynamic Lion regime of the nation which was internationally saluted for defeating terrorism.

Prior to this slippery move of the then government I did send many letters of communication to the then governing heads to strike of the PR System; and also, I send proposals to incorporate a dynamic international Air Base stretching down from NALLUR to PARANTHAN.

The telecommunication reply which I then received through a secretary who had his residence at Jawatta” was on a high minded platform where he did not want to adhere to my value added proposal which was made for the betterment of the Nation.

I hope the bitter lessons of the past will make wise the present.

Batakotte (Vadukoddai) Resolution written by Tamil Pinocchios

March 9th, 2017

H. L. D. Mahindapala

Starting from the Dutch period to modern times, the Jaffna Tamil leadership, which consisted exclusively of the Vellalas, relied entirely on two fundamental ideologies to retain their power and  privileges in the peninsula. Both ruling ideologies were defined in two separate documents. First was the Tesawalamai codified by Class Isaacksz, Dissawe of Jaffna, on  January 30, 1707, for the guidance of Dutch rulers. Second was the Batakotte (Tamilised as Vadukoddai) Resolution (1976) written by the Vellalas for the preservation and glory of the Vellalas.

The Tamil translation of the Tesawalamai was vetted and endorsed by the twelve Jaffna mudliyars (all of whom were Vellalas) as the primary laws and customs  of the land. In essence, it legitimised and consolidated the power of the ruling elite, the Vellahlas. Like most laws it represented the social, economic and political interests of the ruling Vellalas. It confirmed the hierarchical status of the Vellalas which included the right to own and rule over the low-castes and the slaves imported from S. India. The oppressed low-castes were legally condemned as human beings unfit for Vellala society. The  low-castes remained as slaves and outcasts. They neither  had the organisational power nor a leadership (example: Dr. Ambedkar  of India) to challenge the oppressive might of the ruling Vellalas. The Dutch and the British accepted Tesawalamai as the  legal norm and they turned a blind eye to Vellala oppression, as long as the  Vellalas played their subservient role to  the colonial masters.

The  Batakotte Resolution, on  the other hand, defined the ultimate political ambitions of the Vellalas to retain their political supremacy which was under siege by the invasions of modernity in the dying days of the British raj and post-independent era. On May 14, 1976 the creme de la creme of the Tamil elite met at Batakotte to present their political manifesto to establish a separate state – the last refuge of Vellalas to retain  their power, prestige and privileges. In the feudal and colonial periods they legitimised their oppressive rule on the casteist ideology derived from Hinduism. In the post-independent era they switched to Tamil nationalism because the divine rights  guaranteed in Hinduism could no longer justify their supremacy over the restless non-Vellala population rising against Vellala oppressors.

The Batakotte Resolution produced the alternative ideology of Tamil nationalism” to replace anachronistic Hindu casteism. It now stands as the political Bible of the Tamils which contains the essential arguments for the establishment of Tamil Eelam – arguments derived from their version of history. It also outlined their means / strategies to achieve Eelam.  It is necessary to examine this document even at this late stage because there isn’t a greater declaration of the Tamils justifying Tamil separatist politics and Tamil violence that went along with it. After the Batakotte Resolution a whole new industry  began to  justify Tamil separatism and violence.

Among those who drafted it are S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the  Father of Tamil separatism, Appapillai Amirthalingam, Dr. E. M. V. Naganathan, joined by the elitist Vellalas. The authors of the Batakotte Resolution scoured the nooks and corners of history  to produce a plausible justification for the creation of a separate state. Every word in it was written to  pave the path for Eelam. They never expected it to end in Nandikadal.

Like all politics of Jaffna in British and post-independent times, it was drafted by the English-speaking, Saivite, Jaffna Vellala elite for the power and  glory of their caste. It  is the ultimate political manifesto of the Tamils which laid  down the central arguments for (1) the declaration of war against the rest by the Tamil leadership, (2) on the promise of creating  a separate state for the Tamils of the North. What is examined here is not  their tragic political  miscalculations which led the Tamils into the arms of fascist tyrant, Prabhakaran, and through him to Nandikadal. The focus here is on one of the central arguments of the Batakotte Resolution which is stated in the opening paragraphs of the Resolution.  This is how it is worded in the second paragraph :

Whereas, the Tamil Kingdom was overthrown in war and conquered by the Portuguese in 1619, and from them by the Dutch and the British in turn, independent of the Sinhalese Kingdoms; And,

Whereas, the British Colonists, who ruled the territories of the Sinhalese and Tamil Kingdoms separately, joined under compulsion the territories of the Sinhalese and the Tamil Kingdoms for purposes of administrative convenience on the recommendation of the Colebrooke Commission in 1833; And,

Whereas, the Tamil Leaders were in the forefront of the Freedom movement to rid Ceylon of colonial bondage which ultimately led to the grant of independence to Ceylon in 1948; And,

Whereas, the foregoing facts of history were completely overlooked, and power over the entire country was transferred to the Sinhalese nation on the basis of a numerical majority, thereby reducing the amil nation to the position of subject people;”

Error 1 : The Tamils blame the  British for overlooking the  facts of  history and  handing  over power to  the Sinhalese nation on the basis of numerical majority.  In  saying  this the Battakottians contradict their own claim that they joined  hands with the majority to win independence. According to the argument of the Tamils, independence was granted because the  majority and the minority joined hands together to live together as one nation. If they were  in the forefront of the Freedom  movement to rid Ceylon of colonial  bondage” and if they fought together for the birth of one nation how could the British transfer power to the Tamils who never asked for a separate state?   So why should  the British be blamed for the miscalculated afterthoughts of the Tamils? The Battakotte argument that the Tamils joined  hands with majority disprove their claim that power was transferred on the basis of numerical majority.”

Error 2 : According to the Batakotte argument, power was transferred by the Tamil king (Sankili II) in 1619  to the  Portuguese, who handed it over to the Dutch who handed it over to the British and, at independence, according to Tamil logic, the British should have transferred power back to the Tamils who transferred power initially to the Portuguese. This argument stands out as the central argument argument for the creation of a separate state. They argue that the British should have recognised the sequence of historical events and transferred power back to the Tamils who initially handed their power to the Portuguese.

The bankruptcy of Tamil politics is  revealed in this Resolution. It confirms that the best of  Tamil leadership had no better argument than this unsustainable assertion drawn from their  version of history. In the first place, there are no credible records in history to justify this argument. More of this later. But  on the surface of it alone, this is argument reveals the failure of the Jaffna Tamil leadership to justify their claim even with  a modicum of commonsensical reasoning. In examining this argument closely it is clear that it verges on the edge of irrational  absurdity.

The implication of this argument is that the British had a moral, political and legal obligation to hand over power to the Tamils in 1948 because the Sankili II handed over power to the Portuguese in 1619. If this argument is valid then the British should have handed over the territories / kingdoms they acquired from the maharajas of India to their descendants and not to Nehru or Jinnah. Where would India be today if the Batakotte argument was raised to break-up the sub-continent into separate states?

The argument that the British should have handed over the territory they held under colonial rule to extinct regional powers  who held it once upon a time is not  justifiable because both India and Sri Lanka fought for freedom not on a regional basis but on a common national front. This is conceded by the Tamils in the Battakotte Resolution. If, as stated in the Batakotte Resolution, the Tamils were in the forefront of the independent movement of Ceylon”, there was no necessity for the British to  recognise regional borders. More so, because the Tamils never asked for a separate state in 1948. That began on December 18, 1949 when S. J. V. Chelvanayakam launched his Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachci at the GCSU Hall in Maradana. Mark you, not  in Jaffna – the so-called homeland” of  the Tamils!

Nor did the Nallur Convention (1619) contain  a clause to prove that the Portuguese, or  their colonial successors, undertook to hand over Jaffna to the descendants of Sankili II at the time  of leaving  the shores of Sri Lanka. The plain historical fact is that they captured Sankili II, took him to Goa and hanged him. End of story. So on what basis did the Tamil legal eagles who assembled at Batakotte conclude that the British should have handed over Jaffna to the Tamils? In any case, the successive colonial masters (the Dutch and the British) had no contractual agreement with each other or with the Tamils to hand over power to the descendants of  Sankili II. If this argument is valid then the British should have handed over power in 1948 to the Kandyans which is the only state with whom they concluded a treaty of accession. There is no tenable theory to prove that the regional borders of feudal times should remain valid in mid-twentieth century. The fact that there was a separate kingdom in feudal times does not necessarily mean that the colonial masters had to restore in 1948 the bygone borders of 1619.

Besides, why stop at the borders of 1619? Why not  go beyond that to the time when the Sinhalese borders circled the entire island. The British, in fact, did nothing wrong. They transferred power to the nation as a whole, based on the original borders established by Dutugemunu and Parakramabahu who, among others, were the sole sovereigns from coast to coast without any regional borders obstructing their supremacy. Their claim supersedes that  of  latter-day feudatories of Tamil rulers, who invariably paid tributes to the Sinhala kings. Fr. Queroz states that Jaffna was one of the fifteen kinglets that paid tribute to the Sinhala kings. The British, restored the historical borders of the Sinhala sovereigns that ruled the nation before the itinerant  Tamil migrants established, for the first time, a permanent settlement in the 13th century.Tamil historians dates the Tamil kingdom from 1215 – 1619. The British, therefore,  rightfully transferred power to the Sinhala sovereigns who ruled Jaffna before 1215 without any borders..

Besides, this there is a more telling historical argument which debunks their claim of Tamil power being transferred by the last King of Jaffna to the Portuguese. The Batakotte argument assumes that power was transferred to the Portuguese by the last Tamil King of Jaffna, Sankili II. If this claim is historically accurate then there is the possibility of mounting an argument on the grounds that power was transferred by Sankili II, however flimsy it may be. But history records a different story. The last battle for Jaffna was not  fought by Sankili II but by the King  of Kandy, Senarat in 1629. This makes  him  the  last king of Jaffna and power finally flowed from him to  the Portuguese. So this knocks the bottom out of the Batakotte argument that power was transferred by the Sankili in 1619.

In 1629, King Senarat of Kandy, whose two sons had married princesses of Jaffna, sent his kinsman, Mudliyar Atapattu to rescue Jaffna from the tyrannical grip of the Portuguese who were persecuting the people of Jaffna. Mudliyar Attapattu swept through Jaffna, virtually unopposed with the backing of the oppressed Tamils. For a short while Mudliyar Atapattu was the master of Jaffna, as stated by Queroz,  until Constantine de Saa sent his forces from the south to defeat him.

History records that the  last battle for Jaffna was fought by the Sinhalese. And power flowed from Sinhala-Buddhist king to the Portuguese. This negates the basic argument in the Batakotte Resolution that power was transferred by the Tamil king to the Portuguese.

In an earlier article (see : The last king  of Jaffna was a Sinhala-Buddhist – Lanka Web) I cited the Portuguese historians who confirmed that it was the Sinhalese who waged the last battle to save Jaffna from the Portuguese  oppressors. Mahinda Rajapakse repeated that history when he fought the final battle to save Jaffna from the fascist oppression of Velupillai Prabhakaran – the first born child of the Batakotte Resolution. Ironically, it was the children of the Batakotte Resolution that turned the guns on the Fathers who legitimised their brutal violence.

It seems that history has a way of making  those who distort its sacred contents pay dearly for their inexcusable sins.

Will the Sale of a few assets get our economy on the path to growth and sustainability.

March 8th, 2017

By Garvin Karunaratne

It is reported that the IMF is recommending the Sale of a few of our Assets- the Colombo Hilton, Lanka Hospitals, Hyatt Hotel  and Waters Edge -all to bag $ 1.5 billion to solve today’s economic crisis. What really happens is that this $ 1.5 billion will be paid to our creditors and the country will limp on to the next  Armageddon that will come within another few months. This is fact and not fiction. We need this foreign exchange to pay our creditors at the moment . This money that comes in from the IMF gets paid out and we are left in the same state we are in. It is essentially a no win situation, where we raise loans to pay debts and the money gets shunted back to the IMF and other financial institutions of the Developed Countries and simultaneously also gets into our books as an addition to our foreign debt. In the meantime the valuable national assets had been  sold . The country is the net loser.

A new development paradigm of growth is essential. The Model of development held up  by the IMF and foised on Third World Countries since the Seventies has made all countries bankrupt within four decades.

The IMF Chief is expected to grace our island and it is hoped that she will be able to put our country on the path to growth and sustainability.

To start with one has to understand that Sri Lanka as well as other Third World Countries did have sustainable economies and were not in debt in the Sixties. We had  a development infrastructure that enabled us to get into production and had development projects and programmes ; we controlled our foreign exchange and used it in the national interest, limited imports so that we could manage our outgoings with the incoming foreign exchange.

To quote Noble Laureate Professor Jeffery Sachs:

Western Governments enforced  draconian budget policies in Africa in the 1980s and 1990s. The IMF and the World Bank virtually ran the economic policies of the debt ridden continent  recommending regimens of   budgetary belt tightening known technically  as Structural Adjustment Programs. These Programs have little scientific merit  and produced even fewer results. By the start of the Twentyfirst century Africa was poorer  than in the late 1960s when the IMF and the World Bank had first arrived on the scene, with disease, population growth and environmental degradation spiralling 3out of control. IMF led Austerity   has frequently led to riots, coups and the collapse of public services.”(The End of World Poverty)

Sri Lanka’s foreign debt in 1977 was only $ 750 million(That too on projectdevelopment)  when it      commenced following the Structural Adjustment Program laid out by the IMF. Within four years of following liberalization and free trade, prescribed by the IMF,  the foreign debt increased to $ four billion and by 2003 increased to ten billion. Following the prescriptions of the IMF we had to allow the use of foreign exchange freely, allow the import of luxury goods and  as the debt increased we had to borrow more and more, purely to service the debt. Today the foreign debt stands at $ 70 billion. This $ 70 billion includes the funds spent to buy weapons to defeat the LTTE insurrection and funds spent on the infrastructure of highways and ports. Throughout this period of four decades Sri Lanka has been trying to follow the path laid by the IMF to the best of its ability.

What went wrong? As stated by the United Nations’  Human Development Report of 1996,

The stabilization measures of the IMF aimed at reducing both budget deficits and usually involved   cutting public spending and increasing interest rates… Although these policies reduced deficits in  some countries  they often did so at the cost of  inducing recession. In short they often balanced budgets by unbalancing people’s lives.”

As stated by Professor Joseph Stiglitz, once the Chief Economist of the World Bank,

The mistakes of the IMF  were sufficiently frequent  that they clearly weren’t just an accident.. They chose the models that led to wrong predictions, wrong policies and really negative consequences.” (‘The Hospital that makes you sicker’ in New Internationalist, March 2003).

What happened to these countries that were having sound sustainable economies till the IMF came up with the SAP?

Let us look at the tenets of the Structural Adjustment program which was imposed on our Third World countries which led us to become indebted.

The main tenets of the SAP are to allow the free use of foreign exchange for every citizen to use as they wish- for children to be educated overseas, for luxury travel- even go on cruises, import anything,  to be done without any restriction even when the treasury of the country does not have any foreign exchange.  The country is expected to get money on loan and if that is not sufficient, sell off State assets to meet the demand. Working on this basis it was inevitable that the country became indebted. This was a total recipe for bankruptcy. It is also noteworthy that the IMF provided loans at low interest and also with grace periods where no payment was required to entice the countries to borrow and get on the path prescribed by them. This meant that the leaders of the country at that time may not be in office when the loans had to get repaid. Later on the IMF increased the interest rate and further on even refused loans.

In addition, the SAP provisions include a high interest regime, in Sri Lanka banks charged an interest rate of about 25% and this made all entrepreneurs  give up their enterprises because they could not compete with imports which were freely allowed without any taxes or reduced taxes. The local entrepreneurs found easy earning by depositing the money in bank drafts than in engaging in trade or production.

The local currency, the Rupee was also taken out of the control of the Government. The incoming foreign exchange was to be controlled by supply and demand.  A heavy demand was created because foreign exchange was freely allowed  and with limited supply  the Rupee fell in value- was devalued. When the IMF’s Structural Adjustment was introduced to Sri Lanka in 1977 the Rupee fell in value from Rs. 15.70 to the GBP in 1977 to Rs 35.00 to the GBP in 1978, marking a drop of over 100%, within a few months.  Instead of the Government deciding the exchange rate, it was the banks  that decided the exchange rate. The banks accepted the foreign exchange , hoarded it and offered it at a higher rate, keeping massive profits.  In 2001, when the Government banks had to pay a large oil bill in foreign currency and the public sector banks did not have  sufficient foreign funds to meet it. they had to go to the foreign banks that had hoarded the  foreign currency. The foreign banks then  increased the price of the foreign exchange they had. This did happen in Sri Lanka on 25/1/2001 when the $ US that was trading around  Rs 82.00 was increased to Rs. 100 and Rs. 106.. The profit goes to the foreign bank. The Central Bank was helpless  and said, ‘in a free floating regime the market forces determine the exchange rate. The Central Bank does not intervene in the process. The Central Bank has control only over the domestic money supply.’ (.The Island: 17/02/2001)

On 22/02/17 the US $ reached  Rs. 154.44, which amounted to a Rs.4.44 increase since November, a 6% increase.(The Island:22/2/2017) .  If we continue on the path of the IMF the day is not far off when the Rupee will be devalued by 100%,   similar to what happened in 1978. As proved conclusively in my book:  How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development, ” even the foreign exchange earnings  of a sovereign country is a commodity exploited to make a profit.”

Thus the  foreign debt was created by the IMF  through its ridiculous Free Market  Neo Liberal Model  of allowing borrowing to spend  beyond one’s means for luxury goods, luxury travel etc. without matching the expenditure to the incoming foreign exchange, and the abolition of the development infrastructure that Sri Lanka had built up, which led to the reduction of local production and increased imports to take its place.

All Third World countries  have become indebted purely because they have followed the Structural Adjustment Programme provisions and it is up to the IMF to kindly consider changing the conditions laid down.

The changes suggested by me in my book: How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development include:

Countries should control the incoming foreign exchange.. allow for essential imports,  Countries should decide the exchange rate…

Countries should not allow the devaluation of their currencies,

Countries should have two  budgets, a foreign exchange budget  dealing with the disposal of the incoming foreign exchange and a separate local currency budget.. this dual budget system is nothing new… this was how national budgeting was done in every Third World country till the IMF took over.

Countries should commence development planning,

Countries should build up the commercial infrastructure necessary for development,

Countries should impose high tariffs  on every item that can be produced locally,

Countries should follow Import Substitution as a policy and establish industries to produce  the items that are imported.

Development to be on a dual basis by the Public Sector as well as the Private Sector.   Even Professor Jeffery Sachs in his latest book: The Price of Civilization, advocates action by the Public Sector to control  and encourage activity by the Private Sector,

Get away from thinking that Foreign Direct Investment  is the key to development. FDI should be limited to areas  where foreign expertise is needed for development and local expertise is not available.  Locals should be offered tax havens and other subsidies for development.

To get out of the woods we have to have a large number of projects and programmes aimed at creating production and incomes.

Finally , Are new funds required for new development programmes? New programmes and projects are essential to bring about development.

There is always a constraint on developing new programs or projects. However it is my  experience that savings can be found within approved votes of expenditure to attend to many new projects.

As stated by me: No new funds are required for development. Every country has a plethora of development programs. What is required is for these existing programs  to be re oriented with skills training  and entrepreneurial guidance  when necessary.  Officers have to be re trained  and re deployed. In the Youth Self Employment Programme(YSEP) of Bangladesh, a Programme entirely designed and established by me, all Youth Workers became more economists. When machinery has to be imported too no- new allocation is required. The funds earmarked for imports  can be utilized to import  the machinery instead of importing that item.” It will be interesting to note that the YSEP I designed and implemented in Bangladesh in 1982 with no special allocation, done on savings and redeploying officers, has been carefully worked on by the staff I trained and is today the premier employment creation program in the World. Between 1982 and 2011  this program guided over two million youths to become self employed.

Currently 160,000 youths are guided annually to become self employed.

Sri Lanka as well as other indebted countries have to work on controlling their foreign exchange, restrict imports, develop projects of import substitution to produce  national requirements, create production and incomes for its people. There is no other way ahead.

Garvin Karunaratne, Ph.D.(Michigan State University)

Former SLAS, Government Agent, Matara,

Commonwealth Fund Advisor to the Ministry of Labour and Manpower, Bangladesh in 1982, 1983.

Author of : How the IMF Sabotaged Third World Development, 2017

                     How the IMF and the World Bank Ruined Sri Lanka, 2006

8/3/2017

Take immediate action to pay compensations to people victimized by terrorists

March 8th, 2017

By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

The dollar voracious NGO vulture Jehan Perera well known as the Sinhala tiger terrorist who similar to Mangala Samaraweera suffers from selective and chronic insomnia under which he does not remember or believe in the hardships and agonies undergone by Sinhala, Muslim and other communities sans Tamils in Sri Lanka, who throughout the brutal aggressions, massacres, mayhem, and economic destructions caused by inhuman tiger terrorists remained totally aloof or attempted to justify some of the attacks as only retaliatory or corrective measures taken by Tamil militants (implying not terrorists) for the iniquitous acts of the other communities, particularly the Sinhala community, and who was on a regular pilgrimage to UNHRC sessions in Geneva organising meetings with foreign government delegations and representatives to canvass against Sri Lanka and project the Sri Lankan Tamil community as a community that has been continuously denied its legitimate rights, a community that has several decades of unresolved grievances, a community that has been oppressed and a community that has been ill treated since Sri Lanka became an independent State.

This NGO vulture who writes a weekly article to The Island” mainly to espouse the cause of Tamil separatism, or to disparage the legitimate aspirations of the majority community has taken a new approach to his article this week (7th March) without deviating from his committed goal. In order to present his cause, view points, and justifications he adopts a novel method and says that a Tamil gentleman, who had seen him in the television and had read about him in Tamil media, approached him while he was standing in line in the public library to return the books he had borrowed and urged him to do certain things on behalf of the beleaguered Tamil community. He says that this stranger urged him to ensure that the victim survivors of the war should be compensated by the government without delay and they needed jobs and money to look after their children and the disabled needed to be provided with artificial limbs in addition.  Obviously this is his own views presented under the guise of another person, a non existing person, and these demands have hitherto not even presented by Sambandan or his cohorts in the TNA or even by economic refugees Tamil diaspora..

With this introduction this NGO vulture proceeds to comment about the UNHRC sessions in Geneva and says that the victims of the war have yet to find redress and those whose loved ones have gone missing and those who have had their ancestral lands taken over, languish in poverty without breadwinners and they are all looking to Geneva to find redress that they are not receiving at home.  Here for this dollar vulture only Tamils (the aggressors) have been victimised and implies there is no need to redress or compensate for the Sinhala shop owners, hotel and bakery owners and fishermen languishing for decades in Weligama, Mirissa, Matara, Devinuwara and Kottegoda areas and for Muslims chased out to Puttalam and Kurunegala districts from the North and to several areas in the Colombo district from the East having lost all what they possessed and earned for generations.

It is unfortunate that while the TNA, the NGO vultures, the Indian Origin Tamils, the Economic Refugee Tamil Diaspora and Western Governments speak about these so-called Tamil victims the Southern politicians do not even utter a word about the long suffered real victims even in the Parliament.  It is imperative that the government should work out a compensation scheme for the victimised Sinhala and Muslims of the North and East and for victimised people of villages that were called Boarder villages and for kiths and kins of the victims of major massacres and bomb blasts that were carried by tiger terrorists in the South and should take immediate action to pay this long overdue compensations. They should no be left out due to time lapse or for the unwanted fear of antagonizing the people who directly and indirectly supported the terrorists.

This NGO vulture Jehan Perera referring to the UN Hybrid mechanism which he and his cohorts sternly advocated for in the past now says that accountability and the punishment of those who have committed grave violations of human rights are an integral part of the UN mandated system of transitional justice and the question is how best this can be obtained. As a consolation for sentiments being expressed in the country against the Hybrid courts he says that Hybrid courts are not necessarily the answer and adds that it had failed in Colombia and Cambodia and cunningly avoids a head-on confrontation on the subject.  He uses a new tactic in this regard and says that the illusory man who met him at the public library wanted war victims to be looked after better by the government and that it was more important to sustain the living than to avenge the dead. He says that this does not mean that victims do not want justice, but that they need sustenance now.

This kind of fellows who always act against the country and provides a distorted picture about the country should be vehemently condemned and isolated from the society.

Limbless heroes’ forgotten rights

March 8th, 2017

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

The Cabinet has agreed to compensate the 16 prisoners killed during the 2012 Welikada Prison riots. Their families will get Rs Two Million each. The 11 injured will get Rs 500,000 each. In the attempt to bring the situation to control, some officers, including the Commandant of the Special Task Force DIG RMC Ranawana was injured. Some media reported that one injured officer, whose identity was not revealed, will also be paid the same amount as an injured prisoner. Out of the 27 prisoners killed, 11 will not be compensated, as they attempted to flee. The reason for not compensating the other injured officers, however, is yet to be revealed.

This announcement comes two days after our disabled servicemen packed their prosthetic limbs and camp beds to go home after 14 days of sitting/lying in front of the Fort Railway Station. Since 2015, this was their fourth attempt to get a pension to live out the rest of their lives.

They joined the forces in their youth, ready to even die for the country. Instead of their lives, they lost their limbs and with that their independence, and also their career. Due to an outdated system, as they could not fulfil their 12 years of service, they are only entitled to an allowance after their service ended.

We have been battling terrorism for 30 years, sometimes with multiple terrorist groups. In the early ’80s, India unleashed a large number of armed and financed groups to terrorize our country. By late ’80s, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam gripped the North and East whilst the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna ravaged the Hill Country and the South.

During these long, troublesome years, it had been our security forces that had been doing their best to minimize the danger.

When the scourge of terrorism was finally brought to an end in May 2009, it was not the West-led international community, the UN, nor the civil or human rights organizations that contributed to this peace, but our servicemen.

Yet, the system that was about to penalize the disabled servicemen was not timely addressed. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, as the then Defence Secretary, had begun to address these issues from 2008. While a number of concessions were granted, overall progress had been very slow and it was only in December 2014, that the cabinet paper finally approved the system change.

As the government changed, granting a pension had again been put on the backburner. However, it is only now that the servicemen injured in the ’80s and ’90s are reaching their retirement age and is beginning to face life without full pay or pension, but just an allowance. As of 2015, this monthly allowance was around Rs. 12,500. Hence, the agitation from these servicemen to address this issue is getting stronger.

The incumbent administration, after the third protest, did work out a pension scheme from last month. However, the calculations were not as agreed and some got about Rs. 1,590 as the pension. Thus, the servicemen took to the streets again for the fourth time.

This is widely seen by many, even within the military, as a political movement, as this kind of agitation was absent, during the previous administration.

Political backing

Perhaps, it is due to a general acceptance in the country that a political backing is needed to get anything done. Hence, we elect politicians who, more than his governing skills, might be more instrumental in getting a child admitted to a school, to get the coveted promotion, to carpet the road and to attend to numerous other goals. Recently, a certain minister released on social media a video clip of himself selecting tall men as security personnel and short men for labour work. He was very clear that it must be those who worked for his election campaign. Therefore, it is entirely plausible that these disabled servicemen too might be leaning on a political hand.

The real issue is not whether they have a political backing or not, but that they have been sent home for the fourth time with what appears so far to be an empty promise. They have vowed to return to the streets on 27 March, if that proves to be the case.

The government for reasons of its own had been unable to meet a genuine request by perhaps the most deserving citizens of this country. This issue should not have been left for this government or even the previous government. It should have been addressed when the first serviceman lost his limb. It was then, that the administration should have seen how this man will live out his life. The then military hierarchy too should have pressed for a solution.

At the ongoing Geneva sessions, the Sri Lankan delegations had got a proper scolding for not having done their homework, and accused that “a number of serious human rights violations” are continuing in Sri Lanka. Their list of victims includes human rights defenders, and those victimized by “violations, police abuse and excessive use of force”, but not these disabled servicemen.

In their list, they have also included crimes committed during the war against terrorism as not being addressed. It is curious as to why the UN is holding the Sri Lankan Government responsible, when those responsible for crimes against humanity such as Adele Balasingham, Rudra Kumar, and those who advocated and funded terrorism as Suren Surendran and Father Emanuel are all living freely and openly in the West. Thus, the UN must hold those host governments accountable for not addressing the crimes committed by these psychopaths.

Womens Rights

Asia Director for Human Rights Watch, Brad Adams had accused the Sri Lankan delegation of not being serious about women’s rights. He had found fault with the delegation’s response that the existing laws as well as the Amendments to the Constitution currently underway will be sufficient to address these issues. He had asked governments and human rights activists watching Sri Lanka closely, not to let ‘her off the hook on the second round’. According to him, Sri Lankan Government has no excuse as Sri Lankan civil society groups have been engaged in steady dialog with the government.

Whether women in Sri Lanka are marginalized or penalized, and whether Adams who does not know that Sri Lanka is a sovereign and not a vassal country, has the answers for our women, is a matter for a different discussion. The relevant point here is that these civil groups have never taken up the rights of our servicemen.

It is these servicemen who put an end to Adele Balasingham’s macabre “freedom birds”, that brainwashed young men and women to become human bombs. Their reward was the opportunity to dine with Prabhakaran the night before their mission. It is these servicemen who gave young adults the freedom to fall in love, without facing a jail sentence. It is also these very servicemen who effectively stopped child conscription, allowing them today to enjoy their childhood and pursue education, living in the bosom of their family instead of being trained in a secret jungle camp to become cannon fodder.

If these civil groups are genuinely concerned about human rights, and are committed to women and children’s welfare, then they should recognize these servicemen as the true champions who safeguarded all these rights. They thus should have lent their voice to these men a long time ago. Adams berated the government delegation that this is the eighth review Sri Lanka is facing and thus should know the subject better. However, Adams and others, by their silence over this real human rights issue facing those who fought for human rights have also shown their ignorance of the issues weighing on Sri Lanka.

These servicemen are thus battling for their rights, more or less alone, as whatever political hand they are leaning on is a ‘hidden’ entity. On the other hand, there are a number of civil rights groups and human rights lawyers who are very concerned over the prisoners.

As the Welikada Prisons parapet wall beautifully displays, prisoners are humans. There is no question their rights should be safeguarded, irrespective of whether the inmates were sentenced to life or death, convicts or suspects or hardcore or not.
The question here is, when the government had failed to address the disabled servicemen’s needs and ensure them a life with dignity and independence, how did they manage to come up with a compensation scheme for prisoners, who went on a violent rampage.

The prisoner rights activists have tried to portray this as an organized spree of extrajudicial executions. Instead of any credible forensic evidence, their evidence comes from a couple of prisoners who claim to have witnessed the executions. They have taken cudgels against the international community for not paying attention to these so-called witnesses and wonder if it is because of the profile of the witness.

If that is the case, then in all fairness, none can blame them as these so-called witnesses do not look credible at all. They look as hardened as any underworld character as could be expected. Also, given the confusion and chaos of the situation, it is amazing the details these so-called witnesses have observed.

The events themselves speak of a different story. On 9 November 2012 a STF team of about 300 had arrived at the prisons for a special search for illegal arms, drugs and mobile phones. Activists claim that the STF carried weapons into the prisons against regulations. The fact is that the STF was tasked to search a compound for contraband that had a prisoner force of about 4,500.

Would a responsible commander take his team to such a situation unarmed is highly doubtful.

The search had been first conducted in the “L” ward that housed hardcore criminals. Despite the protests, the STF recovered a haul of contraband. Afterwards, the search had moved to the “Chapel” ward that housed those sentenced to long-term, life and death. There, the STF as a precaution had wanted to handcuff the prisoners. An altercation between the STF and the prisoners ensued, and quickly grew out of control. Though the STF used tear gas to control the situation, it failed and ended with the inmates from the “bingo” section breaking into the area to fight with the STF.

The prisoners quickly took control of the prison and a couple of officers and prison guards as hostages. As a siege ensued, the prisoners broke into the prisons armoury and were soon on rooftops, brandishing the weapons.

The surrounding area was cordoned off. Though the prison authorities tried repeatedly to convince the prisoners to give up arms, the prisoners refused. Instead, they opened fire at the STF, who shot back. Throughout the night, screeching ambulances, three-wheelers and even a pickup truck were seen rushing the wounded to hospital. In the confusion, a number of prisoners attempted to escape, some succeeding.

A power cut at around 6.30 and the heavy rains during the night added to the confusion. Finally, the Army was called in and at around 2 a.m. they managed to storm into the premises and bring the situation to control.

This is what recorded news tells us. What the government had failed to tell us though is on what grounds these prisoners are being compensated. The STF search had not been futile. The prisoners had been aggressive. They broke from their holding areas and fought with the STF, forcing them to leave the building. During which, prisoners took hostages, fired at the STF and tried to escape.

If excess force was used or prisoners were executed according to a targeted list as alleged by the activists, then what and where is the proof and who are the culprits? The government must also explain how the three-member committee came to the conclusion that these prisoners must be compensated and compensated in this manner. If they found of any wrong doing, should not those facts be produced in Court and their guilt proven according to the law of the land? Furthermore, should it not be the Court that must decide on the punishment as well as the compensation?

When prisoners are compensated for the consequences of rioting and disabled servicemen are left to languish on the roadside (as long as they do not become a public nuisance) waiting for a pension, it is as if the serviceman is the enemy, and not the hero, of our society.

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

Dinesh suspended from parliament for a week

March 8th, 2017

 By Yusuf Ariff Courtesy Adaderana

Joint Opposition leader Dinesh Gunawardena has been suspended from parliamentary sittings for a week following a vote taken due to the MP repeatedly disrupting proceedings today (8).

A total of 85 parliamentarians voted in favour of the decision and only 22 voted against while another 114 were absent during the vote, Ada Derana reporter said. Three MPs abstained from voting.

With the Speaker announcing that NFF leader Wimal Weerawansa and members of his party cannot sit independently in Parliament, the MPs representing the ‘Joint Opposition’ including Gunawardena had behaved in an unruly manner while disrupting proceedings.

This had resulted in parliament being adjourned for 10 minutes while afterwards the Speaker ordered the Colombo District UPFA MP to leave the House.

Gunawardena was ordered to leave the House under Standing Orders 74. (1), which states that the Speaker shall order members whose conduct is grossly disorderly to withdraw immediately from Parliament during the remainder of the day’s sitting and may direct such steps to be taken as are required to enforce his order.

However, the MP refused to heed the Speaker’s orders and continued disrupt the proceedings, prompting Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to order him to leave the chambers for a third time and summon the Serjeant-at-Arms and police officers.

Gunawardena still refused to move stating that he would only leave the parliament if an MP brings a motion against him and it is passed with a vote.

Finally the Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella tabled a motion stating that Dinesh Gunawardena should leave the parliament and that he should be suspended for a week.

– See more at: http://www.adaderana.lk/news/39496/dinesh-suspended-from-parliament-for-a-week#sthash.YRVagKUP.dpuf

කථානායක නියෝගයෙන් උස්සපු ලංකාවේ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පිළිබද ඓතිහාසික දත්ත

March 8th, 2017

මාධ්‍ය  නිවේදනය-කැෆේ සංවිධානයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා විසින් සකස් කරන ලද වාර්තාවකිනි.

1952 හෝ ආසන්න අවස්ථාවක වව්නියාව මන්ත්‍රී සී.සුන්දරලිංගම් (ස්වාධීන) පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් පිටකලේ පුටුව පිටින් ඔසවාගෙන ගොසිනි.  1956 ට පෙර වරක් ගාල්ලේ ඩබ්ලිව්.දහසානායක පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් ඉවත් කිරීමට කථා නායකට සිදු වූනා යැයි මතකයක් ඇත.  පිලිප් ගුණවර්ධන සහ එඩ්මන් සමරක්කොඩි (සහ තවත් අයෙකු නම දන්නවානම් කියන්න) ට කථානායක දුන් නියෝගයට විරෝධය පළ කිරීම නිසා 1960 ජූලී ආණ්ඩුවේ දී රොබට් ගුණවර්ධන ද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් පිටතට ගියේ පොලීසියේ, වේත්‍රධාරිගේ කර පිටිනි. සත්‍ය වශයෙන්ම පොලීසියෙන් කරපිටින් යන්නට වූ අය අතර සුන්දරම කථාව රෝබට් ය.

1955 අප්‍රේ්ල් 5 මොරටුව මන්ත්‍රී සෝමවීර චන්ද්‍රසිරි දෙදහස් පන්සීය සම්බුද්ධ ජයන්තිය වැය ශිර්ෂයේ කථා කරන අතර ඔහුට කථානායක වාඩිවන්නට නියෝග කළේය. ඔහු එයට එරෙහිව පවත්වාගෙන ගිය අතර ඔහු ඉවත් කළේය.  (මෙය පාර්ලිමේන්තු වරප්‍රසාද නඩුවකින් අවසන් විය.)

කලවාන අතුරු මැතිවරණ අවුලේ දී සරත් මුත්තෙට්ටුවෙගම හා අබේරත්න පිලපිටිය දෙදෙනා ම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් ඉවත් කෙරිණි.   

1980 දී සරත් මුත්තෙට්ටුගම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් ඉවත් කළේය.  අවසාන වශයෙන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් ඉවත් කළ පුද්ගලයා සරත් සහෝදරයා ය.

[1964 දී වැලිමඩ ජාතික විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ මන්ත්‍රී කේ.එම්.පී.රාජරත්න ද පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් ඔසවාගෙන ගිය කථාවක මතකයක් ඇත.  දන්නා අයෙකු කියන්න] 

දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මෙම ලැයිස්තුවට අද අලුතෙන්ම එකතු විය.

කැෆේ සංවිධානයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා විසින් සකස් කරන ලද වාර්තාවකිනි.

හැම බිම් අඟලකටම විරුවන් දිවි දුන්නේ ෆෙඩරල් බන්දේසියේ තබා පාවා දෙන්නද- ජෙනරාල් කමල් ගුණරත්න

March 8th, 2017

වියත්මග වාර්ෂික සමුළුව අමතා මේජර් ජෙනරාල් කමල් ගුණරත්න මහතා විසින් කළ කතාව..

https://youtu.be/MXAmczPSEAM

The Buddhist Philosophy and Critical Thinking

March 8th, 2017

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge  

The Buddha’s Charter of Free Inquiry and judging truth are found in the Kalama Sutra of the Anguttara Nikaya. In Kalama Sutra Buddha emphasized the importance of critical thinking that involves seeing things in an open-minded way. Critical thinking helps to evaluate and challenge the thoughts and ideas   and rethink conclusions in the light of new knowledge.

Buddhism was conceived as a rational way of thought, being entirely in accordance with the latest findings of the natural sciences and Buddhism was not based on ‘dogmas of blind belief and revelation, but on rational thought and experiential examination. (Martin Baumann – Global Buddhism: developmental periods, regional histories, and a new analytical perspective – Journal of Global Buddhism 2001)

Critical Thinking

In 1987, Michael Scriven & Richard Paul gave a detailed description on Critical Thinking. According to Michael Scriven & Richard Paul Criticalthinking is the intellectually disciplined process of actively and skillfully conceptualizing, applying, analyzing, synthesizing, and/or evaluating information gathered from, or generated by, observation, experience, reflection, reasoning, or communication, as a guide to belief and action. In its exemplary form, it is based on universal intellectual values that transcend subject matter divisions: clarity, accuracy, precision, consistency, relevance, sound evidence, good reasons, depth, breadth, and fairness. It entails the examination of those structures or elements of thought implicit in all reasoning: purpose, problem, or question-at-issue; assumptions; concepts; empirical grounding; reasoning leading to conclusions; implications and consequences; objections from alternative viewpoints; and frame of reference. Critical thinking — in being responsive to variable subject matter, issues, and purposes — is incorporated in a family of interwoven modes of thinking, among them: scientific thinking, mathematical thinking, historical thinking, anthropological thinking, economic thinking, moral thinking, and philosophicalthinking.

The Kalama Sutra and the Modern   Scientific Method

Scientific method refers to a body of techniques   for investigating phenomena    acquiring new knowledge    or correcting and integrating previous knowledge. It is based on   principles and empirical processes of discovery and demonstration considered characteristic of or necessary for scientific investigation, generally involving the observation of phenomena, the formulation of a hypothesis concerning the phenomena, experimentation to demonstrate the truth or falseness of the hypothesis, and a conclusion that validates or modifies the hypothesis. Scientific inquiry is generally intended to be as objective   as possible, to reduce biased interpretations of results.

In Kalama Sutra, the Lord Buddha encouraged critical thinking. These are the words of the Lord Buddha in Kalama Sutra

Do not go by revelation or tradition, do not go by rumour, or the sacred scriptures, do not go by hearsay or mere logic, do not go by bias towards a notion or by another person’s seeming ability and do not go by the idea “He is our teacher”. But when you yourself know that a thing is good, that it is not blamable, that it is praised by the wise.

(Come Kalamas. Do not go upon what has been acquired by repeated hearing; nor upon tradition; nor upon rumour; nor upon what is in a scripture; nor upon surmise; nor upon an axiom; nor upon specious reasoning; nor upon a bias towards a notion that has been pondered over; nor upon another’s seeming ability; nor upon the consideration, The monk is our teacher.” Kalamas, when you yourselves know: These things are bad; these things are blameable; these things are censured by the wise; undertaken and observed, these things lead to harm and ill,” abandon them.’Kalama Sutta -Translated from the Pali by Soma Thera The Wheel Publication No. 8 )

According to Bertrand   Russell   Buddhism is a combination of both speculative and scientific philosophy. It advocates the scientific method and pursues that to a finality that may be called Rationalistic. In it are to be found answers to such questions of interest as: ‘What is mind and matter? Of them, which is of greater importance? Is the universe moving towards a goal? What is man’s position? Is there living that is noble?’ It takes up where science cannot lead because of the limitations of the latter’s instruments. Its conquests are those of the mind.

Gay Watson of the University of London makes a comparison between modern science and Buddhism. He further says that the Buddhism, based as it is upon experience and a psychological understanding of body and mind, is one of the oldest systems of thought yet most in tune with contemporary neuroscience and with other strands of contemporary discourse.

Scientific methods are the procedures, or steps used to gain information on something previously unknown. It is a method for investigating phenomena and acquiring new knowledge. The Scientific Method helps to organize thoughts and procedures within limited parameters.   However, there are explicit differences between science and Buddhism. Ven Walpola Rahula highlights this fact more elegantly in his writings. Ven Rahula states that   Buddhism aims at the discovery and the study of humankind’s inner world: ethical, spiritual, psychological, and intellectual. Buddhism is a spiritual and psychological discipline that deals with humanity in total. It is a way of life. It is a path to follow and practice.

If LTTE & TNA demands are the same – why is Sri Lanka Government agreeing to implement them?

March 8th, 2017

Shenali D Waduge

Both LTTE & TNA are demanding a separate Tamil Homeland. LTTE fronts have been echoing the same. Take out their statements, press releases, constitutions, election manifestos, interviews & demands and the comparisons are shocking. LTTE were terrorists and TNA is the political wing created by the LTTE. In 1976 Tamil political leaders came up with Vaddukoddai Resolution the same year Prabakaran formed the LTTE.  ITAK is the leader of the TNA alliance set up by LTTE in 2001. ITAK head has been made the Opposition Leader since August 2015. The supporters of LTTE, TNA & LTTE fronts are now galvanizing their demands into a serious of actions that forces the Government in power to take action simply because of the assurances made before elections to help bring the government to power. Now the Shylocks are demanding their piece of flesh. Requoting Sambanthan’s speech at the ITAK Convention in 2013 The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use are now different.” With these ground realities is the GOSL insane to even entertain demands by any of these groups riding on the bogey of reconciliation which is also being funded by the same supporting sources and the new constitution is being drafted by those that supported separatist aims & objectives?

It doesn’t take a whizz kid to notice the similarities and virtual cut and paste statements from Tamil political parties and the Tamil armed militant groups. Essentially there is no difference in what the Tamil political parties are demanding and what the Tamil armed militants demand. So when LTTE remains banned as a terrorist group and were militarily defeated, did it not mean that their ideologies were also rejected and eliminated? If so, why are these same demands being entertained now that they are being championed by Tamil leaders not in LTTE uniform?

These are questions that the public needs answers to. Simply by showing a lovey-dovey picture of reconciliation we cannot keep silent as armed militancy has now being replaced with unruly Tamil public outbursts in demanding removal of military camps in the North and East and this weak government is simply giving in? Will any Western country remove any of its military bases simply because some ISIS or Al Qaeda supporters surround the bases screaming their closure?

TULF formed an alliance with the three Indian backed paramilitary groups, Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), to contest the 15 February 1989 election.

TNA alliance in 2001 comprised Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) and the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF)

Global Tamil Forum (GTF) was established in 2009 – its Policy Advisor is Joan Ryan, Labor MP

The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) is a political formation to win the freedom of the Tamil people on the basis of their fundamental political principles of Nationhood, Homeland and Right of self-determination.

Pro-LTTE statements

  • ITAK remembers the ‘Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle’ (Sampanthan’s speech at the 14th Annual ITAK convention in 2012 Batticoloa) – the only Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle were the LTTE!
  • TULF Manifesto 1977 also stated that Eelam would be ultimately established either by peaceful means or by direct action or struggle.”
  • Even after the adoption of the Vaddukoddai resolution, and even after the commencement of an armed struggle… the armed struggle gained in strength, and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam came to occupy a paramount position, and play a pivotal role in the struggle of the Tamil nationality to win their rights. It would be futile not to recognize this reality” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • seriously flawed policies of the Sri Lankan State in the past six years, of claiming to ‘conduct a war for peace’ and claiming ‘that the war is being conducted against the LTTE and not against the Tamil people’ has aggravated the situation and made a just solution to the Tamil national question even more complex” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • The immediate commencement of the process of negotiations with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam ( LTTE) with international third party involvement.” – TNA manifesto demand 2001
  • This Alliance also states that unless meaningful negotiations are held with the L.T.T.E. no just solution can be found to the Tamil national question and that such negotiations should be held immediately only with the LTTE.” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • lift the proscription imposed on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • participation of the LTTE at such negotiations on behalf of the Tamil nationality.” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • in order to safeguard the life and liberty of the Tamil race and to establish its birthright for self-determination, the Tamil Nation having been pushed to the unavoidable state of armed conflict as the only way, the war not only broadened but advanced under the generalship of the Tigers’ leader Hon. Pirapaharan” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • the legendary bravery, sacrifices and exploits of our heroes and fighters.” – TNA manifesto 2004 clearly refers to Tamil militants and not to Sri Lankan soldiers!
  • LTTE put forward the proposal that an interim self-governing authority be set up for the regions of the Tamil nation” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • The LTTE has for the past two years put up with the violent, surly behaviour of the armed forces without impairing the conditions for peace and observing the cease-fire and acting steadfastly and firmly towards the path of peace” – TNA manifesto 2004 (then why did SLMM record over 3000 violations by LTTE?)
  • LTTE, the authentic sole representatives of the Tamil people” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • LTTE not only has fully 70 regions in the Tamil people’s traditional homeland under its complete control and is managing an administrative set up with characteristic features of a state government but also has a functioning government.” TNA manifesto 2004
  • The Sinhala nation should accept in to the ideas developed in the ISGA document put forward by the LTTE which contains excellent proposals in regard to rebuilding the Tamil country devastated and Tamil lives ravaged in the twenty-year long war, to solve the day to day problems encountered by the Tamil people and to establish normalcy in the lives of the Tamil people, centred on their welfare, respecting human rights and conforming to the rule of law, and proceed to hold talks with the LTTE and set up the ISGA committee” – one of 10 resolutions of TNA manifesto 2004
  • Accepting LTTE’s leadership as the national leadership of the Tamil Eelam Tamils and the Liberation Tigers as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamil people, let us devote our full cooperation for the ideals of the Liberation Tigers’ struggle with honesty and steadfastness” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • . Let us work side by side with the LTTE, who are fighting for the protection and autonomous life of the Tamil speaking people” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • In 2014 Anandasangaree writes to Indian PM Modi and says TNA is a LTTE proxy – http://www.mfa.gov.lk/index.php/en/news-from-other-media/5352-mr-modi-tna-is-a-lttes-proxy-anandasangaree-
  • TULF MP Mavai Senathirajah who is in the process of reviving the Federal Party (ITAK) visited Killinochchi had meetings with the LTTE Deputy Political Commissar Thangan on 14-10-2003. The revival of the Federal party is being undertaken at the behest of the LTTE” – Anandasangaree letter to Modi 2014
  • The TNA was started by four parties of which TULF was one. The TULF was replaced by ITAK without any reference to anybody or to the party concerned. All concerned parties should now accept that both the TNA and the ITAK had been revived by dishonest means on the instigation of the LTTE to look after their interest. It is this TNA that nominated candidates for all electoral districts in the North and in the East for the 2004 elections, Mr. Tamilselvan retaining half the number of slots in each one of the electoral districts. Of all the members elected to the 2004 Parliament, majority belonged to the LTTE.” Anandasangaree letter to Modi 2014
  • the secretaries of the ITAK, ACTC, Telo & EPRLF endorsedAccepting the leadership of the LTTE as the National Leadership of the Tamil people and also accepting the LTTE as the real sole – representatives of the Tamil people, we honestly and firmly pledge to give our full support for the struggle the LTTE had undertaken on behalf of the Tamil Nation”. Anandasangaree letter to Modi 2014

Post-LTTE defeat – ITAK taking over political leadership of the ‘cause’ to separate Sri Lanka

  • ITAK is now the ‘legitimate representative of the Tamil people’ – ITAK convention 2014

Indian involvement with LTTE & Tamil politicians

  • ‘India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India’ – Sambanthan at ITAK convention in 2014

Tamil Nation / Tamil Eelam / Against unitary constitution / federal constitution / maximum devolution / full implementation of Indo-Lanka Accord / autonomous rule in North East based on self-determination / shared sovereignty within an united Sri Lanka

  • LTTE aims to create a separate homeland for the Tamils known as the Tamil Eelam (State) in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka.
  • recognition of the Tamils of Ceylon as a nation” – LTTE demand at Thimpu Talks 1985
  • recognition of the right of self determination of the Tamil nation” – LTTE demand at Thimpu Talks in 1985
  • Unitary Government with present composition of legislature and structure of executive totally una­acceptable to the Tamils. In the absence of a satisfactory alternative we demand the right of self-determination for the Tamil people.” (Telegram sent by President of the Tamil Congress through the Governors Office to the Secretary of State for the Colonies on 20th November 1947)
  • ‘Our expectation for a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure OUTSIDE that of a UNITARY GOVERNMENT, in a UNITED SRI LANKA in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self-respect and self sufficiency’ – Sambanthan at ITAK convention 2014
  • Federal constitution – maximum devolution & full implementation of 13a – one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed in 2014 & one of Vaddukoddai Resolutions 6 demands in 1976
  • Recognition of the Tamils of Sri Lanka as a distinct nationality” – Demands made by Tamil delegation (LTTE, EPRLF, EROS, PLOTE, TELO, TULF) at the India organized Thimpu Talks in 1985
  • recognition of the inalienable right of self-determination of the Tamil nation.” – TNA manifesto 2001
  • Tamil organizations got together and resolved on May 14, 1976 to establish a sovereign independent Tamil Eelam based on our inalienable right to selfdetermination.” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • Independent Thamil Eelam received its mandate as a result of the overwhelming support given to the TULF by the Tamil speaking people of NorthEast in the general elections of July 1977” – TNA manifesto 2004
  • ITAK and the other Tamil parties came together under a banner called Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), and in 1976 passed a resolution calling for a restoration of our lost sovereignty in the background of the continued denial of the right of the Tamil People to self determination” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • Tamil People are entitled to the right of self determination” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • Devolution of powers should be over land, law and order, socioeconomic development including health and education, resources and fiscal powers” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • Direct foreign investment in the North and East will be facilitated” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • legitimate and inalienable right of the Tamil Speaking Peoples to charter their own destiny in the areas historically inhabited by them within a united country.” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • Tamil People are entitled to the right to self-determination” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • Devolution of power on the basis of shared sovereignty shall necessarily be over land, law and order, socio-economic development including health and education, resources and fiscal powers” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • our right to determine our destiny to ensure self-government in the Tamil Speaking North-East of the country within a united and undivided Sri Lanka.” – TNA manifesto 2015
  • Tamil Speaking Northern and Eastern provinces is the historical habitation of the Tamil People and the Tamil Speaking Peoples” – TNA 2015 manifesto
  • Tamil People are entitled to the right to self-determination in keeping with United Nations International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both of which Sri Lanka has accepted and acceded to” – TNA manifesto 2015
  • Devolution of power on the basis of shared sovereignty shall be over land, law and order, enforcement of the law so as to ensure the safety and security of the Tamil People, socio-economic development including inter-alia health, education, higher and vocational education, agriculture, fisheries, industries, livestock development, cultural affairs, mustering of resources, both domestic and foreign and fiscal powers.” – TNA manifesto 2015 (basically means running a separate state)
  • meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre-war situation as it existed in 1983 before the commencement of hostilities by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Security/Restricted Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces.” – TNA manifesto 2015
  • ‘meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13thAmendment to the Constitution passed in 1987’ – Sambanthan ITAK Convention 2014
  • ‘Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976’ – Sambanthan at ITAK convention 2014
  • Uniting all Tamil entities and elements who subscribe to the fundamental tenets of Tamil political aspirations proclaimed in the Vaddukoddai Resolution, which was subsequently endorsed and mandated in the general election of 1977 and in the Thimbu Principles in 1985.” – TGTE mission statement
  • support and advocate for the realization of the Tamils’ legitimate political aspirations to regain their sovereignty and the right to self-determination” – TGTE mission statement
  • Starting the process of writing the Constitution of Tamil Eelam, based on the principles enunciated in 1976 Vaddukottai Resolution, Interim Self-Governing Proposal (ISGA), and the Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter and involving Tamils all around the world” – TGTE Dec 2015
  • feasibility and modalities of launching a new Tamil Eelam currency” – TGTE Dec 2015
  • Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, which has become the political symbol of the Tamil Nation” – Sambanthan Speech at ITAK 14th Convention 2012

Tamil homeland claim (without any historical, archaeological, anthropological evidence)

  • recognition of the existence of an identified homeland for the Tamils of Ceylon” – LTTE demand at Thimpu Talks in 1985
  • Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976 falsely claims existence of a ‘Tamil Nation’ overthrown by the Portuguese however it was the Kandyan King who sent his envoy Mudaliyar Atappattu to defend the kings territory against the Portuguese. North was a kinglet and tributary of the Kandyan Kingdom as was East.
  • Tamil Nation claim made in TULF General Election Manifesto of 1977 and the ITAK Conventions of 2012 and 2014.
  • Recognition of an identified Tamil homeland and guarantee of its territorial integrity.” – Demands made by Tamil delegation (LTTE, EPRLF, EROS, PLOTE, TELO, TULF) at the India organized Thimpu Talks in 1985
  • political solution to the Tamil national problem based on the acceptance of the fundamental proposals regarding (Tamil Nation’s) Tamil homeland, Tamil Nation, Tamils’ right to self-government (autonomy). – one of 10 resolutions made by TNA manifesto 2004
  • Tamil Speaking Northern and Eastern provinces is the historical habitation of the Tamil Speaking Peoples” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • Mobilise Tamils globally for drafting a new Constitution for Tamil Eelam” – TGTE Dec 2015
  • Start e-government services for the people of Tamil Eelam” – TGTE Dec 2015

Tamil official language in Tamil Eelam

  • One of 6 demands made in Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976

Demilitarization

  • meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre- war situation as it existed in 1983 by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Security Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces’ – TNA manifesto 2010
  • meaningful de-militarization resulting in the return to the pre-war situation as it existed in 1983 before the commencement of hostilities by the removal of armed forces, military apparatuses and High Security/Restricted Zones from the Northern and Eastern Provinces” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • demilitarisation of Tamil areas and the restoration of complete civil administration to all militarised government departments and national institutions – Global Tamil Forum demand
  • Sri Lankan military be withdrawn as a precondition to the creation of the civil space in the Tamil homeland” – TGTE press release 2015

War crimes international investigations

  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014
  • ‘our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at UN Human Rights Council’ – Sambanthan at ITAK Convention in 2014
  • An Independant International Investigation must be conducted into the allegations of violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws made against both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE during the last stages of the war” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections

War widows

  • The war has left behind over 50,000 widows in the Northern Province alone” – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • The war has left behind almost 90,000 widows in the North-East.” – TNA manifesto 2015

Genocide claims

  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014
  • bring to justice those who have committed genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.” – TGTE mission statement
  • An international investigation into the Sri Lankan Government’s Genocide of the Tamil people” – TGTE press release 2015

Colonization claims

  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014
  • Vaddukoddai Resolution on 1976
  • State aided colonization of the Tamil homeland with Sinhala people, from the time of independence has continued unabated – TNA manifesto 2001
  • end of the Sinhalisation of Tamil majority areas, with immediate effect” – Global Tamil Forum key objective

Repeal of Prevention of Terrorism Act

  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014

Abolition of Executive Presidency

  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014

Re-merger of North & East

  • Power sharing arrangements must be established in a unit of merged Northern and Eastern Provinces based on a Federal structure, in a manner also accptable to the Tamil Speaking Muslim people.” – TNA manifesto 2010
  • Power sharing arrangements must be established in a unit of a merged Northern and Eastern Provinces based on a Federal structure – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections
  • one of ITAK’s 15 resolutions passed at Convention in 2014
  • One of 6 demands made in Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976 (claim that Tamil Eelam covers North & East)
  • ‘North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people’ – Sambanthan at ITAK Convention 2014

Discrimination by Sinhalese

  • Vaddokoddai Resolution lies about denial of Tamil language as Tamil was never used as an official language before colonial rule or even after. How can a language that was never in official/administrative use be turned into a right denied just because Sinhala was made the official language?
  • Vaddukoddai Resolution also lies on denial of equal opportunities – produce evidence of such inequalities after independence?

The Vaddukoddai Convention called upon Tamil youth to throw themselves towards the fight for freedom to create Tamil Eelam (months later Prabakaran formed his terror group)

The GOSL (whatever party is in power) cannot ignore these ground realities. The mistake of the past has been to ignore the constitutions of ITAK, Vaddukoddai Resolution of 1976, TULF manifestos, ITAK election manifestos and the demands by LTTE and LTTE Diaspora fronts and understanding & countering their overall aims and objectives before agreeing to negotiate on them. Why should any government negotiate to divide or separate the nation with those who initially carried out an armed struggle and when that has failed is continuing with the political alternatives.

Shenali D Waduge

http://www.sangam.org/FB_HIST_DOCS/vaddukod.htm – Vadukoddai Resolution 1976

http://www.sangam.org/FB_HIST_DOCS/TULFManifesto77.htm – TULF General Election manifesto 1977

http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2010/03/TNA_Election_Manifesto_2001.pdf – TNA manifesto 2001

https://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2010/03/TNA_Election_Manifesto_2004pdf.pdf – TNA manifesto 2004

http://transcurrents.com/tc/2010/03/full_text_general_election_201.html  – TNA manifesto 2010

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/full-text-tnas-northern-provincial-council-election-manifesto-2013/  – TNA manifesto for 2013 NPC elections

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/tna-manifesto-full-text/ – TNA manifesto 2015

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/the-struggle-for-the-political-rights-of-the-tamil-nation-has-now-entered-an-entirely-new-chapter/ – Sambanthan speech at 14th ITAK Convention 2012

http://www.tamilcanadian.com/article/6255 – ITAK Convention 2012

https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/full-text-of-the-itak-15-resolutions-including-merger-of-the-north-and-east-provinces/  – ITAK Convention 2014

Global Tamil Forum – http://www.globaltamilforum.org/about-us.aspx

http://www.tgte-us.org/about.html – Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam

http://www.sinhalanet.net/are-the-demands-of-itak-tulf-tna-ltte-ltte-fronts-india-one-the-same

Tales of Soldiers

March 8th, 2017

Dr.  Ruwan M Jayatunge   

Jose Naroskey once said In war, there are no unwounded soldiers” Undeniably war has a profound effect on soldiers. It has a catastrophic effect on their health and wellbeing. I have met a number of soldiers around the globe who belonged to different Armies and various military organizations. Many of them are still affected by the reminiscences of the traumatic combat events.   I recall some lines of Nancy L. Meek’s poem ‘The Sacrifice. In this poem she describes the state of mind of a soldier on returning from a war. This is what Nancy L. Meek writes…

 Will he ever find peace here on this earth?, Before death’s fingers encircle his throat, Or will peace remain just beyond his girth, Abandoning him eternally to a land remote” (The Sacrifice- Nancy L. Meek)

Victor the Red Army Soldier

Victor was my hostel roommate when I was studying at the Vinnitsa National Medical University –Ukraine. While Victor was studying for his medical degree he was drafted and sent to Afghanistan to fulfill his international combat service. He had served two years in Afghanistan. Before going to Afghanistan he was a naive and a bright student.  He returned from Afghanistan as a changed man with emotional scars.

In 1979 Soviet premier Leonid Brezhnev decided to send troops to Afghanistan. Although it was a proxy war Afghan rebels were deadly. They constantly attacked the Soviet defense positions. First the regular army went to fight the rebels. Later young people like Victor were drafted to support the regular troops. Eventually this conflict came to be known as the Soviet Union’s Vietnam War”. The Soviet war in Afghanistan lasted for nearly nine bloody years.

Many young boys who went to Afghanistan had a dream. This dream was to buy a Japanese TV or a SONY or JVC video deck which were luxury items under the Soviet Socialist Regime. Some boys lost their arms and legs but still managed to bring those luxury items home. When Victor returned after fulfilling his military duties he brought a Sharp audio cassette player. But soon he lost the interest and gave it to his cousin. As his relatives and friends noticed, after Victor returned from Afghanistan he had changed remarkably. He had met fierce battle in Kandahar with the Mujahedin rebels and sustained an injury to his right shoulder. Also he sustained a concussion. Victor could not concentrate on his studies and started failing exams.

As a young student I adored rock and heavy metal music. When I played AC/DC (For those about to Rock), White Snake (Silver Nights), Deep Purple (Highway Star), Metallica(The Unforgiven) Ozzy Osbourne(Crazy Train)  Victor became jumpy. He frequently asked me to turn off the music. Then I knew he couldn’t bear loud noises. He had a bad temper. He often became conflictive. Some nights Victor could not sleep and he had nightmares. During the exam period this became a problem to both of us. He knew that he was troubling his roommate and at nights   he used to consume large volumes of Vodka and then go to sleep. So his health was falling apart.

Victor never liked to talk about his Afghan experiences. One day an unexpected thing occurred. It was a winter night and we were having dinner together.  I offered   him a cup of Ceylon tea.

This is nice tea” Victor said.” It is ideal to make Chefeer ”

What is Chefeer ?I asked

That is a drink soldiers make in the army. In Afghanistan we used to drink Chefeer frequently.

Victor said that sometimes the Russian soldiers used to indulge in highly concentrated Georgian tea which was called Chefeer . This highly concentrated tannin drink gave them some sort of kick to wash away their isolation in the Afghan mountains.

It was too tough”he said suddenly. He dropped his fork and looked in to my eyes.

”We were fighting Dushmans (the Afghan Rebels) in the mountains. They were supported by the US and Pakistan. Some carried M16 machine guns. They killed a lot of Soviets. I saw how our boys died in the Afghan mountains. Every week they were sending bodies from Kabul to Moscow, Leningrad or Kiev.

But now the President Gorbachev says that it was a mistake to send Soviet troops to Afghanistan” I interrupted

Suddenly Victor became annoyed.

Hell with Gorbachev, they should have thought it before sending us to that godforsaken country, do you know that we lost over 25,000 boys? For what? Who is responsible for those poor souls? You tell me”

Victor became more and more emotional so I had to divert the conversation. I lived nearly one year with Victor in our hostel room. He disturbed me hugely but in the same time taught me many lessons of the war. His Afghan combat experiences later inspired me to write the novel – Ivange Lokaya (Ivan’s World) that was published by the Wijesuriya Publishers.

In 2005 I saw Fyodor Bondarchuk ‘s movie 9th Company – the movie about  the Soviet War in Afghanistan.  According to some film critics 9th Company was equivalent to Oliver Stone’s famous movie Platoon. After watching the 9th Company   I realized the hardships experienced by young soldiers like Victor in the Afghan mountains.

The Ukrainian Partisan

Once our University organized a Victory Day celebration over the NAZI Germany and invited several soldiers who fought against the Hitlerite forces. I specifically remember the story of Mr. Ivan Guminuk who fought the Third Reich soldiers in the German occupied Ukraine. This is what he said to us.

I was born near Kiev and when the Germans invaded our motherland violating the Brest-Litovsk pact I was a 16 year old lad. By that time I was working in a factory as a manual labourer and attended the night school. I was eager to learn German and I could speak the German language fairly well.

When the Fascists soldiers invaded Ukraine they killed many people. Jews were deported or hanged publicly. I witnessed many public executions. There are many mass unmarked graves near Kiev, the city of Vinnitsa , Uzhgorod and Lvove. They deported young men and women to work as slaves in Germany. The food was rationed and the native population suffered immensely. Only the NAZI sympathizers and collaborators got constant food supplies. People like us partially starved. There was no meat, butter or milk. People used to eat unpalatable Garrokh (Dhal).

The NAZI s had an efficient administrative system and they knew each and every person living in the occupied territory. During the occupation I was living in the Vinnitsa region. I was an underage but I was photographed and given papers. Every month we had to report to the regional headquarters in Vinnitsa town. There were rumors that once we turn 17 we would be taken to the German city of Ruhr to work in the coal mines. It was terrifying news for my family. I decided to go underground. I joined a secret partisan group that operated in Ukraine. We had a very small amount of arms, mostly old rifles. We Partisans used to hide in the woods and attack the German supply lines. Sometimes we used to destroy railway tracks by placing explosives. To uplift the morale of the people we used to display posters in public places.

It was a deadly game. If you are caught with a pistol or a rifle or explosives in your hands you are either shot on the spot or hanged by piano wires in public. Even to have anti-NAZI posters or documents in your possession was an offence punishable by death. We used to carry bees honey to stick the posters on the walls. Often we did it by dawn aiming public gathering places like markets and churches. Some of our brave comrades fell in to the noxious German hands while operating underground. All were executed.

While operating underground one of our comrades brought us an important massage. The Germans were constructing a massive building complex in the forest of Vinnitsa region. The informer told us foreign workers from Norway were brought to work in this complex. At the end of the war we came to know that these Norwegian workers who were enslaved to build it were shot in cold blood by the NAZI soldiers and buried in a mass grave. Later the Red Army excavated this mass grave and found decomposed bodies.

When we first heard about this construction site we thought that the Germans were building a military base to expand their military muscle. But our reconnaissance patrols told us a different story. It was a heavily guarded complex and day and night people worked. Hundreds of truck loads went to the woods taking building material.  Despite the heavy security some of our partisans infiltrated the complex. Then we knew that Hitler was building a headquarters in the forests of the Vinnitsa region.

Adolf Hitler had a plan to rule the entire Europe from this underground center. He needed a focal point to establish his future headquarters and he had selected Vinnitsa Ukraine as the center. Hitler was fascinated by being in Vinnitsa; he liked the weather and the vegetation. Some say that it reminded him his native Bavaria. Even Hitler and Herman Goring had visited this complex and spent some time in this secret underground bunker complex.

When the Ukrainian Partisans got the news that Hitler was in Vinnitsa   a message was sent to Moscow immediately. This secret massage went up to General Georgy Zhukov and then passed to Stalin.  Moscow replied us promptly, do not attack the supply lines or continue any sabotage work. They asked us to stop all the hostilities and observe the movements carefully.

Perhaps the Red Army wanted to capture Hitler alive but he never returned to Vinnitsa again and after the Stalingrad debacle the German high command lost their interest in this underground center which was called Werewolf”.  They knew that they were losing the war and abandoned the plan to rule Europe.

When they retreated from Ukraine they demolished the underground complex. I was overjoyed and even cried when Ukraine was liberated but when they left they had killed and tortured our population. We still live with those horrors but personally I have no repulsive feelings towards the German people. It was not the German people who committed atrocities in Ukraine. Those were NAZI s and they consisted of Germans, Rumanians, some Italians and even Ukrainian Stephan Bandera fractions”

Mr Guminuk’s narration captured the audience and after this narration a group of University students visited this historical site. Today Hitler’s bunker complex or the Nazi ‘Werewolf’ is a tourist destination.  But there are no buildings on the surface except some huge concrete blocks.  Some military historians say that Hitler probably had spent about 2 to 3 months in the Werewolf Bunker outside of Vinnitsa. Supposedly, the bunker was 7 stories deep and a couple football fields in size. Hitler ordered to blow up the Werewolf when he was convinced that the defeat was inevitable.  Explosives were set and the Werewolf was blasted from inside and subsequently bombed from the air. . It has been said that when the bunker was blown up, the impact was felt by the every living creature in the city of Vinnitsa.

Nazi ‘Werewolf’ has not been excavated to this day because the archeologists believe that there are still unexploded bombs which were deliberately left by the German Army.

When we visited this site I was thinking how Hitler’s megalomania consumed millions of lives. How many lives had been perished for an ideology? A few hundred meters away from the Werewolf there is a mass grave with a statue of three crying men. This is the place where the 14,000 Norwegian laborers were buried.

 Mr. Arthur the British Soldier

I met Arthur in Walthamstow Central London somewhere in 1987. He had been a solder in the British Army and served in domestic reserves. I could not take part in the D Day but we had fearsome air war in Britain said old Arthur.

The Luftwaffe bombing of England was dreadful. After the air raids we found many people dead in the rubble. Mostly the victims were civilians. Although England was never successfully invaded perhaps due to its geography Hitler constantly bombed major English cites to lower our morale. General population suffered hugely. Everything was rationed, butter, cheese, petrol, you name it, practically everything, so the black market thrived”

After the War Arthur re-entered the civil society and worked as a factory worker until his retirement. Arthur’s wife died several years ago and his son moved to Leeds. So he lives alone. To minimize his isolation and wistfulness he raises a bulldog. He treats the dog like a family member often talking and cuddling him. Although it had been many decades after the WW2 Arthur still recalls the devastation that was caused by the air war in England.

 Mr LXX the Sri Lankan WW2 Veteran

I met Mr. LXX at the ex-servicemen’s ward at the Military Hospital Colombo while he was under the care of Col Dr. (Mrs.) N.K Ariyarathne – Consultant Physician. He had Hypertension and Diabetes Mellitus.  Dr. N.K Ariyarathne referred Mr. LXX to me following insomnia. But after a brief intervention he was able to sleep well and discharged within a few weeks.

Mr. LXX told me his life story as a soldier under the British Empire. He joined the military during the World War 2 as a private and had a brief physical training in Sri Lanka. They haven’t had extensive weapon training. The British Army recruited the local youth to the Army not to fight the Axis Forces but to do clerical and manual work. It was a new experience for the unemployed Sri Lankan youth and they had the opportunity to see the world at the government expense. Many Sri Lankan troops were stationed in Egypt and Italy. They helped supply arms, ammunition and food to the warfront. A small fraction of Sri Lankan soldiers engaged the enemy in Burma and Malaya. According to the reports they fought bravely and earned respect among the British officers.

Mr. LXX had served in Bombay and in Cairo as a soldier helping the Allied Gigantic Military Machine. May be he was as an insignificant bolt in this giant war machine. There were many of them but their efforts helped the warfront. Today we are respected by the British Government expressed Mr. LXX. They value our service and still pay us a pension. Our numbers are decreasing annually. But we are proud to pay our honor to the fallen comrades on the Memorial Day”

After our first meeting I met Mr. LXX at the OPD several times and each time I was happy to help him.   After 2006 I had no contacts with him. A few years ago I met one of our junior doctors who worked at the ex-servicemen’s ward and she told me that Mr. LXX passed away peacefully under her care.

 Lt BX47 – The Officer who witnessed the Deaths of Seven Soldiers

Lt BX47 served in the Sri Lankan Army and met with a traumatic battle events in Paranthan Jaffna in 1999. He witnessed the deaths of seven of his soldiers. He explained his horrendous experience thus.

It was like thunder when the mortars fell on us. Seven of our soldiers were near a Kovil and I was several meters away from them. I heard the zooooo….. noise and then I knew it was an incoming mortar and I lay on the ground.   The other soldiers had no time to go down and I saw how their bodies smashed in to thin air. I was near a concrete well and undoubtedly it saved my life. Although I was physically unharmed I was in a shock. Blood came through my nostrils and I don’t know how I bled. My men were dead and scattered on the ground. Their bodies had been mutilated due to the explosion.  One soldier was gasping and he asked for water. But he could not hold his breath for longer. He died after several minutes.

The entire area was covered with black smoke and dust; I could not see more than five meters a head. I started crawling. While I was crawling the enemy fired a number of mortars towards our direction. My aim was to move away from that devastated point. I gathered my entire body strength and moved forward. While I was crawling I found a group of our soldiers and they helped me. But I have severe memory gaps and I don’t know how I came to Colombo from Paranthan.

After this terrible incident Lt   BX47 had nightmares, intrusions and severe startling reaction. He avoided any reminders of the trauma.

After he became a psychological casualty Lt BX47 had to face many psychosocial problems. His Unit refused to recognize him as a battle casualty since he had no physical wounds. Some officers accused him of being a malingerer. Only a very few understood the suffering that he underwent. He had severe survival guilt and he accused himself for leaving his men in Paranthan Jaffna. He personally felt responsible for their deaths.

When his illness progressed he had no aim in life. Although he was newly married he was not interested in his marital life. He could not concentrate on his work and study for the promotional exams. His memory was fading. On numerous occasions he lost his temper and acted with extreme hostility. The traumatic memories of Paranthan was imprinted on his mind and made him dysfunctional. On one occasion he planned to end his life. Fortunately his life was saved.  After this attempted suicide he was referred to the Combat Trauma treatment Center at the Military Hospital Colombo. He was diagnosed with PTSD by Dr. Neil Fernando- Consultant Psychiatrist of the Sri Lanka Army.

Lt BX47 gave his consent to undergo treatment and he was treated with medication and psychotherapy. His traumatic intrusions were desensitized by EMDR and Cognitive mode of therapies helped him to regain insight. Medication helped him to fight the altered brain chemistry that was caused by combat related psychological trauma. Gradually he realized that he was not responsible for the deaths of his soldiers. He was able to come to terms with the prolonged survival guilt.   Psychosocial rehabilitation helped him to rebuild his social and professional life. Today LtBX47 is a father of two children and got his due promotions and is leading a productive life.

 Lance Corporal HJXX- The Vietnam Veteran

In 2006 I was undergoing psychotherapy training at the Coatesville Veterans Hospital in Philadelphia under the renowned Clinical Psychologist Dr. Susan Rogers.  There I met a number of Vietnam veterans and I specifically remember Lance Corporal HJXX who told me an unforgettable story of the war. His story still echoes in my mind and I still recall his words.

He went to Vietnam when he was just 18 and suddenly found himself in an unfamiliar country with numerous hostilities.  Life in Vietnam was uncertain said Lance Corporal HJXX.

When we went to Vietnam to fight Communism we considered Vietnamese as sub humans. We were proud US marines. We called them Gooks.  We were surrounded by booby traps and hostile North Vietnamese Forces. But we fought them with courage.

I worked as a Radio Operator and called Napalm attacks by air. I had destroyed many Vietnam villages by requesting air attacks. But there was no end to it. Yet the enemy was active. After finishing my tour I came home as a tired soldier. I saw no welcome home signs. We were sidelined by the society. They have forgotten the Vietnam saga. But we couldn’t.

After coming home we had to fight another battle. The battle of Vietnam recollections that hounded our lives. I was moving from job to job and drinking heavily to ease my emotional pain.

Today I am in my old age. When I see my grandchildren I remember what had occurred in Vietnam.  I feel that I had helped to destroy men women and children in those Vietnamese villages. Most certainly I had killed little children like my grandkids by requesting air attacks.   Today I am repenting for those actions. Now I know the value of a human life. Life is precious. Life is something sacred and has to be treated with respect.”

 The Gulf War Veteran

I met the Gulf War Veteran RGXX at the Coatesville Veterans Hospital in Philadelphia. RGXX belongs to the new generation of combatants. He had served in the 2nd Gulf War (The military campaign which began with the invasion of Iraq by forces led by the United States). He was stationed in Mosul Iraq. While serving in Mosul he was exposed to traumatic combat events and became a psychological casualty of the Gulf War.

A considerable number of veterans like RGXX came home with horrendous memories of the war. Many veterans have been diagnosed with GWS (Gulf War Syndrome) which is characterized by chronic fatigue, headache muscle pain, neurologic signs     memory loss, sleep disturbances gastrointestinal symptoms and cardiovascular symptoms. After long term therapy and rehabilitation he is recovering. He wishes to go to NY and start a new life.

 The Ex-Soldier and the Healer

Terry is a special person who had served in Vietnam as a combatant and now completely dedicates his life to treat combatants with war trauma as a mental health clinician.  Terry was introduced to me by Dr. Mahasen De Silva -US Board Certified Psychiatrist of the Colmary O’Neal Veteran Administration Topeka Kansas. (As far as I know Dr. Mahasen De Silva is the only Sri Lankan who is treating the Vietnam veterans in a VA Hospital)

Terry is a very constructive person and I have learnt many positive psychotherapy tips from him. He went to Vietnam when he was just eighteen and saw the naked reality of the war. After serving his term we returned to the United States with numerous life experiences. A large percentage of ex combatants who returned from Vietnam had readjustment problems. The American society was very critical and judgmental towards them. Many ex-servicemen began to drink and abused drugs to break the isolation.

When other veterans were fighting a new war after coming home Terry took a different path. He began to study and analyze the war trauma. There were many psychosocial challenges in front of him.  Terry took these psycho social issues as life challengers and faced them positively.  He studied combat psychology and joined the VA.

Since he was a soldier Terry understands the problems of the war veterans very well and he is very empathetic to the combatants who are struck by the war. Today he is rendering a comparable service to the war torn soldiers at the Colmary O’Neal Veteran Administration Topeka Kansas.

Roland Glenn the Soldier Who Fought in Okinawa

In 2010 my friend Roland Glenn of Kittery USA requested me to write a review to his autobiographical war memoirs The Hawk and the Dove: World War II at Okinawa and Korea” As an Infantry Combat Company Commander, he saw significant action during the battle of Okinawa.

I was in charge of leading about 200 soldiers, an enormous amount of responsibility for someone 20 years old says Glenn.  The killing of fellow human beings in the name of democracy remains my most vivid memory. I was brainwashed to think of the Japanese as sub-human monkey runts. I totally believed in the mission to obliterate the Japs. I was trained to kill and that is exactly what I did on Okinawa but there is nothing in our training that really prepares us for the taking of another human life. I have written my book about my own recovery from the traumas of combat.”

His book is a first-person account of the horrific hand-to-hand fighting at Okinawa, where 12,500 Americans died. Glenn was a brave soldier and was awarded both the Purple Heart and the Bronze Star. Glenn’s book The Hawk and the Dove” is the first hand account of a WWII combatant who fought in Okinawa and Korea. The author vividly describes his transformation from an innocent Pennsylvanian young lad to a fully-fledged combatant. During the War the author undergoes profound traumatic battle events and comes home as a hero but with the displeasing memories of the war. After coming home his second battle begins and he fights the next enemy – combat related PTSD which he overcomes with his will and determination and innate love for the humanity.

One marvelous thing about this book is throughout the book the author has not lost the human touch and his feelings for the fellow soldiers and even for the enemy. Yet after 50 years of the War, he still recalls the upsetting event in which he was compelled to put a bullet through the head of an enemy (Japanese) soldier. The Hawk and the Dove is one of the best books on war experience that I have read after Erich Maria Remarque‘s All Quiet on the Western Front.”

Today Roland Glenn lives in a small American town enjoying his retirement. He expresses his views on war in these words.

I do not think that wars solve problems. I strongly believe that more serious diplomatic efforts should be undertaken to resolve international problems. One of my major concerns right now is all the veterans returning with symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). This has got to be one of the biggest stories to come out of the Middle East wars. These veterans will require medical and psychological care for the remainder of their lives.” I’m hoping that youth who are considering careers in the military will have the opportunity to read my book. I’m not advocating that young people not have careers in the military, but am suggesting to our youth that there are many more options to serve our country and our communities than going to war.”

The IDF Combatant

In 2010 one of my colleagues referred a young soldier from the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) for EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing). He was a young guy who was on vacation in Canada to see his relatives. The said combatant had participated in several life threatening missions in Israel and he was troubled by nightmares and intrusions. There was no marked avoidance in him and he showed positive clinical picture of partial PTSD. He underwent six EMDR sessions and in each session his psychological distress reduced up to a significant level.

The Canadian Peacekeeper

I met Sergeant HXXV in Hamilton Ontario several years ago. He was in the Canadian peace keeping contingent that served in the former Yugoslavia.

Peace keeping is tough says Sergeant HXXV. Sometimes you are helpless and just become a spectator who is helplessly watching atrocities. It gives you a paralyzed feeling with a sense of defeat and sense of guilt. Even after coming home these feelings are with the peace keepers. It does not leave you.  We peace keepers live with that feeling in the rest of our lives”

The Former Child Soldier

In 2009 I went to buy some refreshments at a convenience store at Don Mills and Shepherd in North York. At the counter there was a young Sri Lankan Tamil guy and he easily recognized me as a Sinhaleses. It was a few months after Prabhakaran’s death and some of the Tamil Diaspora living in Canada were extremely hostile to the Sinhala people.  When he saw me his faced changed. I could read his eyes. It said I wish I could have you for my lunch you Sihalese …” But he suppressed his hostile feelings and served me as a usual customer.

After this incident I had to go to this convenience store several times and every time he was unfriendly. One day I met him face to face at the store and I greeted him by saying Wannakam” He was stunned but returned my greeting. After this incident his attitude towards me was better. Once on my regular visit to the store I wanted to verify a dental product and I spoke to him in broken Tamil (Dr. Ram Manohar who worked with me at the Negombo Hospital taught me Tamil words and some phrases. Later Ram became the JMO Jaffna Hospital and is now living in the UK) He explained about the product to me in a very friendly manner. Later he asked me who I was etc and we became acquainted with each other.

Within several months we became friends and once he told me his life story. To conceal his identity I would call him Sathi. Sathi was from Prabhakaran’s village Valvettithuraiand he knew Prhabahakaran and his family. Sathi decided to join the LTTE when he was very young. As a child soldier Sathi participated in several attacks that were launched against the Sri Lanka Army. But he did not precisely mention these attacks.

After serving in the LTTE for some years, he came to Colombo and accidentally met a relative. This relative had offered him the option of going abroad. First they thought of going to Norway or Australia. Sathi’s relative had a friend in Canada. So they decided go to Canada. Sathi and his relative entered Canada as refugees. Today he is a Canadian Citizen and working in a convenience store.

One day Sathi called me in distress. His father who is living in Valvettithuraihad suffered a heart attack. He was helpless and did not know what to do. Knowing my medical background Sathi asked for my advice.I immediately sent an email to Prof Daya Somasundaram of the Adelaide University Australia and asked for help. Prof Somasundaram contacted the Cardiologist at the Jaffna Hospital (who was one of his students) and did the needful to Sathi’s father. After a few weeks of treatment Sathy’s father had a complete recovery.

Sahthi thanked me a lot. He never expected such a help from a Sinhalese guy when he was in dire straits. I think this event changed his understanding of Sinhala people dramatically. Later Sathi told me that when he was living in Jaffna they were constantly told that Sinhala people were ruthless and they are the enemies of the Tamil people. He further said that this personal incident helped him to change the myths about Sinhala people.

This is a personal incident that occurred between two people who have come from the same country but with different views and rivalry. Positive communication helped both parties to eliminate the myths about each other. This small example allowed me to think in big. If Sinhala and Tamil people come to a common ground putting aside petty differences, past antagonisms and work together for peace Sri Lanka would be a paradise once again.

 Conclusion

During these years I have met a number of soldiers who participated in different wars. These combatants came from different countries, different societies and different cultures. They had seen death and destruction in these conflicts. They had witnessed the human suffering. Although they belonged to different ethnic groups, spoke different languages their emotional pain is very similar. There is an university in their emotional anguish. Human pain has no ethnic differences.

I recollect some words of General Omar Bradley who once said Ours is a world of nuclear giants and ethical infants. We know more about war than about peace, more about killing than we know about living.” I think Bradley was correct.

Weragama Arachchige LEELASENA- Obituary

March 8th, 2017

UK Community News

Weragama Arachchige LEELASENA (of Hangamuwa, Ratnapura): Former Head of the Faculty of Mathematics at Maharagama  Teachers’ Training College, former principal at Anuradhapura Central College, former Senior Mathematics Teacher at Walthamstow Girls School UK, passed away peacefully at home (in the  UK) surrounded by his loving family on March 3rd 2017 aged 85 years.

A much loved husband of Nalinee, a dearly loved dad of Lakith, Lasitha, Kirula and Subodha, beloved brother of Subaratna Menike, Nirmala,Chitrangani, Yasawathie and Gunaratne Menike, a loving father-in-law of Ganeesha, Chamari, Keshari, and Neha, beloved grandad of Sachi, Charith, Ayana, Kavisha, Suvan, Aanya and Liana, Lee will be sadly missed by all his loving family and friends.

Viewing and Funeral Details:
 
Viewing  Thursday 9th March from 12:00 to 16:30 PM Friday 10th Mar – from 13:00 to 14:00 PM
at H C Grimstead, 18 Bridge Street, Pinner, HA5 3JF

Funeral Service Friday 10 March at 16:30

Chilterns Crematorium, Whielden Lane, Amersham,Bucks HP7 0ND

http://www.chilternscrematorium.co.uk/ 

The funeral service will be followed by a Buddhist Memorial Service at 19:00  and the Wake (Mala Batha) at 20:00 at the family residence – 5 Gerrard Gardens, Pinner, HA5 2PT

Weragama Arachchige LEELASENA

30 September 1931 ~ 3 March 2017

Weragama Arachchige Leelasena was born on 30th September 1931, in Ratnapura, Sri Lanka. He was an avid student from a young age and in particular showed a keen interest in mathematics.

He completed degrees in mathematics at University of London, Hull University (UK) and Birmingham University (UK) and Diploma in teacher training at University of Ceylon (Sri Lanka),.

He held positions as Principal of Anuradhapura Central School and Head of Mathematics at the Faculty Science at Maharagama Teacher Training College in Colombo.

He married Nalinee in 1963 and the couple had four children – Lakith, Lasitha, Kirula and Subodha. He moved to London in 1976 with Nalinee and the four children joined a few years after.

He continued his career teaching mathematics in various schools in East London. He retired in 1992 and enjoyed his retirement by travelling and spending time with his family.

He will be dearly missed by his family members (wife Nalinee, sons Lakith, Lasitha, Kirula, Subodha, daughters-in-law Ganeesha, Chamari, Keshari, Neha) and grandchildren Sachi, Charith, Ayana, Kavisha, Suvan, Aanya and Liana), his relatives and friends.

 

Funeral Service

Chilterns Crematorium, Amersham, Bucks UK

Friday 10 March 2017

 

Sermon by:  Ven Bogoda Seelawimala / Ven Tawalama Bandula

Transference of merits by pouring water to the departed one

Talk by Sachi / Charith – grandsons

Poem read by Kavisha – granddaughter

Talk by Lakith / Subodha – sons

Offering cloth (Mathaka Wasthra) to the monks by the family

Buddhist Memorial Service ( Mathaka Bana) at 19:00 – 5 Gerrard Gardens, Pinner, HA5 2PT

Wake (Mala Batha) at 20:00 – 5 Gerrard Gardens, Pinner, HA5 2PT

Depression in Old Age

March 7th, 2017

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge

Depression is a mood disorder -one of the common mental health problems facing people today. Depression can interfere with a person’s ability to function effectively and productively. Depression is common among the elderly population. Some view depression as a physiological reaction in the old age.     But some researches deny this factor and point out adjustment difficulties in the old age cause depressive symptoms and emphasize depression is not a normal or necessary part of aging.

There are many psycho-physiological and social changes faced by the elderly. With aging numerous physical ailments such as diabetes, arthritis digestive problems etc emerge. In addition to these physical illnesses retirement, death of spouse, isolation, lack of recognition, financial problems, monotonous life style, lack of mobility can trigger depression.

Untreated and masked depression can cause various complications in elderly. Self harm and suicides becoming common among the aging population as a result of depression. Therefore, this has become one of the major public health issues.

There are many sings and symptoms visible among the elderly who are suffering from depression. Sometimes these symptoms are obscured and difficult to recognize. Many depressive elders complain of excessive fatigue, and loss of appetite. Their social withdrawal and isolation is marked and some abandon the interest in hobbies or other pleasurable activities. Sleep disturbances such as difficulty falling asleep or staying asleep, oversleeping, become prominent. Some indulge in alcohol and other drugs.

Memory impairments are another factor in depression. Difficulty in concentrating and forgetfulness are common. Some depressed elders neglect their personal hygiene. Very often they can become irritated, nagging and come up with various accusations about their loved ones and caretakers. 

Some of the medical conditions can trigger depression. Those include Heart Disease, Stroke, Alzheimer’s disease, Multiple sclerosis, Cancer, Parkinson’s disease and Diabetes. In addition, some medications such as Steroids, Hormones, Hypertensive drugs, Anti Cancer drugs too induce depression.

There are many ways to combat depression in elderly. Connecting to others is one way of breaking the social isolation.  Helping others is one of the best ways to feel better   and regain perspective. Some elders get pets to keep company. Participating in activities that brought enjoyment in the past also another effective mode to forget worries. Laughter provides a mood elevation. Therefore watching a comedy reading funny books, exchanging humorous stories with the friends keep the person happy and active.

Maintaining a healthy diet is essential. Consuming alcoholic beverages frequently can worsen the depression.  Although elderly people have lack of mobility and strength, many safe exercises are designated for them to be active and to have an optimum mood. If the depressive symptoms are more prominent medical treatment and psychotherapy are recommended.

Aging population do no need to suffer in silent or otherwise. They can enjoy life as everyone else. Aging is not an obstacle to their happiness.

DUSIT TANI HOTEL PROJECT Vs HILTON, SHERATON, MANDARIN

March 7th, 2017

By M D P DISSANAYAKE

The virtually bankrupt government of Maithreepala, Ranil and Chandrika trio’s new project negotiations include the establishment of  a 5 Star Hotel  and Luxury Apartments  of famous Dusit Tani (famous for what?) in Balapitiya.

Dusit Tani  Hotel Group is well known for providing Thai Full Body Massages for all ages of men and women.  To put it simply its target market  may include customers in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, known as LGBT

Dusit Tani is not ranked in the same category of Hilton, Mandarin, Sheraton etc. worldwide hotel network.   Their market orientation is a money spinner, therefore, eagerly look for opportunities to expand their activities worldwide.  Their revenue earning capacity is greater due to targeted niche market orientation as mainstream providers in the hotel industry prioritise customer friendly, low risk, prestigious clientele.  As the mainstream players are not in the fray, the Dusit Tani take leadership to capitalise the flourishing market.   Their capital investment  is generally low,  provide employment for the local folks with or without educational skills.  The poor girls and married women in Balapitiya region  and followers of LGBT in Sri Lanka  will earn extra dollars instantly.

If the proposed Casino Project of James Packer was labelled as anti-Buddhists and detrimental to the culture of Sri Lanka, the Dusit Tani will be far worse.  The Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe cancelled $450 million Casino project, saying “there was nothing in it for the country”.  If Packer’s  project did not have anything beneficial for the country, what is there for the country from Dusit Tani?

The current government of Sri Lanka has wasted two years, failed to continue the established revenue earning projects and failed to commission new project planning put in place by President Mahinda Rajapakse.  It is simply trying to gain headlines, such as Volkswagen Project,  to appease the masses.   In the process  the government is now encouraging investments not conducive for the country.

Sri Lanka’s President Maithripala Sirisena declares Sinhala Warriors dubbed Traitors by the British as National Heroes and Patriots

March 7th, 2017

Media Release    Society for Peace, Unity and Human Rights in Sri Lanka (SPUR) NSW Inc. NSW 1730, Australia                                                            

Sri Lanka’s President Maithripala Sirisena declares Sinhala Warriors dubbed Traitors by the British as National Heroes and Patriots  

President Maithripala Sirisena took steps in December 2016 to expunge a previous British Colonial Government gazette notification that listed 19 national leaders of the Uva-Wellassa Sinhala Rebellion of 1818 as Traitors and recognised them as National Heroes.  On March 1 2017, again the President has officiated in a function to name a further 82 leaders of the same Sinhala rebellion as patriots.

Our Society, takes this opportunity to thank President Sirisena for granting recognition to the long forgotten Sinhala national heroes. These are the greatest of our heroes who sacrificed all they had for the good of the future generations. The members of our Society have always had these patriots in their own hearts.

There is a saying that the ‘proof of the pudding is in the eating’. Therefore, symbolic gestures need to be qualified with real deeds, else they remain forever hollow.

Today, in Sri Lanka there are dozens of severely disabled ex-servicemen who faced terrorism head-on on a death fast on the steps of Colombo City’s main railway station. They are pleading their disability entitlements and pensions be paid. At a time symbolism is reigning high, what moral right do we have in staging these symbolic gestures when we ignore the pleadings of these ex-servicemen?

These patriots and national heroes have been agitating in this manner for over four years. As a compassionate Buddhist Nation, shouldn’t we hang our heads in absolute shame?  Isn’t it the time we reassess our Buddhist values of truth, justice, and compassion ?

This is a horrific and a putrid state of affairs in comparison to the entitlements and the increasing plunder of self-serving parliamentarians. Those in positions of authority do not even deserve their next meal without first meeting the just rights of these disabled heroes, and releasing them from their death fast. These are the real heroes who were in the front line defending our freedoms against abject terrorism, just as those heroes of the Uva-Wellassa Rebellion have done. We are a failed nation at the highest grade no doubt, when hypocrisy, propaganda and symbolism rule the roost.

The families of those who fled Britain’s dastardly and murderous scorched earth policy of 1818 and Governor Brownrigg’s edict to slaughter every male Sinhalese over the age of 14 , settled in Sri Lanka’s east coast in and around Paa-nama.  To add insult to injury, these remnant population is being hounded out today from their meagre and subsistence living by powerful property developer politicians who are on a tourism resort hotel building spree.

We also appeal to President Maithripala, if such the information is currently being hidden from him, to restore the ancestral lands of the Kandyan Sinhalese, where 400,000 acres  were robbed by the British to set up vast plantations. The Kandyan Peasantry Commission Report of the 1950’s elaborates the destitution of the Sinhalese whose lands were thus robbed.

Today, we need to stop pandering to the preoccupation of the nagging neighbours of Sri Lanka, and a few westerners who poke their noses in wrong places, about a few acres of land that were acquired by the Sri Lankan  defence forces on defeating  an overseas funded  30 year brutal separatist terrorism in the north.

To meet national priorities, land is acquired from time to time, be they in the north, south, east or the west. Square kilometre upon square kilometre of private land had been acquired in the past decades for hydro dams and reservoirs in the hills, express-ways in the south and the mid country, for rail tracks in the deep-south, defence force camps around the island, and for our largest port and the new international airport located in Hambantota.  Public property is for public use, and is meant for the good of all citizens.  The agitation of those families evicted to build the world war time air field in Koggala by the British Empire in the south still rings in our minds.

The claim that is being peddled as occupied Tamil land was never an identified land of today’s Tamil speaking people of the north. They were indeed the lands of the Sinhalese who withdrew on the face of the western colonial onslaughts. The Dutch and the British settled the land so robbed, with South Indians over the years.

Further, the Tamil historian Mudaliyar Rasanayagam says in 1926 of the northern warlord Sankili in his book ‘Ancient Jaffna’ as follows;

Quote:  ‘he fell upon the Buddhists of Jaffna who were all Sinhalese, and expelled them beyond the limits of the country and destroyed their numerous places of worship…………… That Jaffna was occupied by the Sinhalese earlier than by the Tamils is seen not only in the place names but also in some of the habits and customs of the people’.  Unquote.

So much for the extremist racist agitation to re-claim the so-called ‘Tamil land’ even after a decisive, comprehensive, and a sobering a military defeat.  The attempt to achieve same by internationally sponsored terrorism in Sri Lanka was an abject failure.  It is now the rotten and a spurious attempt to call it a Tamil homeland.  As with land used for public purposes elsewhere in the island, it is the land occupied by the defence forces for the protection of all citizens of this island nation.

We appeal to President Sirisena to move away from pacification and appeasement of racist northern and eastern extremists, and to do much further than the display of symbolism towards the patriots of this Nation.

As a national priority, we strongly appeal to the President to take urgent steps to establish a comprehensive national policy framework to re-settle sparsely populated lands of this island nation in an equitable manner, for the common good of all citizens.

Nimal Liyanage                                                                      Dudley Upasiri          

Secretary and Spokesperson                                                Presid

Sri Lanka’s Debt Crisis Is So Bad The Government Doesn’t Even Know How Much Money It Owes

March 7th, 2017

Trying to develop its infrastructure to increase its economic potential has plunged Sri Lanka deep into a pit of debt, pushing the country to the brink of bankruptcy and prompting an IMF bailout.

The official estimate of what Sri Lanka currently owes its financiers is $64.9 billion — $8 billion of which is owned by China. The country’s debt-to-GDP currently stands around 75% and 95.4% of all government revenue is currently going towards debt repayment.

This debt situation is clearly not sustainable, but there’s more:

In addition to racking up large amounts of government debt via the usual channels, it’s now becoming evident that the previous government also utilized state-owned enterprises to take out additional loans on its behalf. While the full extent of this extracurricular lending seems unknown, current estimates peg it at a minimum of $9.5 billion — which is all off the books of the finance ministry.

We still don’t know the exact total debt number,” Sri Lanka’s prime minister admitted to parliament earlier this month.

Sri Lanka Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe (L), Sri Lanka Cricket president Thilanga Sumathipala (C), Sports Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera (2R) and Law and Order Minister Sagala Ratnayake (R) in Colombo on September 20, 2016. (ISHARA S.KODIKARA/AFP/Getty Images)

Much of Sri Lanka’s pile of debt accrued in the process of initiating an entire buffet of large-scale and extremely expensive infrastructure projects under the direction of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Between 2009 and 2014 Sri Lanka’s total government debt tripled and external debt doubled, as the country engaged in a number of costly undertakings — such as attempting to build a new, multi-billion dollar city in the middle of a jungle (which includes the world’s emptiest international airport), constructing one of the most expensive highways ever made, as well as other pricey endeavors, such as spending $42 million just to remove a rock from the harbor at Hambantota.

But this doesn’t necessarily mean that Sri Lanka’s current administration is doing much better. Under President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who came to office at the beginning of 2015, domestic debt grew by 12% and external debt by 25% without starting any new large-scale infrastructure projects.

This fact has not gone unnoticed by former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, who recently issued a series of public taunts, claiming that with the money the current administration has so far borrowed he could have built two Mattala Airports, one Hambantota Port, one Norochcholai Coal Power Plant, one Colombo-Matara Highway, one Colombo-Katunayake Highway, not one, but two Colombo Port cities and one 500 MW Sampur Coal Power Plant…”

Sri Lanka may be in a debt trap that it can’t get out of. This year alone $4.5 billion is due to foreign lenders and next year $4 billion is owed — bills which the country has not yet figured out a way to pay.

Various interim solutions to the debt crisis have been proposed, such as offering debt-for-equity swaps to countries, such as China, that Sri Lanka owes big and privatizing and outright selling loss-incurring SOEs, which have yet to receive much interest.

The IMF did agree to provide Sri Lanka with a $1.5 billion bailout in the form of a loan in April after the country agreed to a set of criteria to attempt to right the course of its wavering economy. However, as reported by East Asia Forum, Sri Lanka’s Central Bank has stated that it is their intention to secure an additional $5 billion in loans after receiving these funds — and corresponding seal of approval — from the IMF as the debt trap continues getting deeper.

Full Report

https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadeshepard/2016/09/30/sri-lankas-debt-crisis-is-so-bad-the-government-doesnt-even-know-how-much-money-it-owes/#11b9eff64608

Correction 10/3/2016: the $42 million rock was removed from Hambantota not Colombo.  

I’m the author of Ghost Cities of China. I’m currently traveling the New Silk Road doing research for a new book. Follow by RSS.

Sri Lanka Now Has Worst Ever Finance Minister Ever- An Accusation

March 7th, 2017

Sri Lanka Now Has Worst Ever Finance Minister Ever- An Accusation

IMF tells Sri Lanka to rebuild reserves, be ready to tighten

March 7th, 2017

COLOMBO, March 7 (Reuters) – The International Monetary Fund urged Sri Lanka’s central bank on Tuesday to rebuild foreign reserves while maintaining exchange rate flexibility and to be ready to tighten monetary policy if credit growth or inflation do not abate.

Following its second review of a $1.5 billion three-year loan programme, the IMF said it had discussed with Sri Lankan authorities the need to push forward with reforms due to an uncertain external environment.

Generally, the IMF delays disbursements if countries drastically deviate from targets, but the IMF did not say whether it would hold back the third tranche of $119.9 million, due on April 20.

“To this end, it is important for the government to continue on the revenue based fiscal consolidation and generate adequate resources to support its social and development objectives while maintaining debt sustainability,” the IMF said in a statement.

Deputy Central Bank Chief Nandalal Weerasinghe said though the end-2016 foreign reserve target was missed, authorities are working on end-June 2017 goals.

“The central bank has already allowed flexible exchange rate from early this year,” he told Reuters.

On Jan. 3, central bank Governor Indrajith Coomaraswamy said defending the rupee with foreign exchange reserves “doesn’t seem sensible” as it has always been followed by a sharp depreciation in the currency. Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake said the government authorities had a “successful meeting” with the IMF.

The IMF warned that a more prolonged drought could raise food and oil imports, and have an adverse impact on growth, inflation, and the balance of payments.

Sri Lanka’s worst drought in 40 years may cost up to $264.7 million, but should not worsen the fiscal deficit, the finance minister said last week. The central bank is struggling to maintain a flexible exchange rate in the face of heavy foreign outflows from government securities. The rupee has depreciated 1 percent so far this year, having lost 3.9 percent of its value against the dollar last year.

The central bank tightened monetary policy three times in seven months through July last year to curb high credit growth and inflation. But those moves have dragged on the economy.

බැඳුම්කර ණය පියවීමට මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරයට විශාල අරමුදල් අවශ්‍යතාවක්‌ තිබෙනවා – මහ බැංකුවේ රාජ්‍ය ණය අධිකාරි බැඳුම්කර කොමිසම හමුවේ කියයි

March 7th, 2017

ශ්‍යාම් නුවන් ගනේවත්ත, සරත් ධර්මසේන උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර මගින් රජය ලබාගත් පැරණි ණය පියවීම සඳහා මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරය වෙත විශාල අරමුදල් අවශ්‍යතාවක්‌ ඇති වී තිබෙන බවත් එම ණය එකවර සපයා දීමේ දුෂ්කර තත්ත්වයකට මහ බැංකුව මෑතදී මුහුණ දී සිටින බවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුවේ රාජ්‍ය ණය අධිකාරි ටී. එච්. බී. සරත්චන්ද්‍ර මහතා ඊයේ (07 දා) හෙළි කළේය.

මේ දුෂ්කර තත්ත්වය හමුවේ මහ බැංකු අධිපතිතුමන් සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කර මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයාට කරුණු පැහැදිලි කිරීමට මහ බැංකුව පියවර ගත් බව ද සරත්චන්ද්‍ර මහතා මහ බැංකුවේ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම් පරීක්‍ෂා කිරීම සඳහා පත්කර තිබෙන ජනාධිපති කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්‍ෂි දෙමින් කීවේය.

2017 ජනවාරි මස මුලදී පරිණත වූ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර සඳහා ගෙවීම් කිරීමට රු. බිලියන 120 ක විශාල අරමුදල් අවශ්‍යතාවක්‌ ඇති වූ බවද කෙටි කලක්‌ තුළ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර වෙන්දේසියකින් එකවර එතරම් විශාල මුදලක්‌ රැස්‌කර ගැනීමේ දුෂ්කරතාවට රාජ්‍ය ණය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට මුහුණ දීමට සිදු වූ බවද සරත්චන්ද්‍ර මහතා කොමිසම හමුවේ කියා සිටියේය.

මේ අනුව එක්‌ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර වෙන්දේසියකින් උපරිම වශයෙන් රැස්‌කර ගත හැකි මුදල රු. බිලියන 40 ක්‌ බවට භාණ්‌ඩාගාර ලේකම්වරයාට දැනුම් දීමට මහ බැංකුව කටයුතු කළ බවද ඒ මහතා කොමිසම හමුවේ කියා සිටියේය.

ඉදිරි කාලය තුළ තවත් රු. බිලියන 90 ක පමණ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර කල්පිරීමට තිබෙන බවද, එම පැරණි ණය ගැනීම සඳහා ගෙවීම් කිරීමට මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරයට අරමුදල් සපයා දීමට සිදුව තිබෙන බවද ඒ මහතා කියා සිටියේය.

මේ අරමුදල් ප්‍රශ්නය ගැන මහ බැංකුව මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරයේ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර මෙහෙයුම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කළ බවද මහ බැංකුවේ රාජ්‍ය ණය අධිකාරිවරයා කියා සිටියේය.

මේ දුෂ්කර තත්ත්වය සමනය කර ගැනීම සඳහා දළ වශයෙන් හෝ මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරයේ අරමුදල් අවශ්‍යතාව ලිතව දන්වා එවන ලෙස මහ බැංකුව විසින් මහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාරයට දන්වා ඇති බවද ඒ මහතා කීවේය.

සාමාන්‍යයෙන් රජයට අවශ්‍ය මුදල් ප්‍රමාණයට වඩා අඩු මුදල් ප්‍රමාණයක්‌ සඳහා භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර ලංසු කැඳවීම සිදුකරන බවත්, එසේ කරන්නේ පොලී අනුපාත ඉහළ යැම වළක්‌වා ගැනීමට බවත් ඒ මහතා තවදුරටත් කොමිසම හමුවේ සාක්‍ෂි දෙමින් කීවේය.

රාජ්‍ය ණය අධිකාරි සරත්චJද්‍ර මහතාගේ සාක්‍ෂිය ඊයේ මෙහෙයවනු ලැබුවේ මෙම පරීක්‍ෂණයේදී කොමිසමට සහය වන රජයේ නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නීතිඥ කණ්‌ඩායමේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ රජයේ නීතිඥ ෂහීඩා බාරි මහත්මිය විසිනි.

තමා ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහා බැංකුවේ සේවයට බැඳුණාට පසුව දෙපාර්තමේන්තු කීපයක තනතුරු දරා ඇති බවත් රාජ්‍ය ණය දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අතිරේක අධිකාරිවරයකු ලෙස ද ටික කලක්‌ සේවය කර ඇති බවත් එහි ප්‍රධානියා ලෙස පත්වීම ලැබෙන විට එම තනතුරේ සිටියේ දීපා සෙනවිරත්න මහත්මිය බවත් සරත්චන්ද්‍ර මහතා සාක්‍ෂිදීම ආරම්භ කරමින් පැවසීය.

ඇමැති – නි. ඇමැති 11 කට වාහන ගන්න කෝටි 49 ක පරිපූරක ඇස්‌තමේන්තුවක්‌

March 7th, 2017

අජිත් අලහකෝන් උපුටා ගැන්ම දිවයින

ඇමැතිවරුන් හත් දෙනකුට, රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරුන් තිදෙනකුට සහ නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමැතිවරයකුට වාහන මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් හතළිස්‌ නව කෝටි හතළිස්‌ නව ලක්‍ෂ හැට දෙදහස්‌ හත්සිය අනූවක මුදලක්‌ (494962790) ඉල්ලා පරිපූරක ඇස්‌තමේන්තුවක්‌ ආණ්‌ඩු පක්‍ෂ සංවිධායක, පාර්ලිමේන්තු කටයුතු හා ජනමාධ්‍ය ඇමැති ගයන්ත කරුණාතිලක මහතා විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඊයේ (07දා) ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලදී.

ඒ අනුව විශේෂ කාර්යභාර ඇමැතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 42600000 ක්‌ ද විදුලි සංදේශ හා ඩිජිටල් යටිතල පහසුකම් අමාත්‍යවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 42000000 ක්‌ද වාරි මාර්ග හා ජල සම්පත කළමනාකරණ අමාත්‍යවරයාට හා රාජ්‍ය ඇමැතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 86000000 ක්‌ ද විද්‍යා, තාක්‍ෂණ හා පර්යේෂණ ඇමතිවරයා වෙනුවෙන් වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීමට රුපියල් 41000000 ක්‌ද සංචාරක හා ක්‍රිස්‌තියානි කටයුතු ඇමතිවරයාට රුපියල් 43000000 ක මුදලක්‌ද, උසස්‌ අධ්‍යාපන හා මහාමාර්ග ඇමතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් රුපියල් 43000000 ක මුදලක්‌, තිරසර සංවර්ධන හා වනජීවි ඇමැතිවරයාට රුපියල් 43000000 ක මුදලක්‌ ද ඉල්ලා ඇත.

කාන්තා හා ළමා කටයුතු රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 42548000 ක මුදලක්‌ද, විද්‍යා තාක්‍ෂණ හා පර්යේෂණ රාජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 43000000 ක මුදලක්‌ද, විදුලි සංදේශ හා ඩිජිටල් යටිතල පහසුකම් නියෝජ්‍ය ඇමතිවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 31341250 ක මුදලක්‌ද ඉල්ලා මෙම පරිපූරක ඇස්‌තමේන්තුව ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබේ. විපක්‍ෂ නායකවරයාට වාහනයක්‌ මිලදී ගැනීම සඳහා රුපියල් 37473540 ක මුදලක්‌ ද මෙම පරිපුරකයෙන් ඉල්ලා ඇත.

ඊට අමතරව විගණකාධිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවට බඩල් කැබ් රථ 25 ක්‌ සහ විගණකාධිපතිවරයා සඳහා වාහනයක්‌ සඳහා බදු කුලී වෙනුවෙන් ප්‍රතිපාදන සැලසීම වෙනුවෙන් ප්‍රතිපාදන සැලසීම සඳහා රුපියල් හය කෝටි විසි දෙලක්‍ෂ පනස්‌ දහසක මුදලක්‌ ඉල්ලා ද පරිපූරක ඇස්‌තමේන්තුවක්‌ ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබේ.

It’s President Sirisena’s call now JSC disowns Ramanathan Kannan recommendation:

March 7th, 2017


The standoff between the Bar Association of Sri Lanka and the Judicial Services Association over the appointment of a member of the Batticaloa bar as a High Court Judge has ended. Accordingly, members of the JSA will be officiating at the BASL elections to be held on 15 March. Earlier, in a strongly worded letter to the BASL, the JSA had made it clear that they would not officiate at the BASL elections unless the latter took steps to undo the damage done by some members of the BASL in canvassing for this appointment. When the JSA first became aware that a member of the private bar had been appointed to the High Court on the recommendations of the BASL, they had made inquiries and found that the recommendation had been made by the BASL’s outgoing President Geoffrey Alagaratnam and not by the BASL itself with even its Secretary being unaware that such recommendation had been made.

Thereupon, the JSA made three requests to the BASL and made their participation in the BASL elections conditional upon the latter acceding to these requests which were: a) that the BASL should officially confirm in writing that they did not make this recommendation to appoint a High Court judge b) if someone had used the name of the BASL to make this recommendation that they should inform the President and the Judicial Services Commission of this fact and c) that the BASL should make a formal request that this decision be reversed. Following this stand taken by the JSA, the BASL election which was to be held on February 21 had to be postponed indefinitely. When the executive committee of the BASL met to discuss this matter, one group of lawyers had suggested that the BASL constitution should be amended to enable them to hold the election without the participation of the JSA and accordingly the BASL election was rescheduled for March 15.article_image

As the standoff escalated, Amal Randeniya the Secretary of the BASL took steps to defuse the situation and after holding talks with the JSA, a letter was issued to the Secretary of the JSA under the hand of the Secretary of the BASL stating unequivocally that ‘the Executive Committee of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka has not arrived at any decision in the past to recommend the appointment of Mr R.Kannan as Judge of the High Court and therefore there is no recommendation from the Bar Association of Sri Lanka’. Copies of this letter had been sent to the Judicial Services Commission and the President of Sri Lanka. The Judicial Services Commission (JSC) deals with matters relating to the appointment, transfer disciplinary control and dismissal of Judges below the Appeal Court. The covering letter sent by the BASL to President Sirisena also stressed that this letter was being placed before him to explain the stand of the BASL with regard to the appointment of R.Kannan as a High Court judge.

Based on this letter from the BASL, the Judicial Services Commission had in turn written to President Sirisena stating that the Secretary of the JSC had written to him earlier, recommending the name of R.Kannan for appointment as a High Court judge on the strength of a letter from the BASL dated 15 December 2016. They stated that if the BASL has made ‘no proper recommendation’ in this regard, the recommendation that the JSC had sent to the President has ‘no force or avail in law’. Thus in effect, the JSC has by this letter dated 23 February 2017, retracted the recommendation they made to the President to appoint R.Kannan as a High Court judge. However in terms of Article 111(2) (a) of the constitution, judges of the High Court can be appointed by the president only on the recommendation of the Judicial Services Commission and the JSC will in turn have to consult the Attorney General before making such recommendation to the President. It is clear from this constitutional provision that the central role in the appointment of High Court judges is played by the JSC and the President cannot appoint HC judges on his own without the recommendations of the JSC.

The question now is, what happens if the JSC makes a recommendation to the President to appoint a certain individual as a High Court judge and then due to information that surfaces after that appointment is made, retracts the recommendation it made? This is an unprecedented situation but logically, one would think that in such instances, Article 111(2)(b) which provides for the removal of High Court judges by the president on the recommendation of the JSC should kick in automatically. It should be noted that in the JSC’s letter to the President of 23 February 2017, they have not directly asked for the removal of Ramanathan Kannan from his position. What they have said is that the recommendation that the JSC made for his appointment has ‘no force or avail in law’. What this would logically mean is that Ramanathan Kannan has no right to be holding the position of a High Court judge.

The President may not have any option but to remove Kannan from the High Court. If he is allowed to remain as a High Court judge one major practical difficulty will be that every judgement that he delivers can be and will undoubtedly be challenged as having been delivered by an irregularly appointment judge who had no right to be sitting in judgement over any case at all. Overriding even that will be the issue that Kannan had originally been recommended for appointed as a HC judge to Minister of Justice Wijedasa Rajapakshe by an unnamed political party. Minister Rajapakshe had reconfirmed this story to President’s Counsel Hemantha Warnakulasuriya when the latter made inquiries about it. How can there be a sitting High Court judge with such an allegation hanging over him? The High Court now even has appellate jurisdiction and no HC judge should be seen to be a camp follower of any political party.

Judging by the organisations and individuals who were publicly supporting the appointment of Kannan it is clear that there is substance in what Minister Rajapakshe said about him having been recommended by a political party. Anyway, the ball is now in President Sirisena’s court.

“The JSC stated that if the BASL has made ‘no proper recommendation’ in this regard, the recommendation that the JSC had sent to the President has ‘no force or avail in law’.”

‘Henahura landing in a beggar’s bowl’

March 7th, 2017

Editorial Courtesy The Island

The Treasury bond scams, currently being probed by a presidential commission, have had a devastating impact on the entire country. The private sector workers are the worst affected. Their superannuation fund or the EPF (Employees’ Provident Fund) had suffered a staggering loss of Rs. 15 bn, the JVP said on Monday. The Marxist outfit demanded that the loss be recovered forthwith from the bond racketeers. Economists and financial experts are also agreed on the amount the EPF has lost.

Private sector workers are left with only the EPF refunds, upon retirement, to tide them over till they go the way of all flesh. The bond racketeers have amassed wealth at the expense of the hapless workers. It is a case of evil-causing ‘Saturn or henahura landing in a beggar’s bowl’ as a local saying goes. Strangely, trade unions have remained silent. Their silence is baffling. They usually take to the streets at the drop of a hat. Is it that they have also sold their souls to the bond thieves?

The JVP may try to take the moral high ground, but it can’t absolve itself of the responsibility for this sorry state of affairs. It was instrumental in bringing about the 2015 regime change and facilitating the formation of the 100-day government. The yahapalana grandees who had been reduced to penury due to their prolonged stay in the Opposition amassed wealth within the first few weeks of capturing power the way Asela Gunaratne blasted sixes and fours in the last two overs of a T-20 match in Geelong last month! The JVP leader was made a member of the so-called National Executive Council (NEC), which virtually governed the country between January and August in 2015.

The JVP, which joined other NEC members in having some of the former UPFA ministers arrested and prosecuted, did not call for action against the then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and his political bosses. It also craftily omitted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s name from the bond scams report prepared by the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) under its MP Sunil Handunnetti’s chairmanship. The Rathu Sahodarayas are also notorious for bowling full tosses, as it were, to UNP ministers in Parliament so that the latter can vilify their opponents.

The JVP prides itself on its role in electing President Maithripala Sirisena. It, no doubt, carried out an effective propaganda campaign against the Rajapaksa government. Within months of his election, their hero, Sirisena, unflinchingly shielded the bond thieves in 2015 by dissolving Parliament before a COPE report was tabled in the House so as to prevent public opinion from turning against the UNP before the general election in that year. President Sirisena, while pontificating on the virtues of good governance, acted out of expediency to help the UNP win as he wanted to ruin Mahinda Rajapaksa’s chances of becoming the Prime Minister.

It is to atone for his sin and tame the UNP, which is becoming increasingly defiant, that President Sirisena has set up a presidential commission to probe the bond scam. He should be asked why he did not do so in 2015 itself.

The yahapalana government made a budget proposal in 2015 that the EPF be removed from the Central Bank supervision and merged with the Employee’s Trust Fund (ETF). We stressed the need for defeating the government move for the sake of the working class. The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration wanted to dip into the workers’ fund and found the Central Bank an obstacle in its path. The Rajapaksa government also sought to introduce a private sector pension scheme at the expense of the EPF with an ulterior motive, but in vain.

Workers must sink their political differences and join forces to protect their superannuation fund and have the losses it has suffered owing to the bond scams recovered. They must tell their trade union leaders to fight for their rights or depart.

Tender Board forced to reluctantly approve saleMahendran’s decision was final – Ex-Audit Department Director

March 7th, 2017

Courtesy Ceylon Today

The former Director of the Audit Department of the Central Bank (CB) Deepa Seneviratne says that following an order issued by former CB Governor Arjuna Mahendran, the management of the Central Bank was forced to approve a sum of Rs 10 billion, which was put out as collateral for the sale of bonds. She had told the Special Presidential Commission (SPC) probing the CB bond scam, that as there was no other recourse, the then CB management was forced to grant its approval. Seneviratne, giving evidence before the SPC, had told them that, two days before the CB bond sale, she had been transferred to the State Debt Department.

She had told them that the sale of bonds was her maiden such undertaking at the CB. Deepa Seneviratne had told the SPC that all members of the tender board had expressed their vehement opposition to the order issued by Mahendran. She said that Deputy Governor of the CB, Samarasiri had informed the tender board that the decision taken by Mahendran will not be changed and the tender board had been forced to reluctantly approve the controversial bond sale.

President’s dilemma

March 7th, 2017

Rajiva Wijesinha

I returned from Azerbaijan on 23 June and had to go that morning to Parliament for a COPE meeting. The report on the Bond scam was being drafted, and it was clear that it would show that Arjuna Mahendran had interfered egregiously with bond placements to the great detriment of the economy. The Opposition was feeling quite confident, but this made it push its luck and indicate that it would press for a motion of No Confidence on the Prime Minister, who had clearly been responsible for what had happened, as indicated by his spirited defence of his acolyte – and indeed the instructions he had given to less scrupulous members of COPE to delay proceedings.

But this was not the only issue of importance, and it should not I felt be allowed to detract from the reforms that had been pledged in the President’s manifesto. The most important of these, which had been ignored when the Constitution was amended in April, was electoral reform, but the President had promised that he would not dissolve Parliament until that was accomplished.

I believe he was sincere, but I worried given the rumours that were circulating about an early dissolution. However, Nimal Siripala de Silva, the Leader of the Opposition, assured me during this week that the President had again promised that he would ensure electoral reform before having an election.

One area that I had not been able to address in the Manifesto was the need for a comprehensive Bill of Rights. This had been pledged in Mahinda Rajapaksa’s 2005 manifesto, and he had indeed appointed a committee headed by Jayampathy Wickremaratne to draft one. But by 2007, when I was appointed to head the Peace Secretariat, this lay forgotten, with the President and Jayampathy clearly no longer trusting each other. I was sorry about this, and told Jayampathy he should proceed, but it was clear he did not think the effort worthwhile in the prevailing dispensation.

Renewed pledge

But when in 2008 I was appointed also to the position of Secretary of the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, following a renewed pledge in Geneva that a Bill of Rights would be introduced, I felt I could press, and Jayampathy was persuaded to reactivate his committee. We used many of the people who were also working on the Human Rights Action Plan that had been promised in Geneva, and well before the end of 2009 we had good drafts ready.

The silly season however had set in by then, and the President was concerned now only about the election. He had said work on the HR Plan should only continue after the election, and Mahinda Samarasinghe was not willing to press, nor even to bring the Bill of Rights to his attention. I foolishly asked him whether I could put it on the ministry website as a draft, which he forbade, whereas I should have gone ahead without asking him, so that he would not have got any flak.

After the election, though I was able to work on the HR plan (through Mohan Pieris, since I had no official status now in this regard), I could do nothing for the Bill of Rights. I did bring it up with the President but he told me there were things in it that could not be accepted. The only factor he could cite was the legalization of homosexuality, and though I thought his claim that this was culturally inappropriate was absurd given that it is Christianity that has hang ups about sexuality, not Buddhism or Hinduism, I was weak enough to tell him to remove that clause and introduce the rest. But he was clearly not willing to move.

Bill of Rights

Jayampathy, perhaps reflecting on the propaganda use that might have been made of the draft he had presided over, was not willing to include a Bill of Rights in the Sirisena manifesto. However I felt, useless though it might be that I should put the subject on the legislative agenda, so on 24 June I introduced yet another Constitutional amendment, to amend the Rights provisions through a Comprehensive Bill of Rights.

Two days later the President dissolved Parliament. I do not think he had been deceitful in his commitment to the Leader of the Opposition. Rather he had panicked when the Opposition indicated that, if the House expressed No Confidence in the Prime Minister, it would insist on a new Prime Minister of its choice. This was foolish, because it would have put the President in a tight corner, and given the power he possessed to dissolve Parliament, it was absurd to think that a Parliamentary majority meant anything.

Ranil it seemed had also not left anything to chance. Officials close to the President told me they thought he was committed to keeping Parliament going but, after a meeting with some of the more determinedly anti-Rajapaksa members of the international community, he announced dissolution. The conclusion they came to was that he had been in effect threatened, with dire consequences in Geneva if there were no stable government in place before the Human Rights Council session scheduled for September – by which of course those who resented our victory in the war against the Tigers meant a government in effect run by Ranil.

A lame duck

So Sirisena succumbed, and in effect turned himself into a lame duck President. That he is not happy in this role is apparent from the fact that, a year later, he finally did get rid of Arjuna Mahendran. But he had saved him in June 2015, and given the damage he continued to do – with repetition of his bond manipulations in 2016 too – the President must accept at least some responsibility for the sad state of the economy now. Whereas he might have exercised some restraint on Ranil and his shysters, he sacrificed that opportunity under pressure.

He did however try initially to increase his own room for manoeuvre. When the election was imminent, it became clear when the election was imminent that the vast majority of the SLFP wanted to work with Mahinda Rajapaksa. This was true then of practically the entire senior leadership, given that it had been ignored when in March the President appointed some members of the party into his Cabinet.

The absurdity of how he did that is understandable if he was still in thrall to Chandrika Kumaratunga with regard to the SLFP. That was the excuse he had made in January regarding his initial Cabinet appointments. Chandrika after all had no love for her party since she felt its leadership, except for Mangala Samaraweera, had rejected her for Mahinda Rajapaksa. That explains the failure to consult the Leader of the Opposition about the March cabinet appointments, and the promotion by and large of those who did not really have a respected position amongst party cadres – and who therefore had allowed Jayampathy’s sleight of hand with regard to putting the Prime Minister in the driving seat to go through. Thankfully the Supreme Court turned that little trick down, and I hope Maithripala Sirisena gathers how narrowly he was saved, with the SLFP members he had inducted into the Cabinet having done nothing on behalf of the Presidency then.

Bowed to the general will

In June, recognizing his mistake, he bowed to the general will, and gave Mahinda Rajapaksa nomination for the election. That was the only way in which he could have preserved the SLFP for, had he refused, Mahinda would have gone on his own and many of the seniors in the SLFP would have followed him, realizing that he was far more popular than the President. The SLFP then would have been decimated, and the President was right to compromise.

Sadly several of his supporters, who would never have supported Ranil Wickremesinghe at the Presidential election had he stood against Mahinda Rajapaksa, resented the President’s decision and played into UNP hands. I do not know if the SLFP was foolish in refusing nomination to them, but the impression I had was that all those the President wanted would have been included, and it was those who were bitter about Rajapaksa, or frightened, who went over to Ranil.

Certainly their claim that the SLFP was full of rogues was nonsensical since they all knew very well what the UNP had been up to.

And while some individuals they disliked did receive SLFP, or rather UPFA nomination (since the old coalition still held), those who were obviously unpalatable such as Duminda de Silva and Sajin Vass Goonewardena were left out.

With some of the more forceful supporters of the President now tied to the UNP, those who resented him amongst the UPFA Parliamentary candidates had a field day, and some of them concentrated their energies on trying to ensure that those who had supported the President from January onward were not elected. I told Vasudeva, who put forward the idea that this was essential that he was being silly, for you cannot run a successful campaign if you are working against candidates on your own lists.

Vasu told me later that he thought I was right but, like Jayampathy with his effort to make the President always act on the Prime Minister’s advice, he only accepted that admitting to what he wanted was a mistake. I think several of those in the UPFA, zealous on behalf of Mahinda Rajapaksa, but capable of expressing their enthusiasm only through attacking others, worked against their colleagues, which would naturally have confused voters.

Rajapaksa nomination

And the President exacerbated the situation by not appearing on platforms in support in general of UPFA candidates. Having decided, against the advice of his supporters whose hatred of Mahinda Rajapaksa was greater than their affection for him, that he would allow Rajapaksa nomination, he should have followed the logic of his decision and campaigned for his party. Failing to do so was foolish, and allowed those who disliked him to dominate the UPFA campaign.

Some did not content themselves simply with working against those on their own lists they disliked or distrusted. They went further and openly attacked the President. Later, when I told Mahinda Rajapaksa that this had contributed to the animosity of the President towards him, he said that that had only been some younger members and the President should not have taken them seriously. But as I told him that would have given ammunition to those around the President who disliked his predecessor, and allowed them to claim that he needed to establish control of the parliamentary party before the election was held.

Their rationale was that, if the UPFA won a majority, he would be forced to make Mahinda Rajapaksa Prime Minister, and the Prime Minister would then sideline the President. But this was an absurd argument, first because it was most unlikely that the UPFA would get a majority on its own, second because even if that happened, there would be enough individuals whose allegiance was to the President so that some sort of compromise would have been essential.

Panic prevailed

But panic prevailed, and three days before the election the President dismissed the secretaries of both the SLFP and the UPFA.

This was wholly wrong. Though a case might have been made for the changing of the SLFP secretary, given that the President was the head of that party, the UPFA was a coalition, and he had an obligation to consult the other parties to that coalition before making any decision. And while Duminda Dissanayake was a candidate of the UPFA and the SLFP at the election, and was recognized as a leading member of the party, Prof. Wiswa Warnapala who was made Secretary of the UPFA was by now seen only as a devoted slave of Chandrika Kumaratunga.

The sudden sacking of senior party officials, on Friday, came as a shock, and was compounded by a legal manoeuvre designed to prevent any challenge. SLFP supporters in the country were confused, and the erosion of confidence doubtless contributed to the UNP doing better than the UPFA in areas where the UPFA had been confident of coming on top. So the UNP had a substantial lead over the UPFA in the new Parliament, and would have been able (with its ally the Muslim Congress, most members of which had anyway been elected through the UNP) to command a majority in coalition with one or other of the smaller parties that had gained representation, the TNA or even the JVP.

So, for the moment at least, Ranil Wickremesinghe was firmly in control, and the President had to recognize that his ability to put forward the perspectives of the party to which he belonged would be limited, at least in the short term.

Gilgamesh factor in regime change

March 7th, 2017

By Rohana R. Wasala

(A sequel to ‘Jousting with the JO: Let the real opposition do its duty to the country’/March 3, 2017)

In two articles written to The Island roughly within a year, namely, ‘A long view of constitution making’ with the subtitle ‘The things people first wrote down’ (The Island/January 24, 2016) and ‘First trounce the Joint Opposition’/Sunday Island/February 19, 2017), Kumar David (KD) argues that it is cogently necessary to seize the opportunity supposedly provided by the January 8 (2015) regime change to crush alleged ‘Sinhala extremist racism’.  The following paragraph is from his earlier (January 24, 2016) article:

‘My bottom line, which I have often echoed in this column after the 8 January defeat of the Mafia presidency, is that a watershed HAS been crossed and the terrain IS more favourable to defeat racism. The balance of forces on the streets and in the chambers at this moment is such that chauvinism CAN be defeated. Mahinda-Gota, by fair means or foul, finished off secessionist Tamil nationalism. Conditions and the balance of forces for finishing off Sinhala extremist racism are now favourable. Let’s do it! Sinha-Le can and must be smashed NOW; delay is a dagger not only at RW/MS’s throat but at ours as well.’ (Capitalized emphasis is KD’s)

I think I must explain the title of my essay before I comment on this key paragraph. It was suggested by the mention, in KD’s article titled ‘A long view of constitution making’, of the name of an ancient Akkadian language narrative poem: ‘The Epic of Gilgamesh’, which is considered the earliest story in world literature that has come down to us. The name of the epic occurs only once in the essay and that is in the antepenultimate paragraph (i.e. the third paragraph from the end). But what caught my attention even before I read a word of KD’s article was the picture that illustrated it. The picture was captioned: ‘The great king Gilgamesh: Seeker after truth’. Students of literature are familiar with the tale of Gilgamesh. Naturally, I thought that the reference to the ancient Sumerian king had to have some connection with what KD wanted to say in his article. It at once occurred to me that the UNP’s specific strategy of choosing a particular kind of individual as its presidential candidate on two occasions, that is to say, in the 2010 and 2015 elections, in order to defeat the then ‘invincible’  Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) who was at the zenith of his power and popularity at the time, was probably modeled on an identical ploy devised  for a similar purpose in the course of events described in The epic of Gilgamesh. It looked very likely that KD had something to do with the UNP’s choice of presidential candidate, for wasn’t he the father of the ‘Single Issue Common Candidate’ (SICC) strategy after all? So I expected KD to invoke this analogy in his article. But I was mistaken. Instead, I found that his reference to the Gilgamesh epic was not occasioned by the discovery of such a similarity between the ancient Gilgamesh story and the SICC brainchild. It turned out to be an incidental detail inserted as an example of ‘The things people wrote down’ in the very distant past, with a dismissively casual mention of the genuinely proud written history of the country of the Sinhalese.

In the epic narrative mentioned above, Gilgamesh, the king of Uruk was tall and magnificently built. He was a brave warrior and protected other warriors who served him. He opened mountain passes and dug wells for the benefit of his subjects. But he was very arrogant in his power. He did not leave the young men in the kingdom in peace. No young woman he saw was safe from his lustful attention. People, in their distress over their protector becoming their persecutor, supplicated to the gods for protection from him. The gods, listening to their prayers created a wild man of the same physical strength and got him to encounter Gilgamesh in a trial of strength. The gods’ plan was to cure Gilgamesh of his hubris. This is similar to the UNP’s choice of someone from MR’s own camp with at least some of his attributes and attitudes to contest him at the presidential elections. But KD seems to ignore this obvious analogy for a strategy he himself helped devise. He invokes world literary history apparently for a different purpose. (Incidentally, in the Sumerian legend, the gods create an antagonist to Gilgamesh, named Enkidu, in the form of a wild man covered with hair like an animal. When they meet and grapple with each other, Gilgamesh overpowers him. After contest, the two of them become the closest, mutually most devoted, friends and do various exploits together. The ruler mends his ways and eventually becomes a spiritual seeker;  the people have their problem solved. The trick works. But then, those were gods who played the trick!)

The different purpose, in my opinion, is to do with his assumption that the so-called traditionalism of the Sinhalese ‘extremists’ (i.e. their alleged preoccupation with ‘history’) is an obstacle to solving the Tamil problem. A major aim of writing the article appears to be to criticize this facet of alleged Sinhalese racism as suggested by his echoing Marx at the very beginning, where he writes: ‘…..to a degree men do make their destiny, though not under conditions of their choosing but under “circumstances existing and transmitted from the past which hang like a nightmare on the brains of the living”’. But his mind seems to work at a more mundane level in his dealing with the problem. One could feel tempted to accuse him of extremist racism himself, notwithstanding the substantial reputation of his revolutionary Marxist past.

As a discrete advocate of a federal solution to the so-called ‘ethnic problem’, KD is obliged to undermine the unitary state concept, which is well founded in terms of the country’s long tradition of historical record keeping (literary and epigraphic) that reflects the connection between the island and the Sinhalese, and in terms of the predominant Buddhist culture that is inextricably bound with both the land and the specific race. The Sinhalese who compose 75% of the Sri Lankan population (2012 Census) are heirs to a written history of over 2600 years, a religion as ancient, together with their historical island home of unmeasured antiquity. The various names of the island including the English/European name ‘Ceylon’ ultimately derive from the name ‘Sihala’ or ‘Sinha-le’, meaning ‘the land of the Sinhalese’.

The ancient Sumer (c. 4500-c. 2000 BCE) the first known urban civilization, which was in southern Mesopotamia (modern-day Iraq) was conquered by a Semitic speaking people. The non-Semitic Sumerians gradually disappeared; so did their language and culture. Sumerians’ hero king Bilgamesh came to be called Gilgamesh in the Semitic language known as Akkadian. It is in that language that The Epic of Gilgamesh was composed somewhere in the period 1300 – 1000 BCE. This fate did not befall the Sinhalese, their language, their land, or their Buddhist culture. They should not be blamed for not behaving as if it did. Apparently, KD wants to obscure the historic achievements of the Sinhalese in the domain of history writing by juxtaposing them with examples of historical documentation considered more impressive as judged from a Eurocentric viewpoint. His incidental mention of local examples of similar writing is only a backhanded compliment: he adds parenthetically: ‘(The Culavamsa and Mahavamsa were composed in Pali in the middle of the first millennium AD)’. Such belittling of Sri Lankan history he considers essential for ‘crushing extremist Sinhala racism’.

It is likely that KD has only heard these two names, but not read the books. The order they are mentioned here is wrong. The Mahavamsa (The Great Chronicle) was composed in the 5th century CE and the first part of its sequel the Culavamsa (The Minor Chronicle) in the 13th century CE. These are excellent literary works in addition to being historical records. The Mahavamsa is not the earliest history of the island and Buddhism either. It was preceded by The Dipavamsa (The Island Chronicle) written somewhere around 3-4th century CE. The author of the Mahavamsa, the learned Bhikkhu Mahanama, shows evidence at the beginning of the book that he was familiar with the earlier work. These works were composed in Pali. Bhikkhu Mahanama was uncle of king Dhatusena, the builder of the great reservoir named Kalawewa, and father of king Kasyapa of Sigiriya fame. One must read these books to understand the amazing literary sophistication and intellectual refinement that the authors had attained so early in our history.

In the same article KD fears that the following four items (which he dubs ‘diehard constitutional blots’) will perforce be built into the new constitution (marginally rephrased here by me without distortion):

  1. Secularism will be rejected, and Buddhism will remain as state religion.
  2. The state will continue to be identified as unitary.
  3. Sinhala only with ‘reasonable squealing in Tamil’ will remain the formal norm.
  4. Devolution will be evaded, and federalism eschewed.

This according to him is because the vast majority of the 75% Sinhalese majority of the country ‘will be moved to spill blood (rather) than countenance change’ in those four areas. (How ungrateful to make such baseless allegations against an innocent people!) KD implies that the retention of the Buddhism clause in the constitution will make Sri Lanka comparable to Saudi Arabia or Israel. ‘Secularism’ is a term that apparently few Sri Lankans understand. Many interpret it as ‘anti-religious’, and reject it as something immoral/unethical. But the word actually means keeping religion out of politics, while guaranteeing every citizen their right to religious belief and worship. The preeminence given to Buddhism in Sri Lanka makes it a de facto secular state, because Buddhism is 100% about mind culture and truly ethical living, but zero percent about religion (in the common sense). KD calls the Thai monarchy antediluvian! But he admits ‘that the Saudi, Israeli and Thai examples are wrong analogies for what is possible in Lanka now.’ What he proposes is for RW and MS (the present PM and PREZ respectively) to agree to a solution that is acceptable to the Tamils, but not acceptable to the Sinhalese majority, without being held back by the fear of a backlash.

We may guess  why he condemns Sri Lanka and Thailand in such derogatory terms: Most of the population in the two countries profess Theravada Buddhism and Buddhism is given a special status in their constitutions. He seems to consider Buddhism to be singularly incompatible with democracy, equal rights of citizens, etc. (Maybe he regards Buddhism as rigidly theocratic.) The smaller of the two countries is Sri Lanka with a population of approximately 20.5 million (2012), of which 70% are Buddhists, while the larger Thailand has a population of about 66 million (2015) with a Buddhist percentage of 93.2% (2010). It is a highly industrialized country, though, with economic, political and social problems inherent to such societies. In Thailand, Buddhism is part and parcel of the people’s national identity and culture. There is no doubt that the near religious homogeneity that is found there contributes much to the political and social stability of the country, though there seems to be a growing threat to that stability from non-Buddhist religious fundamentalists of late. The state is defined as a constitutional monarchy, that traditionally alternates between parliamentary democracy and rule by military junta. The current regime is of the latter type. The monarch is the non-partisan head of state with authority to intervene in guiding political decision making by elected leaders. The monarch is highly revered by the people. The late king, Cambridge and Massachusetts educated,  Bhumibol Atulyadej who died aged 88 on October 13, 2016 had been very popular, and was held almost divine (as his name Atulyadej – Atuladeva – Peerless God literally means) by ordinary Thais. The reigning king his son and successor Maha Vajiralongkorn is said to be not so highly revered as his father had been. Under existing circumstances, he may be enjoying reduced authority, but not long after being installed in office as king on the death of his father last year (2016), Vajiralongkorn refused to enact the new constitution drafted by the National Council for Peace and Order under the ruling junta led by Gen. Prayuth Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister, until amendments were made to some of its provisions. Should the Thai monarchy be degraded as antediluvian because Theravada Buddhism occupies an important, influential position in that country, where it is mandatory for the monarch as head of state to be a Buddhist?

We know that though the current Sri Lankan constitution gives Buddhism a preeminent place, Buddhism cannot be called a state religion nor the Sri Lankan state non-secular. Even the more predominantly Buddhist Thailand has no state religion. Giving Buddhism a prominent place where Buddhists are in the majority does mean depriving  minorities of their right to profess their own religions in freedom. Buddhism as a religion (though not a religion in the usual theistic sense) provides a sound ethical basis that is perfectly compatible with the proper functioning of a democratic system of government.

KD, before rambling on with a seeming digression on ‘the things people first wrote down’, spells out what he regards as the need of the hour (i.e., overcoming Sinhalese extremist racism):

‘What Lanka needs today to go all the way with this task is leadership; leadership which shy RW and confused MS are reluctant to offer and the JVP, unable to untangle itself from its racist past, cannot rise to….’

KD’s diagnosis of the problem is wrong; his remedy is even more so. Ranil Wickremasinghe is not shy; but it is true that Maithripala Sirisena is confused. To provide the leadership that KD concludes the country needs they must agree to act on the false assumption that the problem is due to Sinhalese chauvinism, extremism etc. I don’t think the JVP has ever been racist, though Tamil racists and their sympathizers tried to make it out to an anti-Tamil outfit to justify their own racism. Even KD talks about Tamil ‘nationalism’ but Sinhalese ‘racism’. The problem is Sinhalese nationalism is always inclusive (it considers minorities as belonging to the country) whereas Tamil nationalism is exclusive (it stands only for Tamil interests).

The purpose of  his rambling digression into the domain of the history of writing may be inferred from his concluding words: ‘ We squat in Lanka in a corner of the world ignorant of how far back the story goes and how vast the world is. That men do not learn much from history is the saddest lesson history teaches. But suppose we could take a longer, bigger, view would we care so much what people in other corners of this little Isle speak, worship (or not worship) or how they arrange their affairs? Narrowness of mind and xenophobia of nations are born of ignorance of history and unawareness of how big and broad the human story is.’ But we know that the Sinhalese are no more narrow minded, xenophobic, or ignorant of history than other races. In fact, from time immemorial, they have been the opposite. Cosmopolitanism is in their genes. Though an insular people, they had a wide global outreach  that extended to furthest points in east Asia, Africa and Europe even in BCE times (as recorded history proves) through trade and diplomacy.  (March 7, 2017)


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