Let’s help Jagana Krishnakumar rebuild our ancestral home

August 5th, 2023

Malinda Seneviratne

Tragedy of any kind can yield tears. Tragedy of any kind can also yield resolve. There are other harvests too. Apportioning of blame, absolving responsibility, anger, revenge-intent and collapse of one kind or another for example. It’s seldom just one thing. And so, in this country where there has been so much death, dismemberment, destruction and displacement, we’ve seen all of it.

Jagana Krishnakumar is not an exception. Jagana recently visited his father’s ancestral home in Mannipai, Jaffna.  He sat there and imagined.  

He imagined what life must have been back then in and around what is now called Innuvil Road 200 years ago. Imagination was his only recourse even to think of how things were just a few decades ago, for all he had to ‘work with’ were the remnants of the entrance.

How, what, where, when, who? Who would wish this on a relative, a friend, an acquaintance, a neighbour, a stranger or even an enemy? Jagana believes, ‘no one.’ He is kind and generous, for there must have been total disregard for life, lifestyle, livelihood and property to produce the outcomes that left behind the rubble he sat on as he imagined the past and visualised the future.  

Histories matter. Lessons must be learnt. I don’t think Jagana is naive about such things. And yet, he did not fail to pick the warmth and hope in the people who have lost so much and nevertheless  embrace the troubled, challenging and tense present with fortitude.

It was not only Jagana whose thoughts ventured into the long ago going back several decades and beyond. His father had excitedly talked about how life used to be. Maybe the time for rancour had passed. Maybe that was how he was — knew the past, accepted realities and resolutely refusing to let any of it dampen his spirit.  

Jagana says that he was touched by his father’s excitement. It had made him want to rebuild the property. Not just the property of which only the broken pieces of an entrance remain, but the property that is the nation.

Here are his words:

‘In the same light, can we find inspiration and purpose to rebuild this our own country, because at the end of the day this is our home, our sanctuary, and our fortress, whether we’re from the North or the South, the East or the West, we are Sri Lankan, and we must come together now more than ever before and work towards a common and shared goal, which is towards the progress of this great and sacred land.’

Jagana is convinced that ‘humanity will never progress if we hold on to anger, hatred and revenge, instead forgive, understand and accept,’ and that ‘change, real change can only be ushered in, when we shed ourselves of what divides us, and embrace what unites us, and that is first, we are all human, second we are all Sri Lankan.’

There will always be people who affirm quite the opposite, people who hold on to anger, hatred and revenge, who will not forgive, understand or accept, and who will think first and last is nothing but self or a particular identity. ‘Sri Lanka’ could be a proposition or reality they cannot identify with, but the disavowal of humanity if not in word then in deed, what can be done? Jagana has the answer. Well, two answers.

The first has many parts.

‘Let’s not blame. Let’s not point fingers. For decades, we have been doing that. We have all made that mistake because the veil of political bias has always shrouded our judgment, we pick sides, when in the end all sides are the tentacles of the same octopus. Now it’s time we lift this veil of delusion, it’s Time we transcend the farcical political divide, the racial and ethnic dogma, and make informed and thoughtful decisions when we elect and select our representatives and leaders.’

Such sentiments are often expressed. Sometimes they are expressed by those who seem to have dedicated their lives to the exact opposite. But what makes Jagana’s words meaningful is the other, the second answer which came to his mind that day sitting on a broken pillar in his father’s ancestral property. Rebuild.

Rebuild resolve. Rebuild commonality. Rebuild understanding and acceptance. Rebuild unity. Rebuild humanity.  It’s all in those intangibles that we’ve misplaced, forgotten or allowed anger, distrust and inhumanity bury in the darkest and most forlorn recesses of the mind. Those intangibles that have been laid waste and like so much rubble are scattered in desolate landscapes.


The entrance is intact. It is always intact. It cannot be destroyed. Jagana Krishnakumar is a witness. He wants to rebuild our ancestral home. We can but lend a hand.

Sri Lanka Welcomes Iranian Investors: FM

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy Tasnim News

Sri Lanka Welcomes Iranian Investors: FM

TEHRAN (Tasnim) – Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka Ali Sabry said his country is eager to attract investment from Iran.

Speaking at a joint press conference with his Iranian counterpart in Tehran on Saturday, Sabry praised Iran for its progress under the pressure of sanctions.

We want to have good relations with Iran. We are also keen to see more Iranians traveling to Sri Lanka,” the foreign minister added.

Describing his country as the gateway to East Asia, Sabry said, I invite the Iranian companies to pay attention to Sri Lanka. Two-thirds of growth in the future will happen in Asia. We call on your (Iranian) companies to make investments in our country (Sri Lanka).”

For his part, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian said they have held talks on a broad range of bilateral and international issues, including economic and trade cooperation between Tehran and Colombo.

We share views about the existence of joint political will to expand scientific and academic cooperation, as well as the use of new technologies and the capacity of knowledge-based companies,” he added.

Amirabdollahian also noted that Sri Lanka’s role as the new chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) would provide a suitable opportunity for Iran’s cooperation with the other member states.

IORA is an inter-governmental organization that was established in March 1997. It is now a dynamic organization of 23 members and 11 dialogue partners

How is India helping Sri Lanka with its Unique Digital Identity project?

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy The Financial Express

The core objective of the Sri Lanka Unique Digital Identity Project (SL-UDI) is to gather biographic and biometric information, such as facial, iris, and fingerprint data.

India has extended crucial financial support to Sri Lanka’s unique digital identity project with an advance payment of INR 450 million. The project is a significant step in the island nation’s digitalization efforts. The funds were handed over on Friday, showing India’s commitment to the initiative.

In a meeting at the Presidential Secretariat, key stakeholders, including Presidential Senior Adviser on National Security and Chief of Presidential Staff Sagala Ratnayaka, State Minister of Technology Kanaka Herath, Indian High Commissioner Gopal Bagley, and First Secretary of the Indian High Commission Eldos Mathew, engaged in extensive discussions on the project’s execution.

The Indian High Commissioner presented a substantial contribution of INR 450 million, constituting 15 percent of the total required funds for the successful implementation of the project as an advance payment. Ratnayaka stressed the significance of following a well-defined timeline to ensure a smooth and efficient execution of the project.

Acknowledging the project’s profound importance in Sri Lanka‘s economic recovery, Ratnayaka conveyed sincere gratitude to the Indian government for its steadfast support in this undertaking.

Sri Lanka’s Unique Digital Identity Project: Aim and Significance

The core objective of the Sri Lanka Unique Digital Identity Project (SL-UDI) is to gather biographic and biometric information, such as facial, iris, and fingerprint data, which will be stored in a centralized system to issue identification cards adhering to the standards set by the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO).

This project’s successful implementation is expected to lead to more effective and efficient delivery of government services, poverty reduction, welfare programs, and financial inclusion by providing better access to banking and other products and services.

The project commenced with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Sri Lanka and India in March 2022, and an Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Project Monitoring Committee (JPMC) was established to oversee the project’s progress.

The Government of India is responsible for overseeing the software development for the SL-UDI, supporting Sri Lanka’s digitalization journey.

Iran, Sri Lanka agree on releasing prisoners in near future

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy Mehr News

Iran, Sri Lanka agree on releasing prisoners in near future

TEHRAN, Aug. 05 (MNA) – Iran and Sri Lanka agreed to take action regarding the release of prisoners of the two countries in a humane way in the near future, the Iranian Foreign Minister said

Today the potential of the Asian continent has attracted the attention of the world powers, and Asian countries, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian said in his joint presser with his Sri Lankan counterpart Ali Sabry on Saturday.

Asian countries should take advantage of dialogue and interaction in line with the interests of the nations, he said.

“In today’s meeting, we discussed a wide range of bilateral, regional, and international issues, including economic cooperation, trade and tourism development, and increasing cooperation in regional and international organizations,” he said, adding, the two sides enjoy a common political will to expand cultural, tourism, scientific cooperation.

“We discussed the latest status of the previously signed documents between the two countries and also discussed agreements for signing more documents in the future,” he said.

The export of technical and engineering services, medical services and equipment, and new technologies in addition to cooperation in the fields of economy, tourism, and energy were among the issues of mutual interest between the Iranian and Sri Lankan diplomats.

According to Amir-Abdollahian, the two sides also discussed the issue of Iranian and Sri Lankan prisoners.

Based on the agreements, the two sides agreed to take action regarding the release of release prisoners in the two countries in a humane way in the near future.

He also said that the two sides stressed strengthening cooperation in the field of the fight against drug trafficking and human trafficking and other trafficking issues and trade ties.

President’s visit to India: Opportunity or crisis?

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to India has sparked both excitement and concern among the citizens of Sri Lanka. The visit, aimed at strengthening economic ties and exploring various cooperation opportunities, has the potential to bring about much-needed development to the island nation. However, there are concerns that this visit may compromise Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and economic independence, turning it into a vassal state of India.

During his visit, President Wickremesinghe and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi discussed a range of issues and signed several agreements. One of the key outcomes of the visit is the decision to expedite the work to connect the electricity grids of the two countries. This move has the potential to address Sri Lanka’s energy shortages and increase its power generation capacity. Additionally, talks on an economic and technological cooperation pact were initiated, which could pave the way for increased trade and investment between the two countries.

Furthermore, the leaders agreed to conduct a feasibility study for a petroleum pipeline, which would allow Sri Lanka to import oil directly from India. This move could reduce Sri Lanka’s dependence on other oil-exporting countries and result in significant cost savings. Additionally, the viability of constructing a land bridge connecting the two countries is being examined, which would further strengthen trade and transportation links.

While these outcomes from the visit present numerous opportunities for Sri Lanka, there are concerns that the country may become overly reliant on India and lose its sovereignty and economic independence. India’s increasing interference in various affairs of Sri Lanka, such as settling trade in Indian rupee and the implementation of the 13th Amendment, are seen as signs of growing Indian influence. There is a fear that accepting Indian aid may further deepen this interference and compromise Sri Lanka’s decision-making autonomy.

Moreover, this visit is seen by many as a way for President Wickremesinghe to secure Indian aid in order to bolster Sri Lanka’s economy, thus increasing his chances of winning next year’s presidential election. While economic development is crucial for the country, it is important to ensure that the aid received does not come at the cost of compromising Sri Lanka’s interests and sovereignty.

On the other hand, India sees this visit as an opportunity to address its own concerns, particularly related to the Tamil community in Sri Lanka and security cooperation. India has long-standing expectations from Sri Lanka regarding the Tamil issue and hopes that President Wickremesinghe will respond positively to these expectations.

Additionally, given the strategic location of Sri Lanka, India is keen on strengthening security cooperation between the two countries to counter potential security threats in the region.

Bilateral relations between Colombo and New Delhi face several challenges despite their commitments to stronger engagement. These challenges can be attributed to three main factors.

Firstly, the Indian central government is under political pressure from the Tamil Nadu state government to address the demands of Sri Lankan Tamils for rights and autonomy. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is less popular in the southern Indian states, and opposition parties have joined forces in an ‘India’ alliance to challenge the BJP. The Indian side is primarily motivated by Wickremesinghe’s promise to implement the 13th Amendment, excluding police powers and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

However, the Sri Lankan president faces political obstacles in implementing the 13th Amendment. To avoid the political costs, he intends to shift the responsibility to the Parliament by convening an all-party conference on national reconciliation. However, this offer has been rejected by the Tamil National Alliance, who view it as another empty promise. Additionally, two key opposition parties, Samagi Jana Balawegaya and National People’s Power, have refused to participate in the conference. Clear divisions between the pro-devolution and nationalist factions in parliament further complicate the matter. Minister of Parliament Udaya Gammanpila of the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist party, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya, plans to introduce a 22nd Amendment to the Constitution to remove police powers from the 13th Amendment.

The second challenge is managing Indian concerns over China’s growing influence in the Indian Ocean region. Traditionally, a new Sri Lankan president’s first official visit is to India, highlighting the key role India plays in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. However, since taking office in July 2022, Wickremesinghe has visited nine other countries before his official trip to India. Notable among these visits are the United Kingdom, France, Japan, and Singapore.

This shift in priorities reflects the urgent need for political leadership to secure consensus among key bilateral creditors regarding foreign debt restructuring. In early 2023, the Sri Lankan president obtained assurances from the Export-Import Bank of China, which were crucial in securing an IMF bailout package.

The third challenge stems from growing opposition within Sri Lanka towards bilateral issues. In early 2023, Sri Lanka’s northern fishermen strongly protested the government’s plan to issue licenses to Indian fishermen in Sri Lankan waters. Although the fisheries conflict has long existed, this issue was not addressed in the recent bilateral discussions.

Furthermore, in June 2022, a domestic controversy arose over an Adani project in Sri Lanka. A government official stated that the renewable energy project in Mannar was awarded to the Adani Group due to pressure from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. It was recently confirmed during the official visit that the Adani Group’s renewable energy project in Mannar will be completed by 2025.

While the recent visit by Wickremesinghe to India and the agreements reached in various areas were significant and timely, both governments face several challenges. Strengthening bilateral ties will require efforts to address these key challenges. Despite some improvements, further actions are necessary to bolster the relationship between these neighboring countries.

In conclusion, President Wickremesinghe’s visit to India has the potential to bring about significant development and cooperation for Sri Lanka. The planned initiatives, such as connecting electricity grids, exploring an economic and technological cooperation pact, and examining the viability of a petroleum pipeline and land bridge, present numerous opportunities for economic growth and regional connectivity. However, it is crucial for Sri Lanka to balance these opportunities with safeguarding its sovereignty and economic independence. Accepting aid from India should not come at the expense of compromising the nation’s decision-making autonomy. It is equally important for India to respect the wishes and interests of Sri Lanka, particularly in relation to the Tamil issue, and ensure that cooperation is mutually beneficial. Only through a balanced and mutually respectful approach can President Wickremesinghe’s visit to India truly be an opportunity rather than a crisis for Sri Lanka.

Colombo to be beautified with plans provided by Surbana Jurong: President

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The vision to transform Colombo into a beautiful city is already in motion, with plans provided by Surbana Jurong while similar plans have been prepared for Trincomalee, aiming to enhance the development in that region as well, President Ranil Wickremesinghe said.

He said Surbana Jurong is also actively involved in creating a tourist zone from Verugal Aru to Batticaloa and Arugam Bay areas, contributing to the growth of the tourism industry.

The President made these remarks at an international conference on architecture organized by the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) Chapter in Sri Lanka, in collaboration with the American Institute of Architects (AIA) and the Italian Embassy of Sri Lanka, on the theme: “Architecture: A Lasting Impact,” held this morning (05) at the Cinnamon Grand, Colombo, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.

The President said the focus on expanding the tourist industry is expected to create opportunities for non-government universities in Sri Lanka. 

The recent enactment of the new Act, allowing Provincial Councils to establish universities, marks the beginning of this endeavour. There is a growing need for skilled professionals, including engineers, architects, IT specialists and others, with the demand estimated to be at least 10,000 engineers alone.

To address these requirements, discussions are underway with Japan, which has shown a willingness to assist in the past. Despite some challenges posed by the recent crisis, the commitment to progress these plans remains strong, with the hope of securing the necessary support to meet the country’s developmental needs,” he added.

The President also said in visioning the future, the potential for architects to participate in the development of the Port City holds significant promise. 

“A notable portion of the Port City land is under government ownership and is slated for diverse utilization. The involvement of the private sector in this initiative offers an added avenue to harness architectural expertise. This exploration requires collaborative dialogues involving relevant chambers and stakeholders.

“These emerging opportunities symbolize valuable prospects for Sri Lanka. Seizing these chances has the potential to establish a notable standing for the nation. It is imperative to acknowledge that as India’s progress persists, architectural possibilities might also arise there. Those with established recognition could potentially tap into this market, mirroring the engagement of architects in Africa for house design,” he added. (Ajith Siriwardeana)

Talaimannar pier to be re-constructed after 37 years

August 5th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Ports, Shipping and Aviation Ministry has planned to re-construct the Talaimannar Pier to facilitate passenger vessels from Rameswaram, India after 37 years.

The pier was destroyed and had been abandoned to deteriorate during the conflict era in the north. Accordingly, under the instructions of Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) has been vested with the re-construction of the pier.

The estimated cost of the investment is Rs. 1,800 million. Parallel to the re-construction of the pier, about 10 acres of government-owned land bordering the port will be acquired for port infrastructure development activities.

Under these new developments, a modern passenger terminal and warehouse facilities will be constructed. It has also been decided to call for RFPs for these investments to be carried out under PPP. In the past, a passenger ferry service existed between Talaimannar and Danushukodi.

However, the Dhanuskodi port was completely destroyed due to cyclones. At present, India has completed developments at the Rameswaram Port, and the Indian government has declared clearance to commence a passenger ferry service between Mannar and Rameswaram.

The Minister emphasized that the commencement of the ferry service between Talaimannar and Rameswaram will also facilitate Sri Lankan pilgrims to India by providing low-cost travel facilities.

He also said that these measures will facilitate the exchange of goods between the two countries and will be a commendable opportunity to popularize the products of the people of northern Sri Lanka in India. (Chaturanga Pradeep Samarawickrama)


Po

Import Liberalization

August 4th, 2023

Sugath Kulatunga

The opposition has awakened from their slumbers on the recent liberalization of food and fruits and vegetables. Any person who had read the IMF staff papers and the Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies (MEFP) signed by the President and the Governor Central Bank which sets out the specific plans and policies that Sri Lanka intended to implement under the IMF-supported program.

We are back in 1977 and the floodgates of imports are open. IMF has won the day.

Article 21 of the MEFP the government clearly spells out the specific policies envisaged.

21. We will phase out the administrative measures imposed to support the balance of payments, including those introduced on an emergency basis, once conditions allow. These measures include import restrictions, exchange restrictions, multiple currency practices (MCPs), and capital flow management (CFM) measures.

While the mentioned import restrictions, exchange restrictions, MCPs and CFMs could help mitigate FX shortages in the near term, we believe they should not be a substitute for the comprehensive policy package and ongoing macroeconomic adjustment. We are committed to phasing these measures out as the balance of payments stabilizes. To this end, by June 2023, we will prepare a plan for the phased removal of these measures during the program period, we will not: (i) introduce or intensify exchange restrictions or MCPs;

(ii) impose or intensify import restrictions for balance of payments purposes; The government assurance is confirmed by the IMF Technical Memorandum of Understanding (TMU) where in Other Continuous Performance Criteria it is specified that: During the program period, Sri Lanka will not:

·       Impose or intensify restrictions on the making of payments and transfers for current international transactions;

·       introduce or modify multiple currency practices (MCPs);

·       conclude bilateral payment agreements that are inconsistent with Article VIII of IMF Articles of Agreement;

·       and impose or intensify import restrictions for balance of payments purposes.

It is noted that in the Govt memorandum and in the Performance Criteria imposed by the IMF the restriction is on import controls for ‘balance of payment purposes’. What has happened now is the liberalization of imports of even food and fruits and vegetables which affects the domestic production of these items. These imports would not have any serious impact on the balance of payments and therefore do not fall under the restrictions imposed by the IMF or the self-limitation inflicted on themselves by the government. Therefore, the government should restrict imports which have an adverse effect on local production.

There can be an argument that imports of fruits and vegetables are necessary to ensure the high quality demanded by the tourist industry.

This does not take into account that any high quality particularly vegetables can be produced under greenhouses, and it is already done.

රාජ්‍ය සේවයෙන් විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් අයින් කරන්න කියලා යෝජනා ආවා. ඒත් අපි ඒක කළේ නැහැ.- අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන මහතා

August 4th, 2023

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා මේ බව සඳහන් කළේ  2023.08.03 දින මොණරාගල දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් කාර්යාලයේ පැවැති අලුත් ගමක් – අලුත් රටක් ජාතික ඒකාබද්ධතා සහභාගිත්ව සංවර්ධන  වැඩසටහනනේදීය.

එහිදී  අදහස් දැක්වූ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරයා –

මුදල් අර්බුදයකට දැවැන්ත ජාත්‍යන්තර ප්‍රශ්නයකට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මුහුණ දුන්නා.අර්බුදයෙන් ගොඩ ඒම සඳහා ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගය සහ මිත්‍රත්වය අවශ්‍ය වී තිබෙනවා.මෙවන් අර්බුදයන්ට මුහුණ දුන් රටවල් මේ තරම් ඉක්මනින් ආපහු ඔලුව උස්සල නැහැ.මට හමුවෙන හැම විදේශීය ප්‍රධානියෙක්ම කියන්නේ අපි ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගැන ආඩම්බරයි කියලයි.

අපි අපේ රටේ ගොවි ජනතාව ගැන ආඩම්බරයි. මුළු ලෝකයම ආහාර අර්බුදය මුහුණ දෙනකොට අපේ ගොවි ජනතාව තමන්ට තිබුණු ප්‍රශ්න මැද වුණත් ගොවිබිම්වලට ගිහිල්ලා හොඳ අස්වැන්නක්  ලබා දුන්නා. ගොවිබිම්වල අඩුපාඩුකම් මගහරවාගෙන ඕනෑකම් පිරිමහගෙන වඩාත් ඵලදායී තත්වයට ගෙන ඒම අත්‍යවශ්‍යයි.

මුදල් අර්බුදය මැද තිබුණු තත්ත්වයන්ගෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර විශ්වාසය දිනා ගැනීමට අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සමත්වී තිබෙනවා. විශ්වාසය මත තමයි ආර්ථිකය යළි ලියලන්නට පුළුවන්  තත්වයකට ගෙන ඒමට හැකි වුණේ. අමතක කරන්නට එපා බැංකු ගනුදෙනු ජාත්‍යන්තරව නැවතුනා. මෙවැනි ජාත්‍යන්තර ගැටලූවකට මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවීම පිළිබඳ සියලු දෙනාට තේරුම් ගැනීම දුෂ්කර වුණත් රාජ්‍ය පාලකයින් තේරුම් ගන්න ඕනේ. දිසාපතිවරුන්, පළාත් සභා නිලධාරීන්, ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා නිලධාරීන් ඇතුළු පහළට සියලු රාජ්‍ය  සේවය මේ පිළිබඳව හොඳින් අවබෝධ ගත යුතුයි.

වෙල්ලස්ස භූමිය අපේ රටේ නිදහසේ දෝංකාරයයි. අතීතය සිහිපත් වෙන මේ භූමියට අපේ රටේ හැම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම ණයයි. ගමේ සිට ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම් කොට්ඨාශ  හරහා ඇතිකරන ආහාර සුරක්ෂිතතාවය හා ඒ හා සම්බන්ධිත ක්ෂේත්‍ර ගණනාවකට මුලපුරන ගමනක්.

ආහාරයෙන් අප ස්වංපෝෂිත වෙනවා කියන්නේ ඩොලර් යොදා ආහාර ගෙන ඒම නවතිනවා. රුපියලෙන් ආහාර නිෂ්පාදනය කරනවා. එයට මීට වඩා  අංක ගණිතයක් අවශ්‍ය වෙන්නේ නැහැ. අවශ්‍ය ඉලක්කයන් සපුරා ගැනීමට නොහැකි  වීමේ ගැටලු රාශියක් පවතිනවා. මේ ප්‍රදේශවල වගාවන් සිදු කරන අයට ඉඩම් ලබාදීමේ කටයුතු ඉක්මනින් අවසන් කළ යුතුව තිබෙනවා. ඔප්පු තිරප්පු උඩ ගනුදෙනු කරන යුගයක් අපට තිබුණේ නැහැ. ඔප්පු කියන දේ සුදු ආණ්ඩුව අපට පුරුදු කළ දේ මිසක් අතීතයේ තිබුණෙ නැහැ. ඔප්පු සමග විවිධ ඉඩම් නීති සුදු ආණ්ඩුව පැනෙව්වා. ඒ පනවපු නීති නිසා අද වෙල්ලස්සේ ජීවත් වන විශාල පිරිසක් අපහසුතාවයට පත්ව තිබෙනවා. මේ නීති වෙනස් කරන්න, සහනයක් දෙන්න ගොවි ජනතාව දැනට යෙදිලා සිටින පියවරයන් අපි මිනුම්පතිවරයා සමග සාකච්ඡා කලා. මූලික මිනුම් සැලසුම් ප්‍රාදේශීය ලේකම්වරයා  හරහා  කළොත් මේ ජනතාවගේ බලාපොරොත්තු සාර්ථක කර ගැනීමට හැකියාව ලැබෙයි.

මේ රටේ අඩුම ආදායම් ලබන ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් දෙන සහනය නවතින්න බැහැ. ගැටුමක් ඇති කරන්න මේක හොඳම වෙලාව කියලා සමහර අය හිතන්න ඇති. ගැටුමක් ඇති කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. මානුෂිකව කල්පනා කරන්න ඕනේ. අපේ රටේ අඩුම ආදායම් ලබන ජන කොට්ඨාශයට ලබා දෙන මේ සහනය ඉක්මනින් ලබාදීම සහ ඒ ප්‍රමාණය වැඩි කර දීම සඳහා වූ උත්සාහයකයි මේ යෙදෙන්නේ. පවතින ගැටලු නිරාකරණය කරගනිමින් මේ වැඩපිළිවෙළ සාර්ථක කර ගැනීමට රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් හැටියට වගකීම ඉටු කරන්න.

රාජ්‍ය සේවයේ විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් සේවයෙන් මුදා හරින්න, අයින් කරන්න කියලා විවිධ යෝජනා ආවා. අපි ඒක කළේ නැහැ. අපිට මේ අමාරු තත්ත්වයෙන් රට ගොඩ ගන්න ඕනේ. අපිට විශ්වාසය තියෙන මිත්‍ර රටවල් වගේම දේශීයව අප සියලු දෙනා අත්වැල් බැඳගෙන සැලැස්මකට ගමන් කළොත් අපට ආහාරවලින් ස්වයංපෝෂිත තත්ත්වයට එන්න පුළුවන්.”

ඌව වෙල්ලස්ස දෙදිසාවේ ප්‍රධාන සංඝනායක පූජ්‍ය කන්දඋඩ පංගුවේ සුධම්ම හිමි, ඌව පළාත් ආණ්ඩුකාර ඒ.ජේ.එම්. මුසම්මිල්, රාජ්‍ය අමාත්‍යවරුන් වන ශෂීන්ද්‍ර  රාජපක්ෂ, අශෝක ප්‍රියන්ත, ජානක වක්කුඹුර, විජිත බේරුගොඩ,පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන කුමාරසිරි රත්නායක, යදාමිණී ගුණවර්ධන, ධර්මසේන විජේසිංහ, රාජ්‍ය පරිපාලන අමාත්‍යංශ ලේකම් රංජිත් අශෝක, මොණරාගල දිස්ත්‍රික් ලේකම් එස්.බී. රත්නායක ජනාධිපති උපදේශක බී .එම්. එස්. බටගොඩ  ඇතුළු  රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් මෙම අවස්ථාවට සහභාගි වූහ.

අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය මාධ්‍ය අංශය.

මිහින්තලේ වසර 44ක් විදුලි බිල් ගෙවා නෑ… හැමදාම අලෝක පූජාවට ආධාර එකතු කරලා…

August 4th, 2023

 lanka C news

මිහින්තලය රජමහා විහාරස්ථානයේ ආලෝක පූජාවේ බරපැන දැරීම සඳහා ආධාර එකතු කරන ලද ආධාර පත්‍රයක් සමාජ ජාලවල හුවමාරු වෙමින් ඇත

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1979 වසරේ පුදබිමට විදුලි බලය ලබා දුන් වසරේදී සිට මේ දක්වාම විදුලි බිලක් පැමිණ නැති බවත් එනිසා විදුලි ගාස්තු ගැනීමක්ද සිදු කරන ඇති බවත් මිහින්තලාව විහාරාධිපති හිමියන් එහි දී මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් අමතමින් කියා සිටියේය

කෙසේ වෙතත් පූජා භූමියේ ආලෝක පූජාව සඳහා එම කාලය තුළදී මුදල් ආධාර එකතු කර තිබේ.

Japan-Sri Lanka goodwill exercise strengthens Indo-Pacific cooperation

August 4th, 2023

By  Courtesy Naval Technology

Indo-Pacific Deployment 2023 (IPD23) unit enhances maritime collaboration through a successful goodwill exercise with the Sri Lanka Navy.

Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force JS Samidare, Murasame-class destroyer was used in the naval exercise alongside the SLNS Gajabahu. Source: viper-zero/Shutterstock

In a demonstration of commitment to fostering regional cooperation and advancing a Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” the Indo-Pacific Deployment 2023 unit, under the Maritime Staff Office for Japan, recently concluded a successful goodwill exercise with the Sri Lanka Navy.

Japan’s proactive defence approach includes reinforcing strategic alliances and collaborations with key partners in the Indo-Pacific region. 

Defence ministers of Japan, the United States, Australia and the Philippines agreed to step up security cooperation to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific amid China’s growing maritime assertiveness, according to GlobalData’s Japan Defense Market 2023-2028” report.

Japan’s objectives aligned with progress

The goodwill exercise on 29 July marked a stride towards achieving two crucial objectives. Firstly, it aimed to enhance the tactical capabilities of the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force, solidifying its strength in maritime operations.

Secondly, the exercise was a testament to the friendship and mutual understanding fostered between the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force and the Sri Lanka Navy.

According to GlobalData’s report Sri Lankan Defense Market – Attractiveness, Competitive Landscape and Forecasts to 2024, Japan and Sri Lanka are strengthening their bilateral cooperation regarding maritime security to fight against piracy and other concerns, along with efforts to establish an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA).

Cooperation at sea – off Colombo

The exercise, conducted off the coast of Colombo, witnessed the collaboration of two naval units. Representing the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force was the JS Samidare (IPD23 First Surface Unit), while the Sri Lankan Navy’s Gajabahu represented the Sri Lanka Navy.

The exercise encompassed a range of activities, including tactical manoeuvring exercises and a photographic exercise, among others.

A diplomatic voyage

The JS Samidare, as part of its engagement with Sri Lanka, embarked on a port visit to Colombo, Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, from July 20 to 29. During this time, the vessel underwent a thorough hull inspection and maintenance at the Colombo Dockyard, underscoring the commitment to maritime operational readiness.

The culmination of this collaborative endeavour was punctuated by the sight of JS Samidare and SLNS Gajabahu standing side by side, showing cooperation. The exercise served as a testament to the shared goals of enhancing tactical acumen while nurturing mutual camaraderie.

In the weeks prior, South Korea, the US, & Japan also conducted joint naval missile defence drills to address regional security challenges.

As the maritime landscape continues to evolve, such exercises reaffirm nations’ determination to stand shoulder to shoulder, reinforcing the pillars of co-operation and security.

French telecom giant takes delivery of offshore wind cable laying vessel

August 4th, 2023

by 

French telecommunications corporation Orange has taken delivery of its new cable laying and repair vessel (CLRV), said to be designed for the maintenance of cables for offshore wind projects.

Source: VARD

The vessel, named Sophie Germain after the pioneering French mathematician and philosopher, is currently on its way from Sri Lanka’s Colombo Dockyard to France.

The CLRV is expected to arrive at Orange Marine’s base of La Seyne sur Mer around mid-August, when it will replace Raymond Croze, launched in 1983.

The newbuild vessel was designed by Norway’s VARD and is of the VARD 9 03 design for the maintenance of submarine cables, both fiber-optic telecommunication cables and inter-array power cables used for offshore wind farms.

The cable layer is 100 meters long, has a beam of 18.8 meters and a deadweight capacity of 1,800 DWT, can achieve a speed of 14.5 knots and has accommodation facilities for 76 persons. It has three cable tanks to carry fiber optic and power cables, one of which is fitted with a carousel system. 

Source: Colombo Dockyard

This is Colombo Dockyard’s first-ever CLRV to be delivered to the European market from Sri Lanka.

To remind, Orange revealed at the end of 2020 that it was targeting the offshore wind sector with the order of a cable vessel specially designed for the maintenance of submarine cables, including inter-array cables used on offshore wind farms.

”We will have a new and high-performance tool, with a low environmental footprint, which will allow us to offer high-quality services for several decades to our customers, not only owners of submarine telecommunications cables but also operators of offshore wind farms,” Didier Dillard, CEO of Orange Marine, said at the time.

13 ගැන දෙමළ දේශපාලකයන්ගේ සැබෑ අරමුණ පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ හිටපු නාගරක මන්ත්‍රීවරියක් හෙළිකරයි

August 4th, 2023

Lanka Lead News

ජනාධිපතිවරු 7 දෙනෙකු අත නොතැබූ 13 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනය හරහා උතුරු හා නැගෙනහිරට පොලිස් හා ඉඩම් බලතල ලබාදීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයා සර්ව පාක්ෂික සමුළුව කැඳවූ බවත්, ඒ පිළිබඳව තමන් පුදුමයට පත්වූ බවත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ හිටපු නාගරික මන්ත්‍රී ෂර්මිලා ගෝනවල මහත්මිය පවසයි.

සිරස නාලිකාවේ පැවති සටන වැඩසටහනට එක් වෙමින් ඇය මේ බව පැවසුවාය.

මීටපෙර දෙමළ පක්ෂ නායකයන් මෙරට බුදු දහමට ප්‍රමුඛත්වය ලබාදීමට එකඟවී තිබූ බවත් ඔවුන් බහුතරවාදය හා බහුත්වාදය යන කාරණා සඳහා එකඟතාව පළකර තිබූ බවත් පවසන ෂර්මිලා ගෝනවල මහත්මිය මෙවර පැවැති සර්ව පාක්ෂික සමුළුවේ දී ඔවුන්ගේ එම අදහස වෙනස් වී ඇති බවත් පවසයි.

සැබෑ ප්‍රශ්නය තේරුම් නොගෙන භූ දේශපාලනික අවශ්‍යතා සපුරමින් තවත් පරම්පරාවක් යුද්ධයකට තල්ලු කිරීමට සූදානම් වන්නේ එක් පැත්තකින් ජාතිවාදී දේශපාලකයින් සහ අනෙක් පැත්තකින් අවස්ථාවාදී බලලෝභීන් බවත් ඇය මෙහිදී චෝදනා කළාය.

Officials visiting SL to host show greeted by unmanned counter at BIA

August 4th, 2023

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

While Sri Lanka has secured the bid to host a prestigious travel awards show in Colombo, the officials visiting Sri Lanka to discuss the event had been greeted by unmanned service counters at the Bandaranaike International Airport.

https://youtu.be/oP6ncrBzWUI

This was revealed by State Tourism Minister Diana Gamage who welcomed the officials representing the World Travel Awards, who are here to discuss hosting the grand finale in Colombo in December. President of the World Travel Awards Graham Cooke who had been among the group inconvenienced at BIA said that Sri Lanka has great potential in terms of developing tourism. “I see tremendous potential. The biggest investment this country can make is with its main asset, and the main asset is its people,” Cooke said.

State Minister Gamage who also spoke to the media said that the inept officials and unsatisfactory services at the BIA were a leading cause for disappointment among tourists who visit Sri Lanka.

“Securing this bid took great effort. There were five other countries bidding for this opportunity. It is regretful that these officials had a very negative experience at our airport,” State Minister Gamage said, highlighting what she said was a sorry state of affairs at the country’s main international airport.

“The officials have not had their visa to enter the country at the time of their arrival. They had been directed to a counter and nobody had taken any notice of them. The counter had been empty. There had been nobody to direct them or help them at the airport,” she said.

Minister Gamage said that she has constantly highlighted the fact that inefficient services at the airport were directly impacting tourism development in Sri Lanka. “This official explained to me that he was greatly disappointed and that he wanted to return to where he came from. This is the first point where tourists are discouraged and turned back,” Gamage said. The Minister said that there will be no development of the tourism industry unless there is a change in this attitude of the people. “This is not the first time I have received this complaint as the State Minister. Tourists from every country complain about this,” she said.

The officials are due to meet President Ranil Wickremesinghe, where this issue will be brought up, Gamage said. (Kalani Kumarasinghe)

Govt prepared to address any food crisis that may arise – State Minister

August 4th, 2023

Courtesy Ada Derana

The government intends to recultivate 11,000 acres of abandoned paddy lands before the end of this year in a bid to prepare for a potential food crisis, State Minister of Agriculture Mohan Priyadarshana De Silva said.

The state minister pointed out that the program for harvesting abandoned paddy lands is being implemented through the Department of Agrarian Development, and the government has allocated Rs. 420 million for this purpose.

He expressed these views today (Aug 03) during a press conference themed ‘Collective Path to a Stable Country’ held at the Presidential Media Centre (PMC).


State Minister Mohan Priyadarshana De Silva, further commented:

The export of rice has been temporarily halted by Pakistan and India in order to deal with a potential future global food crisis. Some nations are also experiencing a rice crisis as a result of India stopping the export of rice.

Therefore, as a country, we must likewise get ready to deal with this calamity. The government cannot improve the country’s agriculture industry alone. Support from everyone is necessary for that. As a result, the government has chosen to replant the nation’s abandoned paddy lands. Under the initial phase, the Department of Agrarian Development is working to cultivate 11,000 acres. The government has allocated 420 million rupees for this purpose.

The agricultural sector is responsible for 7.5% of this nation’s GDP. As an agricultural country; there is an opportunity to raise this contribution to the country’s GDP to a higher value. Developing the agricultural sector is another way to boost the national economy.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has given many concessions for the farmers of this country. There are subsidies for fertilizers. The government offers farmers insurance free of charge. As a result, there is some increase in rice production in this country compared to the past. Additionally, necessary steps have been taken to streamline the farmers’ paddy purchasing mechanism.

The annual rice requirement of this country is about 2.4 million metric tons. This year, it is predicted that 2.7 million metric tons of rice will be harvested. As a result, it is feasible to maintain a surplus of 300,000 metric tons of rice.

Furthermore, I do not believe that the nation will experience a food crisis in future. Additionally, the President has issued directives prohibiting the release of rice reserves for beer manufacturing.

The government has focused on enhancing the cultivation of new crops in addition to expanding rice production. The budget declaration from President Ranil Wickremesinghe states that the program to bring contemporary technologies to the agricultural sector has already commenced.

The establishment of agricultural villages for young entrepreneurs is another ongoing initiative with the goal of orienting the youth community in the agricultural sector. Additionally, measures have been taken to allow youth access to government-owned land that is not being used for agriculture.

Also, the work of drafting the National Agriculture Policy with amendments is in the final stage. It will eventually be presented to the Cabinet. Through the National Agriculture Policy, it is possible to do a great deal for the advancement of the agricultural sector in this country.

Sri Lanka’s inflation down but outlook is still cloudy – analysts

August 4th, 2023

Courtesy Ada Derana

Sri Lanka’s inflation rate, which dropped to single digits for the first time in months in July, may still face headwinds from rising water, food and energy prices, analysts say, in a challenge for a crisis-hit country seeking to foster growth.

Inflation has dropped sharply in recent months from the 69% hit last September, partly due to the statistical base effect, but also due to a stronger currency and better harvests.

A severe foreign exchange crunch triggered Sri Lanka’s worst financial crisis in seven decades last year, triggering the inflation surge. But figures released Monday showed its key inflation rate nearly halved to 6.3% from 12% in June.

Economic stability has improved since March after a $2.9 billion rescue package from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

However, the country needs to focus on reducing losses at state enterprises and to pass on energy prices as per IMF conditions which may boost inflation, analysts warned.

The high base effect issue will finish off in the next two months and beyond that we might actually see a slight upward push in inflation with the currency depreciation and possibly a bit of food inflation coming into play,” said Dimantha Mathew, head of research at First Capital.

There could be some volatility in the last quarter and inflation could end the year at the 6%-8% range.”

Sri Lanka’s currency has appreciated about 10% this year but analysts are concerned it could come under pressure from stronger import demand in the last quarter.

A government decision to raise water tariffs by as much as 50%, higher global commodity prices and severe dry weather in some rice growing regions will also pressure prices, several analysts said.

Higher global cooking gas costs could also have an impact, Muditha Peiris, head of the state-run LPG company said on Friday, but ruled out immediate price hikes.

The country’s central bank remains confident in the downward trend. It expects the rate to fall within the 4%-6% target band and even dip below it in the next two months.

But in the medium term we expect inflation will stabilise within the target range of 4%-6%,” P.K.G. Harischandra, head of research at the central bank told reporters on Thursday.

Following the rapid decline in inflation, Sri Lanka’s central bank cut policy rates by 450 basis points in June and July this year, after raising them a record 1050 basis points from April 2022 to March.

The central bank is expected to continue easing interest rates in the second half, Harischandra said.

Source – Reuters
-Agencies

Govt will heed advice on debt optimization only from parliament – President

August 4th, 2023

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe stressed the government’s financial accountability to Parliament, making it clear that they will only adhere to the instructions and orders of the Parliament in the debt optimization program.

He asserted that he is committed to preventing the country from descending into anarchy by avoiding out-dated political practices, and he remains devoted to developing Sri Lanka, the President’s Media Division (PMD) reported.

These statements were made during the 29th annual meeting of the Coconut Growers Association, held today (04) at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute. At the event, President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed gratitude for the invitation to attend and acknowledged the historical significance of coconut cultivation for Sri Lankan businesses. He highlighted that until 1970, the Sinhalese people held a significant amount of coconut land, but this changed with the land reform of 1972-73, leading to a decline in the capital of Sinhala businessmen.

He further mentioned that during the presidency of J.R. Jayawardena, efforts were made to develop the coconut industry with assistance from the Asian Development Bank. However, he acknowledged that the coconut industry’s progress over the last 50 years has not been satisfactory, contrasting it with other countries such as Brazil and Vietnam that have rapidly advanced in coconut cultivation, the PMD said.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe emphasized the current situation of coconut farmers in Sri Lanka, with 82% of them owning less than 20 acres of land, while only 18% are engaged in large-scale cultivation. Comparatively, India, which started coconut cultivation with approximately 20 million acres of land in 1950, now has around 45 million acres dedicated to coconuts.

He pointed out the significant difference in coconut yield between Sri Lanka and neighbouring regions like Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and West Bengal. While Sri Lanka’s coconut production stands at 7000 nuts per acre, these regions are achieving much higher yields, such as 11,400 coconuts per acre in Tamil Nadu and 10,000 coconuts per acre in Telangana, it added.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s address at the event indicated his concern for the coconut industry’s development in Sri Lanka and his commitment to fostering progress in the sector to match the advancements seen in other countries.

In the Andhra region, coconut cultivation yields approximately 15,000 coconuts per acre, which is twice the output we achieve here.

A proposal has been put forth to merge three coconut-related institutions, and it seems appropriate to combine the Coconut Research Institute with the Agricultural University, thereby streamlining the process.

The government has already initiated an agriculture modernization program with the aim of creating a highly competitive economy through agriculture. To achieve this, we must also focus on advancing the coconut industry. Increasing coconut production and marketing it effectively are crucial. Relying solely on price control will not lead to successful business development. Instead, the key lies in boosting production and enhancing the value of coconuts.

Investments should be encouraged in the coconut industry. Currently, 55% of total coconut production comes from the Coconut Triangle, and the plan to establish a second coconut triangle in dry areas is a promising step forward.

Despite the country’s financial challenges, the current government possesses the capability to address these issues and move forward. Loan optimization activities are underway, and discussions have taken place with leaders from various countries. The goal is not to default on outstanding loans but to gain more time to repay them while finding ways to pay off debts incurred for necessary imports. This necessitates a shift towards a highly competitive export economy.

The loan optimization work is in progress, with proposals presented in the cabinet and discussions held with the International Monetary Fund and major creditor countries. After parliamentary discussions and amendments, the proposal has been submitted for acceptance. The State Finance Committee of the Parliament has actively participated in this process, working diligently regardless of party differences.

The President expresses gratitude to the State Finance Committee for their support and hopes that the opposition would also back the initiative. Regrettably, internal issues between opposition parties have hindered their support, but the President remains thankful for the backing received from everyone. The aim is to complete the loan optimization work by September or October this year, according to the PMD.

Despite not receiving support from the opposition initially, many members from opposition parties later backed the continuation of this program without objection. However, some groups sought to disrupt the program, resorting to street protests, which were ultimately unsuccessful in garnering public support. Now, they are attempting to utilize the court for their political agenda, seeking prohibitory orders.

Halting this program could have negative consequences, as foreign countries might be less inclined to engage in business with us. The country is already facing issues such as fuel pollution and farmers losing access to necessary fertilizers, it said.

The control of public finances lies with the Parliament, and this program has already been approved by it. The Parliament, being the custodian of the sovereign power of the people under Article 04 of the Constitution, exercises all the necessary powers. The government operates within the framework set by the laws of the Parliament, and decisions can only be changed or continued with the Parliament’s notification.

The President emphasizes the need for unity in moving the country forward and warns against the destructive influences of old politics. He is committed to the responsibility of developing the country and works in tandem with the Parliament, particularly in the loan optimization program, where their accountability lies.

Minister Ramesh Pathirana highlighted the significant increase in coconut export income in recent times, driven by the growing demand for various coconut products like milk, substrate, and activated carbon. 

This year, exports related to coconut products are expected to generate 700 million dollars, and the goal is to achieve a 2 billion dollar export income within the next decade. To support this, a second coconut triangle is planned to be established, covering areas in the Northern Province like Jaffna-Point Pedro, Mannar, and Mullaitivu, the PMD said.

Currently, two-thirds of coconut production is utilized locally, leaving only one-third for exports. The plan is to increase opportunities for exports by altering this situation.

The event was attended by the President of the Coconut Growers Association, Jayantha Samarakoon, Secretary Shakila Wijewardanayana, and many others, according to the PMD.

BUDDHIST VIHARAS AND EELAM Part 5A.

August 3rd, 2023

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Tamil Separatist Movement has shown strong opposition to the re-establishment of Buddhist temples in the north and east.  In this case, Kurundi vihara in Mullativu. The Tamil Separatist Movement is opposing two things, the conservation of ancient Buddhist temples and the building of new Buddhist temples.

 This issue has been simmering for a long time.  It is good that this matter has now come before the attention of the general public, because it is a very important issue. It is the last stage in the conversion of the north to an exclusive Tamil-Hindu region.

 It is argued that the Tamil Separatist Movement has no right to demand the removal of Buddhist temples from the north and east.  In fact they have no right to demand anything at all in Sri Lanka.

 Historians say that the first Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka appeared only in 10th century. They were settlements connected to the Chola invasion of Sri Lanka. Chola rule in Sri Lanka lasted from 993-1070 AD.  Those Tamil settlements would not have lasted long. They would have been speedily assimilated into the Sinhala kingdom which regained its independence under Vijayabahu I.  Some Tamils would have returned home

North and East of Sri Lanka became Tamil only about 400 years ago. Tamils arrived in Jaffna from India, during the Dutch occupation, to help with tobacco cultivation in the north. The Dutch occupation was from 1658 to 1796.  The Tamils who came in were low caste, landless agricultural laborers who could not find employment in India.

 The descendants of these Tamil low caste immigrants   got a lovely break in the early 19th century. They were picked up and improved by a set of American missionaries.  These American missionaries   were interested in getting a foothold in Madras and planned to use Jaffna for the purpose. The British administration allowed them to work in Jaffna, but nowhere else in the island.

 The American Missionaries arrived in Jaffna in 1813 from Boston. They took hold of these backward Tamils and improved them beyond recognition. They were converted to Christianity and    given a western education. They were taught English.  They were speaking accented English into the 1960s. An English speaking Tamil elite emerged from this low caste group.

 In 1850 or so,  a few elite Tamils  were taken to  Madras, to help rescue the Tamil language and Tamil culture from the obscurity into which it had fallen. A loyalty to the Tamil language and South India was put into their heads at this time. Also the false notion of the greatness of the Tamil kingdom.

It is necessary to digress now to a discussion on the rival merits of the Tamil and Sinhala kingdoms. The Tamil kingdom was an unstable kingdom ruled in turn by Pallava, Chola and Pandya, who fought each other to gain power. Tamil kingdom lost its most valuable slice of    territory, when Kerala broke away from the Tamil kingdom and became independent under the Chera kings. Kerala was along the east west trade route.  With the loss of Kerala, the Tamil kingdom exited from the international trade route.

The Tamil kingdom was not able to conquer any of its neighboring kingdoms, and hold them permanently. Instead, Tamilnadu itself was conquered   in the 14 century by the Vijayanagara kingdom of Karnataka. Tamilnadu never regained its independence. After Vijayanagara rule, came Mughal rule and British rule, then   with independence, despite resistance, Tamilnadu was made a part of the Republic of India.

 The notion that the Udarata kingdom was ruled by Tamil kings is incorrect. There were no Tamil kings at the time. The Tamil kingdom was a subject state under Vijayanagara. The Udarata kings were naturalized persons   originally from Andhra Pradesh. They spoke Telegu   and ‘Andhra Tamil”.  Tamilnadu was administered on behalf of Vijayanagara by Andhra Pradesh officers and this created Andhra Tamil”.

Tamilnadu’s trade weakened under Vijayanagara rule. The Udarata kingdom had more trade with Golconda (Orissa). Golconda had the biggest and largest fleet of   boats. Tamil boats were smaller and less in number.

  The Tamil language never returned to a leading position after Vijayanagara. During Vijayanagara rule, Tamilnadu was administered in Telegu, the language of Andhra Pradesh. Today, Tamil language has descended even further. Tamil is not the first language even   in Tamilnadu.  Tamil ranks third   below English and Hindi in Tamilnadu.

 The Sinhala kingdom, on the other hand, unlike Tamilnadu,   has a proud, well documented record as a sovereign state, from Anuradhapura period to Udarata period.  British conquered Udarata in 1815, but Sri Lanka regained its independence in 1948.

Sinhala was the language of administration, trade and diplomacy from Anuradhapura period    to Udarata period. Sinhala was spoken in the Portuguese and Dutch controlled territory too. The Sinhalese living there sent letters appealing for help to the Udarata king written in Sinhala.

  Sinhala was known and respected abroad. Rasmus Rask, the Danish linguist, travelled through Madras and Jaffna to Colombo, in 1822, ignoring the Tamil language, to collect Sinhala manuscripts for the University of Copenhagen.

However, in Sri Lanka, Sinhala was suppressed by the British administration .Pupils were punished if they spoke in Sinhala in school. The natives were administered in English. Villagers got telegrams in English. They were tried in court in English. They could not understand the proceedings.

Sinhala regained its lost position in 1956, through ‘Sinhala Only’.  Citizens could now be administered in their own language.  This was a huge relief to the public.  It was their right as well. Sinhala   has managed to survive for fifty years and has moved confidently into the 21st   century thanks to its vigorous,   up to date vocabulary, which I can barely understand.

Now back to British Ceylon. British rule lasted from 1815 to 1948, and the peak period for change was after the Colebrook Commission (1833).   The major changes took place from the 1840s.

The British saw the strategic importance of the East coast, with its full length access to the Bay of Bengal and the Trincomalee harbor.  The east coast was populated by Sinhala villages at the time. The British cleansed the east of   these Sinhala villages by deliberately depriving them of water, so that whole Sinhala villages starved and died.

 The British then   brought in Tamils from India and settled them along the East coast in selected locations.”The 19th century saw the settlement of Tamils along the coastline in Mullativu, Trincomalee   and Batticaloa districts” said historian DGB de Silva. 

This could be considered a second wave of Tamil immigration. The quality of Tamils brought in to the East was probably superior to those brought in earlier to   the north, but the Jaffna Man and the Colombo Man looked down on the Batticaloa Man.

The British administration moved the Tamil immigrants from Immigrant status to native status. The British created a ‘Ceylon Tamil’ race, and gave them a place in the Legislative Council and in the Census of Ceylon.

The Tamil language was also given recognition. Tamil was a medium of instruction in school and Tamil   was featured on stamps and coins together with Sinhala. Tamil and Sinhala were classed as vernaculars, ranking well below English.

The British gave the Ceylon Tamils their own territory. The British administration created two adjacent provinces, Northern Province and Eastern Province with a common border. The Eastern province went lengthwise down the eastern side of the island, absorbing the whole   Eastern seaboard.   

The British then declared that these provinces were   Tamil provinces. (Denham 1911) This gave the Tamils control over the most strategic segment of land in the island, its coastline, specially the full length of the Eastern coast which faced the Bay of Bengal. This segment which took in two thirds of the islands coast also included island’s oil and petrol reserves, its mineral sands, and the harbor at Trincomalee.

The British administration decided to make the Ceylon Tamils into the leading group in the island, pushing the Sinhalese aside. Like in Fiji the Tamils were to take over the island. They would run it as the west wanted.

 The Ceylon Tamil”   responded readily. They promptly cooked up an identity.  They wrote their own local histories, and said that they had been living in Jaffna for centuries. The first three decades of the 20th century were a period of linguistic and historical research into the early history of the Tamils in Sri Lanka said analysts. The separate historical past of the Jaffna Tamils was emphasized. The main historical writings were C. Rasanayagam Ancient Jaffna” (1926,)   and Fr S Gnanaprakasar’s A Critical History Of Jaffna”.

The elite Tamils, who had by then become Vellala, were encouraged to imagine that they were superior to the Sinhalese and to look down on the Sinhalese and behave arrogantly towards them. 

 These elite Tamils, who were actually low caste,    concocted a costume for themselves which was based on the dress worn by the high caste Rajahs of India.  Prominent in this costume was the huge turban on the head. Ponnambalam Arunachalam and Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu were photographed in this gear.

The British encouraged the Tamils to move into Sinhala locations. Tamils settled in Anuradhapura .A friend who married a lawyer and went with him to Anuradhapura, told me that when they went   to   Anuradhapura in the 1960s, all the lawyers in Anuradhapura courts were Tamil.

 The Ceylon Tamil protested angrily when the Gal oya project was mooted in 1950. They protested even more strongly when the Accelerated Mahaweli project started in the 1970s, saying that the new Sinhala settlements    were encroaching on Tamil lands”.

The British put elite Tamils into important positions in the country. The Ceylon delegates to Commonwealth Foreign Ministers Conference, held in Colombo in 1950 were Kanthiah Vaithianathan, MB Mahadeva, R, Coomaraswamy and B.P. Pieris.

Tamils were over represented   in certain sectors, such as the Civil service, and professions such as medicine and engineering.  Tamil doctors monopolized eye surgery. In the Public Works Department the engineers were Tamil and the laborers under them were Sinhala.

The Sinhalese who had studied with the Tamils and worked with them were not impressed. They soon found that the  Tamils were no cleverer than them but were far more cunning and crafty in their activities. Tamils  did not hesitate to create difficulties for  the Sinhalese.

The Tamil used their position to suppress the Sinhalese.   The General Manager of Bank of Ceylon, C Loganathan, refused loans to Sinhala business men. This was well known. Tamil students in university were encouraged to put a trident on their answer paper. Tamil surveyors substituted Tamil names for Sinhala ones on the Survey Department maps. Malvatu oya became Aruvi Aru.

The Ceylon Tamils owned real estate in urban areas in the south. I have seen the deeds in two properties in Kandy, in Trincomalee Street and Bahirawakande. Both  had been  held  by Tamils at some time Similarly with a property in Pedris Road, Colombo 3,  originally owned by Charles Henry de Soysa, whose  last name , incidentally, was not de Soysa, it was Dissanayake.. His father’s name was Jeronis de Soysa Dharmagunawardane Vipulajayasuriya Karunaratne Dissanayake.

Tamil separatism started before Independence. Tamil leaders wrote to London when the independence negotiations were going on, asking for special consideration.  London ignored the request. The Ceylon Tamil however, had no intention of giving up their separatist ambitions.  At the Independence ceremony in 1948, Murugesu Thiruchelvam had flown the Nandi flag on his car.

Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, (ITAK), was started in December 1949. Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, means Lanka Tamil State Party. It was given in English, as Federal Party, to mislead the public.  From then on, the Tamil Separatist Movement   took steps to achieve its ambition of a separate state. The strategy was   ‘a little now, more later’ and ‘get things into the statutes.’ 

The separatist Tamils realized that   Tamils needed to obtain statutory control of the land in the North and East. They tried to gain legal control of the land in the North and East through the District Council Bill and Regional Council Bill, but failed. In these two Bills, land was to belong   to the District or Region and not the state. It was land they were after. Readers are advised to look carefully at these two Bills.

The separatist Tamils eventually achieved what they wanted through the Provincial Councils, where land is shared by the Province and the state. The gravity of this has not been fully realized by the public, who keep bleating that the Provincial Councils are a wonderful thing. Each Province is now a nascent sovereign state.

After some time, Tamil Separatist Movement   announced that they wanted to form a separate sovereign state called Eelam which consisted of the north and east of Sri Lanka.  They said that the North and East was their homeland.

The Tamil Separatist Movement was hoping to get Eelam done and finished before the country realized what was happening. However, the Sinhalese managed at the   last minute,   to wake up from their slumber and drowsily realize the danger facing them. Their precious sea coast, together with Trincomalee harbor was going, unless they did something to stop it.

 At first they were baffled and infuriated by the utterances of the Tamil Separatist Movement.  Then, indignant and angry, they started to vigorously oppose the Tamil Separatist Movement, in a series of disorganized knee jerk reactions, which however   were effective. Because the authorities feared that these knee jerks, if ignored, would turn into an organized movement.  (Continued)

ප්‍රංශ වසන්තය මැද ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ගුප්ත මෙහෙයුම: රනිල් පැරිසියේ බාල් නටද්දි මාක්‍රොන් BRICS ආර්ථික හවුලේ පිහිට පතයි.බැඳුම්කර මගඩි සහ මූල්‍ය දූෂණ පිළිබඳ තේමාවන් පසෙක ලෑම-

August 3rd, 2023

ධරිණි රාජසිංහම් සේනානායක

වර්තමාන ලෝකයේ පවත්නා අසමානතාව සහ දුප්පත්කම පිළිබඳ වසංගතයෙන් මිදීමේ මග ‘වොෂින්ටන් දෙබෑයන්’ ලෙස සැලකෙන ලෝක බැංකුව සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදල මෙන්ම ආර්ථික සහයෝගිතාව සහ සංවර්ධනය සඳහා වන සංවිධානයට(OECD) අයත් පැරිස් කණ්ඩායම විසින්ද මෙහෙයවන වර්තමාන ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය ව්‍යුහයන් නොවන බව දැනට දශක ගණනාවකට පෙර සිටම පැහැදිලි වෙමින් පවතින දෙයකි.

කෙසේ වුවද මාක්‍රෝන්ගේ මෙම ‘නව ගෝලීය මුල්‍ය ගිවිසුමක් සඳහා වන සමුළුව’(Global Financial Pact) විසින් පවත්නා ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය පද්ධතියේ පවත්නා ප්‍රධානතම ගැටළුව වන සංස්ථාපිත දූෂණය පිළිබඳ තේමාවන් පසෙකට වීසිකර ඒ වෙත අවධානය යොමුකිරීම වළක්වනු සඳහා ‘දේශගුණික ව්‍යසනයන්’ පිළිබඳ ආඛ්‍යානය පෙරට ගෙන තිබිණි. ජාතික සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමින් මූල්‍ය වංචාවන්හි නිරත බලගතු සංවිධාන ජාලයන් පිළිබඳව හෝ අභිරහස් විදේශ බැංකු ගිණුම් පිළිබඳව හෝ බැඳුම්කර වංචාවන් හෝ ශ්‍රි ලංකාවේ වර්තමාන ජනාධිපතිවරයා අගමැතිව සිටි සමයේ ඔහුටද චෝදනා එල්ල වූ 2015 මහ බැංකුවේ බැඳුම්කර වංචාවන් පිළිබඳ නඩුවේ ප්‍රධාන සාක්ෂිකරුවෙකු මරා දැමීම වැනි බැඳුම්කර වංචා සම්බන්ධ අපරාධ හෝ ගැන කිසිදු සඳහනක් නොවීය. හිස් වාචාල දේශනවලින් සමන් විත මාක්‍රොන්ගේ මේ ‘නව ගෝලීය මුල්‍ය ගිවිසුමක් සඳහා වන සමුළුව’ වූකලී හරිත බැඳුම්කර(Green bonds ) සහ නීල බැඳුම්කර (Blue bonds) පිළිබඳ ප්‍රචාරයක් සහ පිළිගැනීමක් ලබාදෙමින් ඒවා‘ග්‍රහලෝකය ආරක්ෂා කරගැනීමේ නව පෙරමුණක් ’ලෙස හුවාදැක්වීමේ අරමුණින් පවත්වන ලද්දකැයි පෙනී යයි.

පැරිස් කණ්ඩායම විසින් නියෝජනය කරනු ලබන්නේ ශ්‍රි ලංකාව සිය ණය උගුලේ සිරකරගැනීමට කටයුතු කළ මිනීමාංශ භක්ෂක බ්ලැක්රොක් වැනි පුද්ගලික මූල්‍ය සමාගම් මෙන්ම ඒවායේ ව්‍යුත්පන්නයන් වන මූඩිස් (Moody’s)/ස්ටෑන්ඩර්ඩ් ඇන්ඩ් පුවර්ස් (Standard & Poor’s) සහ ෆිච් (Fitch) වැනි ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීමේ ආයතන විසින් මෙහෙයවන ජාතික සහ ගෝලීය දූෂිත ජාවාරම්කාර ජාලයන්, ගිණුම් සමාගම්,ලසාර්ඩ් ඇන්ඩ් ක්ලිෆර්ඩ් වැනි නීති සමාගම්, මැකින්සි වැනි උපදේශක සමාගම් සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල නැමැති මංකොල්ලකාරි ජාවාරම්කාරි ආයතනයේ හෝ ඇම්ස්ටර්ඩෑම්හි ට්‍රාන්ස් නැෂනල් ආයතනය විසින් හඳුන්වන ලද පරිදි ‘ඇප ලබාදීමේ බිස්නස් වල ’ කොටසක් වන විවිධ නව ලිබරල්වාදි චින්තන පර්ෂදයන් වේ.

අවදානම් සහගත තත්ත්වයක පසුවන රටවල් ණය උගුලට හසුකරවා ගැනීමේ පිණිස දියත් කෙරෙන මෙම ජාවාරම්කාර ක්‍රීඩාවේදී විවිධ ප්‍රෝඩාකාරි ආඛ්‍යානයන් ගොඩ නගමින් ආර්ථික වශයෙන් අවදානම් සහගත තත්ත්වයක පසුවන රටවලට ගෙවාගත නොහැකි තරම් ණය ගැනීමට සිදුවන තත්ත්වයන් නිර්මාණය කෙරේ. අනතුරුව ණය පිළිබඳ දත්ත විකෘති කරමින් සහ නෙටෝවේ මිලිටරි බලයද ඇතුළු විවිධ බලහත්කාරි යාන්ත්‍රණයන් යොදාගනිමින් එම රටවල දුර්වල සහ අවදානම් තත්ත්වයේ පවතින මුදල් ඒකකවලට එරෙහිව අධික ලෙස මුද්‍රණය කරනු ලබන සහ වරප්‍රසාදිත එක්සත් ජනපද ඩොලරය යොදාගනිමින් එම රටවල වත්කම් උරාබීම සිදු කෙරේ.මිනිස් වර්ගයාගෙන් සියයට එකකටත් අඩු ප්‍රතිශතයක් වන අධිරාජ්‍යවාදි ප්‍රභූ පෙළැන්තිය විසින් මානව ඉතිහාසයේ විශාලතම වත්කම් කොල්ලය සිදු කරමින් සිටින්නේ එලෙසය.

2023 මැයි මාසයේදී ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල විසින් ශ්‍රි ලංකාවේ දේශිය ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරීම(Domestic debt restructuring-DDR) සඳහා සිදුකරන ලද ගුප්ත මැදිහත්වීම්වලින් පසුව බංකොළොත් යැයි ප්‍රකාශිත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ රුපියලේ වටිනාකම එක්සත් ජනපද ඩොලරයට සාපේක්ෂව දැඩි ඉහළ යාම ආරම්භ විය. මෙම දත්ත විකෘති කිරීමේ ක්‍රීඩාව මගින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ණය උද්ධමනය සක්‍රිය කරන ලදි.

How Calorific Values are Measured

August 3rd, 2023

Sasanka De Silva Pannipitiya

A bomb calorimeter is a specialized device used to measure the heat of combustion of a substance. It is primarily employed to determine the energy content (calorific value) of various solid and liquid fuels, as well as other organic materials. The measurement of heat released during combustion is crucial for understanding the energy efficiency and potential applications of these substances.

How is a bomb calorimeter used?

1.     Sample Preparation: The substance to be analyzed is first prepared and placed in a small container, typically a metal capsule. This capsule acts as a bomb, hence the name “bomb calorimeter.”

2.     Oxygen Filling: Pure oxygen is introduced into the calorimeter to ensure complete combustion of the sample.

3.     Ignition: The sample is ignited using a small electric current or a spark. As it burns, the substance releases heat due to the exothermic combustion reaction.

4.     Heat Transfer: The heat produced by the combustion reaction is absorbed by the surrounding water in the calorimeter.

5.     Temperature Measurement: Highly sensitive thermometers are used to measure the temperature change in the water caused by the heat released from the combustion process.

6.     Data Analysis: The rise in water temperature is correlated to the energy released during combustion. The heat transfer is quantified using the equation Q = mcΔT, where Q is the heat transfer, m is the mass of water, c is the specific heat capacity of water, and ΔT is the change in temperature.

7.     Calorific Value Calculation: Based on the heat transfer measurement, the calorific value of the substance is determined. It represents the amount of energy released per unit mass of the substance during combustion and is usually expressed in units like joules per gram (J/g) or British thermal units per pound (BTU/lb).

Why is a bomb calorimeter used?

1.     Calorific Value Determination: The primary purpose of a bomb calorimeter is to calculate the calorific value of fuels and other organic substances. This value is crucial for various applications, such as evaluating the energy efficiency of fuels, predicting their performance in power generation or heating applications, and comparing different fuels for specific uses.

2.     Standardization and Regulation: The calorific value is an essential parameter for the standardization and regulation of fuels and materials. It helps ensure that consumers receive products with consistent energy content, and it allows for fair trade and pricing in the energy market.

3.     Research and Development: Scientists and researchers use bomb calorimeters to study the combustion behavior of new materials, biofuels, or alternative energy sources. By understanding the energy content and combustion characteristics, they can optimize processes, design better fuels, and develop more efficient energy systems.

4.     Quality Control: Industries involved in fuel production and distribution use bomb calorimeters for quality control purposes. By regularly testing fuel samples, they can ensure compliance with energy content standards and identify any discrepancies in the fuel composition. In summary, a bomb calorimeter is used to accurately measure the heat of combustion of substances, providing valuable information for energy-related applications, research, and quality control in various industries

Pundits And Visionaries Who Could Disrupt Sri Lanka’s Smooth Functioning

August 3rd, 2023

By Sunil Kumar for LankaWeb

Aug3rd. 2023

There seems to be no rationality relative to Sri Lanka’s security and sovereignty considered when Land connectivity is essential for the growth of ties between India and its neighbouring country where in the past explosive situations have resulted, yet Sri Lanka High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda has said somewhat misguidedly in an interview with The Hindu posted online on July 31, pitching for connectivity projects resembling the Channel tunnel” from the U.K. to Europe as a possible future initiative if environmental concerns are cleared.

There can be no analogies drawn between Sri Lanka and  India with respect to the UK and France as the situations are completely different as in the case of Sri Lanka it could open dangerous floodgates relative to the security of Sri Lanka which could prove regrettable in the long run where economy  and development are not the precursors of benefit to Sri Lanka considering all the issues relative to security and it would be handing on a platter many openings to India that have been sought after for a long time and kept under lock and key through prudent administrations of the past where lessons should have been learned.

Relative to  President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to India in July, where the two countries unveiled an Economic Partnership Vision”

statement that includes maritime, air, energy, trade and people-to-people connectivity, High Commissioner Milinda Moragoda playing an unexpected role as pseudo advisor has said Sri Lanka’s hopes of benefiting from India’s economic growth and coming out of its current economic crisis hinged on being able to build causeways, bridges, pipelines, electricity transmission lines and landing infrastructure so as to increase travel to and from India.But has he also considered the many and vast negative issues that could result vis a vis the many internal issues India faces on a daily basis as well as a burgeoning population that could easilly flood into Sri Lanka as a result of this somewhat obtuse proposal which eventually could overwhelm Sri Lanka from many perspectives and to all intents and purposes become disastrous for Sri Lanka.

The most obtuse statement Mr. Moragoda has made and  perhaps also a precursor to what the President of Sri Lanka has also alluded to, which resonates in the minds of security analysts and guardians of the country’s unitary state  suggest that” building any causeway or highway across the streets will require environmental impact assessments,  If Sri Lanka is looking at this idea of ‘piggybacking’

on India’s growth story we have to have land connectivity but does ‘piggybacking’ mean bending over backwards and being walked all over by India in the long run where Sri Lanka becomes an annexation of Indian territory which is bound to happen and very careful consideration needs to be given to the serious implications for Sri Lanka in such an eventuality.

By his statement “When you talk of timelines for initiatives like this in democracies, it’s more complicated. One understanding between the two leaders(Sri Lanka and India) is to try to encourage the private sector to be more engaged on both sides, which could be more time-sensitive and successful,” he explained. He added that the purpose of the Sri Lankan President’s visit, the first to India since he took over in June 2022, was to chart the way forward” for Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, as the economic vision statement had done, and to thank Mr. Modi and India for the support to Sri Lanka during its debt crisis” does he mean repaying India’s support during the debt crisis by handing over the Nation to India for Indian objectives endorsed verbally by the Indian President not considering the mayhem which could follow from many perspectives and throw the country into turmoil knowing the ever watchful menace of Tamil Nadu in the shadows and what their objective are and always have been?

Has Mr. Moragoda as well as the President considered the ramifications and reprisals for Sri Lanka that  could wipe out Sri Lanka’s existence and functioning as a Sovereign Nation in one of the most myopic concepts formulated ever which seems hard to fathom where overstepping metes and bounds in an administrative capacity in an unprecedented manner seems to be the order of the day!

Are these the ideologies of pundits and visionaries who could disrupt Sri Lanka’s smooth functioning towards progress into the future and annihilate a land of vast beauty and a prehistoric culture which has embellished Sri Lanka for time millenia?

Hopefully not!

KANDYAN CHIEFTAINS UNDER THE BRITISH – PART II OF “DULLEWA ADIGAR AND SOMANA CLOTH –AN EXAMPLE OF “ELITE” SERVILITY”

August 3rd, 2023

By Sena Thoradeniya

The first part of this article was published on May 13, 2023 in LankaWeb three months ago. As we were engrossed in a major work in the last few months, we did not have time to see its conclusion.

(1) Debunking Myths

The main objective of the second part of our article is to debunk the myth  invented and spread by some columnists who write to English dailies (1) that the British Colonialists have backed a so-called secondary layer” for higher positions in regional and local administration  and (2) that these chieftains subverted the policies of the British in their regions” and repudiated colonial authority”. A person who has even a rudimentary knowledge of Kandyan Chieftains under the British would not dare to propagate such falsehoods.  

What we discuss in the succeeding parts are:

(a) Not based on village gossip invented by the adversaries of these office holders or their families;

(b) Not family lore or anecdotes prevalent in ancient villages;  

(c) Not satire invented by victimised villagers to show their bitterness;

(d) Not modern myth making;

(e) Not figments of our imagination or absurd theorising; as in the case of arriving at absurd conclusions looking at a floor tile in a manorial house.

What we discuss are well documented. For these essays we use sources generated by British Colonial administrators themselves. We know that it is cumbersome and arduous to go to the sources rather than pressing a computer key seated inside an ivory tower. 

(1.1) During the reign of Kandyan Kings most of the high office holders were selected from either Udunuwara, Yatinuwara, Dumbara (including Patha and Uda), Harispattuwa and Matale. They were posted even to faraway places such as Uva, Sabaragamuwa, Nuwara Kalaviya, Tamankaduwa, Puttalama, Madakalapuwa, Wellassa etc. British Colonial Government at certain times selected high office holders from the respective provinces, divisions and korales. This gave the impression to some modern historians that a second tier” of Kandyan aristocracy was created by the Britishers.

 (1.2) We should not ignore the fact that most of the high” caste Kandyans were related through intermarriages and the noteworthy distinction between these so-called tiers” was in land ownership and holding high office. Some disadvantaged relatives of the office holders worked as domestic aids or supervisors at manorial houses.

(1.3) Under the British administration many new positions were created such as[U1]  Presidents of Village Tribunals, Assessors, Unofficial Police Magistrates, Kachcheri Muhandirams, Interpreter Muhandirams etc. providing with opportunities for the lesser known” who did not hold positions in palace, revenue, military and regional administration under Kandyan kings.  

(1.4) In 1818 from among the top rank Kandyans a very few were either beheaded or exiled to the Isle of France or Mauritius. Notables among them were Keppetipola, Madugalle and Ellepola and Ehelepola and Pilimatalawwe respectively. It is interesting to note that close relatives of Pilimatalawwe, Keppetipola, Madugalle and some other leaders were appointed to high office soon after the 1818 freedom struggle. Later, descendants of Keppetipola and Madugalle held high office as Rate Mahattayas and Dissavas under the British Colonial Government. Some other families whose notable members were either transported or executed became extinct.

(1.5) A few years after 1818 old offices in palace establishment, revenue administration and military establishment were abolished by the British retaining only offices in regional, divisional and village administration andtemporalities administration. This deprived many families of holding high office and gave rise to the false conception that a second tier” taking roots.

(1.6) Non-participation in 1848 uprising and aiding the British troops in its suppression by the top Kandyan office holders should be studied with the ruthless suppression of 1818 freedom struggle and the avenues created by the colonialists to the people in the higher echelon of the society. Theorists who therorise that the leadership in 1848 struggle changed to plebeians forget that the motive force of 1818 Freedom Struggle was common people and village level functionaries. They wanted an icon to lead the struggle and they found that icon in Keppetipola. Some Kandyan chieftains who supported the struggle at the initial stages later decamped and showed their allegiance to the British Crown calculating the impending danger and the opening of avenues to high office. They were highly compensated and exempted from tax, mainly Uva and Matale chiefs.

(1.7) These junior rankers such as various Mohottalas of Uva, not fit to be a Vidane Arachchi as stated by Keppitipola, later elevated to high positions. Another fallacy created by some historians and pseudo-Marxists is that after the decimation of higher echelon of Kandyan aristocracy in 1818, there were none to provide leadership in 1848. 

(1.8) Alliance between Madugalle and Pilimatalawwe opposing Keppitipola and the King (Pretender to Britishers and our historians) and subsequent imprisonment of them at Pitawela in Uda Dumbara was the beginning of the end of the freedom struggle. Espionage work conducted by the ace conspirator John D’Oyly succeeded in creating a rift between the top-level leaders quickening the final defeat. D’Oyly sent Udugama  Unnanse to meet Keppitipola and his plan was to bring Keppetipola to Matara. It was he who spread the news that the King was none other than a disrobed monk called Wilbawe.

(1.9) In my award-winning novel Madaran” (2020) which discusses how Kandyan peasantry suffered due to Grain Tax,  I reenacted these chapters in our history giving it a new interpretation that Wilbawe, a highly qualified monk well-versed in Pali, Sanskrit and Elu was crowned according to a grand strategy strategised by Ihagama Unnanse and he was made a layperson following Buddhist practice to the core.

(1.10) Another myth created by these columnists is that the Chieftains showed to the rural people that they followed an anti-British stance.  But when they acted as assessors at the times of assessing paddy fields to levy Grain Tax, prosecuting defaulters of Grain Tax and Poll Tax, prosecuting villagers for opening up chena cultivation in crown” lands and parents and guardians of children who  failed to attend schools and owners of unlicensed dogs  they did not show any mercy to peasants, following colonial Ordinances to the letter.

(2) Resistance” or Acquiescence? Repudiation” or Espousal?

From the third part of this essay we give hundreds of examples to illustrate the unholy alliance that existed between the British colonialists and Kandyan office holders perpetuating colonial administration in Ceylon. It will be a journey to a hitherto unknown territory: many will be shocked that we are concocting stories!

From then onwards our title will be changed to Kandyan Chieftains Under the British”.

Expressing resistance to British colonialism”, repudiating colonial authority” are just mere sloganeering of those pundits who do not understand Kandyan Affairs and who have a shallow and superficial knowledge about it based on what they have gathered from lop-sided theories of NGO-Marxists and America -based Anthropologists without going deeper and deeper into the primary sources. 

END OF PART II


 [U1]

ACHIEVING ECONOMIC STABILITY IN SRI LANKA

August 2nd, 2023

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Achieving economic stability is a complicated and compact process for Sri Lanka as it requires recovering the negative outcomes gained during the covid restriction period. The results of recent policy performance show enjoyable results such as reducing inflation, which reflect in many countries. However, it would not provide concrete evidence to express the economy is stabilising. It is required to show signs of stability in all areas of the economy, which may be called macroeconomic stability. The way of ascertaining economic stability is based on a comprehensive study of real outcomes of the growth and development in all sectors of the economy compared to the previous period, such a comparison may be shown a misleading picture that might show a stable growth in a limited area. When there was negative growth in previous years, the ascertainment of stability would be misleading, and the determination of stability needs to consider the many areas of the economy. The statements of politicians who are interested in short-term results may not be vital for consideration because the stability of an economy is a dynamic reflection than short-term consideration.

The growth of an economy is an integral process that is related to wide areas. An economy has links with many areas and it is called dynamic nature. The current statements of politicians seem to pedestal on political purposes that might not be an accurate picture. Sri Lanka requires stability in all variables of the economic growth function, which is a broader and multidimensional process. During 2023, it shows that many who were unemployed during the covid restriction period gained work and such visibility is not concrete evidence to state the economy has been stabilised. Economic stability is a theoretical aspect, but popular opinion divulges a picture, which reflects the visibility that major areas of the economy. 

Politicians in Sri Lanka talk about economic stability by looking at the visible picture than the experience of people and real outcomes. It is useful to the public, and it could not visibly evaluate, but is a mental picture that is possible to use for the enjoyment of the public.  During the current uncertain period, many politicians in other countries are also interested in talking about the economy and considering the factors related to development and growth. Giving a strong feeling to voters about the prosperity and the stability of the economy which are convincing voters they have done the right thing to gain stability in the economy attracting votes in the next election would be the aim of politicians.

It is a vital point for politicians to mislead people expressing about the economy and its stability. People can engage in their work without lamenting about future economic repercussions. In Sri Lanka, many people are not concerned about economic stability if they gain sufficient money for survival. That is what they want and the aim of politicians to show the public.

Many Sri Lankan politicians talk about economic stability without understanding the complicated process of the economy and an uncertain process that is associated with the dynamism in the modern era. The economy is a function of entire factors and it is like a living organism that is contributed by multidimensional process of production and services. Many factors or areas are especially vital for economic stability for convincing the public and the business people to gain support for the government. Many consider that the rapid growth of tourism is displaying a sign of economic stability. It is acceptable at the level about 10% and a half truth, and for economic stability needs an aggregate stable growth of all areas in the input-output function. It must be immutable, in such a situation if the tourism business stabilises then it supports to economic stabilisation of the country by influencing entire areas of the economy. 

Large contributing factors such as agriculture, industry, construction and services should be stabilised at a certain level to consider for stable economic development. Tourism is a small area, but macroeconomic factors directly associated with the service industry and it may be involved with other areas of input-output role, such as agriculture, industry, construction, and services. Macro-economically, government policies need to provide positive support through policy development and innovative actions. The reality in Sri Lanka shows that all factors of the Input-output function have not been stabilised by a sudden increase in tourist arrivals. Tourist arrivals directly related to service area, if they purchase productions of the country, it might considerably support for the economic stabilization.

To achieve economic stability, Sri Lanka needs higher growth in major areas such as agriculture, industry, construction, and services. If it considers the agricultural sector, it has been recorded that subsistence agriculture has a declining trend as young people getting away from engaging in direct subsistence agricultural production activities in farms and related ago-based industries. Industrial investment is lower than expected because the industry sector in the modern era needs innovation and productivity concerning consumer preference, however, such advanced technology is not related to the knowledge, skills and research of the country. For example, mobile phone production and related technology development are concerned with innovations to attract consumers and such advanced technology is not a production and research area of the country. The construction sector strongly associates with foreign investment and although it could see an increasing trend as tourist arrivals that are supported to construct more hotels and related buildings. As visible in the country, other sectors such as services are improving slowly.

When considering the above factors, achieving economic stability is not a simple task as the way expressed by politicians. How could culture be influenced in achieving economic stability in Sri Lanka is also a vital question because in many developed countries, culture supported to economic development and growth. In Sri Lanka many cultural aspects such as rules, regulation and behaviour of religious personnel have concerned activities despite economic development and motives of religious clergy against the teaching of religious leaders. This situation is constraint to economic development and stabilisation of the economy.    Culture is a vital area that needs to discuss and the government needs beginning of open debate on how could culture supports stimulating development tasks.

Culture means rule and regulation and the influence of religion and related institutions should extend the support for economic development, however, conflicts among religions have created violence against development work by spreading useless views affecting development work. The anti-social behaviour of some religious institutions shows that they have no mercy for development tasks which bring or empower the society.

Combine revenue of people in Asian society denote the development and the distribution of the combine revenue has very inequalities, countries like India it can observe that few billionaires and millions of people are in below the poverty line. In Sri Lanka this situation shows quite different.

For stabilisation of economy, policy planners need to consider broader aspects rather than looking at temporary changes.             

PM Modi’s comments: ‘Ensure dignity and respect for Tamils’

August 2nd, 2023

By Neville Ladduwahetty Courtesy The Island

This is not the first time that Indian Leaders have called on Sri Lankan Governments to Ensure life of dignity and respect for Tamils”. This was repeated during the recent visit of Sri Lanka’s President to India. India’s Prime Minister Modi stated: We hope that Sri Lanka’s government will fulfill the aspirations of the Tamil people. We expect that Colombo will take forward the process of reconstruction for ensuring equality, justice and peace. We hope that Sri Lanka will fulfill its commitment to implement the 13th Amendment and to hold provincial elections” (The Island, 23 July, 2023).

It is necessary to recognize that all the comments made by the Prime Minister exclusively addresses the concerns of the Tamil people. Furthermore, except for implementing the 13A, and holding provincial elections, all other issues relating to the Tamil people are intangible and unquantifiable notions that are influenced by perceptions. Consequently, the call to the Governments of Sri Lanka to ensure dignity and respect for Tamil people presents opportunities for India to exploit it to its advantage, at its choosing. As for the rest of Sri Lanka, it was all about tangible infrastructure projects to further connectivity and integration as incorporated in the five MOUs.

All the intangible notions are interrelated. For instance, IF Tamil aspirations for the separate State, that had led to a 30-year armed conflict, had become a reality, a life of dignity and respect for Tamils would follow, and the need for reconstruction to ensure equality, justice and peace would not have arisen. On the other hand, if the aspiration of the Tamil people had been limited to a Federal State with the right of self-determination, dignity and respect for Tamils would have been ensured, albeit not to the same degree, and the need for reconstruction to ensure equality, justice and peace would also be to a lesser degree. Therefore, the degree to which the intangible notions become relevant depend on what constitutes acceptable aspirations.

The irony is that because the aspirations of the Tamil people as hitherto articulated come at a cost to both India’s and Sri Lanka’s interests, mutual security and territorial integrity, the aspirations of the Tamil people as hitherto expressed cannot be fulfilled. This is an enigma for both India and Sri Lanka; if either aspiration of the Tamil people expressed thus far was to manifest itself in Sri Lanka, the inevitable reverberations in India would be a threat to India’s security and its territorial integrity, without which India would not be able to fulfill its aspiration of becoming a global power.

What is evident from this existential reality is that India’s and Sri Lanka’s security, territorial integrity, and its political arrangements in the form of 13A are already interlinked to a degree that makes Sri Lanka apprehensive and insecure arising from the denial of Sri Lanka’s right of self-determination. Against such a background, it is imperative that its economic connectivity conveyed in the five MOUs be handled with extreme caution if Sri Lanka is not to become even more dependent and at the mercy of India.

Under the circumstances, the most that India can accept without compromising its own interests and aspirations is devolution under the 13th Amendment, which clearly is not the aspiration of the Tamil people. The same goes for Sri Lanka’s aspiration, too, unless its form and scope is reformulated from the form and scope imposed by India in 1987 into an arrangement that better serves all Sri Lankans without exception. Taking into account these hard realities, India’s PM would be doing a great service to the Peoples of both India and Sri Lanka if he was to call on the Tamil leadership to get real” and scale back their aspirations, because of its impact on the interrelated and interdependent interests of both India and Sri Lanka.

FIVE MOUs BETWEEN INDIA and SRI LANKA

As far as India is concerned, 13A is the most India can accept if it is to protect its national interests and its global aspirations. In such a context, 13A in Sri Lanka is being used to enhance India’s connectivity with Sri Lanka and thus bring Sri Lanka within India’s sphere of control with economic projects that on paper appear attractive, would not be in Sri Lanka’s interest in their operations. The five (05), yet unpublished MOUs signed with India during the visit of Sri Lanka’s President is all about connectivity to the point of integration and eventual dependence. These MOUs have little to do with dignity and respect for Tamils or their aspirations. On the other hand, it has everything to do with India’s policy of Neighbourhood First and Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR), thereby furthering India’s interests.

Although the five MOUs signed do not have a legal status, they clearly outline specific points of understanding. In particular, they describe the projects on which India and Sri Lanka have agreed to explore areas of mutual interest. However, it is of vital importance to recognize that while some projects would be mutually beneficial, others would compromise the self-reliance and independence of Sri Lanka, and in the process further the dependence of Sri Lanka on India through these physical connections.

For instance:

The construction of a multi-product petroleum pipeline from Southern part of India to Sri Lanka.

To establish high capacity power grid between India and Sri Lanka.

The decision to designate INR as currency for trade between the two countries.

To establish land connectivity between India and Sri Lanka for developing access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo.

Establishing physical connections in respect of a pipeline for petroleum products and a power grid between India and Sri Lanka could be disrupted at any time as experienced by Europe, when the pipelines that had delivered natural gas and petroleum products from Russia were sabotaged by interested parties. On 26 September, 2022, a series of clandestine bombings and subsequent underwater gas leaks occurred on the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipelines. Following the sabotage, the European Commission has unveiled an ambitious and far-reaching plan, aptly coined REPower EU”, to achieve full energy independence from Russia by 2027″ (euronews). Earlier, the pipeline had delivered 45% of natural gas from Russia to Europe; a dependence that the US had perceived as being hostage to Russia. Since similar acts of terrorism cannot be ruled out in the case of any underwater pipeline from India to Sri Lanka, the lesson to be learnt from Europe is to develop independent sources of energy and not rely on external sources that could exploit such dependence to advance the interests of others.

Similar vulnerabilities exist with power grids, too. Whether the cables are over-water or submarine cables, cyber hackers have exploited the vulnerabilities of power grids in Europe and in the US. Since such hackers could be induced by geopolitically motivated interests, the vulnerability associated with trans-national grids are greater than with national grids. Therefore, confining power grids within national boarders is more prudent.

The land access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo presents multidimensional threats. Access to ports would mostly be by road. This means the routes they traverse and their surroundings would be subjected to serious environmental hazards arising from vehicular emissions. Furthermore, since road access would encourage human traffic, Sri Lanka would be forced to deal not only with unfamiliar health issues but also equip itself to deal with increased drug traffic, both by land and sea.

The decision to designate INR as currency for trade between India and Sri Lanka appears favourable to Sri Lanka, at first glance, given the fact that Imports from India to Sri Lanka in 2022 were around $4.5 Billion while Exports from Sri Lanka to India were only $ 850 Million. Under these circumstances, Sri Lanka would be able to save follars because currently the US Dollar is the currency of trade with India.

However, the very fact that using INR for trade may be an advantage to Sri Lanka, there is a strong possibility that imports from India would not only increase but also be at a cost to quality, as experienced with the pharmaceutical products that are imported from India on a Line of Credit. The net effect would be for Sri Lanka to become more and more indebted to India.

CONCLUSION

After having issued the usual platitudes, such as fulfilling aspirations of the Tamil people, ensuring dignity and respect for Tamils” and equality, justice and peace for them, Sri Lanka was admonished for its lack of commitment for implementing the 13th Amendment by Prime Minister Modi during the recent visit of the President of Sri Lanka to India. India wrapped up the visit by securing agreements conveyed in five MOUs to engage in infrastructure projects that consolidate India’s connectivity with Sri Lanka thereby ensuring the dependence through its policy of neighbourhood first. In short, Sri Lanka came home with the short end of the stick.

No serious attempt was made by Sri Lanka to explain to India that the reason for not fulfilling Tamil aspirations is simply not a lack of commitment or the unwillingness, but because the aspirations of the Tamil people run counter to the aspirations of the rest in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, no attempt was made to explain that the 13A imposed by India was from the beginning drafted and crafted from the outset ONLY to meet Tamil aspirations, and not as a mechanism to improve the lives of ALL Sri Lankans through effective devolution. Consequently, 13A has turned out to be a trap where the choice boils down to aspirations of Tamil people or improved livelihoods for all. No attempt was made by Sri Lanka to explore ways and means of getting out of this trap. This should have been Sri Lanka’s focus. Instead, what turned out was control of Sri Lanka by India through connectivity and integration.

It has to be granted that some issues contained in the MOUs are mutually beneficial. However, issues such as connectivity of land access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo, power grids, under sea pipelines to convey petroleum products and trade in INR have vulnerabilities that are influenced by geopolitics as experienced by Europe when the Russian pipelines were sabotaged; a dependence that was described as being a hostage to Russia according to the US. The very quick lesson, learnt by Europe, was to be free of connectivity. This should be Sri Lanka’s lesson too. Therefore, extreme caution will have to be exercised when issues contained in these MOUs, are transformed for implementation.

Let us be a Voice for Sri Lanka’s Animals

August 2nd, 2023

Eileen Weintraub

Founding Director Help Animals India Seattle, WA  USA

“This Anti-Animal Welfare Act of 2022, IF passed AS IS is all that Sri Lanka needs now to damn it Internationally as the first Buddhist country in the world to grant “State-Sanctioned Animal Cruelty sans legal redress  to the voiceless  via a supposed “Welfare” Act. 

The trade profts envisaged  by removing protectIon from this Act for animals used in the meat and egg industries, denying these sentient beings modern, ethical, and humane mothods in slaughter, will be eclipsed by the loss of economic gains which are accrued to the country by keeping intact its gentle image as a Leading Buddhist Country in the world, philosophically and legally providing protection to All Living Beings. 

Performing ethically unsanctioned “futile” live animal research (futile as none of such research will qualify to be  published internationally or even locally ) will tarnish and damn the high academic esteem with which Sri Lanka’s academia is held internationally. “

Eileen Weintraub

Founding Director

Help Animals India

Seattle, WA  USA

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EDITORIAL COMMENT: EXPLAINING MACRON’S FISHY VISIT TO SRI LANKA

August 2nd, 2023

Dr. Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake

EU vessels — most of them French or Spanish — catch up to a third of high value tuna in the Indian Ocean Region, where many littoral countries are impoverished. Many Indian Ocean countries are in a Eurobond USD Debt trap operated by predatory Sovereign Bond traders represented by the Paris Club and Washington Consensus (IMF and World Bank).

In the context the Solution to overfishing is to BAN Distant Water Fishing States (DWFS), like French, Spanish, Japanese, Korean, Taiwan, Republic of China and their Industrialized fishing fleets from fishing the Indian Ocean. After all many of these DWFS do not have borders in the Indian Ocean, although France uses its Colonial islands to claim access.

These DWFS countries have massive industrialized fleets that are looting and overfishing the world’s fisheries resources and impoverishing small island countries.

A ban on DWFS would enable Impoverished Small Indian Ocean countries to sustainably harvest, use, and profit from their Indian Ocean Fisheries resources, and enable Indian Ocean Fish stock to recover. Instead Macron’s Summit for a New Global Financial Pact has attempted to repackage Corruption as Green and Blue Bonds to further debt trap impoverished countries.

 Fishy business: EU flashes green money to support Indian Ocean tuna grab

By Antoaneta Roussi and Louise Guillot

From : https://www.politico.eu/article/environmental-cash-for-fish-eu-flashes-green-money-to-support-indian-ocean-tuna-grab/

ritics say the bloc is leveraging sustainability aid to block a ban on practices that cause overfishing.

Tuna fishing boat drags a cage of nets o
A tuna fishing boat drags a cage of nets | Andreas Solaro/AFP via Getty Images

BY ANTOANETA ROUSSI AND LOUISE GUILLOT

The EU’s sustainable fishing funds are intended to save the environment. In the Indian Ocean, critics say they’re being used as leverage to allow Europe’s fishing fleets to keep fishing vast amounts of tuna.

EU vessels — most of them French or Spanish — catch up to a third of tuna in those waters, according to data from the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC), an international body tasked with managing the fisheries. To do so, they deploy so-called fish aggregating devices — floating objects made of plastic or wood used to attract fish — that scientists say lead to overfishing and cause plastic pollution.

Concerned by the EU’s practices, a group of 11 IOTC member countries are calling to limit the use of floating devices to allow fish to recover and ensure the species’ survival. Their proposal calls for a 72-day moratorium on the practice every year, and a limit on how many devices can be used.

The EU has launched a campaign to ensure that doesn’t happen.

Through so-called sustainable fisheries partnership agreements” with countries, the EU is funneling millions of euros in developmental aid to countries that are also members of the IOTC and can help the EU block the proposal.

The EU doesn’t want to be restricted [in the Indian Ocean],” said a member of a country delegation pushing for the regulation of the floating devices, who requested anonymity to speak freely. They want to maintain their amount of catches, which are very big.” 

Marco Valletta, head of the EU delegation, insists the proposal to limit floating devices clearly violated the playing field” and was dictated more by the commercial interests of a group of countries … than by serious and sincere conservation objectives.”

The proposal includes a condition that if the IOTC’s scientific committee is unable to provide advice, the proposed 72-day ban would come into force as a precautionary approach.” The EU says it should only come into effect if there is enough strong scientific evidence in favor.

We were really stunned to see the stiff opposition from the EU,” as the bloc usually champions a precautionary approach in other settings, said Hussain Sinan, a Maldivian post-doctoral researcher.

Bartering

The EU’s delegation at the IOTC is by far the heftiest, with 40 delegates; the second largest is Indonesia with 20. Of its 40 representatives, at least 24 are industry lobbyists, according to ocean conservation NGO Bloom.

The bloc’s delegates stand out in their smartly pressed suits, open shirt collars and air of bravado, recalled a delegate who attended the IOTC Commission meetings as an observer for over a decade.

Together with representatives from the European Commission, the delegates have been lobbying hard against a ban on floating devices.

The EU currently has two active fisheries agreements with IOTC member countries: a €5.3 million deal with the Seychelles, which docks most of the EU’s tuna-fishing fleet, and a €7 million agreement with Madagascar.

Large fishing boats docked in the Seychelles | iStock

It also has a separate blue economy” partnership with the government of Kenya worth €24 million, and one with Tanzania for €166 million

The EU has always suffered from a violent duality between its development aid policies and its commercial strategy,” said Bloom in a January report. On one hand, it provides financial aid to help countries — a lot of which are former European States’ colonies — to develop. On the other, its own delegations impede economic development and oppose environmental protection measures.”

These fisheries partnerships allow the EU to buy access to countries’ waters so that its vessels can fish surplus stocks. Critics see them as a source of leverage for the EU to increase its influence in the region, but the Commission says they “focus on resource conservation and environmental sustainability” and are “a benchmark for good fisheries governance.”

Accusations that the agreements are being used as leverage are “totally unfounded,” a Commission spokesperson said in an emailed statement. “The EU respects the position of other countries and does not use agreements it has … to influence their position or force them to support in multilateral fora.”

Change of direction

The most dramatic moment in the talks so far came in February, when Kenya — until then the proposal’s key backer — suddenly dropped its support.

During a meeting at the Pride Inn Hotel in Mombasa, Kenya’s blue economy minister, Salim Mvurya, stood up in front of the delegates and announced that his country was withdrawing its proposal for a ban, which national delegations had been debating for more than a year.

There was an audible gasp in the room, according to five people who attended the meeting.

It was really a big surprise for all of us and immediately we called for a time out,” said a delegate from a country east of the Indian Ocean that supported the ban. The situation was chaos.” The Kenyan delegation looked as surprised as everyone else, according to the people who were present.

After more than five hours of talks, Indonesia — with the backing of Somalia, India, Australia and South Africa, among others — took over as lead country and suggested a secret ballot on the proposal, a highly unusual move that speaks to how contentious talks had become.

While more than two-thirds of countries voted in favor of the proposal, the Seychelles objected, along with Comoros, Oman, Kenya and the Philippines.

The proposal passed, meaning it should be adopted by IOTC members. But according to the organization’s rules, any country that objects within 120 days does not have to apply the measure. Since the EU is the greatest user of floating devices, and objected, environmentalists say it would do little in helping the fish stock replenish.

Yellowfin tuna at a fishing port in Banda Aceh, Indonesia. The country has now taken the lead among ITOC member countries amid calls for a temporary tuna fishing ban | Chaideer Mahyuddin/AFP via Getty Images

Counterproposal

At a meeting starting May 8, the IOTC will discuss an EU counterproposal pushing back against the Indonesian-led initiative.

The proposal would jettison the 72-day ban and offer a way to increase the number of the floating devices allowed at sea. It also calls on the IOTC scientific committee to assess whether using these devices contributes to a higher mortality of juvenile tuna and to provide recommendations on the management of this gear by the end of the year.

The Commission spokesperson said the EU is “clearly in favor” of a stronger management of fish aggregating devices and that its counterproposal would “allow for better control” and better implementation. It also wants scientific input to find “the best moment, area and modality where a closure on [the devices] could be the most beneficial for the tuna stock.”

Industry association Europêche’s tuna director, Anne-France Mattlet, said European tuna fishers weren’t against a temporary ban but want the scientific committee to make that judgment. “Maybe it will turn out that the [ban] is not necessary at all at this time of the year, or it can be at another time,” she said.

The 72-day ban is seen by its proponents as a last-ditch attempt to prevent the species from extinction. Other tropical waters around the world have already instituted bans on fish aggregating devices over concerns about overfishing — boosting the case for one in the Indian Ocean.

Yellowfin tuna was designated as overfished in 2015; IOTC members have since tried to find ways to help its stock repopulate, including by implementing catch limits.

Those efforts ultimately failed, because countries did not respect the catch limits.

The goal is to ensure that the ecological impacts are reduced,” said WWF Indian Ocean tuna manager, Umair Shahid. It would give a chance for juveniles to grow, especially during the peak season to allow for stock recruitment.” 

For some countries, the proposal is also about ensuring all states have an equal right to fish the stocks; the EU currently scoops up the majority thanks to its use of floating devices.

Mohamoud Badrudiin, director-general of Somalia’s fisheries ministry and head of the Somali IOTC delegation, said the war-torn country voted in favor of the proposal as it can’t afford to see tuna stocks dwindle any further.

Five consecutive failed rainy seasons have caused a prolonged drought with millions of livestock deaths, child malnutrition and mass migration — increasing Somalia’s reliance on fishing.

Those people who are already suffering from drought, they have only seafood left,” he said. Industrial fisheries are trying to exploit the fact that we have a low enforcement capacity, and to do that to these people is inhumane.”

“Give Them Anything to Keep Sri Lanka in One Piece” Bankrupted the Nation and the Majority

August 2nd, 2023

Dilrook Kannangara

What is termed as the ethnic problem (started in 1911) was never about problems faced by an ethnic group. It was always about profiting from sympathy and bankrupting the nation and its majority. By holding hostage the majority’s desire for one-nation-in-the-island, shrewd tribal politicians skimmed them to the maximum until the national economy collapsed. Little that the majority realizes that their desire is costing them dearly and it is a cost they can’t afford anymore. However, there have been willing and unwilling fellow travelers of these tribal politicians both locally and internationally. They too are working with tribal politicians to advance their economic strategy against Sri Lanka.

Devolution of power under 13A and language rights under 13A, 14A, 15A and other subsequent Constitutional amendments and laws have benefitted only selected ethnic groups at the expense of the majority. As a result, the economic situation of the majority collapsed since these were introduced.

Today the majority is totally barred from economic activity in 6 districts (all districts in the northern province and Batticaloa district); mostly shut out from economic activity in 3 more districts (Trincomalee, Ampara and Nuwara Eliya) and significantly restricted in the economic hub of another district (Colombo district). All in all, only 15.5 out of 25 districts are open for the majority for their economic survival. This is just 62% of the island for the 75% of the people which is a factor of 0.83.

Muslims are barred from economic activity in all northern districts and restricted in Batticaloa and Nuwara Eliya district. In essence Muslims have only 19 out of 25 districts for their economic activity. As Muslims are 10% of the population, their economic access factor is 7.6 (19/25/0.1).

Tamils face no such restrictions and exploit economic resources and opportunities in all districts. Their economic access factor is 6.25 (25/25/0.16).

In summary, Muslims have the highest economic access factor of 7.6 followed by Tamils with 6.25 and Sinhalas have been restricted to a meagre 0.83.

This is the true state of economic opportunities in the island.

As the majority’s economy has been thus bankrupted, the nation is also bankrupted. When most people are well off, the nation is well off. When most people are poor the nation becomes poor.

Despite diversity and devolution of power, India has not fallen into this sorry state because India is demarcated by ethnicity. This ensures all major ethnic groups have their equitable economic opportunities protected. Tamils are approximately 6% of India’s population and are enjoying approximately 6% of India’s economic opportunities. That is an economic access factor of 1. All others are the same. Though there are differences between states, there is no such wide disparity as in Sri Lanka.

The majority must decide if they want to survive as a community (which requires equitable economic opportunities – a community dies when its economy is restricted) or they want to eternally sacrifice and share their economic opportunities to keep the nation in one piece. A very hard choice for some. Decades of appeasement and economic disregard painted them into this corner. Further economic restriction of the majority will surely split the nation so their sacrifices will be worthless anyway.

නීතිය සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව ඉදිරියේ සිංහල අවතක්සේරු වීද? ආයුර්වේද පනතින් හෙළි වේ

August 2nd, 2023

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

 තරාදියක් අතේ එල්ලාගෙන ඇස්බැඳගෙන සිටින නීතියේ දෙවඟන වූ කලි අධිකරණයේ ස්වාධීනත්වයේ සංකේතයයි.අධිකරණ විනිසුරුවන් ඉදිරයේ දී සෑම පුරවැසියෙකුම එක සමාන වෙයි.යුක්තිය පසිඳලීම පිණිස විත්තිකරුවන් සහ පැමිණිලිකරුවන් ඉදිරයේ පෙනී සිටින විනිසුරවන් සාධාරණ අපක්ෂපාතී විය යුතු යැයි තිබෙන මතය කෙතරම් දුරට ආරක්ෂා කර ඇත්දැයි අප සිතා බැලිය යුතුය.සිවිල් නඩු අපරාධ නඩු ආදියේ දී විත්තිකරුවෙකුට හෝ පැමිනිලිකරුවෙකුට සිදුවන යම් අසාධාරණයක් වෙත් නම් ඒ ඒ පුද්ගලයන්ට ඒවා අදාල වේ. නමුත් රටේ පූලික නීතිය සම්බන්ධව අසාධාරණයක් වෙත් නම් එය මුලු රටටම බලාපායි.වැරදි දේ යළි යළිත් සිදුවන විට එම වැරදි යලි හරිගැස්සීමටද නොහැකි වෙයි.

           පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව යනු නීති සම්පාදනය කරන ආයතනයයි. ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය නියෝජනය කිරීම සඳහා තේරී පත්වූ නියෝජිත මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ගේ කාර්ය භාරය විය යුත්තේ නීති සම්පාදනයේ දී එය රටට ජාතියට සහ ආගමට බලපාන්නේ කෙසේද යන්න සලකා බැලීමයි.නමුත් පාර්ලිමේනුතව නියොජ්නය කරනු ලබන බොහෝ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සභාගත කරන ලද පනත් කෙටුම්පත් අධ්‍යනය කරනුනේ නැත. ඇතිම් විට නොයෙකුත් අරමුණු ඔස්සේ ගෙනෙන සංශෝධන රැසක් එකවර කියවා තේරුම් ගැනීමේ අපහසුව නිසාද විය හැකිය. අනෙක් කරුණ නම් බොහෝ පනත් කෙටුම්පත් ඉංග්‍රීසි බසින් පළව තිබේමයි.විශේසයෙන්ම අමාතය මණ්ඩල සංදෙශ ආදිය සකස් කරනු ලබන්නේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙනි. මේ සියලු කාරණා නිසා පනතක නීත්‍යානුකූල බව සලකා බැලීමට ඔවුනට අවස්තාව හිමි නොවේ. ඒයට තවත් ප්‍රධාන හේතුවක් වනුයේ නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමෙන්තුව විසින් මෙම කෙටුම්පත් අනුමත කර එවීමේ දී ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනූකූලදැයි සලකා නොබැලිමයි. පසුගියදා ඉදිරිපත කළ මහ බැංකු පනත එක උදාහරණයකි. එහි සංශෝධන 80 කට වඩා ඇතුළත් වූ බව ැක්වෙයි. 2023 මැයි 15 දින ගැසට් කරන ලද ආයුර්වේද සංශේදන පනතද මෙලෙස කඩිමුඩියේ හෝ වෙනත් අරමුණකින් හෝ ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලද්දකි.එම පනතට විරුද්ධව පාරම්පරික වෛද්‍යවරුන් පිරිසක් අධිකරයට පෙත්සම් ඉදිරිපත් කළහ.ත්‍රිපුද්ගල විනිසුරු මඩුල්ලක් ඉදිරයේ  සිවු දිනක් තිස්සේ විභාගයට  ගත් මෙම නඩුකරය තුළ සාක්ච්ඡා කරන ලද ප්‍රධාන කරුණු අතර පාරම්පරික කර්මය ශූන්‍ය කිරීමට ගත් තැත මුල් තැනේ තිබේ.ඊට අමතරව සමගාමී ලැයිස්තුවට ඇතුලත් විෂයක් වන දේශීය වෙදකම පිළිබඳ පනත් කෙටුම්පත් සංශොධනයකදී පළාත් සභා විමසිය යුතු බවද ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ දක්වා තිබේ.මෙයද සලකා බලා නැත. මෙහිදී ඉදිරිපත් වූ  වැදගත්ම තර්කය විස්න් මතු කරනු ලබන්නේ මෙම ලිපියේ මුලින් සඳහන් කරන ලද පසුබිමයි. නීති ක්ෂේත්‍රය සහ පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව මෙතෙක් කල් මේ රටේ ජනතාවගේඇස්වසා ආණුඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවසථාවට පටහැනිව පනත් කෙටුම්පත් සංශොෟදනය කර ඇති බව මෙම තර්කයෙන් පැහැදිලි වේ තිබේ.

          1972 ජනරජ ආණුඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඇති කිරීමට ප්‍රථම මේ රටේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වූයේ සොල්බිරි ව්‍යවස්තාවයි. සෙල් බරි ව්‍යව්ෂාතව යටතේ ඉදිරපත් කළ ආඥ පනත් සහ පනත් බොහෝ විට ඉංග්‍රීසි බාෂාවෙන් ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ පළ විය. ඇතැම් විට සිංහල පර්වර්තනයක්ද රජයේ මුද්‍රණාලයෙන් පිට කරනු ලැබිණ.නමුත් එය නීතිමය ලියවිල්ලක් නොවේ.1961 ආයුර්වේද පනතද එසේමය.එය ඉදිරිපත් කර තිබෙන්නේ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙනි.පෙර කීපරදි රජයේ මුද්‍රණාලයෙන් පළ කරන ලද පරිවරත්නයක්ද විය.2023 ආය්රුවේද සංශෝධන පනත් කෙටුම්පත් විභාගය අවස්තාවේ දී මෙම නඩුවට ඉදිරිපත් වූ නීතඥ මහ්මයෙකු නගන ලද එක් තර්කයක් වූයේ ආයුර්වේදම් නම් වචනයක් දෙමළ බසේ නැති බවයි. එවිට මෙම වචනය මුල් ලියැවිල්ලේ එනම් 1961 ආය්රුවේද පනතේ දෙමළ භාෂාමය පිටපත හා සසඳා බැලිය යුතුය. නමුත් සසදා බැලීමට එවැනි පටපක් නැත. සිංහල භාෂාමය වැරදැද්ද සලකා බැලීමට එනම් සංශොෟදනයේ දී ඉදිරිපත් වූ ආයුර්වේද සංග්‍රහ නමැති වචනය සකා බැලීහමට මුල් සිංහල ගැසට්ටුවක්ද නැත. අධිකරණය ගොලුවන්නේ මෙවැනි අවස්තාවකදීය.

     1972 ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 10.(1) හා 1978ව්‍යවස්තාවේ 23(4 ) අනුව ආණුඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යව්ෂථාවෙ ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම ආරමභ වීමට පෙරාතුව බලාත්මක  වූ සියලු නීති සහ අනු නිති හැකිතාක් ඉක්මනින් සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂාවලින් ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ පළ කරනු ලැබිය යුත්තේය යනුවෙන් (දාසය වන සංශොෟදනයෙන් අනතුරුව ) දක්වා ඇති බව මෙහිදී සඳහන් කළ යුතුය.

වසර 45ක්ම සැඟවී තිබූ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 23.4 අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවේ අරමුණ 2023 ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අභියෝග කිරීමේදී විවෘත වන බව නීතීඥවරයා කියයි….!

August 2nd, 2023

“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල” ෆීනික්ස් නීති සාර සංග්‍රහය වෛද්‍ය තිලක පද්මා සුබසිංහ අනුස්මරණ නීති අධ්‍යාපන වැඩසටහන

1978 සිට මේ දක්වා වසර 45 ක්ම ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම  ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 23.2 (16වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට පෙර) සහ දැන් 23.4 (16වන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයට පසු) අනුව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලව නීති පැනවී ඇත්ද යන්න සළකා නොබැලුවේ ඇයි සහ තවමත් හිතා ඉන්නේ රටේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන්නේ සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාව රටේ ක්‍රියාත්මක වන බවද යන්න ජනතාව හමුවේ ඇති ප්‍රශ්නයකි.

1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 23.4 අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව අනුව 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව පැනවීමට පෙර පැවති සියලු නීති සහ අනු නීති සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් ගැසට් පත්‍රයේ පළකල යුතු වෙයි.

එවැනි විධිවිධානයක් 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා සම්පාදකයන් විසින් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට ඇතුළත් කළේ ඇයි?

මෙරට ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථා කිහිපයක්ම 1972ට පෙර පැවතිණි. සෝල්බරි ව්‍යවස්ථාව ඉන් එකකි. ඒ යටතේ පනත් පැනවී තිබුණි. ඊට පෙර ආඥාපනත් පැනවී තිබුණි. ඒවා කිසිවක් වර්තමාන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවට අනුකූලද යන්න හෝ අනනුකූලද යන්න දන්නේ නැත.

එහෙත් එවැනි පනත් හෝ ආඥාපනත් සංශෝධනය කිරීමට වර්තමාන 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේ සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත් ඉදිරිපත් වෙයි.

උදා..දණ්ඩනීති සංග්‍රහය, විෂවර්ග අබිං සහ අන්තරායකර ඖෂධ ආඥා පනත, නගර සහ ගෘහ නිර්මාණ ආඥාපනත වැනි පැරණි නීති සංශෝධන….

එවැනි අවස්ථාවක එවැනි නීති සංශෝධන කෙටුම්පත් සිංහල සහ දෙමළ භාෂාවෙන් සහ ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂාවෙන් පරිවර්තන සහිතව ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ නියමයකි. එසේ නියමයක් පැවතියද මුල් නීතිය හෝ ආඥාපනත ඉංග්‍රිසියෙන් පමණක් තිබීම ප්‍රශ්නගත හෙයින් එය නිරාකරණය කර විසදුමක් ලබා දීමට 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 23.4 අනුව්‍යවස්ථාව දක්වා ඇත.

එකී නීතිමය තර්කය 1961 අංක 31 දරන ආයුර්වේද පනත සංශෝධනය කිරීමට 2023 ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධනය ගෙනා අවස්ථාවේදී එය අභියෝග කරමින් ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණට SC/ SD 52/23 පෙත්සමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළ වෛද්‍ය කමල් බන්දුල වීරප්පෙරුම සහ වෛද්‍ය වොෂින්ටන් ගල්හේනහේ නානායක්කාර වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි නීතීඥ අරුණ ලක්සිරි උණවටුන විසින් එස්. තුරෙයිරාජා, යසන්ත කෝදාගොඩ සහ ජනක් ද සිල්වා යන ත්‍රී පුද්ගල විනිසුරු මඬුල්ල හමුවේ ඉදිරිපත් කරන ලදී.

එකී නීතිමය තර්කය පිළිබඳව ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ විනිසුරු මඬුල්ල දීර්ඝ ලෙස නීතීඥවරයාගෙන් ප්‍රශ්න කළ අතර එකී නීතිමය කරුණු ඇතුලු පෙත්සම්කරුවන් සහ නීතිපතිවරයා ඉදිරිපත් කළ කරුණු සළකා බලා 1961 අංක 31 දරන ආයුර්වේද පනත සංශෝධනය කිරීමට 2023 ආයුර්වේද සංශෝධනයට අදාල ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණය තීරණය කතානායකවරයා විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ඇත.

http://neethiyalk.blogspot.com/2023/08/45-234-2023.html?m=1

“නීතියේ සිංහල නුගමුල”
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TAMIL PROBLEM : There is/was no ethnic problem – There was/is a caste problem

August 2nd, 2023

Shenali D Waduge

The international community has been gulping half-baked stories not because they are unaware of the true story, but because the true story does not fit into their scheme of things. Knowing this ground reality, the crafty Tamil leaders were happy to bat according to how the West was prepared to bowl. TNA comprises elite Jaffna-centric Vellala Tamils who do not represent the Tamils, neither are they bothered about uplifting low-caste Tamils. They simply want to be kings ruling Tamils. Devolution in fact is going to make matters worse for 90% of Tamils who are not Vellalas. 

Politics and Politicians are happy to fish in any social issue & fine-tune it to their political advantage. In reality the cause of most problems are actually politicians. Now the public sector and private sector are also joining in for their own advantage too. Therefore, the people face problems from multiple fronts.

Tamil leaders do not want to solve the Tamil caste problem while Tamil leaders & others are making use of the Tamil caste problem. This is a greater problem than the falsely drummed ethnic” problem.

The Tamil ethnic” problem began by a Tamil 

  1. Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam in 1911 changed Malabar Tamils to Ceylon Tamils for the census. He created an artificial new group called Ceylon Tamils
  2. Then 20 years later in 1931 G G Ponnambalam demanded 50-50 representation when Tamils were hardly 30% (including Tamils imported from South India)
  3. Then in 1949 (months after nominal independence) the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kachchi (Lanka Tamil Kingdom Party) was formed by Christian import Chelvanayagam. ITAK camouflages itself as Federal Party.

The Official Language Act was passed in 1956 making Sinhala the official language. Anyone taking offence must first respond with evidence to show if Tamil was an official language before 1505, was Tamil an official language under Portuguese, Dutch or even under the British after 1815 & till 1948? If not, what is the grievance that the Tamils claim? Did Tamils oppose English being used as official language instead of Tamil? Why oppose only Sinhala when they are well aware that Sinhala was the official language before 1505.

The other noteworthy point everyone is conveniently ignoring is that when the Official Language Act was passed there were no violent acts, no satyagrahas, no large demonstrations or protests – only a small protest without mass people’s participation.

What is also ignored is that even the Sinhalese who had been studying in English had to also learn Sinhala.

More importantly, hardly 1% of the population were fluent in English. It was impossible to govern a country when the majority did not know English. Therefore, a transition to the majority language required to take place. Even Tamils were more fluent in Sinhala than English. 

However, it was a different situation when the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act 21 was passed in 1957. 

This act enabled Tamil lower castes to attend school. This meant that Tamil lower castes were not allowed to attend schools. Why does no one question the Tamil high castes about why their own people were denied to attend schools? 

This act also enabled Tamil lower castes to enter kovils alongside high castes. This meant that Tamil lower castes had not been allowed to enter kovils. Why does no one question Tamil high castes regarding this?

Tamil leaders even sailed the rough seas to travel to UK to appeal to repeal this Act. Why didn’t they set said against the Official Language Act?

This proves that the Tamil leaders considered the 1957 Prevention of Social Disabilities Act giving low castes to enter schools & kovils as a bigger threat to them than the Official Language Act making Sinhala the official language.

That the 1956 Official Language Act was not a big issue at that time for Tamil elite is further showcased when in 1965 the government introduced laws to use Sinhalese in government offices & no large scale protests were seen.

This is what present day commentators must realize.

Tamil elite/high castes could not openly oppose giving low castes better privileges. So what did they decide to do? They followed their colonial masters & turned to the most successful form of division – RACISM & RACIAL ISSUE.

They began racial slogans – drummed up racial hate campaigns that enabled foolish low castes to align with the crafty Tamil high castes.

While there were little protests against the Official language act and no public protest against the prevention of social disabilities act, massive demonstrations were organized by Tamil high caste leaders in 1957 (since they could not oppose the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act openly – the best alternative was to get ALL TAMILS TO HATE THE SINHALESE)

  • Ministers were mobbed
  • Sinhala letters were tarred on vehicle registrations)
  • Civil disobedience campaigns were launched by ITAK & Tamil Congress

All these incidents did not take place in 1956 but in 1957. This is important to note. It was the 1957 Act that triggered Tamil resistance & not the 1956 Act.

It is also noteworthy that the 1957 Prevention of Social Disabilities Act was amended in 1971 to enable low caste Tamils to make complaint to police regarding caste discrimination & for police to take necessary action. This further infuriated the high caste Tamils & was the reason for renewed protests and campaigns against the Government.

One of the biggest mistakes made by Sinhalese who foolishly fell for the antics of Tamil elite leaders was when SWRD Bandaranaike agreed to sign a pact with Chelvanayagam (who was instrumental in starting the protests) It did not have legal binding as it was kept from Parliament & the Cabinet. It was only a political gimmick.

The BC Pact did not mention anything about language & only about devolving powers – the reason behind this demand was to enable Tamil elite to retain control over their people & deny them the provisions that SWRD proposed to give under the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act.

So in reality, the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact demanding devolution was aimed at REVERSING the provision given in 1957 to allow low caste Tamils to enter schools & kovils. Tamil low castes must wake up to this reality.

The caste issue is well documented by Dr. Sebastian Rasalingam

  • 1847 – Arumuga Navalar left teaching at Jaffna Central College because a low caste Tamil (Nalavar Caste) was admitted to the school
  • 1877 – During a famine in Jaffna peninsula – Arumuga Navalar provided food & medicine ONLY to the Jaffna Vellalas.
  • 1871 – caste clashes between Vellala, dhoby & barber castes in Maviththapuram because the dhoby caste people refused to wash clothes of the barber caste people – Vellalas were blamed for inciting the violence (1st caste riot)
  • 1923 – Sutumalai village – Vellalas attack Paramba caste because they hired drummers for a funeral. Vellalas claimed Paramba’s had no right to employ drummers for funerals as they were low caste (2ndcaste riot) – only high castes can hire drummers & ‘professional mourners’ for funerals.
  • 1929 – riots due to govt ‘equal seating directive’ in grant-aided schools where low-caste students could sit on benches. Before 1929, low-caste children had to sit on the floor or outside the classroom. This riot resulted in large number of houses belonging to low castes getting burnt & children were stopped from attending schools. Vellala’s made repeated petitions to cancel the directive.
  • Late 1920s Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan led 2 delegations to the Colonial Office in London to encode Caste into legislative enactments of Ceylon (Communal politics under the Donoughmore Constitution 1931-1947 by Jane Russell)
  • 1931 – Canganai village – Pallar caste attacked by Vellalas for hiring drummers for a funeral. (3rd caste riot)
  • Vellalas are kovil patrols & maintain Brahmin priests who manage the kovils.

What is interesting is that the Vellala’s discriminated their own low caste Tamils but did not treat the Sinhalese differently. This shows that the Vellala’s hated low caste Tamils more than the Sinhalese!

Having understood this background, the ties to colonial Britain ended in 1972 after the island became a republic. By this time the low castes who were given admission to schools were ready to enter university.

While elite Tamils protested against allowing low caste Tamils to enter schools, their next protest came in 1973 when the government introduced university standardization for equitable distribution. To understand the true scenario for these protests it is important to understand that during colonial rule and years after only an elite group of Sinhalese, Tamils & Muslims were enjoying the best of education, employment & social privileges. 99% of the population were in virtual enslavement.

What university standardization did was to allow students from all districts to enter university, a privilege enjoyed previously only by the high castes/class among Sinhalese, Tamils & Muslims. It was natural that they would oppose sharing their privileges & dividing their admission quotas amongst lesser privileged students.

What readers need to understand is that the percentage of Tamils gaining admission to universities didn’t change – but the number of high caste/class Tamils gaining admission reduced as the quota included low caste Tamils too. This natural angered high caste Tamils. It was the same scenario for Sinhalese high castes.

The secret BC Pact in 1958 with devolution was meant to reverse the 1957 Social Disabilities Act & disallow low castes the privilege given to study & enter kovils, when devolution would mean high caste Tamils will once again rule over low castes.

The 1976 Vaddukoddai Resolution which came 3 years after the 1974 Standardization was another means to rope in low castes to a bogus war & steer them away from educating themselves. This crafty plan too succeeded as 99% of all LTTE cadres were low caste & poor Tamils. The elite high castes artfully covered their caste bias under schemes that fooled the low castes & not only deprived them the right to grow but also put them to their graves.

The majority of Tamils who are low castes need to realize the true enemy – not the Sinhalese but the high caste Vellala’s from India.

Shenali D Waduge


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