Shenali D Waduge

I am greatly humbled and honoured to receive this Service to the Nation appreciation award from the Republican Youth Foundation, under the leadership of Dr. Sasith Rajasooriya, with its emerging vision for Sri Lanka.

I wish the team the very best as they begin a new journey.

Alongside the beautifully crafted award, the certificate itself carries words that deeply resonate with the work and commitments I have consistently upheld over the years.

On this occasion, I also wish to respectfully remember the late Mr. Gomin Dayasri, who was among the first to brief me on the realities of the war front and the importance of sustaining morale and steadfastness within our armed forces. His insights left a lasting impression on my understanding of the responsibilities that come with speaking on matters of national significance.

Over time, I have endeavoured to present perspectives that are often left unspoken, particularly when they are uncomfortable or contentious, guided by the belief that truth should not be muted by convenience, and that legitimate questions and fact-based debate should never be dismissed through labels like racist”.

In this journey, I am grateful to the growing circle of individuals and communities—both within Sri Lanka and internationally—who support these perspectives. I also reaffirm that my writing and commentary have always been produced independently, without any external financial backing or sponsorship, in order to preserve their integrity and authenticity.

My positions remain rooted in a clear sense of duty and conviction—defending the Sinhala Buddhist heritage and civilisation, upholding the role and dignity of the Sangha, safeguarding the nation’s cultural legacy, and speaking in defence of the child, the family, and the country’s long-term wellbeing.

Finally, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my late parents, whose values continue to guide me, and to my special family and dearest friends for their unwavering support and strength throughout this journey.

This recognition is as much a reflection of their encouragement as it is of any personal effort.

ධර්මසිරි සෙනෙවිරත්න

ඔය දේවල් උතුරේ හැදුවේ දෙමල රජවරුද. උතුරේ හිටිය සිංහලයෝ සිංහල රජවරු එක්ක එකතුවෙලා නොවෙයිද හැදුවේ. ඒ සිංහලයෝ නොවෙයිද උතුරෙන් එලෙව්වේ පහුගිය කාලේ , ඉතිරිය කොවියාර් කලේ . ඩොනමෝර් වාර්තාවේ පිටු 7000 කොහෙවත් නැහැ උතුරේ ”දෙමල ”කියල ජාතික ”මලබාර් මිස. ඒ අනුව 1832වන විටත් උතුරේ ස්ථිර පදිංචි දෙමලු හිටියේ නැති බව ප්‍රත්‍යක්ෂයි .

1815 ගිවිසුම අනුව යාපනය ඉංග්‍රීසීන් ගත්තේ උඩරට රජුගෙන්. මීට පෙර සෙනරත් රජු ආරක්ක්ෂක් පත්කිරීමේ ප්‍රශ්නයක් සාකච්චා කිරීම සඳහා යාපනේ ,කොට්ටියාර, පානම, මඩකලපුව වැනි ප්‍රදේශ වල නියෝජිතයෝත් ගෙන්නේව්වා .කාලිංග මාඝත් දෙමල නොවෙයි කාලින්ගයෙක් .ඔහු ආර්ය චක්‍රවර්ති වුනේ ”ආර්ය ”නිසා . වීරෝදාර ආරියන් ට එරෙහිව එහි සිංහලයෝ කැරලි ගැහුවා.

කුලෝත්තුංග ආරියන්ට එරෙහිව සටන් කලේ පුංචි බණ්ඩාර ප්‍රමුඛ අ ය . දෙමළුන් විසින් දුම්කොළ වගාවට ගෙනා කම්කරුවන් උතුරේ පදිංචි කලේ ලන්දේසීන් විසින් හා ඉංග්‍රීසින් විසින්. ඒ කට තමයි තේසවලමෙයි හැදුවේ .තේසවලමෙයි ලන්දේසීන්ට පෙර තිබුනේ නෑ . සුනිල් ආරියරත්නත් හරියට AT ආරියරත්න වාගේ කෙනෙක් .

දෙමල සිංහල බ්‍රාහ්මණ විතරක් නොවෙයි වෙනත් ජාතිකයනුත් මහන වෙලා ඉන්නතති සුළුවශයෙන්.එදා නොයෙක් අ ය මෙහෙ ඇවිත් පදින්චිවුනා රට දියුණු නිසා . එත් එයාල ඔය විහාරාරාම හදන මහා වැඩ කලේ නැහැ. ඕවා හදපු රජවරු සේරම සිංහල එළාර වත් වසර 44 තුල එකක්වත් හැදුව ද ? මේ තරම් ගජ බින්න දෙසන්න එපා ” හින්දු සාදු ” . ඔය දෙමලු ඕව හැදුව නම් රකින්න එපාය.

ඕව අද වෙනකොට විනාශ කළෙම දෙමලු. උන් ඕව රකිනවනම් අපි ඕව රැකගන්න යන්නේ නැහැනේ .විනාශ කරපු කරන නිසානේ යන්නේ . සුදස්සන හිමි එක්කැ ගැමුණු ගේ වැඩසටහන් දිගටම බැලුව ඒ හිමි යම් යම් තාර්කික අදහස් කියන නිසා ,. ඒ හිමි නොකියන දේ කියව ගන්න ගැමුණු මේ හින්දු සාදු අල්ලගත්තද මන්දා . සුදස්සන හිමි තොටවත්ත එක්ක එකඟ වෙනවා සමහරදෙට විරුද්ධ වෙනවා ඒවගේ එහිමි මේ ගල්කන්දේ හිමි හා ගැමුණු කියන දේ ගැන මොනවාද කියන්නේ දැනගන්න ආසයි .

එතකොට මේ කවුරු කවුරුත් ගැන අපට හිතා ගන්න පුළුවන් . සිරිල් මැතිවු පලකල පොතේ සන්සෝනි වාර්තාව අනුව මොන තරම් බොදු පුරාවිද්‍යා ස්තාන දෙමලුන් විසින් විනාශ කලාද කියල තියෙනව . මේ හින්දු සාදු ට ”ලවු ” දාන උන් ඒවා හෝ ඉතිහාස පොත් කියෙව්වද . ගැමුණු හොඳ තාර්කික දේවල් ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් ජනප්‍රිය වෙලා ඒ අතර ”මේ වගේ විස බෝම්බ ” යක් දෙකක් දාල බලනවා වගෙයි හිතෙන්නේ. —ධර්මසිරි සෙනෙවිරත්න —–

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Question 

With sand at 36000 per cu cement at 2200 per bag and metal cube at 11000 it is not viable to build building in concrete Better to carry out steel buildings 

Answer 

Aboce observation  /wueztio  reflects what many contractors and developers in Sri Lanka are now discussing seriously.

With approximate present prices:

• Sand — Rs. 36,000 per cube
• Cement — Rs. 2,200 per bag
• Metal — Rs. 11,000 per cube
• Labour — continuously increasing
• Formwork and shuttering — extremely expensive
• Interest rates and financing costs — still high

traditional reinforced concrete (RC) buildings are becoming economically difficult except for high-rise or specialized structures.

Steel-framed buildings are increasingly attractive because:

• Faster construction
• Less wet work
• Reduced labour requirement
• Lower foundation loads
• Easier future expansion
• Better suited for industrial buildings, warehouses, workshops, tourism facilities, and even medium-rise apartments

Sri Lanka may need to rethink its construction culture. For decades we copied heavy concrete-based systems from older urban models, while countries with high material costs shifted toward:

• Structural steel
• Light gauge steel
• Pre-engineered buildings (PEB)
• Composite structures
• Modular construction

Companies such as Lindner, BlueScope Steel and Zamil Steel helped popularize industrial steel construction globally.

In Sri Lanka, steel structures also reduce illegal river sand dependence and environmental destruction caused by excessive sand mining.

However, concrete still has advantages:

• Better fire resistance
• Better thermal mass
• Easier availability of local skills
• Preferred for very tall buildings
• More accepted by banks and valuation systems

The future may be hybrid:

• Steel frame + concrete slab
• Steel frame + lightweight panels
• Precast concrete systems
• Modular marine/offshore fabrication methods adapted for housing and industry

This is especially relevant if Sri Lanka wants rapid industrialization in areas like Trincomalee Harbour, logistics parks, shipbuilding, and export manufacturing zones.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

by  A. Abdul  Aziz.

Ahmadi Muslims in Sri Lanka  celebrates Eid -ul-Azha – Haj  Festival  on Wednesday 27 May  as instructed from the Markaz  (Headquarters).

There are five main acts that are performed during Hajj, viz:

1. Circuiting the Ka’aba

2. Running between the Safa and Marwa hills

3. Assembling at Arafa.

4. Throwing stones at Mina

5. Sacrificing animals

Pilgrims perfoming Hajj rituals

How do these acts assist in obtaining spiritual purity? This is a very relevant question, especially in the face of rising questions about how a trip to Mecca and throwing stones and running around the place, and attending a meeting would serve to purify one’s soul.

Therefore it is essential that the real purport behind these rituals be understood and highlighted. The performance of Haj without having understood the values and meanings of its rituals would be a mere waste. Hence it is obligatory that we take a look at the philosophy underlying the Hajj.

Circuiting the Ka’aba

The first ritual is Tawaf. Right from the day a Haji enters Mecca upto the last day of Tawaf, he performs the circuit of the Ka’aba. He does exactly seven circuits each time. What do these seven circuits symbolize?

The Ka’aba is the spiritual sanctuary of mankind, which is therefore the direction adopted by Islam for prayers. Ka’aba or the Kibla is his spiritual destination. In other words, the Ka’aba is the physical representation of the spiritual distinction aimed at; which is an abode described to be in the seventh heaven. The Holy Quran states:

.Vasakkalil Mahfool….” It is a very lofty and blessed platform.

It is on this platform that the most Sacred House is situated, where the Holy Prophet (PBUH), during his spiritual journey, led the rest of the prophets in prayer. The seven heavens mentioned here are not the physical heavens above us, nor is the Bait, a house indeed.

These are but spiritual demarcations representing progress. In such a spiritual world, when a person shows willingness to sacrifice his entity, he attains a sort of death and gets reborn in the next spiritual world. It is at the seventh heaven of such sacrifices that he becomes eligible to be accepted as qualifying to vouch for Islam as did the Prophet Ebrahim (a.s).

Therefore the seven circuits of the Ka’aba, represents the willingness of the Haji to selfless sacrifice for the sake of mankind and religion along the lines of the sacrifice Prophet Ebrahim (a.s).

Hazrath Abdul Qadir Jilani (R.A.) is reported to have stated The learned in Islam circuit the Ka’aba, while the Ka’aba circuits me”. What he meant was, while the learned people of religion seek to elevate themselves to the loftiness of self sacrifice, this blessing remains inaccessible except through the acceptance of the Imam of the time, because it is through him that the door to heaven opens.

All teachings and advocations necessary to undertake the journey to Baithul Ma’moor, is in the Holy Quran. Only those persons who circuit the Holy Quran can show the steadfastness and sacrifice necessary for obtaining that credence to approach the sacrifice of Prophet Ebrahim (a.s). It was referring to this that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) said that he had met Prophet Ebrahim (a.s) on the seventh heaven; and that the spiritual position of Prophet Ebrahim (a.s) can be attained by any ardent disciple of his Ummah.

Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s) had reconstructed the Ka’aba from its dilapidated and destroyed condition and had underwent a lot of sacrifices for the sake of religion. The numerous occasions of selfless sacrifice and his willingness to bear the burden of responsibility made him the representative whose call to this day is attended to at the Ka’aba.

Seven, in Arabic, denotes many. As such, each and every Haji performing the circuit commemorates the sacrifices of Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s) and places himself spiritually on the path on which this prophet had toiled. Thus, with the seven circuits, the Haji shows his willingness to sacrifice on behalf of his faith like did the prophet for its establishment.

The Holy Quran states: And remember when his Lord tried Ebrahim with certain commandments which he fulfilled. He said: I will make thee a leader of men..”(2:125)

And Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s) prayed And my Lord, bless my offspring so that they may also be amongst those who succeed in all the trials they are put to, and make them leaders of mankind” to which Allah replied those amongst them who are transgressors shall not be so blessed.” They shall not be able to answer His call, they shall not be able to face the trials and come out successful.

As such, only those who are amongst the docile, those who are steadfast and righteous, only they can walk the path on which Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s) journeyed, proclaiming Labbaik Allahumma Labbaik….”

O Allah! I hearken to Thy Call, and come to Thee, willing and subservient, ready to face all trials and tribulations that Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s) had faced on the path to Thee. Thus, the seven circuits of the Ka’aba symbolizes this journey.

Running between the Safa and Marwa hills

The next ritual is the Sa’i, which is the running in between the two hills Safa and Marwa. The Holy Quran says: Surely Al-Safa and Al-Marwah are among the signs of Allah”. (2:159) Why do the Hajis run between these two Hills?

The usual explanation offered to this is that it is in remembrance of the experiences of Hajara while she was stranded in the desert with an infant, and had no means of support. Her frantic search for water is commemorated by the sa’i. However, this theory offers no explanation as to how this memory would benefit the Haji spiritually.

Allah Almighty has declared that this place has been witness and recipient to many of Allah’s blessings. Safa is the hill upon which Hazrath Adam (a.s) received his  Prophethood.

The hill received its name, which means pure, because of this. Hazrath Ebrahim (a.s), Hazrath Ismail (a.s) and Hazrath Muhammad (PBUH) all initiated their Prophethood at the foot of this hill.

Hazrath Muhammed (PBUH), after having been informed of being selected as a prophet, was instructed by Allah Almighty to address his family and clan.

He invited all his family members and friends, and addressing them at the foot of this hill, said, If I were to say unto you, that a large army, bent upon ambushing you, awaits right behind this hill, what would your response be?” They said Muhammed, we have known thee from your childhood, and know thou speak naught but the truth.

As such, even though we know that there is no army there, we would take your word as the truth”. He replied then, know thee, I have been chosen by Allah Almighty, as His prophet”.

This is the valley where water that would sake the spiritual thirst of the world that was to come, first erupted to the surface.

This was the valley at which the first person to declare having accepted the Prophethood of Hazrath Muhammed (PBUH) stood forth. This is therefore the valley where the Hajis run to and from in search of that spiritual water.

It is for this water which could sate their thirst for knowledge, and with the knowledge being put to practice thus purify one’s body and soul, that the Hajis run along the valley in between Safa and Marwa.

Assembling at Arafa

The next is the most important ritual of the Haj, viz. Assembling at Arafa on the 9th day of Zul Haj, the eve of Eid-ul-Azha. As was explained above, the declaration and propagation of Islam commenced at Safa; and its conclusive consummation was at Arafa on the 9th day of Zul Haj, the 9th year of Hijra.

That day, Prophet Muhammed (PBUH) addressed more than a hundred thousand believers, while delivering the famous speech, which is known as Hajjatul Vida” sermon.

Every aspect of a believer’s code of conduct, the way he should behave with his family, with his parents, with his children, with his neighbours, with travellers, was addressed in the sermon.

After reminding the believers of their commitments to the society and to God, he repeatedly asked them Have I not fulfilled my duties towards you and Allah?” The companions (sahabah) responded O, Prophet of Allah, you most certainly have”.

He replied Those amongst you who are here, it is their duty that they should convey this message to those who are not present here”. I leave with you two things. The Words of Allah, and my Acts.

The code of conduct that has been laid down by the words of Allah Almighty in the Holy Quran has been brought into practical light by my life. Take my life as a practical example, and follow it and those amongst you who have assembled here, let their life bear example for those that are to come”.

It is therefore the duty of the Haji to commemorate the advises that the Holy Prophet had delivered on that auspicious day, and make a change in their life in such a manner that they become living examples of the life of Prophet Muhammed (PBUH). This is the philosophy behind assembling at the Arafa on that day. And this is the ritual that differentiates Haj from Umra.

Throwing stones at Mina

After the Arafa, comes the throwing of stones and the sacrifice. Stones are thrown at three places. The Hajis stop for the night at Muzdalifah and from there proceed on the next day to the three places, viz. Jumrat’al Ula, Jumrat’al Usta, and Jumrat’al Akaba where they throw 7 stones each.

It is explained that the stones are aimed at Satan, who tried to dissuade Prophet Ebrahim (a.s) from offering his son as sacrifice. But when asked as to how the stones are being thrown at Mina while the sacrifice was intended at Arafa, they have no answer. Again, questions arise as to how this serves to develop one’s spirituality. The real philosophy is something else.

The Holy Quran states: Fair seeming to men is made the love of desired things – women and children, and stored up heaps of gold and silver, and horses of mark and cattle and crops. That is the provision of the present life; but it is Allah with who is an excellent home”. (3:15)

Say, shall I inform you of something better than that? For those who fear God there are gardens with their lord, beneath which stream flow; therein they shall abide; and pure mates and Allah’s pleasure. And Allah is mindful of his servants”. (3:16)

The above verses teach us that man has seven relations to the earth. They are his love for his mate, for his children, for heaps of gold (ornamental wealth), for heaps of silver (money, for horses (vehicles) and cattle (business) and crops (agriculture). Allah points out these relationships and states that these are but provisions for this petty life, and it is with Him that the excellent home is.

Elsewhere the Holy Quran states: Say, if your father and your sons and your brethren and your wives and your kinfolk and the wealth you have acquired and the trade whose dullness you fear and the dwellings which you love are dearer to you than Allah   and His Messenger and striving in His cause, then wait until Allah brings about His Judgement; and Allah guides not the disobedient people”.

Man’s relations are shown here in another perspective. His seven relations shown here are that which forms a bond with his father, with his children, with his brothers & kinfolk, with his wives, with his wealth, with his trade and with his dwelling. For those who fear Him are gardens with their Lord wherein they shall abide.

Therefore those who are willing to sacrifice these worldly ties for the sake of obtaining His love, they are the winners.

In order to obtain His love, the Haji shows his willingness to severe his ties with worldly bonds which number seven by throwing 7 number of pieces of the earth, which symbolize the seven bonds away from him. Each stone thus represent each tie the Haji has with the earth.

Throwing them away, he retorts aloud Labaik Allahumma Labaik” Labaik La Shareika Laka Labaik” (Here I am, my Lord, here I am. Here I am, There is no associate with Thee.)

Sacrificing animals

The last ritual is the sacrifice of animal. The Holy Quran says:

Their flesh reaches not Allah, nor does their blood, but it is your righteousness that reaches Him”. (22:38) The sacrifice is the practical consummation of all the intentions that have been built up in him through the rituals that preceded it.

He shows his willingness to be sacrificed; to shed his blood for the sake of God, as is shed the blood of the sacrificed animal. Life, which is considered dear, is sacrificed for the sake of others.

May Allah Almighty bless us to perform such Pilgrimage to Mecca. 

The Leader

සිවිල් යුද්ධයේ අවසන් අදියරේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දෙමළ ජන සංහාරයක් සිදුවූ බවට ජීවන්ත පීරිස් පියතුමා කළ ප්‍රකාශය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කතෝලික රදගුරු සමුළුව සහ කතෝලික පල්ලිය විසින් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරනු ලැබ තිබේ.

කතෝලික රදගුරු සමුළුවේ සන්නිවේදන කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපති ජූඩ් නිශාන්ත සිල්වා රදගුරුතුමන් විශේෂ ප්‍රකාශයක් නිකුත් කරමින් සඳහන් කළේ පීරිස් පියතුමා පළ කළ අදහස් කතෝලික පල්ලියේ නිල මතය නොවන බවයි.

ඔහු ප්‍රකාශ කළේ ඔහුගේම මතවාදය මිස කතෝලික පල්ලියේ මතවාදය නොවේ,” යැයි රදගුරුතුමෝ සඳහන් කළහ.

එමෙන්ම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ කතෝලික පල්ලිය සෑම විටම ජාතික සංහිඳියාව, සමාජ සංවාදය සහ සියලු ජන කොට්ඨාශයන්ට ගරු කිරීම වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින බවද උන්වහන්සේ අවධාරණය කළේය.

මේ අතර කොළඹ අගරදගුරු සමාජ සන්නිවේදන අංශයේ ජාතික අධ්‍යක්ෂ  ජූඩ් ක්‍රිශාන්ත ප්‍රනාන්දු පියතුමන් සඳහන් කළේ ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පැවති යුද්ධය කිසිදු ජන වර්ගයකට එරෙහිව නොව ත්‍රස්තවාදයට එරෙහිව පැවති යුද්ධයක් බවයි.

දළදා මාළිගාව, අරන්තලාවේ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේලා, මහ බැංකුව, කොටුව බස් නැවතුම්පොළ සහ දෙහිවල දුම්රියට එල්ල වූ ප්‍රහාර උදාහරණ ලෙස සඳහන් කළ ඔහු එවැනි ත්‍රස්තවාදයක් මුලිනුපුටා දැමීම අත්‍යවශ්‍ය වූ බවද පැවසීය.

ජීවන්ත පීරිස් පියතුමන් විසින් වසර 30ක යුද්ධය මුළු දෙමළ ජනතාව විනාශ කිරීම අරමුණු කරගත් එකක් බවට කළ ප්‍රකාශයට සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ පුළුල් අවධානයක් ලැබුණු අතර ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේ වනවිට විශාල සමාජ සාකච්ඡාවක් නිර්මාණය වී තිබේ.

(සටහන | ගිම්හාන් ද සිල්වා)  

Source:  AI Overview

Deconstruction of the Life Story of the Buddha with diabolical intent to isolate Sri Lanka from rest of the Buddhist world

– What the foreign missionaries could not achieve during the dark colonial era (1505 – 1948) of dislodging Buddhism through physical destruction of Temples local hirelings are attempting an implosion through false misinterpretation of Buddhist Texts

AI Overview

https://share.google/aimode/Qkhnwy2912c2bf7S9

The practice of deconstructing the life story of the Buddha in Sri Lanka to claim that he was born, lived, and attained enlightenment on the island—rather than in ancient India and modern-day Nepal—is a contemporary fringe phenomenon. Mainstream historians, archaeologists, and global Buddhist scholars universally recognize this narrative as a myth. [1, 2, 3]

An analysis of this specific deconstruction reveals how its underlying mechanics and structural strategies are designed to isolate Sri Lankan Buddhism from the rest of the global Buddhist community.

1. Geographic Relocation (The “Hela Bima” Hypothesis)

• The Mechanism: Proponents of this theory re-interpret ancient text terminology, claiming that geographical identifiers like Jambudweepa (historically the Indian subcontinent) or Kapilavastu actually refer to regions within ancient Sri Lanka (historically called Hela Bima). They map the traditional eight sacred sites of the Buddha’s life onto local Sri Lankan topography.
• The Isolationist Intent: This entirely severs the physical, historical, and geological links between Sri Lankan Buddhism and its origins in the Gangetic plains of India. By localizing the sacred geography, it eliminates the necessity of looking outward toward international holy sites, turning Sri Lanka into a self-contained, closed spiritual universe. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

2. Radical Linguistic Deconstruction

• The Mechanism: The theory systematically deconstructs the Pali Canon and the Mahavamsa (The Great Chronicle). It argues that the original teachings were preserved in the indigenous Hela language and were later mistranslated or deliberately altered into Pali by Indian commentators like Bhikkhu Mahanama to shift credit to India.
• The Isolationist Intent: This creates an exclusive linguistic ownership over the Dhamma. If the Pali used by the rest of the Theravada world (such as Myanmar and Thailand) is viewed as a compromised translation, Sri Lankan text interpretation is positioned as uniquely pure. This invalidates external scholarly collaboration and isolates the local monastic community from global Theravada dialogues. [, 2, 3, 4, 5]

3. Ethno-Nationalist Monopolization of Truth

• The Mechanism: The narrative shifts the identity of the Buddha from a prince of the Shakya clan in the foothills of the Himalayas to a native of the island. The historical paradigm is altered from a universal, transnational philosophy into an ethnic heritage.
• The Isolationist Intent: Framing the Buddha as an indigenous figure fuels a hyper-nationalist worldview. It constructs a narrative where Sri Lanka is not just the custodian of the Dhamma, but its actual source. This deliberate decoupling from global history positions external Buddhist traditions as peripheral variants of an inherently Sri Lankan reality. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

4. Rejection of the Shared Ecclesiastical Lineage

• The Mechanism: Mainstream history records that Buddhism was officially introduced to Sri Lanka in the 3rd century BCE by Arhat Mahinda, the son of the Indian Emperor Ashoka. The isolationist deconstruction rejects this timeline, asserting that Buddhism did not travel from India to Sri Lanka, but existed indigenously long before Emperor Ashoka’s reign.
• The Isolationist Intent: This rejects the shared historical ties with India. It also ignores historical realities where Sri Lankan monastic lineages collapsed during crises and were explicitly revived by inviting monks from Thailand and Myanmar. Denying this historical reciprocity establishes an artificial ecclesiastical self-sufficiency. [, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Summary of Consequences

Mainstream scholars and religious authorities note that this narrative creates significant confusion and friction. By retreating into a localized, alternative history, this framework removes Sri Lanka from the broader, interconnected network of global Buddhism, replacing universal spiritual principles with localized insularity. [1, 2, 3, 4]

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If you would like to explore this topic further, I can provide information on how mainstream archaeologists debunk these claims using Ashokan edicts or discuss how mainstream Theravada institutions within Sri Lanka have officially responded to these theories.

Source:  AI Overview

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

බදු ආර්ථිකයෙන් ආයෝජන ආර්ථිකයකට

අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආණ්ඩු වැඩි අවධානයක් යොමු කරන්නේ බදු එකතු කිරීම මගින් ආර්ථිකය පාලනය කිරීමටයි. එය අවශ්‍ය වුවත්, ජනතාවට සහ ව්‍යාපාරිකයන්ට එය දැඩි බරක් වී ඇත.

බොහෝ දෙනාට මෙය බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය යුගයේ ශරීර බද්ද” මෙන් දැනේ. නමුත් ඉතිහාසයෙන් අපට පෙනෙන්නේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයන් බදු එකතු කළා පමණක් නොව, දුම්රිය, මාර්ග, වරාය සහ වගා කර්මාන්ත වැනි යටිතල පහසුකම්ද ගොඩනැගූ බවයි.

අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ බදු මත පදනම් වූ ආර්ථිකයකින් ආයෝජන මත පදනම් වූ ආර්ථිකයකට මාරුවීමයි.

විදේශ ආයෝජන අත්‍යවශ්‍යයි

Export Development Board සහ Board of Investment of Sri Lanka වැනි ආයතන නව චින්තනයකින් ක්‍රියා කළ යුතුය.

අපිට අවශ්‍ය:

• විදේශ සෘජු ආයෝජන (FDI)
• කර්මාන්ත කලාප
• නව අපනයන
• බලශක්ති ව්‍යාපෘති
• නාවික හා Blue Economy සංවර්ධනය

මත්තල ගුවන්තොටුපළ අවස්ථාවක් විය යුතුය

Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport අවට ඇති විශාල ඉඩම් කර්මාන්ත, ගබඩා, සූර්ය බලශක්ති ව්‍යාපෘති සහ අපනයන කලාප සඳහා යොදා ගත යුතුය.

අධිවේගී මාර්ග ආශ්‍රිත කර්මාන්ත

ලන්ඩනයේ M4 මාර්ගය ආශ්‍රිතව කර්මාන්ත සහ ව්‍යාපාර කලාප බිහි වූ ආකාරයට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේද අධිවේගී මාර්ග ආශ්‍රිත ඉඩම් කර්මාන්ත සඳහා ලබාදිය යුතුය.

නැගෙනහිර ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

Trincomalee Harbour ආශ්‍රිතව:

• නාවික කර්මාන්ත
• LNG ව්‍යාපෘති
• Ship repair
• Blue Economy
• සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාර
• ධීවර කර්මාන්ත

විකාශනය කළ හැකිය.

PPP ක්‍රමය

රජයට පමණක් මේ සියල්ල කළ නොහැකිය. Public-Private Partnership (PPP) ක්‍රමය මගින් දේශීය හා විදේශීය ආයෝජකයන් සමඟ එක්ව වැඩ කළ යුතුය.

ඩිජිටල්කරණයේ මන්දගාමී බව

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ඩිජිටල් පද්ධති තවමත් ඉතා මන්දගාමීය.
ආයෝජකයන්ට අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ:

• ඉක්මන් අනුමැතිය
• Online approvals
• Digital customs
• Electronic payments
• පැහැදිලි නීති

මෙය ඉක්මනින් වෙනස් නොකළහොත් ආයෝජකයන් වෙනත් රටවල් වෙත යනු ඇත.

අවසාන පණිවිඩය

බදු වැඩි කිරීමෙන් පමණක් රටක් සංවර්ධනය වන්නේ නැත. රටක් ශක්තිමත් වන්නේ:

• ආයෝජන
• කර්මාන්ත
• අපනයන
• තාක්ෂණය
• රැකියා
• බලශක්තිය

මගිනි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට අද අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ බදු එකතු කරන රටක්” නොව ධනය නිර්මාණය කරන රටක්” බවට පත්වීමයි.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera  Ex CEO Cololmbo Dockyard , Walkers Cololmbo Shipyard and Ex chairman Sri Lanka Land Reclamation Corporation

බදු එකතු කිරීමෙන් ධනය නිර්මාණයට — ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට නව ආර්ථික දැක්මක්

  Sri Lanka today appears trapped in a cycle where governments focus heavily on tax collection to stabilize the economy. While fiscal discipline is necessary, excessive dependence on taxation places a growing burden on ordinary citizens and businesses already struggling with inflation and slow growth.

In many ways, people feel this resembles the colonial-era body tax” systems imposed by the British Empire — extracting revenue from the population while economic opportunities remain limited. Yet history also teaches us an important lesson: the British did not merely collect taxes. They simultaneously invested in infrastructure — railways, ports, roads, plantations, and administrative systems that expanded economic activity. Some even argue that wealth generated from colonies helped finance massive developments in Britain itself, including parts of London’s transport infrastructure.

Sri Lanka therefore cannot survive by taxation alone. The country must move urgently from a revenue extraction economy” to an investment creation economy.”

The Need for a Revolutionary Shift in Thinking

What Sri Lanka needs today is not merely more taxes, but a national strategy to attract large-scale Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

Government institutions such as the Export Development Board and the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka must think beyond traditional sectors and aggressively market Sri Lanka as an industrial, logistics, energy, and maritime hub.

For years, discussions about development have focused on Colombo. Yet the future opportunities may lie elsewhere — particularly in Eastern Sri Lanka and along newly developed highway corridors.

Mattala Airport: From Political Symbol to Economic Zone

The proposal to divest or commercially restructure Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport should not be viewed emotionally. Airports alone do not create prosperity unless surrounded by economic activity.

Around Mattala lies vast underutilized land. Instead of allowing the airport to remain idle, Sri Lanka should create:

• Industrial parks
• Logistics zones
• Renewable energy parks
• Agro-processing industries
• Export manufacturing hubs
• Aviation maintenance facilities

This is how many successful countries transformed remote infrastructure into economic engines.

Lessons from the M4 Corridor in Britain

The M4 motorway corridor west of London evolved into one of Britain’s major economic zones because industries, technology parks, warehouses, and business centers were systematically developed around transport infrastructure.

Sri Lanka should adopt a similar model:

• Lands adjacent to expressways should be strategically leased or divested for industries.
• Highway development must be linked with industrialization.
• Transport corridors should become economic corridors.

The Southern and Eastern regions hold enormous untapped potential for this approach.

Eastern Sri Lanka: The Next Investment Frontier

Eastern Sri Lanka possesses several advantages:

• Deep natural harbors
• Large land availability
• Proximity to international shipping lanes
• Renewable energy potential
• Fisheries and marine resources
• Tourism opportunities

The development of Trincomalee Harbour could become transformational if integrated with:

• Ship repair
• Offshore engineering
• LNG and energy projects
• Maritime training
• Export industries
• Blue economy investments

Rather than relying solely on government funding, Sri Lanka must embrace Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) with both local and foreign investors.

Solar Panels Along Highways

Several European countries have experimented with solar panel installations along highways and transport corridors. Sri Lanka, blessed with strong sunlight throughout the year, should seriously explore:

• Solar canopies over parking and rest areas
• Solar barriers along highways
• Renewable energy zones near expressways

This would reduce fuel dependency while supporting industrial power needs.

The Digitalization Problem

One major obstacle remains: digitization in Sri Lanka is painfully slow.

Investors today expect:

• Fast approvals
• Transparent online systems
• Digital customs procedures
• Efficient land registration
• Electronic payment systems
• Predictable regulations

Without rapid digital transformation, Sri Lanka risks losing investors to faster-moving regional competitors such as Vietnam, India, Indonesia, and the Gulf states.

A New National Mindset

Sri Lanka cannot endlessly survive by increasing taxes on a shrinking productive population. Sustainable prosperity comes from:

• Investment
• Industrialization
• Export growth
• Technology
• Logistics
• Energy development
• Skilled employment

The future belongs to nations that create wealth — not merely collect revenue.

---

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

What is name of that film ?

AI gives me following answer 

Yes — the Sinhala film Dharmayuddhaya is officially a remake of the Indian Malayalam blockbuster Drishyam starring Mohanlal. The Sinhala version starred Jackson Anthony in the lead role.  

Many viewers felt it was very close to the original — almost a scene-by-scene” adaptation — which is why some say it feels more like an imitation than a localized remake. Even the background score was partly reused from the Indian version.  

There were also several other Indian remakes of Drishyam:

• Tamil – Papanasam
• Hindi – Drishyam
• Telugu – Drushyam

Interestingly, despite being a remake, the Sinhala film became a major box office success in Sri Lanka.  

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Cyril Barabaltchouk Courtesy United 24

Sri Lanka is negotiating to purchase crude and refined fuels from Russia and China, according to the country’s Energy Minister Anura Karunathilake, cited by Reuters on May 25.

Reuters wrote that the import-dependent nation seeks to address fuel shortages linked to the global energy crisis.

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The country, which relies entirely on imported fuel, has been affected by energy market disruptions stemming from the war in Iran. According to Reuters, authorities have implemented a 40% increase in fuel prices, rationed sales, and designated Wednesdays as public holidays to reduce consumption.

Karunathilake stated that discussions with Moscow and Beijing over the past two months have been positive.” However, the government is currently negotiating prices for potential Chinese fuel supplies and working to resolve payment methods for Russian imports.

We have not agreed fully on what would be the payment method. In principle, we don’t have any problem in paying in any currency, but what would be the practical method? That’s the case,” the energy minister told Reuters, declining to provide a timeline for the imports.

Read moreCategoryWorld

US Reissues 30-Day Waiver for Russian Oil Already Loaded on Tankers

May 18, 2026 19:59

Sri Lanka plans to utilize a temporary US sanctions waiver valid until June 17 to facilitate the Russian imports. The primary objective is to secure Russian crude to operate the country’s sole refinery, though Colombo is also considering refined products from both countries.

The minister told Reuters that the initial plan is to procure one shipment from each country before evaluating further imports. Currently, most of Sri Lanka’s fuel is sourced from Singapore and India, with crude arriving from the United Arab Emirates. Tender-based shipments are secured through August.

The increased energy costs are affecting the national economy. Power tariffs were raised by 18% earlier this month to align with a $2.9 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) program that supported the country’s recovery from a financial crisis four years ago.

Read moreCategoryWorld

Russia Cashes In on Iran War as Oil Revenues Jump 39% in May

May 21, 2026 12:26

Higher fuel bills have also impacted the local currency. According to Reuters, the Sri Lankan rupee has depreciated by approximately 8.7% since early March, trading at 336 against the dollar on May 25.

Sri Lanka’s struggles spotlight a regional trend of Asian nations encountering roadblocks when attempting to secure Russian energy. Following a meeting between Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto and Russian leader Vladimir Putin, Jakarta had recently announced an ambitious plan to import 150 million barrels of Russian crude this year.

However, the initiative is already stalling. It was reported that Indonesian state energy firm Pertamina was struggling to develop a regulatory framework that avoids violating the terms of its global bonds due to Western sanctions.

Furthermore, oil traders had warned that a critical shortage of available tankers and the logistical difficulty of diverting such massive volumes make the deliveries highly complex. According to shipping data, only a single Russian cargo has successfully reached the Southeast Asian nation so far.

Courtesy Hiru News

Kaduwela Magistrate Aruna Indrajith Buddhadasa has ordered the release of National Freedom Front leader and former minister Wimal Weerawansa on two surety bails of Rs. 500,000 each after he was arrested and produced before the Court this morning (25) by Thalangama Police over an alleged incident of obstructing a Ranaviru commemoration rehearsal event.

The further inquiry into the case has been scheduled to be taken up again on August 25.

According to the Police, the former minister, along with a group of others, had gone to the location during a rehearsal for a Ranaviru commemoration event on May 18, and allegedly acted as members of an unlawful assembly and obstructed the duties of police officers. He was subsequently arrested and produced before court by Thalangama Police.

Police Spokesperson Assistant Superintendent of Police F.U. Wuttler stated that authorities made the arrest after recording a statement from him under Section 344 of the Penal Code of Sri Lanka.

Hiru  News

Sri Lanka Human Rights Centre Executive Director Rajith Keerthi Thennakoon states that the Central Bank of Sri Lanka has intervened to control the rapid rise in the value of the US dollar within the domestic foreign exchange market by taking steps to impose an unofficial capped price for the dollar.

Issuing a statement, he claims that to prevent the continuous depreciation of the rupee, the Central Bank Governor has summoned chiefs of commercial banks and owners of authorised money exchange entities to hold two rounds of informal discussions.

The statement notes that instructions were given during these meetings to maintain the value of the dollar within a range between Rs. 329 and Rs. 335, and that an unofficial controlled price of Rs. 330 has been imposed for the dollar in interbank transactions, thereby violating International Monetary Fund (IMF) provisions.

Furthermore, it points out that steps have also been taken to restrict the 90-day period previously granted to importers to bring funds into the country down to 30 days.

He highlights that because the Central Bank has been creating rupees (technically printing money) to purchase dollars from commercial banks, the Broad Money Supply ($M2b$) has expanded drastically, increasing by Rs. 2,146.1 billion (Rs. 2.1 trillion) over the past 15 months.

The statement notes that during the first three months of 2026 alone (January – March), the Central Bank has created Rs. 610.7 billion, with that figure standing at Rs. 309.4 billion in the month of March alone.

He points out that new currency notes bearing the signature of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake have now been added to the market in large volumes, and the currency in circulation, which stood at Rs. 1,351,312 million on January 1, 2025, has risen by Rs. 303,956 million to reach Rs. 1,655,268 million by May 22, 2026.

He states that despite the money supply being increased by trillions, no significant growth has occurred in the country’s foreign reserves, as the foreign reserves, which stood at USD 6,531 million in March 2025, have only grown marginally to USD 6,759 million by the end of April 2026.

He also points out through the statement that the USD 700 million sum expected to be received from the IMF in the coming days can only be used to bridge the budget deficit (for Treasury operations) and cannot be utilized to strengthen reserves.

Meanwhile, the statement issued by Sri Lanka Human Rights Centre Executive Director Rajith Keerthi Thennakoon further notes that the central government’s outstanding debt has also risen by Rs. 1,754.47 billion, from Rs. 28,240.22 billion in November 2024 to Rs. 29,994.69 billion by the end of 2025.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

සංසරණයේ පැවති ව්‍යවහාර මුදල් මාස 17 ට රු. මිලියන 303,956 ක් වැඩි වෙලා

IMF නොතකා ‍මහ බැංකුවෙන් ඩොලරයට නිල නොවන උපරිම මිලක් (capped price)

ඒකාබද්ධ පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම වැඩි කරමින් ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව වානිජ්‍ය බැංකුවලින් ඩොලර් මිලදී ගැනීම සිදු කරනු ලබන නමුත්, සංචිත ඉහල නංවා ගැනීමට හෝ ණය බර අඩු කරගැනීමට රජයට නොහැකි වීම ආර්ථික අර්බුදයක් ලෙස එළිදකිමින් ඇතැයි රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්  පවසයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය වෙනුවෙන් නිකුත් කළ පුවත්පත් නිවේදන‍යේ දැක්වෙන්නේ, 2025 ජනවාරි මස රු. බිලියන 14,439.1 ක් වූ  ඒකාබද්ධ පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම (M2b), 2026 මාර්තු වන විට රු. බිලියන 16,585.7 දක්වා  රු. බිලියන 2,146.1 (ට්‍රිලියන 2.1) කින් ප්‍රසාරණය වී ඇති බවයි. (මුලාශ්‍රය – ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව සතිපතා ආර්ථික දර්ශක 2026 මැයි 22 සහ 2025 මාර්තු 28)

පසුගිය මාස 15 තුල ඒකාබද්ධ පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම (M2b) හෙවත් තාක්ෂණික වශයෙන් මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම මගින් මහ බැංකුව මුදල් මැවීම සිදු කර ඇත්තේ මෙසේය.

	2025	2026
ජනවාරි	117.4	94
පෙබරවාරි	104.7	207.3
මාර්තු	233.9	309.4
අප්‍රේල්	154.2
මැයි	33.6
ජූනි	210.3
ජුලි	30
අගෝස්තු	162.1
සැප්තෑම්බර්	97.1
ඔක්තෝබර්	112.8
නොවැම්බර්	102
දෙසම්බර්	295.2
එකතුව	1653.3	610.7

වානිජ්‍ය බැංකු වෙතින්  විදේශ මුදල් ලබා ගනිමින් විදේශ සංචිත ඉහළ නංවා ගැනීමට මහ බැංකුව මුදල් මැවීමක්  (අච්චු ගැසීමක්) සිදු කරමින් සිටී. ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ණය කොන්දේසි ඇනුව,  සාම්ප්‍රදායික අර්ථයෙන් දෛනික මුදල් අවශ්‍යතා සඳහා මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම සිදු කළ නොහැකි නමුත්, මහ බැංකුව එයට වක්‍ර උපක්‍රම යොදා ගනිමින් සිටී.

‘’මහ බැංකුව වානිජ්‍ය බැංකුවලින් රුපියල් ලබාදී ඩොලර් ලබාගන්නවා. මුදල් අච්චු ගසන්නේ නැතුව — උත්පාදනය කරන්නේ නැතුව — ඩොලර් ගන්න මහ බැංකුවට බෑ.  මෙතන සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ මුදල් මැවීමක්. අච්චු ගැසීමක්.  තෙන්නකෝන් මහතා පවසයි.

ලංකා අර්ථික අර්බුදය ලොව පුරා සිරස්තල මවමින් ඇත. ලංකාවේ උද්ධමනය ගැන ගෝඨාභය සමයේ දැඩි ආන්දෝලනාත්මක ප්‍රකාශ සිදු කළ  Steve Hanke සිය අලුත්ම X පණිවුඩයේ ලංකාව ගැන දක්වන්නේ,  INFLATION STORY = MONEY SUPPLY STORY ලෙසිනි. 

මුදල් අච්චු ගැසීම ගැන, රංග සිරිලාල්  X පණිවුඩයකින් පවසන්නේ, Rupee under pressure with Central Bank printing money:

Rupee depreciated 7.2% against the US dollar so far this year to 353.17 rupees from last weeks 327.35 & last years 299.61.

@CBSL printed 309.4 billion rupees in March bringing first three months printing to Rs.610.7 billion යනුවෙනි.

දිලිසෙන අලුත් සල්ලි කොළ

ජනපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායකගේ අත්සන සහිත මුදල් නෝට්ටු මේ වන විට පුළුල් ලෙස දෛනික පරිහරණයට එක්වී ඇත.  2025 ජනවාරි 1 දිනට ට සංසරණයේ පැවති ව්‍යවහාර මුදල් රු. මිලියන 1,351,312 ක් විය.  2026 මැයි 22 ට එය රු. මිලියන 1,655,268 දක්වා රු. මිලියන 303,956 ක් වැඩි වී ඇත.  ‍මෙම මුදල් නෝට්ටු වැඩිවීම උද්ධමනය ඉහළයාමට සෘජු ලෙස බලපානු ලබයි.

විශ්වාසය පළුදුවීම

Free Lawyers සංවිධානය 2026 අප්‍රේල් 22 දින, මහා භාණ්ඩාගාර මංකොල්ලය අනාවරණය කිරීමෙන් පසුව තැපැල් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව, අස්වැසුම, ජාතික සංවර්ධන බැංකුව, මහජන බැංකුව, මාර්ග සංවර්ධන අධිකාරිය, ශ්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සමාගම ඇතුළු ආයතන රැසක මුදල්  අතුරුදන් වීම පිළිබඳ කරුණු කරලියට පැමිණියේය.   

පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම අසමාන්‍ය ලෙස ඉහළයාම, පිළිගත් ක්‍රමවේදයට පිටින් අන්තර් බැංකු ඩොලර් හුවමාරු අගය මත ‘ඩොලරයට’ උපරිම මිලක් නියම කිරීම සහ සංසරණයේ පැවති ව්‍යවහාර මුදල් ප්‍රමාණය (නෝට්ටු) ඉහළ යාම ගැන මහ බැංකුව විධිමත් කරුණු පැහැදිලි කිරීමක් මේ දක්වා සිදු කර නොමැත.

රුපියල අඛණ්ඩව අවප්‍රමාණය වෙමින් පවතින අතර, මහ බැංකුවේ අධිපතිවරයා වානිජ්‍ය බැංකු ප්‍රධානීන් හා බලයලත් මුදල් හුවමාරු ආයතන හිමිකරුවන් කැඳවා අවිධිමත් සාකච්ඡා දෙකක දී ඩොලරයේ අගය රු. 329/ 335 සීමාවේ පවත්වා ගැනීමට උපදෙස් ලබාදී ඇත.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුව ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදලේ ප්‍රතිපාදන උල්ලංඝනය කරමින් අන්තර් බැංකු හුවමාරුව සඳහා ඩොලරයට රු. 330 ක පාලන මිලක් (නිල නොවන ලෙස) ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කර ඇත. ආනයනකරුවන්ට දින 90 ක් තුල මුදල් රටට ගෙන ඒමට දී තිබූ අවස්ථාව මේ වන විට දින 30 දක්වා සීමා කර ඇත.  2021 දී ද, රුපියල බාල්දුවීම වලක්වා ගැනීමට හා උද්ධමනය පාලනය කිරීමේ අරමුනින් මෙවැනිම පැලැස්තර විසඳුම් රැසක් එවකට රජය ක්‍රියාවේ යෙදවීය.   

පොලී අනුපාත ඉහල දැමීම නොවැලැක්විය හැකිය

ඉදිරි දින කිහිපය තුල බැංකු පොලී අනුපාත ඉහලයාම නොවැලැක්විය හැකි වනු ඇත.  එමෙන්ම, ඉන්ධන මිල හා එයට සමගාමීව සෑම භාණ්ඩයකට මිල ඉහළයාම බලාපොරොත්තු විය යුතුය.

විදේශ සංචිත එක තැන පල්වීම

2025 මාර්තු මස ඩො. මි. 6,531 ක් වූ විදේශ සංචිත 2026 අප්‍රේල් මස අවසානය වන විට වර්ධනය වී ඇත්තේ ඩොලර් මිලියන 6,759 දක්වා සොච්චමකින් පමණී.  2023 – 2024 වසරවල සෑම මසකට ඩො. මි. 175 බැගින් සංචිත වර්ධනය කර ගැනීමට මහ බැංකුව සමත් වූ නමුත්, ඒකාබද්ධ පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම (M2b) ට්‍රිලියන 2.1 කින් වර්ධන වීමෙන් පසුව ද, සංවිත එක තැන පල්වෙමින් ඇත.

මේ මස 27 දින ජාත්‍යන්තර මුල්‍ය අරමුදල ලංකාමේ අය වැය මුල්‍යනයට ඩොලර් මිලියන 700 ක් ලබාදීමට නියමිත නමුත් එම මුදල ලැබෙන්නේ සංචිත වැඩි කර ගැනීමට නොව භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ දෛනික කටයුතු සඳහා (අය වැය පාලනයට) ය. එය සංචිත ගොඩනැගීමට යොදාගත නොහැකිය.  

ණය බර වැඩිවීම

2024 නොවැම්බර් මස රු.බිලියන 28,240.22 ක් වූ මධ්‍යම රජයේ නොපියවූ ණය ප්‍රමාණය 2025 වසර අවසානය වන විට රු. බිලියන 29,994.69 දක්වා රු. බිලියන 1,754.47 කින් ඉහළ ගොස් ඇත.

පුළුල් මුදල් සැපයුම අසමාන්‍ය ලෙස ඉහළයාම,

පිළිගත් ක්‍රමවේදයට පිටින් අන්තර් බැංකු ඩොලර් හුවමාරු අගය මත ‘ඩොලරයට’ උපරිම මිලක් නියම කිරීම

සංසරණයේ පැවති ව්‍යවහාර මුදල් ප්‍රමාණය (නෝට්ටු) ඉහළ යාම

රුපියල බාල්දුවීම හා

සංචිත රැස් කර ගත නොහැකිවීම,

 අද පවතින ආර්ථික අර්බුදයේ ප්‍රකාශනයන් ය. මේ අර්බුදය විසඳා ගැනීමට රජය රටේ සිටින මුල්‍ය විශේෂඥයින්ගේ, බුද්ධිමතුන්ගේ හා වෘත්තිකයින්ගේ සහාය වහා ලබාගත යුතුව ඇත.

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්

විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

2026 මැයි 24

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

Former Governor of Uva, Southern and Central Provinces

Former Executive Director of Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research – CHR Sri Lanka

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr) 2066 Kings Grove Crescent . Ottawa, Ontario . K1J 6G1

24 May 2026

The Right Honourable  Mark Carney, PC  OC  MP
Prime Minister of Canada
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, Ontario
K1A OA2

BY LETTER

IMPORTANT & URGENT

Dear Prime Minister Mark Carney:

Re: Sri Lankan-Canadian Community Divisive Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument in Brampton, Ontario.  This hate symbol has to be dismantled to restore the Truth and Dignity of my Sri Lankan-Sinhalese-Canadians.

Permit me to introduce myself.   I am Asoka Weerasinghe, a Sri Lankan Sinhalese-Buddhist-Canadian.   I landed in Ottawa’s airport, on 16 October 1970, (you were 5-years old then) not as a scamming Sri Lankan Tamil Refugee running away from alleged discrimination and persecution,  but as an invited potential employee, at  the Canadian National Museums Corporation, in Ottawa.

I was employed as Head of the Thematic Research Section, of the newly created. Design and Display Division,.of the Canadian National Museums Corporation, in Ottawa.  They were trying to find a Liberal Research Scientist, and had difficulty finding one in Canada. While head-hunting found me in London, England.  There was no interview for the job, but chose me having been recommended by Professor Ward Neale, Head of the Geology Department, at the Memorial University of Newfoundland and Labrador where I did my graduate studies in Geology and Palaeontology.. For my Fellowship, I was asked to create geological exhibits in ten empty 6ft x 3 ft wall corridor show cases which had been empty for almost 25-years. I enjoyed immensely creating the exhibits, which were very popular among First-year undergraduates, and teaching Geology 100 labs to 125 undergraduate students.

I fitted like an Ottawa’s warm-winter ski-glove, a product of Sri Lanka, in their searching requirements being a Research Palaeontologist interested in interpreting Human and Natural Sciences to the public through museum exhibits. – an award winning published poet in London, England; award winning Artist and Sculptor; Ballroom Dancing champion in London, England;  Pianist and composer with three of my compositions being adapted by a young Swedish-Danish band., and organizer of the Poetry and Jazz component of the Welsh University Eisteddfod, and more.

I started working on 15 exhibition Halls for the empty Victoria Memorial Museum 

(Building like a castle) on Macleod Street, in Ottawa.  My work station was at 39 McArthur Road in Vanier.  I was involved in creating the Dinosaur Hall Life Through the Ages; (on the left) which I am sure you remember having visited it in your younger days, and also the Museum of Man’s Orientation Hall (on the right) with a standing complete Human Skeleton (purchased from India) at the entrance with a crown on its Head.   The storyline of the narrative for this Hall was adapted from the long poem of mine, Trail of Mankind.   Both were on the ground floor.  I was the author of the majority of the text panels, and labels of artifacts of the 15- Exhibition Halls, that you perhaps read.

Now to the request to help my community of Sinhalese-Sri Lankan Canadians., a majority who are presently annoyed and angry and spitting ‘Sinha-lion’s breath’ at the insensitive,  audacious, disingenuous Mayor of Brampton,  Pat-trick Brown, who in my eyes is an insensitive, thuggish, arrogant Canadian-Trumplike Conservative politician’.  His ‘Sinhalese’ hate symbol of the Tamil Genocide Memorial in Brampton has to come down.

I also accepted the challenge to destroy myths and lying narratives by the Canadian-Tamil community of Sri Lanka, saying that they have been  discriminated against and persecuted by the Sri Lankan Government.  It was all tosh, cod’s wallop and damn lies” as they were the privileged Tamil minority” (10%), and I came from the (75%) of the wronged Sinhalese” majority for 131 years of British colonial rule which ended only on 4 February 1948.

That challenge produced several hundreds of Tamil-accented English anonymous

telephone cobra-hissing threats to me in Ottawa, of I will blow your head off”, and a threat to blow the 15-storey Centennial Building at 200 Kent Street in Ottawa,  on 9 June 1987,  because I was employed as a Federal Government Communications Officer for two Cabinet Ministers on the 14th floor.

 This was a big Security Concern for the Ottawa Police.  There was a Security meeting on this threat of ‘blowing up the 15-storey Centennial Building: attended by a member of the Ottawa Police (in uniform),  Head of Security of DFO, and the Security Officer of Campeau, the owners of the building, and a senior officer of the Department I worked for.  And I was briefed as to what was expected of me of such an eventuality.  

Prime Minister Carney, I resent intimidation, which was the reason why I did not run down Kent Street searching for a manhole to hide from the Canadian-terrorist Tamil White-Tigers, that the Canadian Government supported indirectly as a bartering chip for their Sinhlese blood soaked votes.

This is the community where Brampton’s Mayor Pat-trick Brown decided to have Tamilian curry-in-a-hurry  sleep-ins.with millions of them throughout the year bartering for their Sinhalese-blood soaked votes.

Prime Minister Carney, what this Mayor Brown’s Tamil Genocide monument in Brampton did was, to kick and woke up this sleeping WEERA-SINHA, the name

that my Mum and Dad gave me-as a Courageous-Lion.”  Mayor Pat-trick Brown found that one out  pretty soon.  I am shadowing him for bad or for worse for his degrading me and a majority” of my brothers and sisters of the Canadian ‘Sinha” clan.

The rest have accepted to live in Canada ignoring this  Tamilian-insults.   It has been their choice in this “free”country and critical of me, for taking on the Canadian Snow-Tamil Tigers.

PRIME MINISTER MARK CARNEY, NOW TO THE REASON FOR MY WRITING YOU seeking your help to correct a  ‘Major’ wrong that has been inflicted upon us – the Sinhalese-Canadian community, by a Canadian ‘Conservative’” politician who had the gall and temerity as reported by Steve Pecar on May 12, 2025 (Brampton Change City) asking a person like me to go back to Colombo, as I am a Tamil Genocide Denier”, which I have rightfully denied as even the United Nations announced that there was  no Tamil Genocide in Sri Lanka.” 

 This guy is acting like a Bramptonion God Ravana, the Demon King of Lanka, with a Sri Lankan sun dried Sinhalese -blood crusted Halo sitting on his thick-skull.   This guy is a disgusting Agent of Tamil-Sinhalese cock-fights” in Brampton, Canada.

I have been searching for a non-Tamil feet kissing, Caucasian Canadian politician  ‘Messaiah” since 4th August 1983, when I and an amazing gutsy young Sinhalese

immigrant with a spine of Algoma steel, Asoka Yapa, who helped me to pick our bloodied Mother Lanka who had been dropped to the ground, bludgeoned, kicked and spat at by hundreds of Tamil-Canadian separatists, through every print and audio-visual medium, for seven previous days, and found now in amazing You, that genuine Canadian politician- Messiah, and accepted you in my paining-heart, bowing with my palms-together asking you to save and restore my/our Sinhalese dignity in our adopted home, that all of us have taken the new immigrant’s oath to sing proudly, O Canada, we stand on guard for thee…”, by dismantling th Sinhalese hate symbol the Brampton; Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument.

Prime Minister  Mark Carney, you quite rightly may ask, Asoka, why should I?”

I am a Canadian National Museologist…I don’t believe that one interprets and glorifies lies for Public consumption?  Mayor Pat-tick Brown words of Tamil Genocide”, is a downright white-man’s lie, hogwash,, a Judas kiss, adultrated

Cock and Bull story, tara diddle-like, a clap-trap.

But here is the deal Prime Minister Mark Carney, I will voluntarily  exile myself and go back to Colomo as I am a Tamil Genocide Deniaer.”   But my carving stainless-steel knife that I bought at Titus Hardware Store, on Main Street in Pettah, Colombo, cuts both ways.

The deal is that Mayor Pat-trick Brown of Brampton  should  produce the names and number of skulls of Tamils he claims were genocidally-snuffed out by the Sri Lankan  Armed Forces, who deserved to be honoured by that Brampton’s Tamil Genocidal Memorial monument. If he is unable to then sign a contract that he will voluntarily resign from the Office of being the Mayor of Brampton, and voluntarily exile himself to his Irish-Italian roots, and I will buy him a one way ticket to either, Dublin in Ireland or Sicily in Italy, the country of his choice.  And before leaving that he dismantles the Tamil Genocide Monument and never, ever set foot on the ‘peace- soils’ of this great Country of Yours and My, Canada.  And  not soil Canada’s precious sands of quartz and labradorite,  with his tracks of disingenuous Sinhalese blood-soaked soles of his Irish-Italian lying feet.

 Well, Prime Minister Carney, that is my proposal to comply with this buffoon Canadian Conservative politician’s request from me- a Tamil Genocide Denier..   I will sign  this contract any time.  Well, Mayor Pat-trck Brown..     Let him get back to me through your Prime Minister’s Office. I will sign such a contract.

So, this Trumpish-Pat-trick -Brown, the Mayor of Brampton, erects a Tamil Genocide Memorial monument” like a lying sentinel looking up towards the heavens protruding from Brampton’s Quarternary bedrock.  Prime Minister Carney, that lying symbol has no place in Brampton, Ontario, nor in any place in all of Canada, as it is a Humbuggery 

Symbol of Disgrace and should be dismantled immediately with  No If”s or But’s.

Prime Minister Carney, did you notice that this alleged Tamil Genocide’Memorial” monument was erected for the Tamils who had been spoiling for a fight for donkey’s years, going back to the 1940s with the humbling, peaceful Sinhalese majority (75%),

27,000 of them who lived in the North of Sri Lanka for generations, terrorised, killed and chased them away from 1971 to 1981.  This rude and gory exercise was to ethnic-cleanse and purify Sri Lanka’ North and East, with coconut-toddy-perfumed gingerly-oil anointed bodies of Tamils.    And name that one-third of Sri Lanka’s productive patch of real-estate,  as their mono-ethnic, racist, separatist Tamil State EELAM.

The minority Tamils (10%) fought their sophisticated terrorist war with the Sri Lankan Government forces, not with bamboo sticks, catapults and stones but with a sophisticated armoury of handgranades, Kalashnikovs,  SAMs,, Claymore mines, and Suicide Body Jackets that they perfected. They fought to claim this mono-ethnic, Tamil EELAM for 10% of the Tamils  in Sri Lanka, when their Tamil-Mother India lived in Tamil Nadu , across 18 nautical salt water Palk Strait connected by a Miocene sandbar of the Indian Ocean.  And with funds for their terrorism, Jean Chretien and Paul Martin allowed  them to collect two-million dollars a month for 13-years, to stuff the Tamil Tiger terrorist war chest to buy sophisticated war weapons to fight their Tamil Tiger terrorist war.  They brought them into international Mullativu ocean-waters in 10 armoury ships, and the 11th turned around and hooked-off, after being tipped by the Scandinavian Peace Monitors that the Sri Lankan Gunboats were coming after them. .Did you know that?  Well…….that is the Holy Truth!  Prime Minister Carney, Canada stands guilty in my eyes on that score and we supported international terrorism.  Shame on us!.

These are the ruthless Tamil Tiger terrorists who assassinated two Heads of States,

President Ranasinghe Premadasa of Sri Lanka (1 May 1993) and Rajiv Gandhi  former  Prime Minister of India. 21 May 1991).

Assassinated Sri Lankan Cabinet Ministers Lakshman Kadiragamar (Foreign Affairs, 12 August  2005);  Ranjan Wijeratne (former Foreign Minister and Minister of Defence

 2 March 1991); ; Gamini Dissanayake (former Opposition Leader); C.V. Gooneratne

(Minister of Labour 2 June 2000);  Alfred Duraiappah ( Mayor of Jaffna, 27 July 1975);

Sarojini Yogweswaran  (Mayor of Jaffna , 17 May1998); P. Sivapalan (Mayor of Jaffna. 11 September 1998); A Amirthalingam  (Opposition Leader, who was introduced to the Canadian Parliamentarians before ‘Question Period’ 3-times from the Chamber Galleries..  And the Canadian parliamentarians, including the Speaker, stood up, turned towards him, tilted their heads-up and clapped, applauding welcoming him to Canada.   That was a serious mistake.

Prime Minister Carney, and here is an incident that this Tamil Amirthalingam took you all down the Tamil Tiger claw-thorn tickling garden path making you Canadian parliamentarians  look like a bunch of ignoramus fools.

It was Conservative MP for Fraser Valley West, the late Robert Wenman who told me

 Tamil leader, Amirthalingam told me, we Tamils never asked for a separate Tamil State. Eelam.”   Robert, that is a load of Bull” I said.  

‘Asoka I got him on VHS tape. Come (at Hog Back) home and I will show it to you.”

  I went and Robert showed me Amirthalingam attired in a white vetti, with a  blood-red thumb print mini-full moon between his eye brows, saying No, we Tamil never asked for a Separate State, Eelam”.

These Tamil Tigers, who Pat-trick Brown believed deserved a Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument were those who lived by the gun, and died by the gun. It was their choice….

their death wish.

How wrong they were, as the Sri  Lankan armed forces kicked their butts and took down their leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on May 19, 2009, after 30-years of Sinhalese blood spilling war years with a live bullet to his forehead, on the blood soaked sands of the Nandikadal lagoon in the, Mullaithivu District of  north-east of Sri Lanka.   

And with that penetrating bullet the Sri Lankan Government armed forces annihilated the  most ruthless world Tamil Tiger terrorists, almost single-handed.  Those who were alive cried with yellow bellies searching for a Godfather in Canada,.   And so they found in Brampton’s Mayor Pat-trick Brown, who was still angry with the Sri Lankan government having refused to issue Visas for him and his buddy MP Paul Calandra in the summer of 2009, to visit the white tent City in the north that housed 295,873 Tamil refugees  who were rescued from the clutches of the Tamil Tigers, and lambasted the Sri Lankan government on Television.  And I asked these two snubbed Canadian MP’s, who the hell do you think you are, when you are not even appointed as junior Cabinet Ministers in Parliament” wanting, to show their Tamil constituents in Barrie and Markham of Ontario their bravado,, and seeking the favour of their votes.  I have been shadowing both of these politician-characters ever since.

So this ghoulish Canadian Conservative  ‘Godfather’ politician,  Pat-trick Brown, apparently, I heard, had a bleeding heart to favour the Brampton-Tamils and, built a Sinhalese-hating, Tamil Genocide Memorial monument in his Brampton  for those warring Tamils who got killed, 14,012 kilometers away over the Pacific and Indian Oceans.  This was in barter-bait for the Brampton-Tamils votes to get elected as the Brampton City Councillor/Mayor.  That’s pretty sick and rich in my eyes,

Prime Minister Carney, take note of this politician, who happens to be the Mayor of Brampton. This guy is a shameful, cruel, disingenuous white-Canadian” who  ever walked on this Canadian earth’s-mantle.

This Brampton Conservative Mayor had a sick heart…and no tears for my surrogate Canadian First Nation’s children at Residential Schools who were snuffed out in Genocidal deaths in Kamloops in British Columbia, just 3,833 kilometers away from his City of Brampton.  This guy’s ‘sinner’s act of disbelief was shocking, sordid, screw-ballish, disingenuous, hurtful,  Irish-Italian mercenary, blood-coughing rudeness whose heart did not bleed, when my heart,  of an Asian immigrant wept blood-soaked tears for those killings.  Walking out of Ottawa’s Montreal Road’s WABANO CENTRE, having read the Exhibit wall of Residential schools, Prime Minister Mark Carney, this is the Holy truth, my eyes had welled with tears, sad and hurting.  Genuine salty-tears of a Sri Lankan-

Sinhalese-Canadian immigrant.

These are the First Nation peoples that I fell in love with and who commanded my affection and respect, the Iroquois, the Plains Indian, Inuit and the West Coast Haida First Nation peoples having studied and interpreted their amazing indigenous cultures in the  Canadian National Museum of Man’s Exhibit Halls in the early 1970s (the People of the Long House (Iroquois); the Buffalo Hunters (Plains Indians); Inuit and the Children of the Ravens (West coast cultures like the Haida). 

Prime Minister Mark Carney, my published epic poems, Tewa  (Pueblo Indians of River Grande) and Shanawdithit (the last of the Newfoundland Beothuk Native Indian people-Canadian Stories Vol 23 No.131 2020) are proofs of my affection and dignity for these first Nation Native indigenous peoples, which Brampton Mayor had rejected and snubbed by erecting a Genocide monument for the Tamilian people who lived in that little island nation in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka, and not for Canada’s First Nation kids whose lives were snuffed In Residential schools in Kamloops, B.C., a few miles away from Brampton, BC..   That is unacceptable, Prime Minister Carney , and shows a sick mind going in search of Sinhalese blood-soaking votes, killed by Tamil Tiger terrorists

to get elected as the Brampton Mayor.

Prime Minister Mark Carney, I will well understand the dismantling the Tamil Genocide

Memorial Monument in Brampton is the last item of your To do” lists to glue the different foreign immigrant cultures together as one,  yet it is a necessary sin that the Tamil Genocide Memorial monument should be Dismantled for the sake of injecting into these Tamil refugees/immigrants, No you don’t bring your Jaffna-Killinochchi separatist war to be fought on the precious lands of Canada, the country that adopted you. That is not the way to pay back your sense of gratitude.”

If I may suggest to you Honourable Prime Minister, while you are fighting the Trumpish World of International Affairs, to designate a Senior Researcher-Writer-Reporter from your PMO, or Historic Sites and Monument Board, or Immigration and Refugee Board, or Global Affairs, to meet and greet the following concerned Senior Sinhalese-Canadians of Ontario to understand the seriousness why  Brampton’s Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument  should be dismantled immediately, and report back to you in two months, for you to be the Judge and Jury for a final decision.

1. Mr. Sena Munasinghe, President Sri Lankan Canada Association of Brampton, Ontario  <sena.munasinghe@g.mail.com>
2. Mr..Vijitha Bulathsinghala, President of SLUNA (Sri Lanka United National Association) headquartered in Toronto, Tel:416-505-0099 
3. Mr., Asoka Weerasinghe <asoka.weerasnghe2015@gmail.com); Tel-613-747-2272 , based in Ottawa to defend his Thesis why the Tamil Genocide Monument in Brampton, Ontario, should be dismantled immediately.

Rt. Honourable Mark Carney – This is the final decision that I am seeking from you:

•  Dismantle the Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument, in Brampton.
•  Failing, since the context for the above Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument was for one of the two peoples of Sri Lanka’s 30-year long ethnic war, Tamils and Sinhalese, I am seeking in all fairness to show the reciprocal TRUTH, by approving the installtion with a replica of the diorama of the massacred and brutally mutilated bodies of the 33 novice Buddhist monks, by Tamil separatist Terrorists in a bus as happened on the morning of Tuesday, June 2nd, 1987 in Aranthalawa. To be  be installed in the same Brampton’s outdoor amphitheatre for Snuffed Genocidal Tears, that the Tamil Genocide Memorial monument is presented in Brampton. 

This will be a fair reciprocal honour for the scores of thousands of Sinhalese who were killed and mutilated by the Tamil Tiger terrorists to install an appropriate Memorial Monument for the Sinhalese in the same park to complete the  interpretation of the Historical fact of this bloody-spilling 30-year ethnic war.

Why do I seek your authoritative order? You may wonder?    It is because there won’t be a Snow-ball-chance-in- Hell, that Mayor Pat-trick Brown and his Councillors will approve this outdoor installation.

Please, Prime Minister Mark Carney, I plead that, you involve yourself, to restore the Canadian-Sinhalese community’s dignity, that  Mayor Pat-trick Brown of Brampton has tarnished with his installation of a monument of vulgar-Humbuggery – The Tamil Genocide Memorial Monument.

                                     Dismantle it.

Sincerely

Asoka Weerasinghe (Mr)

Tel: 613-747-2272

Email: asoka.weerasinghe2015@gmail.com

ආචාර්ය සරත් ඔබේසේකර Kandidat Tekhnicheskikh Nauk (1977)Кандидат технических наук

ඉතිහාසය පෙන්වා දෙන්නේ පැරණි පද්ධතියක් පෙරළා දැමීම, ස්ථාවර නව පද්ධතියක් ගොඩනැගීමට වඩා පහසු බවයි. 1917 රුසියානු විප්ලවයෙන් පසු ජයග්‍රාහී බොල්ශෙවික්වරුන්ට තේරුම් ගියේ සටනකදී ඇති වූ එකමුතුකම, රජය පවත්වාගෙන යාමේදී අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම පවතින්නේ නැති බවයි. අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna සහ National People’s Power පිළිබඳව පවතින සාකච්ඡාවන් ද ඒ සමාන තත්ත්වයක් සිහිපත් කරයි.

Vladimir Leninගේ නායකත්වයෙන් White Russians” ලෙස හැඳින්වූ විප්ලව විරෝධී බලවේග පරාජය කළ පසු බොල්ශෙවික්වරුන් ජයග්‍රහණය කළත් රට සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම ක්ලාන්ත වී තිබුණි. ආර්ථිකය කඩා වැටී තිබුණි. කර්මාන්ත අක්‍රීය වී තිබුණි. කෘෂිකර්මය විනාශ වී තිබුණි. දුර්භික්ෂය රට පුරා පැතිර ගියේය. විප්ලවීය සටන් පාඨ වලින් ජනතාවට ආහාර සැපයීමට හෝ රට නැවත ගොඩනැගීමට නොහැකි විය.

බොල්ශෙවික් නායකත්වය තුළම ඉක්මනින්ම මූලික මතභේද මතුවිය.

ලෙනින් සහ ට්‍රොට්ස්කි – වෙනස් දැක්මක්

Leon Trotsky, රතු හමුදාවේ ප්‍රධාන නිර්මාණකරුවන්ගෙන් කෙනෙකු වූ අතර, විප්ලවය ජාත්‍යන්තර මට්ටමින් පැතිරිය යුතු බව විශ්වාස කළේය. රුසියාවේ සමාජවාදය තනිවම දිගුකාලීනව පවත්වාගෙන යා නොහැකි බවත් ලෝක විප්ලවීය ශක්තිය අවශ්‍ය බවත් ඔහු තර්ක කළේය.

එහෙත් Joseph Stalin ඇතුළු අනෙකුත් නායකයන් එක් රටක සමාජවාදය” යන අදහස ඉදිරිපත් කළහ. එනම්, පළමුව රට තුළ බලය සහ පද්ධතිය ස්ථාවර කර ගැනීමයි.

Vladimir Leninට පවා පක්ෂය තුළ වැඩිවන බյուրෝක්‍රසි, බලය එක් තැනකට සංකේන්ද්‍රණය වීම සහ අධිකාරීවාදී ස්වභාවය පිළිබඳව කනස්සල්ලක් ඇතිවිය. කම්කරුවන්ගේ නිදහස සඳහා ආරම්භ වූ විප්ලවය, ක්‍රමයෙන් දැඩි රාජ්‍ය යන්ත්‍රණයක් බවට පත්විය.

අවසානයේදී අභ්‍යන්තර පිරිසිදු කිරීම්, මතවාදී ගැටුම්, විරුද්ධ මත මර්දනය සහ ට්‍රොට්ස්කි පවා අතහැර දැමීම සිදුවිය. එකම අරමුණක් වෙනුවෙන් සටන් කළ අය, පසුව බලය සහ ප්‍රතිපත්ති පිළිබඳ ප්‍රතිවාදීන් බවට පත්විය.

විප්ලවීය ව්‍යාපාරවල පොදු ගැටලුව

මෙය රුසියාවට පමණක් සීමා වූ දෙයක් නොවේ.

විරෝධතා ව්‍යාපාර බොහෝවිට එකමුතුව පවතින්නේ ඔවුන්ට පොදු විරෝධියෙකු” සිටින නිසාය. නමුත් බලය ලබාගත් පසු දුෂ්කර ප්‍රශ්න මතුවෙයි.

• ආර්ථිකය කළමනාකරණය කරන්නේ කෙසේද?
• මතවාදයද ප්‍රායෝගිකත්වයද ප්‍රමුඛ විය යුතුද?
• කොපමණ සම්මුතියක් පිළිගත හැකිද?
• විප්ලවීය කථාව සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී පාලනය එකට ගෙන යා හැකිද?
• විශ්වාසය සහ දක්ෂතාව අතර සමතුලිතතාව පවත්වාගන්නේ කෙසේද?

මෙවැනි ගැටුම් බොහෝ පශ්චාත් විප්ලවීය සමාජවල දක්නට ලැබේ.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාව පිළිබඳ සිතා බැලීමක්

අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාව විප්ලවීය රුසියාවක් නොවේ. එවැනි සෘජු සමානකම් අසාධාරණ වේ. එහෙත් ඇතැම් දේශපාලනික තත්ත්වයන් සිතා බැලීමට හේතු සපයයි.

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna ආරම්භයේදී අසමානතාව, දූෂණය සහ පාලක පන්තියට එරෙහි වූ විප්ලවීය ව්‍යාපාරයක් විය. පසුව, විශේෂයෙන් National People’s Power සමඟ එකතු වීමෙන්, එය වෘත්තිකයන්, තරුණයන්, විද්වතුන්, කම්කරුවන් සහ සිවිල් සමාජය ආකර්ෂණය කරගත් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී දේශපාලන බලවේගයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වීමට උත්සාහ කළේය.

විරෝධතා ව්‍යාපාරයකින් පාලන වගකීමකට මාරුවීමේදී අභ්‍යන්තර ගැටුම් මතුවීම ස්වාභාවිකය.

සමහර ආධාරකරුවන්ට මතවාදී පවිත්‍රතාව සහ වේගවත් වෙනස්කම් අවශ්‍ය වේ. තවත් පිරිසකට ප්‍රායෝගික පාලනය, විදේශ ආයෝජන, ආර්ථික ස්ථාවරත්වය සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර සහයෝගිතාව අවශ්‍ය වේ.

රුසියාවේ අත්දැකීම පෙන්වන්නේ:

• අදහස්වාදීන් සහ ප්‍රායෝගිකයන් අතර ගැටුම් ඇතිවන බව,
• බුද්ධිමතුන් සහ භූමියේ ක්‍රියාකාරීන් එකඟ නොවන බව,
• සහ අසාර්ථක ආර්ථිකයක් විවේචනය කිරීමට වඩා එය පාලනය කිරීම ඉතා දුෂ්කර බවයි.

ආර්ථික යථාර්ථය අවසානයේ ජය ගනී

රුසියානු විප්ලවයෙන් පසු බොල්ශෙවික්වරුන්ට දැඩි සමාජවාදී ආර්ථික ප්‍රතිපත්තිවලින් පසුබැසීමට සිදුවිය. ආර්ථිකය කඩා වැටීම හේතුවෙන් New Economic Policy (NEP)” හඳුන්වා දී සීමිත පෞද්ගලික ව්‍යාපාරවලට ඉඩ ලබා දෙන ලදී.

විප්ලවීය රජයන්ට පවා අවසානයේ මුහුණ දීමට සිදුවන්නේ ආර්ථික යථාර්ථයටය.

• කර්මාන්ත සඳහා දක්ෂ සේවකයන් අවශ්‍යය,
• ආයෝජකයන්ට ස්ථාවරත්වය අවශ්‍යය,
• කෘෂිකර්මයට කාර්යක්ෂමතාව අවශ්‍යය,
• ජනතාවට සටන් පාඨ නොව රැකියා අවශ්‍යය.

අද ශ්‍රී ලංකාවද මුහුණ දෙන්නේ:

• ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරීම,
• बेरोज़गारी / बेरोज්ගාරීත්වය,
• මොළ ගලායාම,
• කර්මාන්ත පසුබෑම,
• සහ තාක්ෂණික හා වෘත්තීය පුහුණුවේ දැඩි අවශ්‍යතාවය වැනි ගැටලුවලටය.

වම, දකුණ හෝ මධ්‍යස්ථ — කිසිදු රජයකට මේ යථාර්ථයන් මඟහැරිය නොහැක.

අභ්‍යන්තර බෙදීම්වල අනතුර

ඉතිහාසය තවත් පාඩමක් උගන්වයි. විප්ලවීය ව්‍යාපාර තමන්ගේම අභ්‍යන්තර සැකයන් සහ කණ්ඩායම්වාදය නිසා දුර්වල විය හැකිය.

බොල්ශෙවික්වරුන් මුලදී සාමූහික නායකත්වය” ගැන කතා කළත්, පසුව අභ්‍යන්තර බල අරගල නිසා මධ්‍යගත බලය සහ භීතිය ඇතිවිය. නිර්මාණාත්මක විවේචනය පවා අනතුරුදායක විය. දක්ෂතාවයට වඩා පක්ෂපාතීත්වය වැදගත් විය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට මෙයින් ලැබෙන පාඩම පැහැදිලිය:

සාර්ථක දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරයක් විවාදය ඉවසාගත යුතුය. විශේෂඥ දැනුම අගය කළ යුතුය. වෙනස්වන යථාර්ථයට අනුව හැඩගැසිය යුතුය. වෙනස් මතයක් ද්‍රෝහීකමක් ලෙස නොදැකිය යුතුය.

වැදගත්ම පාඩම

රුසියානු විප්ලවයෙන් ලැබෙන විශාලතම පාඩම වන්නේ මෙයයි:

පැරණි පද්ධතියක් විනාශ කිරීමෙන් පමණක් හොඳ නව පද්ධතියක් ස්වයංක්‍රීයව බිහි නොවේ.

ආයතන ගොඩනැගීම, ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය ආරක්ෂා කිරීම, අදහස් ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමේ නිදහස පවත්වාගෙන යාම, දක්ෂ කර්මාන්ත සංවර්ධනය කිරීම සහ ආර්ථිකය කළමනාකරණය කිරීම සඳහා අවශ්‍ය වන්නේ ඉවසීම, සම්මුතිය සහ තාක්ෂණික දක්ෂතාවයයි.

ජාතීන් දිගුකාලීනව පවතින්නේ මතවාදයෙන් පමණක් නොව, විනයගරුක පාලනය, නිෂ්පාදනශීලී පුරවැසියන් සහ විවේචනවලට පවා සවන් දෙන නායකත්වය මතය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අනාගතය තීරණය වන්නේ කවුරුන් විප්ලවීය”, ජාතිකවාදී”, සමාජවාදී” හෝ ලිබරල්” යැයි කියනවාද යන්නෙන් නොව — රැකියා නිර්මාණය කිරීමට, ස්ථාවරත්වය පවත්වාගෙන යාමට, කර්මාන්ත සංවර්ධනය කිරීමට සහ බෙදී ගිය සමාජයක් එක් කිරීමට කවුරුන්ට හැකිද යන්න මතය.

සුභ පැතුම්,

ආචාර්ය සරත් ඔබේසේකර

Professor Harendra de Silva & Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge

Since the JVP uprising in 1971, Sri Lanka has faced the alarming issue of child soldiers, a situation that escalated notably during the 1988-1989 revolt. These young recruits, referred to as the “Rathu Gatv” or “Red Youth,” were employed in various roles, including intelligence gathering, transporting explosives, committing arson, and, in some instances, executing civilians (Jayatunge, 2011). The children were exposed to the brutal realities of violence and loss, with reports indicating that over 10,000 were recruited by the JVP during the 1988/89 period of unrest. Tragically, around 2,300 school children are estimated to have lost their lives amidst the chaos of the insurgency (Wickramarathna, 2019).   

Reports reveal that numerous child soldiers associated with the JVP during the uprisings of 1971 and 1988 were exposed to horrific events. Many of these young individuals were involved in violent acts, including murder, robbery, arson targeting buses and government buildings, as well as the destruction of transformers and the organization of school strikes. Those apprehended by security forces often faced severe torture and intense interrogation. 

In Embilipitiya, situated in the Ratnapura District of Sabaragamuwa Province in Sri Lanka, a group of schoolchildren went missing amid suspicions of their involvement in anti-government activities, such as orchestrating protests, setting fire to the local paper mill, and the murder of a Grama Niladari, or village officer.

In 1971, child soldiers involved in the uprising were placed in rehabilitation camps, yet these facilities lacked effective treatment systems and rehabilitation programs. Similarly, those who were detained in 1988/89 faced inadequate rehabilitation efforts, as mental health specialists were not present to provide necessary support. Reports from that time indicate that arrested child soldiers in both 1971 and 1988/89 experienced sexual abuse at the hands of prison guards, older inmates, and occasionally security personnel (Munasinghe, 2012). Many of these former child soldiers continue to grapple with their traumatic experiences, often remaining politically disengaged and attempting to conceal their painful reminiscences.

The situation escalated dramatically and alarmingly when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) initiated the recruitment of child soldiers, a move that sparked widespread outrage from international human rights organizations. This abhorrent practice involved not only the use of aggressive propaganda to lure children into their ranks but also the forcible abduction of minors, which further highlighted the LTTE’s disregard for human rights and the welfare of children.

The organized and systematic recruitment of child soldiers saw a marked increase after 1987. Following this period, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) began enlisting children for combat roles, and by the 1990s, these young recruits constituted a substantial part of their military strength. Reports from that time indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in combat were minors (Human Rights Watch, 2004). Despite the LTTE’s commitment to cease the recruitment of underage individuals in 2003, the practice persisted until 2009, with a significant rise in the number of child soldiers noted during the final phases of the civil conflict (Human Rights Watch 2008).

UNICEF has consistently highlighted the LTTE’s failure to fulfill several high-level commitments aimed at ceasing the recruitment of children. In 2004, the organization reported that the LTTE had enlisted 709 children in 2003, often while releasing smaller numbers to create a façade of compliance with international standards. Between 2002 and 2007, UNICEF documented approximately 6,903 cases of child recruitment attributed to the LTTE (UN News,2004). 

The LTTE employed ruthless methods to enlist child soldiers, frequently abducting them from their families or schools. Throughout the indoctrination process, placards, billboards, and monuments dedicated to martyrs were erected in various locations. In Kittu Memorial Children’s Park, the see-saws were equipped with AK-47 replicas, allowing children to engage in simulated combat with one another.   Initially, children were recruited into the “Baby Brigade”. By the 1990s, they were no longer just scouts or sentries but were integrated into combat roles. The LTTE exploited child soldiers to carry out attacks on Sinhala civilians in vulnerable villages, assault Army camps, and gather intelligence.  Children as young as 10 were reportedly used as assassins and suicide bombers by the LTTE (Amnesty International,2004).  

These children came from impoverished, vulnerable, and marginalized communities, particularly those identified as lower castes. A significant number hailed from the Eastern province, Wanni, and Mannar, areas characterized by economic hardship and social exclusion. One tactic employed to recruit children was the deliberate obstruction of their access to education, which fostered a sense of insecurity about their future.

After the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009, 594 child soldiers, comprising 364 males and 230 females, surrendered to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. Additionally, evaluations of LTTE combat fatalities during the 1990s indicated that between 40% and 60% of those killed in action were children under 18 years old (Human Rights Watch,2004).

The involvement of Sri Lankan child soldiers perpetuated a cycle of violence and trauma, as these young individuals were thrust into the harsh realities of war. Stripped of their childhood, they faced severe psychological and physical harm, enduring experiences that would leave lasting scars on their lives.

Socio-economic deprivation, characterized by poverty and limited access to education or vocational training, often led children to view joining militant groups as a viable escape from a dismal future. Additionally, many were driven by a desire for revenge after experiencing or witnessing abuses such as torture, unlawful detention, or the loss of family members at the hands of security forces. The allure of status and perceived glamour associated with militant life, fueled by propagandized events and public displays of military might, further attracted young individuals seeking recognition and heroism. 

Understanding the recruitment strategies employed by the JVP and the LTTE for enlisting children in their armed conflicts is crucial. These organizations utilized various methods to attract young individuals, often exploiting socio-economic vulnerabilities and political unrest. By appealing to a sense of identity, belonging, and purpose, they drew children into their ranks, significantly shaping the dynamics of their respective struggles. Both groups targeted children, often luring them with promises of adventure, belonging, and a sense of purpose in a society marked by turmoil.

The JVP primarily recruited school children who felt marginalized by the existing social hierarchy and faced limited economic prospects. In contrast, the LTTE focused on impoverished, low-caste Tamil families in the Northern and Eastern regions, highlighting the disparity where children from affluent backgrounds were often exempt from the front lines, leaving the underprivileged to bear the brunt of the conflict. The LTTE employed an advanced propaganda strategy, utilizing videos, school speeches, and public exhibitions of military artifacts to romanticize martyrdom and foster a “cult of heroes.” Both organizations sought to sever the ties between young individuals and their traditional family structures, undermining parental authority in the process.

The indoctrination of child soldiers by the JVP and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) involved a systematic process that exploited the vulnerabilities of youth in conflict-ridden environments. Once recruited, these young individuals underwent rigorous training that not only focused on military tactics but also included intense ideological conditioning. This indoctrination process was designed to instill a sense of loyalty and commitment to the cause, often using propaganda that painted the enemy as a dehumanized other. Psychological manipulation played a crucial role, as children were frequently exposed to violence and were made to witness or participate in brutal acts, which desensitized them to the horrors of the armed conflict.

The psychological effects of being a child soldier are profound and multifaceted, often leading to long-lasting trauma that can persist well into adulthood (Betancourt et al., 2010).  These young individuals are frequently exposed to extreme violence and forced to commit acts that are contrary to their moral beliefs, which can result in severe guilt, shame, and a distorted sense of self. The loss of childhood innocence is compounded by the disruption of familial and social bonds, as many child soldiers are separated from their families and communities, leading to feelings of isolation and abandonment. Additionally, the experience of combat and the constant threat of death can instill deep-seated anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), manifesting in flashbacks, nightmares, and hyper-vigilance (Wessells, 2006). 

The stigma associated with being a former child soldier can further alienate these individuals from society, making reintegration into their communities challenging and often exacerbating feelings of worthlessness and despair. Overall, the psychological impact of being a child soldier is a complex interplay of trauma, identity crisis, and social disconnection, necessitating comprehensive mental health support and rehabilitation to facilitate healing and reintegration (Sivarajah, 2021). 

The recruitment of children into armed conflicts represents a grave violation of their rights and constitutes a form of child abuse (de Silva et al., 2001). It undermines their right to education and development, perpetuating cycles of poverty and violence within communities. This practice preys on the innocence and vulnerability of young individuals, exposing them to severe violence and psychological trauma. By stripping away their childhood, these children are thrust into a world of conflict, often compelled to engage in acts of violence that they cannot fully understand. De Silva (2001) characterizes child soldiers as victims of adult exploitation and manipulation, highlighting the urgent need for protective measures through child welfare legislation.

The recruitment of child soldiers represents a profound collective trauma that reverberates through communities and nations, leaving indelible scars on both individuals and society as a whole (Somasundaram, 2002). This phenomenon not only strips children of their innocence and childhood but also disrupts familial structures and social cohesion, as families are torn apart and communities are left to grapple with the aftermath of violence and loss. Moreover, the normalization of violence and militarization within a society can perpetuate cycles of conflict, as these former child soldiers may struggle to reintegrate into civilian life, facing stigma and a lack of support. As a result, the collective trauma extends beyond the immediate victims, affecting future generations and hindering the prospects for peace and reconciliation in war-torn regions.

Rehabilitating child soldiers in Sri Lanka necessitates a thorough and multifaceted strategy that addresses their psychological, social, and educational requirements (Thoradeniya, 2017). Central to this effort is the provision of trauma-informed care that acknowledges the distinct experiences of these children, many of whom have been exposed to or involved in violence. This can be facilitated through counseling and therapeutic initiatives aimed at promoting emotional recovery and resilience. Furthermore, establishing safe and nurturing environments is vital, which involves reintegrating these children into their communities and ensuring they have access to familial support systems. De Silva, H. (2003) emphasizes the importance of a holistic, family-centred approach that prioritizes de-stigmatization, emotional healing, and the accountability of adult recruiters.

Educational initiatives play a vital role in rehabilitation, as they not only equip these children with essential skills for their future but also help restore a sense of normalcy and purpose (Jayatunge & Somasundaram, 2014). Vocational training programs can further empower them by providing practical skills that enhance their employability. Collaboration with local communities, non-governmental organizations, and government agencies is necessary to create a sustainable framework for rehabilitation, ensuring that these children are not only reintegrated but also supported in their journey towards a peaceful and productive life.

The rehabilitation of child soldiers in Sri Lanka holds significant importance for both the individuals involved and the broader society. These children, often forcibly recruited into armed conflict, endure profound psychological and physical trauma that can hinder their development and reintegration into civilian life. Effective rehabilitation programs are essential to address their unique needs, providing them with psychological support, education, and vocational training. By facilitating their healing and reintegration, society not only aids in restoring the lives of these young individuals but also contributes to long-term peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, successful rehabilitation can help break the cycle of violence, as these children, once rehabilitated, can become advocates for peace and reconciliation, fostering a more harmonious community. Thus, the importance of rehabilitating child soldiers extends beyond individual recovery; it is a crucial step towards building a more resilient and peaceful society in Sri Lanka.

References

Amnesty International. (2004, July 6). Sri Lanka: Tamil Tigers beating up families to recruit child soldiers [Press release]. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/002/2004/en/

Betancourt, T. S., Brennan, R. T., Rubin-Vaughan, J., Brugher, J., & Gilman, S. E. (2010). Traumatic experiences and mental health in former child soldiers: A longitudinal study in Sierra Leone. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 49(6), 606–615. doi.org

de Silva, H., Hobbs, C., & Hanks, H. (2001). Conscription of children in armed conflict—a form of child abuse. A study of 19 former child soldiers. Child Abuse Review, 10(2), 125–134. doi.org

De Silva, D. G. H. (2001). Children: The new face of terrorism [Conference presentation]. 24th International Congress of Paediatrics, Beijing, China.

De Silva, H. (2003). Power games in war and peace: The tragic impact of corruption, violence, and impunity on the Sri Lankan child.

De Silva, D. G. H. (2013). The use of child soldiers in war with special reference to Sri Lanka. Pediatrics and International Child Health, 33(4), 273–280. https://doi.org/10.1179/2046905513Y.0000000095

Human Rights Watch. (2004, November 10). Living in fear: Child soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka. https://www.hrw.org/report/2004/11/10/living-fear/child-soldiers-and-tamil-tigers-sri-lanka

Human Rights Watch. (2008, December 3). Trapped and mistreated: LTTE abuses against civilians in the Vanni. hrw.org

Jayatunge, R. M. (2011). 71 Uprising. Agahas Publishers.

Jayatunge, R. M., & Somasundaram, D. (2014). Child soldiers. In S. O. Okpaku (Ed.), Essentials of Global Mental Health (pp. 245–253). Cambridge University Press. doi.org

Ministry of Defence – Sri Lanka. (2020, May 17). Sri Lanka’s victory: LTTE turned children into child soldiers but Sri Lanka turned child soldiers into global citizens. https://www.defence.lk/Article/view_article/1546

Munasinghe, R. (2012). Eliyakanda torture camp (K. Point) (B. M. Jayatilaka, Trans.). Mary Martin Booksellers.

ReliefWeb. (2010, November 10). Sri Lanka: Former child soldiers struggle for a normal life. https://reliefweb.int/report/sri-lanka/sri-lanka-former-child-soldiers-struggle-normal-life

Sivarajah, N. (2021). The reintegration of child soldiers in Nepal and Sri Lanka [Doctoral dissertation, Australian National University]. ANU Open Research Repository. doi.org

Somasundaram, D. (2002). Child soldiers: Understanding the context. BMJ, 324(7348), 1268–1271. doi.org

Thoradeniya, K. (2017). War-affected children and psycho-social rehabilitation. Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, 40(1), 17–28. doi.org

UN News. (2004, January 22). UNICEF urges Tamil Tigers to stop recruiting child soldiers in Sri Lanka. https://news.un.org/en/story/2004/01/91882

Wessells, M. G. (2006). Child soldiers: From violence to protection. Harvard University Press.

Wickramarathna, D. (2019).  Satanin-Satana. Sooriya Publishers. Sri Lanka

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Beyond Rail Tracks: How Britain Used the Elizabeth Line to Stimulate Industry and Employment — Can Sri Lanka Do the Same?”

Question 

Was the East–West London Elizabeth Line (formerly Crossrail) implemented   during Prime Minister Tony Blair’s government primarily as a transport improvement project, or was it also intended as a large-scale economic stimulus program to generate employment for contractors, engineers, consultants, and associated industries?

There are also claims and rumours that enormous sums were spent not only on construction but also on political public relations campaigns and spin doctors” to promote and defend the project despite escalating costs and delays.

Elaborate  on the political, economic, and social dimensions of the Elizabeth Line project and explain whether such megaprojects are often used by governments as tools for economic expansion and political influence in addition to public transport development?

Answer helped by AI 

The Elizabeth line — previously called Crossrail — was not started” by Tony Blair alone. The idea goes back to the 1970s and was formally studied in the late 1980s under Conservative governments. However, Blair’s Labour government revived and politically pushed the project during the 2000s, and the legal approval process accelerated under his administration.  

The project eventually became one of Europe’s biggest infrastructure schemes, linking East and West London through high-capacity underground tunnels. It officially opened in phases from 2022 as the Elizabeth Line.

A project like this had several objectives:

• Reduce congestion on the London Underground
• Increase productivity by cutting commuting times
• Regenerate poorer districts in East London
• Increase property values and business activity
• Create large-scale employment in engineering, tunnelling, signalling, construction, rail technology, and services

So your observation is correct: megaprojects are often not just transport schemes. They are also economic stimulus programs.

During construction, Crossrail employed tens of thousands of workers directly and indirectly — engineers, steel fabricators, tunnel specialists, electricians, software firms, logistics operators, architects, and suppliers. Governments often support such projects during economic slowdowns because they keep industries alive and create multiplier effects throughout the economy.  

However, the project also became controversial.

Initial estimates were around £15–16 billion, but the final cost rose significantly, approaching £19 billion with delays of several years. Critics accused the project management and political leadership of:

• weak oversight,
• optimistic budgeting,
• contractor inefficiencies,
• and poor governance.  

There were also scandals and allegations surrounding:

• political lobbying,
• construction blacklisting,
• and relationships between major contractors and government circles.  

Regarding the rumour” that money was used to spin doctors”:

The term spin doctor” in British politics refers to media strategists and political image managers. Blair’s government became famous for sophisticated public relations operations led by figures such as Alastair Campbell. Critics often accused the Blair era of aggressively selling policies and shaping media narratives.

But there is no verified evidence that Crossrail money itself was secretly diverted specifically to spin doctors.” What did happen was:

• massive public relations spending,
• heavy lobbying by business groups,
• strong promotion of the economic benefits,
• and political pressure to maintain public confidence despite delays and cost overruns.

Large infrastructure projects everywhere — including in the UK, China, India, and even proposed projects in Sri Lanka — often create an ecosystem of:

• consultants,
• lobbyists,
• PR agencies,
• legal firms,
• financial advisers,
• and politically connected contractors.

That is why some critics describe megaprojects as partly economic development and partly political theatre.

Interestingly, the success of the Elizabeth Line after opening changed public opinion dramatically. Passenger demand exceeded forecasts, property development accelerated, and the line became extremely popular despite the delays and cost overruns.  

There is also a lesson for Sri Lanka:
if projects such as Trincomalee Harbour development, offshore energy, shipbuilding, logistics corridors, or rail modernization are pursued intelligently, they can create entire ecosystems of skilled employment — not merely transport facilities. But success depends on:

• transparent governance,
• technical competence,
• long-term financing,
• and avoiding politically driven vanity spending.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera Kandidat tekneecheski Nauk  1977

Kandidat tekneecheski Nauk  1977

Кандидат технических наук

History shows that overthrowing an old order is often easier than building a stable new one. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, the victorious Bolsheviks discovered that unity during struggle did not guarantee unity in government. The same lesson can be observed in many revolutionary or protest movements around the world, including debates now emerging in Sri Lanka regarding the future direction of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the National People’s Power.

When the forces led by Vladimir Lenin defeated the anti-communist White Russians” during the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks emerged victorious but exhausted. Russia’s economy had collapsed, industries were paralyzed, agriculture was devastated, and famine spread across the country. Revolutionary slogans alone could not feed people or rebuild a nation.

The Bolshevik leadership itself soon became divided on fundamental questions.

Lenin vs Trotsky – Different Visions

Leon Trotsky, one of the principal architects of the Red Army, believed the revolution should spread internationally. He argued that socialism in Russia could not survive in isolation and needed global revolutionary momentum.

Others within the leadership, especially Joseph Stalin later argued for socialism in one country” — consolidating power internally before exporting revolutionary ideals abroad.

Even Vladimir Lenin himself became concerned about growing bureaucracy, concentration of power, and internal authoritarianism within the party. The revolution that promised workers’ freedom slowly evolved into a rigid state apparatus.

The result was internal purges, ideological conflicts, suppression of dissent, and eventually the sidelining and exile of Trotsky. Revolutionaries who once fought side by side became rivals over policy, power, and the future direction of the nation.

The Universal Problem of Revolutionary Movements

This pattern is not unique to Russia.

Movements formed in opposition often remain united because they share a common enemy. But once power is achieved, difficult questions arise:

• How should the economy be managed?
• Should ideology or pragmatism dominate?
• How much compromise is acceptable?
• Can revolutionary rhetoric coexist with democratic governance?
• How do leaders balance loyalty with competence?

These tensions are visible in many post-revolutionary societies.

A Sri Lankan Reflection

Sri Lanka today is not revolutionary Russia, and direct comparisons would be inaccurate and unfair. However, certain political dynamics invite reflection.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna historically emerged as a radical movement opposing inequality, corruption, and elite politics. Over decades, especially through the broader National People’s Power coalition, it has attempted to transform itself into a democratic political force appealing to professionals, youth, academics, workers, and civil society.

This transition from protest movement to governing responsibility inevitably creates internal tensions.

Some supporters expect ideological purity and rapid structural change. Others demand practical governance, foreign investment, economic stability, and international cooperation. The challenge becomes balancing revolutionary passion with administrative realism.

Russia’s experience demonstrates that:

• idealists and pragmatists eventually clash,
• intellectuals and grassroots activists often disagree,
• and governing a struggling economy is far harder than criticizing one.

Economic Reality Eventually Overrides Slogans

After the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks were forced to retreat from strict ideological economics and introduce the New Economic Policy” (NEP), allowing limited private enterprise because the economy was collapsing.

Even revolutionary governments eventually confront economic reality:

• industries need skilled workers,
• investors seek stability,
• agriculture needs efficiency,
• and ordinary citizens demand jobs rather than slogans.

Sri Lanka faces similar pressures today:

• debt restructuring,
• unemployment,
• brain drain,
• industrial decline,
• and the urgent need for technical and vocational skills.

No government — left, right, or centrist — can escape these realities.

The Danger of Internal Fragmentation

History also warns that revolutionary movements can weaken themselves through internal suspicion and factionalism.

The Bolsheviks initially spoke of collective leadership, but eventually internal rivalry created centralized authority and fear. Constructive criticism became dangerous. Loyalty began to outweigh competence.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is important:
a successful political movement must tolerate debate, encourage expertise, and adapt to changing realities without treating every disagreement as betrayal.

The Most Important Lesson

Perhaps the greatest lesson from post-revolutionary Russia is this:

Destroying an old system does not automatically create a better one.

Building institutions, maintaining democracy, preserving freedom of expression, encouraging skilled industry, and managing the economy require patience, compromise, and technical competence.

Nations survive not merely through ideology, but through disciplined governance, productive citizens, and leaders willing to listen even to criticism from within their own ranks.

Sri Lanka’s future will depend not on whether a movement calls itself revolutionary, nationalist, socialist, or liberal — but on whether it can create jobs, maintain stability, develop industry, and unite a deeply divided society.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka must study history carefully before opening the doors widely for inbound labour migration without proper controls, registration, monitoring and sector-specific policies.

During the British colonial era, Indian Tamil estate workers were brought mainly from South India to work in plantations because local labour was either unavailable or unwilling to work under harsh estate conditions. Over time, these workers became an inseparable and valuable part of Sri Lanka’s plantation economy and society. Today the tea industry survives largely because of the descendants of those workers. That migration eventually benefited the country economically, although it also created decades of social and political complications.

But today’s situation is entirely different.

The present proposal to allow foreign labour into Sri Lanka raises serious questions:

• Which sectors genuinely require foreign workers?
• What skill categories are lacking locally?
• Who monitors visas and employment conditions?
• How many workers are already operating informally?
• Are security agencies properly screening entrants?
• What mechanisms exist to prevent cybercrime, illegal businesses or undocumented employment?

Recent reports about increasing numbers of foreign nationals working in restaurants, hotels, warehouses and other sectors have raised public concern. In many places, local residents themselves observe that some foreigners appear highly educated and technologically skilled, yet are officially categorized under low-skilled employment.

There are also increasing global concerns regarding cybercrime centres operating across parts of Asia using foreign labour networks. Sri Lanka must therefore be extremely cautious not to become a soft operational base due to weak enforcement or corruption.

At the same time, industries such as construction, agriculture, logistics and processing may genuinely face labour shortages because many Sri Lankans themselves migrate overseas seeking better salaries. Some employers argue that foreign workers are willing to perform difficult manual work which locals increasingly avoid. This economic reality cannot be ignored either.

Therefore the answer is not emotional politics or xenophobia. The answer is regulation, transparency and national planning.

Sri Lanka should consider:

• Strict work permit categories linked to verified industries
• Mandatory police registration and biometric monitoring
• Periodic employer audits
• Language and legal orientation requirements
• Limits on concentrations of workers in residential areas
• Strong cybercrime and immigration surveillance
• Priority employment for Sri Lankan workers where possible
• Sector-by-sector approval instead of open-ended migration

Countries like Singapore and the Gulf States allow foreign labour under highly controlled systems. Sri Lanka unfortunately has weak enforcement institutions, making uncontrolled inflows potentially risky both socially and economically.

A nation that cannot properly manage its own labour market should be very careful before experimenting with large-scale inbound migration policies.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dilrook Kannangara

Without a doubt AKD is the most popular Sri Lankan leader ever in the north, east and Nuwara Eliya areas despite falling popularity elsewhere. However, this comes at a massive cost to the nation as billions of state funds are used to sustain his popularity in areas of low to no national economic worth.

In February 2013 yours truly predicted the impending bankruptcy of Sri Lanka in 2017 (five years from 2012). However, Sri Lanka managed to roll forward that date through more borrowings (5-year bonds) by another 5 years to 2022. In January 2022 Sri Lanka’s credit rating fell to default” status. On April 12, 2022 Sri Lanka declared its inability to repay loans after 3 months of undeclared economic bankruptcy. It was not the result of corruption or illicit fund transfers. Though they contributed, the impact was no worse than other nations that didn’t go bankrupt. The only reason for Sri Lanka’s economic collapse in 2022, as predicted in 2013, was the fact that the government spent large amount of money including borrowed money in the north and east that produces no worthy exports and pays no income tax. Without the government receiving a return for its massive investments in the north and east since 2009, and without additional export earnings in dollars, how could it have repaid loans including foreign loans! It’s economic suicide with meritorious intentions.

Due to its complexity and the lack of economics knowledge of the people, everything was blamed on corruption. Apart from petty charges, no large-scale corruption that could have had an economic impact has been unearthed. Billion-dollar corruption allegations remain confined to political bickering.

Unfortunately, AKD and his regime are following on the same footsteps of 2009 to 2014 when the foundation for economic bankruptcy was laid with good intentions. Construction of public libraries in the north and east, increasing the wage of tea plantation workers, overly generous disaster recovery donations particularly in Nuwara Eliya district and other similar wastage of public funds do not produce any additional dollars or state revenue. They lead to bankruptcy. When it happens, people will blame it on corruption on the part of the government. Economic realities are very harsh and rigid. Spend money on anything that does not directly produce a return for the investor, bankruptcy is what results. With a massive trade deficit and budget deficit, Sri Lanka has no funds for dud projects. From ancient times, very little was invested in the north and east by the rulers for good and sensible economic reasons. Go against this wisdom and pay a very heavy price.

By Dr  Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lanka continues to produce thousands of graduates every year. Universities proudly hand over degrees in engineering, management, science, and technology. Parents celebrate. Politicians boast about literacy and education statistics. Yet many of these young graduates enter the real industrial world completely unprepared for modern global employment.

The uncomfortable truth is that a university degree alone is no longer enough.

Recently, I spoke with a Sri Lankan engineer who once worked at the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and is now employed in Qatar with  McDermott International, one of the world’s major offshore engineering and energy companies. Though academically qualified in Sri Lanka, he understood early that survival in the global oil and gas industry required far more than a framed degree certificate.

He acquired internationally recognised certifications in:

• Welding technology
• Non-destructive testing (NDT)
• Quality assurance systems
• Offshore safety procedures
• International fabrication standards

Those qualifications made him employable internationally.

He explained something Sri Lanka’s education planners still fail to understand: in the global industrial market, many employers hardly care about your BSc degree unless it is supported by practical industrial accreditation and hands-on competence.

The oil and gas industry, shipbuilding sector, offshore construction field, and advanced manufacturing industries demand certifications under globally recognised systems such as:

• ISO standards
• API standards
• ASME certification
• Lloyd’s Register
• DNV
• ABS

A graduate who possesses these qualifications immediately becomes more valuable than someone holding only academic credentials with no industrial exposure.

Sri Lanka’s tragic mistake is treating vocational training as education for weaker students while universities are reserved for the elite.” That outdated mentality has destroyed the country’s industrial competitiveness.

Germany, South Korea, Singapore, Norway, and even Middle Eastern countries have integrated vocational competence directly into higher education. Students graduate not merely with theoretical knowledge but with certified practical capability.

In Sri Lanka, however, many graduates leave university without ever touching industrial equipment, entering fabrication yards, participating in commissioning work, or understanding field realities.

An engineer who has never welded cannot properly supervise welding quality.

An engineer who has never entered a dry dock cannot fully understand ship repair.

A mechanical graduate who has never worked with industrial tolerances or non-destructive testing equipment becomes dependent entirely on technicians.

This is one reason foreign companies often prefer technicians from countries with strong vocational systems over academically qualified graduates from countries that focus only on theory.

During my own career in shipbuilding and marine engineering, we rarely looked first at age or university prestige. We looked for competence. We looked for people who could solve problems on site. We valued internationally recognised industrial accreditation, chartered qualifications, practical exposure, and the ability to work under pressure.

A young graduate with API welding inspection certification or ASME quality training can often outperform someone holding only academic distinctions.

Sri Lanka must urgently reform its entire higher education philosophy.

The University Grants Commission should make industrial vocational certification compulsory alongside university education. Engineering, science, and technical students should graduate with:

• Industrial safety certification
• Practical workshop exposure
• Quality assurance training
• Welding or fabrication knowledge
• International standards awareness
• Internship experience in real industries

Otherwise, we will continue producing graduates for unemployment queues while importing foreign expertise for our own infrastructure projects.

The country talks endlessly about development, ports, offshore energy, shipbuilding, LNG terminals, industrial zones, and manufacturing expansion. But who will do the work?

Development does not happen through PowerPoint presentations and university convocation speeches.

It is built by skilled hands, disciplined technicians, competent engineers, certified inspectors, and practical industrial knowledge.

Sri Lanka does not lack intelligence.

Sri Lanka lacks industrial readiness.

Until we combine academic education with internationally recognised vocational competence, our graduates will continue carrying certificates while other nations build the future.

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Shenali D Waduge

Easter Sunday would not have occurred if national security had received consistent attention and if intelligence monitoring of known radical networks had not been disrupted. After the 2015 regime change, intelligence coordination was weakened, with focus shifting heavily toward corruption” and good governance”. This created operational gaps, delayed responses, and breakdowns in inter-agency information sharing.

ISIS threat known but neglected

As a result, radical elements were able to operate, recruit, and mobilise freely despite existing intelligence awareness and warrants. Even intelligence files forwarded to the Attorney General’s Department regarding Zaharan Hashim did not result in foreseeing the scope of the threat beyond the pages attached.

Thus, a locally organised extremist network led by Zaharan aligned to ISIS ideology-expanded its secret network during this period. Intelligence agencies were already aware of the global ISIS-risks and likely threats to Sri Lanka and had compiled numerous reports. The SIS also brought to the notice of the then governement reports of 32-38 Sri Lankan Muslims travelling to Syria to join ISIS, later acknowledged in Parliament. Zaharan himself had already attacked Sufi Muslims in Kattankudy and was subject to an arrest warrant in 2017.

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/23/sri-lanka-bombings-first-burials-take-place-on-day-of-mourning

https://www.reuters.com/article/world/islamic-state-video-throws-spotlight-on-suspected-ringleader-of-sri-lanka-bombin-idUSKCN1S01A6

Terrorists in Sri Lanka swore allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi

https://swarajyamag.com/insta/isis-leader-zahran-hashims-videos-speeches-being-used-by-jihadi-gang-to-radicalise-youths-in-tn-nia

Terrorists in Sri Lanka swore allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi

Politicizing intelligence & investigations

When intelligence and investigative functions become influenced by shifting political priorities, threat response is weakened.

Multiple official inquiries-including the Presidential Commission, Parliamentary Select Committee, and Supreme Court confirmed a critical point: across all findings. Intel was provided, warnings existed, but information sharing, discussing the threat, coordinating preventive action and the will do so did not follow in time.

Thus, Easter Sunday did not happen due to absence of intelligence, but due to failure of timely action on intelligence and warnings at hand.

Institutional Responsibility, Legal Accountability despite Political influence

Governments come and go.

But, public officers are bound by constitutional and statutory duties.

Sri Lankan law provides mechanisms for accountability where public functions are exercised negligently, arbitrarily, or in breach of duty, including judicial review, fundamental rights jurisdiction, and Penal Code provisions on misconduct in public office.

Politicians may escape legal scrutiny but public officials will eventually face the consequences of compromising their mandated duties.

Investigative and prosecutorial discretion cannot be shifted for political advantage. Any perception of political influence over investigations undermines institutional independence and raises questions of legality, abuse of authority, and procedural compliance with dire future consequences.

Confidentiality of Intelligence & Operational Risk

While accountability is essential, intelligence operations cannot be evaluated on the same benchmarks and depend on confidentiality and protection of sensitive methods and identities. International practice recognises that disclosure of operational details can endanger personnel and compromise national security.

Sri Lanka has previously seen the consequences of exposure of sensitive intelligence operations, including the 2002 Millennium City debacle, which severely impacted Sri Lanka’s national security after LTTE killed over 50 intel personnel following the disclosure of their names & identities.

Therefore, accountability must be balanced carefully with protection of operational integrity.

Investigations must not evolve into processes that weaken future intelligence operations or personnel.

Warnings, ISIS Claim, and Operational Reality

Sri Lanka endured 30 years of LTTE terrorism, where suicide attacks were not preceded by warnings. In contrast, alongside the locally compiled reports on Zaharan Hashim & his radical network, multiple foreign intelligence agencies issued repeated warnings prior to Easter Sunday, including reports as late as the morning of the attacks, identifying names and locations.

The discovery of arms caches and established links to Zaharan-including financial networks involving the Ibrahim family, 3 members of whom were among the suicide bombers-should have triggered urgent coordinated action and arrests.

ISIS itself claimed responsibility for the attacks and released visual confirmation of Zaharan’s group.

International intelligence agencies who conducted their own investigations did not indicate any internal state-directed operational control over the attackers.

The Hijaaz Case: State’s Investigative Model

Following Easter Sunday, the State through the AG’s department made arrests and pursued multiple cases, including that of Hejaaz Hizbullah under the PTA in 2020.

The case included:

• witness statements (including minors)
• speech-related allegations
• CID investigative material
• ideological and contextual claims
• alleged financial links involving around 115 statements

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=2536173680009993

The State’s position demonstrated an internal multi-layered investigative model: ideology, networks, communication, and funding-investigation first, charges after.

However, after six years, the case against Hijaz remains unresolved without conviction or acquittal. He remains on bail.

This is not about guilt or innocence, but about procedural completion and justice through timely adjudication.

The importance of this case lies in the ability to prove the evidence being provided, which sets a reference and model framework for how radicalisation and network-based investigations are constructed & conducted.

Transition from Hijaaz to Sallay: Consistency under Question

Despite the prolonged and unresolved nature of the Hijaaz case, a new investigative narrative has emerged involving the sudden arrest of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay.

Unlike earlier investigations grounded in multi-source internal material, the present allegations appear heavily reliant on claims originating from a single source, published through a foreign documentary and based on one complaint referencing this single source.

Suresh Sallay Named Easter Attack Mastermind In Court

This raises key questions:

• If the prosecution previously presented Hijaaz Hizbullah as the ideological theoretician” behind radicalisation, and now seeks to portray Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay as the mastermind” of the Easter attacks, what evidence establishes a connection between the two?
• What independently verified evidence exists beyond the claims via this foreign documentary?
• If there is new evidence, when did new evidence emerge, and why was it absent during prior multi-agency investigations?
• Why did foreign intelligence investigations, CID inquiries, and commissions not previously raise such allegations?
• The most important question – would this arrest have occurred without the documentary narrative and claims of its central witness?
• Another equally important question is – have the investigators independently verified the claims made by this single sole source against Maj. Gen. Sallays travel records, communications data, and location validation before arresting a top official?
• The bigger question is why the same prosecuting framework appears to rely on limited originating claims in the arrest of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay in contrast to earlier PTA cases where extensive internal evidence preceded charges.

After more than seven years of investigations, commissions, intelligence reviews, court proceedings, and international attention, the public is entitled to expect that any new allegation rests not on narratives, assumptions, or uncorroborated claims, but on independently verifiable evidence capable of meeting the high threshold demanded by law.

In a case of this magnitude, the greater the allegation, the greater the burden of proof. That burden is owed not only to the Court, but also to the public, the victims, and the integrity of the justice system itself.

Contradictions in Narrative

A further inconsistency emerges: the same narrative creators simultaneously describe Sallay as both a mastermind” and an instrument of wider political objectives.

Both cannot stand together.

One narrative assign direct operational control; the other assigns secondary influence.

If he was mastermind – what was his objective is what the prosecution needs to establish beyond doubt.

If he was an instrument of a wider political objective – evidence to this must be provided beyond a single source.

Service Record and Contextual Gaps

It is also relevant that Sallay’s service timeline placed him outside active operational intelligence command during key periods, including diplomatic postings and training assignments between 2016 and 2019.

This further underscores the need for clear evidence rather than assumption-based attribution alongside social media sensationalism.

Eventually the court must decide and not social media adjudicators.

Core Crime Must Remain Central

Easter Sunday was executed by radicalised suicide attackers.

These attacks have historical & contemporary significance and links with the ideology followed.

That remains the central fact.

Most importantly, members of the radicalized group are still at large.

What has been done to neutralize their radicalism.

Any investigation must establish the full chain: radicalisation, recruitment, financing, facilitation, and execution.

New narratives must be tested within this framework-not replace or dilute it.

If focus shifts away from perpetrators toward unverified secondary theories, there is a risk of obscuring the original crime and enabling a future security threat.

We then return to the negligence factor that resulted in the attacks without learning lessons.

Closing Principle: Consistency & Evidence

This is not about selecting between individuals or competing narratives.

It is about consistency in the application of accepting & investigating evidence to the same national tragedy that occurred on Easter Sunday.

The victims & their families deserve closure.

The accused deserve due process.

The public deserves clarity grounded in evidence.

Investigative and prosecutorial authority is not absolute.

It must operate within law, institutional mandate, and evidentiary integrity and notably outside satisfying political objectives.

Where actions are perceived as politically influenced or inconsistent, questions of legality, abuse of authority, and procedural fairness arise.

At the same time, not only must public officials function as per their statutory mandate without political influence they must also realize that misusing their powers to compromise intelligence and security mechanisms will risk a key tier that protects the nation & its people.

If the same political interference is diverting officials from neutralizing the radicalization taking place given the lack of attention to such, then Sri Lanka risks once again ignoring a likely future threat. We must learn from 30 years of LTTE terror and the blunders of negligence in taking preventive action when the clues and the warnings were placed before every individual that had the powers to take action.

Those who had prior knowledge of an impending attack and failed to act must be held accountable for that failure.

Questions may also arise regarding the role of individuals who had prior knowledge but only protected themselves.

The key question remains:

Are we still focused on fully resolving responsibility for Easter Sunday, while ensuring that all roaming radical elements are identified, monitored, and neutralised to prevent a similar attack in the future—or are we expanding inconsistent narratives to serve political objectives, thereby delaying closure, obscuring the original crime, and weakening preventive security action and intelligence coordination for national security?

Shenali D Waduge

e-Con e-News

blog: https://eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 17-23 May 2026

India & Japan are in a mighty, mighty hurry. A USA-inspired urgency. They are renewing pressure on Sri Lanka ‘to expedite industrial & trade integration’. And they have a plan – an economic caste system: Sri Lanka has to only produce ‘inputs’, India will capture ‘assembly margins’, and Japan shall capture ‘technology rents & FDI returns’ (see ee Focus).

*

‘An analysis of the bidding documents, amendments

& official clarifications exposes a procurement

structure that goes as a simple service contract but

sets up ‘a monopolistic trap’ for the government

at the end of the agreement’s tenure.’ – see ee Industry,

Proposed contract for e-passports…

So, what exactly do such ‘technology rents’ mean? An e-passport scam was exposed this week, involving a French & Finish contract with the Department of Immigration & Emigration (DIE)? DIE has been trapped, failing ‘to cap prices for post-contract software licence renewals’,. Thus DIE has granted ‘absolute pricing power’ to the USA’s Oracle, Microsoft (Windows) & antivirus providers, – they will have to be paid ‘to keep the base servers running…’ for now & through our next lives (see ee Random Notes).

*

The education system and the corporate media must share the blame for enabling such innumerate, industrial illiteracy. The media are bribed to amplify the incessant press releases proclaiming the ‘$Billions’ of aid by the IMF, World Bank, ADB, EU, etc. Our education doesn’t teach us that such ‘aid’ doesn’t mean we get the cash to spend on our own priorities. This ‘aid’ means we have to buy their overpriced industrial machineries, goods & services, and pay them back with under-priced primary (natural: human & no-human resources) and depreciating cash, forever. 

*

So, why are India & Japan in such a rush to make Sri Lanka submit to this economic caste system?

‘India & Japan both require an external fix

for their internal economic problems

– Sri Lanka is that fix!’

According to Shiran Illanperuma (see ee Focus) both Japan’s & India’s economies are not what they claim themselves to be. Japan is stuck: a declining power, it seeks salvation by playing the role of the USA’s police dog in East Asia (see how Japan’s PM bent down on her knees before Australia, to apologize for killing a few thousand white people there in World War II. She apparently can’t ever apologize to Sri Lanka, China, Korea, or Vietnam, wherein Japan’s Asian victims number in the millions….

     Meanwhile – in the land of opium-trading nabobs & maharajahs & nizams & jaghirdars & sahibs, usurious Parsi and Jain, Banias, Chettiar & Bohras, rentier Tatas, Adanis & Ambanis (all funders of the ruling BJP) – a service-sector-dominated India has to play the same obsequious role in our region.

*

This week saw the US Government dismissing fraud charges against Indian billionaire Gautam Adani (who has taken over Colombo Port). Adani is accused of bribing Indian officials and lying to US investors to obtain a solar energy project in India. Adani’s case was dropped by the US government after Adani appointed to his legal team Robert J Giuffra Jr, one of US President Trump’s personal attorneys. Perhaps Kapila Chandrasena, who the USA was hounding to target the Rajapakses, would still be alive if he had hired the ambulance-chasing shyster Giuffra. However, Adani also had to pledge a $10billion investment in the USA. The US government then announced a $275million settlement with Adani over alleged sanctions violations involving Iran.

*

Japan and India are all part of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, which is rousing tensions & militarization to squeeze Asia. They all have a plan. But does Sri Lanka have a plan? No.

‘Colombo must have its own clearly defined objectives

& parameters before embarking on a readymade strategy

to fix someone else’s problems.’

Illanperuma examines the more dynamic models offered by modern Vietnam & China in the context of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam & President of Vietnam Tô Lâm’s recent visit to Colombo:

‘Vietnam did not conduct shock therapy or

wholesale privatisation – it instead conducted

a very deliberate process of selective FDI with

technology transfer, industrial clustering,

& development banking’

He reasserts:

‘Sri Lanka’s real problem is that it does not

have a plan for itself, even as regional &

global hegemons integrate us into their plans’

(see ee Focus)

*

• Trillions & billions and profits & assets galore greet every reader of any business news in Sri Lanka. The bankers lounge in ecstasies. Some of their employees, feeling perhaps left out of the fun, have sought to make a few under-the-table withdrawals by hook & by crook. Why not?  Criminals only have Sinhala village names in the media. Yet people are dying while the banks are making a killing. And how are banks doing it? By investing in real production?

‘In a functioning market, high bank profitability should

signal efficient intermediation, savings being channelled

productively into investment, employment, & growth’

No way. Welcome to the Octopus who squeezes you, the Leech who sucks you dry & the Snake who swallows up your very being.

‘In 2023 alone, over 1,750 properties belonging to SMEs

were auctioned under the law. These were not abstract

balance sheet entries. They were factories, workshops,

warehouses, family homes pledged as collateral,

& the accumulated savings of a lifetime.’

The International Monetary Fund drives this highway robbery:

The IMF has called for the reinstatement of

parate execution, warning that prolonged suspension hinders

banks’ ability to manage non-performing loans & price credit

risks, potentially destabilizing the financial system. The IMF’s

concern is legitimate in principle but perverse in practice.

So writes CA Saliya in his perplexing disclosures on how Sri Lanka’s banks are basking in a bubbly bacchanal, while the nation starves (see ee Focus). He does not blame ‘borrower profligacy’. He lays his sights on internal policies: high interest rates (Hullo Central Bank?)  and mechanisms that ‘destroy the very collateral value it claims to protect’.

*

‘Until World War 2 there were legal sanctions against

tea growing by Africans just as in Sri Lanka,

during the early years of the 20^th century, village headmen

were instructed to destroy rubber trees planted by the peasants.’

• The economic system of Sri Lanka, as framed by its ruling import-export plantation economy, is neither modern, nor industrial. This week’s ee Focus offers a complex & intricate excerpt of SBD de Silva’s classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment, Chapter 10. SB counters the scholarly assertions about the management deficiency of peasants (which if there ever was, has been due to a lack of investment). He seeks to show:

‘That plantation crops could have been grown on smallholdings

as cheaply & effectively as on the plantations themselves, but

that the plantation interests together with the colonial state

actively impeded the development of smallholdings.’

*

Using the ‘monopolistic practices of traders’ and deploying ‘legal-institutional barriers’, colonialism discouraged smallholdings, fearing they would ‘divert labour from estates’. They also aimed to push peasants towards less-remunerative farming, even as Kenya’s smallholders have produced comparative yields. Whereas each tea estate in Sri Lanka likes to boast its own factory, Kenya also has large cooperative factories.

     SBD challenged the notion that these estate plantation crops in Sri Lanka could even be regarded as industrial activity. They have limited the use of estate machinery to processing rather than for increasing the skills & productivity of the much more numerous labor used for fieldwork. The greater efficiency of larger plantation holdings is & was a myth. SBD concludes: There has been ‘no compelling reason for combining cultivation & processing under the same management’. 

*

• Why is the USA so psychotically focused on strangling Cuba so as to grab it? The richest & most powerful country in the world seeks to undermine a proud nation 90 times smaller in size, with a population 30 times less. Socialist Cuba offers its people, better healthcare & education. Indeed, it can be reasserted, Cuba poses the threat of a good example. The USA have sought, by mass murder & bribery to prevent the rest of the Caribbean & the Americas from following Cuba’s example.

     This ee Focus concludes Prince Kapone’s response to such questions as: ‘Has socialism failed?’ He simply answers: ‘The first task… is not to answer the question. It is to reject it.’ Rather, the first tactical manoeuvre is to restore ‘scale, context & proportion’ to any discussion. His argument is that ‘the real question is whether it works’, and then to define what a ‘working’ socialist society actually means.

     Socialism’s record, in practice, comes from material life – ‘food, housing, education, healthcare, industrial capacity, life expectancy, literacy, social infrastructure’. This is undeniable. Kapone also points out: socialist countries arose not out of ‘a seminar hall’ but from ‘world war, civil war, economic collapse, & foreign invasion, counter-revolution, prolonged encirclement, blockade & subversion, wars against colonial & imperial armies, countering the crimes and deficiencies of capitalism. Compare the riches of Europe & their settler colonial states – to watch what is happening in Cuba, in Gaza, the frozen wars surrounding China, is to watch their newest re-enactments of an over 500-year-long history genocide & enslavement.  In truth, they are also rewinding Sri Lanka’s own history of invasion & destruction & continuing siege before our eyes…Viva Cuba! Jayaveyvaa Lanka!

*

As the USA strives to escalate wars of the world, the need for our countries to unite grows more pressing day by day. The US-commanded military clique has expanded into almost all of Eastern Europe since the 1990s, and fully colonized Western Europe – most evident in their genuflection at the USA’s terrorism against Russia & Iran, which has damaged Europe’s economy as well. Thus, ee Focus also continues the Tricontinental Institute (TI)’s intricate elaboration of ‘Hyper-Imperialism: a Dangerous Decadent New Stage’ (see ee Focus). TI lists the USA’s abandonment of nuclear arms-control treaties, as well as compares national war budgets (‘the USA controls… an astounding 74.3% of all military spending worldwide’) and overseas military bases, which directly threaten Asian, African & independent American countries – ‘especially… the darker nations of the world’.

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*

‘Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF) said the country’s focus

should be on maintaining confidence, avoiding speculation &

supporting industries that generate foreign exchange’

– see ee Industry, JAAF says Rupee Depreciation

driven by global pressures, not economic decline

• So there it is: JAAF, one the foremost hoarders abroad of dollars, earned from sweating Sri Lankan labor, is stashed outside the country. The latest merchant media game is to blame only ‘external shock, not domestic excess’, whatever that means. ‘Domestic excess’ if any, is to be reserved for the Rajapakses, Sinhala Buddhists, and other ‘authoritarians’. The merchant media which has made an ‘industry’ out of wailing about corruption, is in fact, the most corrupt. They scream about retail corruption but in fact cover up the greatest wholesale swindles (which also include their owners & soap-sodden sponsors).

     The rag swindlers and tour operators and labor traffickers are only superseded by such multinational banks and corporations (MNCs) as Standard Chartered, Citibank, HSBC, Ceylon Tobacco (CC) & Unilever, with their transfer-pricing tricks. JAAF declares that conjuring optimism is what a supine media should be all about – ‘maintaining confidence’, avoiding ‘speculation’. We are sure they don’t mean avoiding speculation in real-estate (land)! They mean investing hope, sweat, and rupees in the import-export plantation fraud. These labor-intensive rag traders are also like the plantation traders & tourist shills. They are not industries. If the country was turned into one great garment workshop, one great estate, one great hotel, there would be no need for schools or universities. Because they’d only need seamstresses, tea-leaf pickers & rubber tappers & coconut grabbers & bedmakers, floor sweepers & tea pourers. Why are they so afraid of industrialization? It is simple. Why has much of North America & Europe de-industrialized? They fear the power of a national proletariat. Real industrial trade unions. This is why much of Sri Lanka’s & India’s workforce is atomized & fragmented & ’informalized’. The merchant fear of an organized working class has led to the enfeebling of nations. Hence, unless the current glooming wakes us up & unites us, we are doomed to continue failing to unite as a people with the countries that matter most in this world.

*

Read the main media in Sri Lanka and you will only learn of the great things merchants & moneylender are up to! The companies proclaim, and the master’s voices amplify their claims in ‘breaking news’ & bold headlines.  They are big on green this & that, renewables & saving elephants & rare creatures. But in truth, they fear the growth of an energy secure & self-sufficient Sri Lanka. Their pesticidal ‘green revolution’, which is more like a homicidal white revolution, only exists to postpone a worker & peasant-led red revolution…

*

As the moon unveils its naked shining at its fullest, we approach the birth of the Buddha who brought enlightenment to a world trammeled by brahmins & patricidal kings. The 2026 ‘Yala’ cultivation season has also begun. Paddy broad-casting is now in full sway. Those who promised to resurrect the great irrigation systems are yet to revive the solidarity these ancient hydraulic innovations once engendered. Now, only paddy prices have not been increased. With the state abdicating its primary role for food security, cultivators have to source fuel, fertilizers, pesticides, & tractors from private importer middlemen, who have also hiked transport charges, shipping costs, and packaging charges. The prices of food are being hiked. Will the wages of human labor also rise? Farm workers are sporadically employed due to the uneven nature of labor application in rice cultivation, and therefore need higher wages. These issues can only be resolved through rural industrialization. Such are the lessons, SBD de Silva tried to teach us. Such are the most vital lessons, yet to be learned by our leaders, even those who claim to be from the very villages they claim to represent…

*

________

Contents:

Japan & India Have Some Caste Lessons for Sri Lanka

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

In recent years, social media platforms such as Facebook, Messenger, YouTube, TikTok, and other online networks have become powerful tools for spreading news, opinions, and unfortunately, rumors and sensational stories. In Sri Lanka, Buddhist monks often become subjects of intense public scrutiny whenever allegations of misconduct arise. Videos, photographs, and accusations spread rapidly, creating public outrage and embarrassment for the Buddhist community.

This raises an important question:
Why do Buddhist monks appear to face greater public exposure compared to clergy of some other religions?

Part of the answer lies in the unique nature of Buddhist monastic life in Sri Lanka.

Unlike many religious systems where clergy enter religious service as adults after years of personal choice and preparation, many Sri Lankan Buddhist monks are ordained at a very young age. Some enter temples as children or teenagers from rural villages, poor families, or deeply religious homes. The temple becomes both their school and their home.

These young monks are not born saints. They are human beings undergoing discipline, education, and spiritual training while living within society itself. Buddhism openly recognizes that ordinary human desires, emotions, and weaknesses do not disappear instantly merely through ordination. Spiritual development is understood as a gradual journey requiring discipline, mindfulness, sacrifice, and self-control.

In Buddhist teaching, higher spiritual stages such as Sotapanna, Sakurdagami, Anagami, and Arahant represent progressive liberation from worldly attachment. Until such spiritual maturity is genuinely achieved, human weakness may still exist.

This is not unique to Buddhism.

History shows that every major religious institution in the world has faced moral failures among some members of its clergy. The Christian world has witnessed major scandals involving priests and churches in various countries, including cases of abuse that remained hidden for years before whistleblowers and investigative journalists exposed them publicly. Similar controversies have affected religious leaders in many faiths and even secular institutions.

The difference is often not the existence of human weakness, but the level of public visibility.

Buddhist temples in Sri Lanka function as highly open community institutions. Monks interact daily with villagers, devotees, politicians, businessmen, schoolchildren, and the wider public. Their lives are visible and accessible. As a result, any misconduct — real or alleged — quickly becomes public discussion.

By contrast, some other religious systems operate within more closed institutional structures where internal disciplinary matters may remain less visible to society. This does not necessarily mean fewer problems exist. It may simply mean that the organizational structure controls information more tightly.

At the same time, modern social media thrives on controversy. A single accusation against a monk can generate thousands of shares within hours, while the silent service performed daily by thousands of dedicated monks receives little attention.

Across Sri Lanka, Buddhist monks continue to provide enormous social service — conducting schools, caring for temples, counseling families, preserving culture, helping the poor, supporting villages during disasters, and guiding people spiritually. Many live simple and disciplined lives with remarkable sacrifice and commitment.

Yet the public conversation often becomes dominated by the failures of a few.

This does not mean genuine misconduct should be ignored or hidden. Religious institutions, including Buddhist institutions, must uphold accountability and moral standards. Wrongdoing should never be protected merely to preserve reputation. Honest self-correction is essential for the health of any religion.

However, society must also be careful not to allow selective outrage, misinformation, or sensationalism to destroy respect for entire communities based on isolated incidents.

Sri Lanka’s religious harmony depends on mutual understanding and fairness. No religion gains by humiliating another. No faith community is strengthened through hatred or mockery. The moral struggle against human weakness is universal.

Perhaps the deeper lesson is this:

Religions are carried not by perfect human beings, but by imperfect people striving toward higher ideals.

The challenge for all faiths is not to pretend human weakness does not exist, but to cultivate honesty, discipline, compassion, and spiritual growth despite it.

In an age of viral judgment and social media outrage, wisdom, balance, and fairness have become more important than ever.

Regards,
Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

While the world is building trillion-dollar energy infrastructure, Sri Lanka is still proudly producing certificate holders” in cake decorating, beauty culture, and basic hotel service. We are training thousands for low-income survival jobs while countries like Qatar are building a global industrial empire with welders, pipe fitters, offshore fabricators, subsea cable specialists, heavy equipment operators, and industrial technicians.

Look at the massive North Field Expansion Project in Qatar undertaken by  McDermott Ltd 

 This is not a small construction site. It involves hundreds of miles of offshore pipelines, subsea cables, LNG infrastructure, fabrication yards, offshore platforms, and highly specialized engineering systems.  

Qatar is increasing LNG production from 77 million tonnes annually to over 126 million tonnes, and possibly 142 million tonnes with future phases.  

Ask a painful question:

Where are the Sri Lankan welders in these projects?
Where are our underwater fabricators?
Where are our LNG pipe fitters?
Where are our offshore electricians and heavy industrial technicians?

Instead, our vocational institutes continue producing low-paid labor for salons, kitchens, and housekeeping jobs overseas.

There is dignity in all work. Hairdressers, bakers, and hotel workers are important. But a nation cannot build an industrial future if the majority of vocational training is directed toward low-wage service sectors while the world is desperately searching for industrial manpower.

The Middle East, Australia, Southeast Asia, and Africa are investing billions in:

• Offshore energy
• LNG plants
• Shipbuilding
• Marine engineering
• Port infrastructure
• Renewable energy
• Heavy steel fabrication
• Robotics and industrial automation
• Underwater construction

Sri Lanka should be preparing its youth for these sectors NOW.

If the proposed industrial and energy developments in Trincomalee ever become reality, we will face a national embarrassment. Foreign companies will bring Indian, Filipino, Vietnamese, Chinese, and Bangladeshi skilled workers because Sri Lanka failed to train its own people.

We already see this happening quietly in many industries.

Even local shipyards and factories struggle to find certified welders, CNC machinists, industrial electricians, marine mechanics, and coded pipe welders. Yet every town has beauty culture academies and quick diploma” centers.

Sri Lanka needs a complete revolution in vocational education.

We must establish modern technical academies linked directly to future industries:

• LNG and offshore energy training centers
• Marine and shipbuilding institutes
• Underwater welding schools
• Industrial robotics labs
• Heavy fabrication yards
• Port equipment maintenance academies
• Renewable energy technician schools
• Subsea engineering support programs

Countries like Qatar do not become rich by accident. They invest in skills aligned with national economic strategy. Their projects are executed in-country” using local fabrication yards and trained manpower.  

Sri Lanka still behaves as if vocational training is merely social welfare.

It should instead become a national economic weapon.

A young Sri Lankan industrial welder working in LNG, offshore fabrication, or subsea construction can earn several times more than many white-collar office workers. Skilled technicians today are globally valuable assets.

Parents also must change their mindset. Not every child should be pushed toward weak university degrees with no employment value. A highly trained industrial technician may have a stronger future than many graduates carrying certificates with no market demand.

The tragedy is that Sri Lanka actually has the raw talent.

Our workers built ships in Colombo docks. Our divers repaired vessels underwater. Our craftsmen worked across the Middle East for decades. But successive governments failed to modernize vocational training for the industries of the future.

If Trincomalee becomes an energy and industrial hub one day, Sri Lanka has two choices:

Either we create a generation of highly paid skilled industrial workers…

Or we stand outside the gates watching foreign workers build our future for us.

300 miles

pipelines

140 miles

33kV subsea cables

2022

awarded

77 to 126 MTPA

increase annual LNG output (1/3 of global production)

Scope

Fabrication & Installation

Location

Offshore Qatar

300 miles

pipelines

140 miles

33kV subsea cables

2022

awarded

77 to 126 MTPA

increase annual LNG output (1/3 of global production)

Scope

Fabrication & Installation

Location

Offshore Qatar

Regards

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

– සිලෝන් වොච් සමූහය වෙනුවෙන් පාලිත ආරියරත්න

කර්නල් අශෝක අලස් මහතාගේ අභාවය අප රටට සිදුවූ විශාල පාඩුවකි අභාවය අප රටට සිදුවූ විශාල පාඩුවකි. රට ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේදී මෙන්ම, නීතිය සහ සත්‍යය වෙනුවෙන් එතුමා පෙන්වූ අප්‍රහිත ධෛර්යය සදාකාලිකවම මතකයේ රැඳෙනු ඇත. එතුමා විසින් රචනා කරන ලද විශාල ලේඛන සංඛ්‍යාව සහ පවත්වන ලද 150කට අධික දේශානුරාගී සංවාද මාලාව, අපේ උරුමය සහ සත්‍යය සුරැකීමට එතුළ තිබූ කැපවීමට කදිම සාක්ෂියකි.

මාතර, අකුරැස්ස ‘මල්ලව නිවස’ අසලින් බැස මඳ දුරක් ගියවිට හමුවන එතුමාගේ නිවසේ දේහය දැනට තැන්පත් කර ඇත. අවසන් භූමදාන කටයුතු එළඹෙන සඳුදා අකුරැස්සේදී සිදු කෙරේ.

එතුමාට උතුම් වූ නිර්වාණ සුවය ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරමු!

– සිලෝන් වොච් සමූහය වෙනුවෙන් පාලිත ආරියරත්න

සිලෝන් වොච් සමූහය වෙනුවෙන්, දේශාභිමානී සූර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න විසින්.

යුධ ස්වේච්ඡා හමුදාවේ හිටපු ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අශෝක මහතාගේ සමුගැනීම මුළු මහත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා ද්වීපයටම දරාගත නොහැකි, පිරවිය නොහැකි ජාතික පාඩුවකි. එතුමාගේ ජීවන චරිතය යනු යුධ හමුදාමය විනය, පිරිපුන් ප්‍රඥාව, බුද්ධිමය ගැඹුර මෙන්ම අභිමානවත් සංස්කෘතික උරුමයේ රැකවලෙකුගේ භූමිකාවන් සුසංයෝගයෙන් එකට මුසු වූ දුර්ලභ ගණයේ උදාර ආදර්ශයකි. මාතෘ භූමිය වෙනුවෙන් ඉටුකළ අමිල මෙහෙවර උදෙසා එතුමා දේශමාන්‍ය සහ දේශබන්ධු යන උතුම්ම ජාතික සම්මානවලින් මෙන්ම, විශිෂ්ට යුධ හමුදා සේවය වෙනුවෙන් පිරිනමනු ලබන රණවිරු සම්මානයන්ගෙන්ද පිදුම් ලැබූ සැබෑ දේශීය ප්‍රණාමයට ලක්වූ උදාර පුත්‍රයෙකි.

හෙළ බසෙහි සහ ඓතිහාසික දැනුමෙහිලා එතුමා දිවංගත අරිසෙන් අහුබුදු සූරීන් වැනි මහා ප්‍රාඥයන් හා කරට කර සිටි, අසදෘශ ඥාන සම්භාරයකින් හෙබි යුග පුරුෂයෙකි. බුද්ධ ශාසනය සහ නීතිය පිළිබඳව සුවිශේෂී හසළ බුද්ධියක් මෙන්ම මනා පරිණතභාවයක් එතුමා සතුව පැවතියේය. ව්‍යාජ ඉතිහාසයන් මවමින්, බොරු බෙගල් ඇදබාන බොරුකාරයන් අදටත් එතුමාගේ සත්‍යවාදී සහ තර්කානුකූල පැහැදිලි කිරීම් හමුවේ නිරුත්තරව, පසුබැස සිටින්නේ එතුමා සතු වූ ඒ මහා ශාස්ත්‍රීය ඥානය නිසාමය. ශ්‍රී ලංකා මාතෘ භූමිය වෙනුවෙන් අභීතව පෙරමුණ ගත් ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අසෝක මහතා, පක්ෂපාතීත්වය, පරිත්‍යාගය සහ නොසැලෙන විනයෙහි ඉහළම වටිනාකම් තමාගේම ජීවිතයෙන් පෙන්වා දුන් වීරවරයෙකි. එතුමා තුළ තිබූ ඒ අප්‍රහිත ධෛර්යය සදාකාලිකවම ජාතියේ ඉතිහාස පොතේ රන් අකුරින් රැඳෙනු ඇත. සෙබලෙකු ලෙස දේශයේ දේශසීමා ආරක්ෂා කරන අතරම, නීතිය සහ සත්‍යය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටීමට එතුමා කිසිවිටෙකත් පසුබට වූයේ නැත.

රණබිමෙන් ඔබ්බට ගිය විශිෂ්ට ලේඛකයෙකු සහ පර්යේෂකයෙකු වූ එතුමා, නීතිය, ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව සහ සිංහල සංස්කෘතික අනන්‍යතාවය විග්‍රහ කරමින් ප්‍රධාන කෘතීන් හා ශාස්ත්‍රීය ලේඛන 36කට අධික විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවක් දේශයට දායාද කළේය. එතුමා අද අප අතරින් සමුගෙන ගියද, එතුමා මතුකර දුන් ඒ අකලංක සත්‍යය අදටත් හෙටටත් මේ පින්බිමේ සිංහල බෞද්ධයන්ගේ ආරක්ෂාව උදෙසා ඕනෑම අවස්ථාවක, ඕනෑම රාජකාරියකදී නොබියව ඉදිරිපත් කළ හැකි සර්වප්‍රකාරයෙන්ම ප්‍රමාණවත් ලිඛිත සාක්ෂි සමුදායකි. සිලෝන් වොච් සමූහය හා අත්වැල් බැඳගනිමින්, ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අසෝක මහතා ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව සහ දේශානුරාගය තේමා කරගත් හරබර දේශන සහ සංවාද 150කට අධික ප්‍රමාණයක් පවත්වමින් ජන මනස අවදි කළේය. රටේ ස්වෛරීභාවය සුරැකීමටත්, අපේ සැබෑ උරුමයන් ආරක්ෂා කිරීමටත්, ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් තහවුරු කර ඇති බෞද්ධ සාරධර්ම රැකගැනීමටත් එතුමාසිංහ නාද කරමින් සමාජය ධෛර්යමත් කළේය.

එතුමා 1815 උඩරට ගිවිසුම, 1972 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 6 වැනි වගන්තිය මෙන්ම 1978 ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 9 වැනි වගන්තිය වැනි රටේ වැදගත්ම සන්ධිස්ථාන පිළිබඳව ගැඹුරු පර්යේෂණයන් සිදු කළේය. ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව සහ සංස්කෘතික උරුමයන් රැකගැනීම යනු රටක පැවැත්ම තීරණය කරන වෙන් කළ නොහැකි ප්‍රධාන කුළුණු දෙක බව එතුමා නිරන්තරයෙන් ලෝකයට අවධාරණය කළේය. ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අසෝක මහතාගේ දේහය මාතර, අකුරැස්ස මල්ලව නිවස අසල පිහිටි එතුමාගේ පෞද්ගලික නිවසේ මේ වනවිට තැන්පත් කර ඇත. පවුලේ ඥාතීන්, සහෝදර හමුදා නිලධාරීන් සහ ලක්වැසි ජනතාවගේ ගෞරව බහුමාන මධ්‍යයේ අවසන් භූමදාන කටයුතු එළඹෙන සඳුදා අකුරැස්සේදී සිදු කිරීමට නියමිතය.

විශිෂ්ට සෙබලෙකු, ප්‍රඥාවන්ත විද්වතෙකු සහ අසහාය දේශප්‍රේමියෙකු ලෙස ලුතිනන් කර්නල් විජේසුන්දර මුදලිගේ අසෝක මහතාගේ නාමය ඉතිහාසයට එක්වී හමාරය. එතුමාගේ පෑනෙන් ලියැවුණු ලේඛන සහ මුවින් පිටවූ 150කට අධික දේශන මාලාව ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අනාගත පරපුරට සදාකාලික ආලෝකයක් වනු නිසැකය. දේශයක් රැකගත යුත්තේ අවියෙන් පමණක් නොව, සත්‍යය, නීතිය සහ උරුමය තුළින් බව එතුමා අපගේ හදවත්වල පැලපදියම් කළේය. එතුමාගේ අභාවය වෙනුවෙන් බලවත් ශෝකය ප්‍රකාශ කර සිටින අප, මෙලොව හැරගිය ඒ උදාර මිනිසාට උතුම් වූ නිර්වාණ සුවය සර්වප්‍රකාරයෙන්ම ප්‍රාර්ථනා කරමු.

හෙළ බසේ ඉතිහාසයේ පඬිරුවනක්‌ වූ උදාර
අහුබුදු සූරීන් ලෙසින් පෑ දස්කම් නොමින
බොරු ඉතිහාස මවන්නන් නිරුත්තර කළ ගැඹුර
ප්‍රඥාවේ පහන් ටැඹයි අප හැරගිය මේ වීර

දේශමාන්‍ය දේශබන්ධු ජාතික බහුමාන ලැබූ
රණවිරු සම්මාන මැදින් දේශය නිදහස්‌ තැබූ
නීතිය බුදු සසුන රැක මහ මෙහෙවරකින් බැබළූ
ලුතිනන් කර්නල් අසෝක වීරයාණෙනි ගුණ පිරූ

පන්හිඳ අතට ගෙන දේශයේ සැබෑ තොරතුරු
ලොවටම කියා දුන් පතපොත ලියා විසිතුරු
මතු පරපුරට ආලෝකය සදන පහන්තරු
ඔබෙ නම ඉතිහාස පිටුවක රැඳේ රන් අකුරු

දේශයේ ආරක්ෂාව තේමා කරන් හැමවිට
සිංහ නාද පෑවේ ඔබ සැබෑ හදවතට
දේශානුරාගී ඒ උදාර දේශන වලට
සදා ණයගැතියි ලක්වැසි ජන සමාජයම ඔබට

සමස්ත ලක්වැසි ජනතාවගේ ගෞරවය මැද
සැමගේ හදින් නැඟෙනා උතුම් පැතුම ලෙද
දේශය රැකගත් වීරයාණෙනි නොබියව හැම දවස
පැතූ උතුම් නිර්වාණ සුවය අත්වේවා හැම කලක

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මීට,
සිලෝන් වොච් සමූහය වෙනුවෙන්,
දේශාභිමානී සූර්ය වංශ රත්න විභූෂණ පාලිත ආරියරත්න විසින්.

KAMALIKA PIERIS

In September 2024, for the first time, a rural lad was voted into the highest position in the land, a position which snobs thought should be filled only by a Colombo based ‘kalu sudda’. Anura Kumara Dissanayake ‘s appointment   as President, made the non-snobs   very happy. We had   a   ‘Tanamalvila kollek ‘ on our television screen some time ago, now we have a ‘Tambuttegama kollek’  as our President, they said.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake came into politics through the JVP.   We must, therefore, look first at the JVP.  JVP is associated with two brutal movements, of the 1970s and 1980s, which killed many people and paralyzed the country. The government suppressed both insurgencies very successfully.

Contrary to what was expected, JVP did not disappear after that. Instead JVP   quietly transformed itself from an insurgent movement into a main stream political party.   We were determined to rebuild the party at the earliest opportunity, said Tilvin Silva. between 1990 and 1994, we were unable to regroup without risking arrest.  The political situation changed by 1994.  We decided it was time to re-enter popular politics and we began to regroup.

JVP did not have any difficulty in re-entering the    political   mainstream, observed analysts. JVP won one seat in 1994 Parliament election, 10 in 2000 and 16 in 2001. Also a number of seats in local government.

JVP entered into coalition with the major political parties, who welcomed   the JVP, probably because of the vote bank they controlled. JVP entered into coalitions with PA, SLFP, UNP and contested Parliament elections with them. JVP astutely linked with the winning political party at several general elections. The first was with President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s People’s Alliance (PA) in September, 2001.  JVP had 10 members in that Parliament. Anura Kumara Dissanayake was one of them.

JVP contested the 2004 April Parliamentary election in coalition with PA/SLFP. 36 JVP candidates were elected. Some candidates polled the best results in their electoral districts. JVP also had a lot of preferential votes at this election. 

JVP was entitled to four ministerial portfolios in 2004.  Kurunegala District MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake became the Agriculture, Lands and Irrigation Minister. Bimal Rathnayake was named AKD’s deputy. Vijitha Herath, Gampaha District was given the Cultural Affairs portfolio with Badulla district MP Samantha Vidyaratne as deputy. Anuradhapura district MP Lal Kantha received the Rural Economy portfolio with Sunil Handunetti as deputy. Fisheries and Aquatic resources portfolio went to Galle District MP Chandrasena Wijesinghe. 

At the 2005 presidential election, the JVP threw its weight behind Mahinda Rajapaksa. If not for the JVP’s support, Mahinda Rajapaksa would not have won, said Shamindra Ferdinando. In 2010, JVP joined the Democratic National Alliance   that contested the 2010 parliamentary election. Dissanayake was a National List MP of the DNA.  From 2015 to 2019 the JVP joined the UNP.

In 2019 the JVP decided to go it alone, led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake. JVP has always had a strong presence in the state university system. Universities provided the JVP with a large number of energetic young activists. They included Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Anura Kumara Dissanayake had been in JVP politics from his university days. He helped to establish pro-JVP students’ unions in   the universities. Anura Kumara  was on  the Central Committee of the JVP in 1997. In February 2014,  Anura Kumara became the   leader of the JVP  succeeding  Somawansa Amarasinghe.

 Anura Kumara entered Parliament in 2000. He   was in the 2001  and 2004 Parliaments and served as Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Land and Irrigation from 2004 to 2005.  In 2008, he was appointed the leader of the JVP in Parliament. in 2010 He entered Parliament through the national list. In 2015 He  was elected to Parliament from the Colombo District . He served as Chief Opposition Whip from 2015 to 2018 .NPP put forward Dissanayake   as Presidential Candidate in 2019. Dissanayake came third with 3% of the vote, receiving 418,553 votes.

In 2019,  JVP set up   a  new  political alliance, National People’s Power (NPP), also known as Jathika  Jana Balavegaya,  led by the JVP. It contained 20 other groups, which were a mix of political parties, worker unions, women’s rights groups, youth organizations, trade unions and civil society organizations.

Critics observed, however, that while the NPP calls itself a dynamic political movement comprising 21 diverse groups, the only notable political force within the alliance, is the same JVP founded by Wijeweera. This JVP, remains the main decision maker, said analysts.JVP leader Dissanayake was elected as NPP leader as well.There hasn’t been a previous instance of the same person heading two recognized political parties, observed Shamindra Ferdinando.

JVP  has decided to rebrand and presented itself as a new political avatar as the National People’s Power (NPP) n 2019,  critics  said .This is the first step by the JVP to acquire an image that would appeal to all classes, ethnicities and religious groups .JVP has also distanced itself, at least publicly, from the bloody politics of its leader Wijeweera and come out as a force that is willing to adapt to changing times, they observed.

 President Dissanayake has publicly apologized for the JVP violence of the past and vowed that there would be no return to the days when just hearing the party’s name was enough to make people run indoors and bolt the locks of their homes.

JVP is now a party with a split identity with those within its inner circle remaining committed to revolutionary ideals, analysts observed. The JVP’s six-member, all-male politburo remains the main decision-making body, with its decisions shrouded in secrecy. The General Secretary of the JVP, Tilvin Silva, though holding no official position in the Malimawa government, remains the powerful figure behind the movement, one of the few remaining links to the JVP of Wijeweera.

 There is now some doubt as to whether the  last two  election victories, 2024 and 2025  are truly JVP victories. There is extremely weak JVP voter alliance to NPP, said Nirmal Devasiri. JVP has only a tiny fraction of the massive voter attraction that the NPP enjoyed in the two recent elections.

The public on the other hand eagerly embraced the new political party and its platitude uttering leader. Anura Kumara Dissanayake won the Presidential election of 2024 with 574,179 votes. This was followed by a sweeping win for the NPP at the general election of 2025. The public elected an untested party with a landslide.

in 2025, NPP ran a high-gloss, foreign-funded, election campaign to market its policies as a ‘new dawn’, critics observed. JVP had not lost its supreme organizational ability. These skills were widely instrumental in helping to carry Anura Kumara Dissanayake to the presidency last year, propelling the party from virtual obscurity to high visibility. NPP was leaps and bounds ahead of the rest, said observers.

 Party cadres told us how they had been organizing at village level months before the date of the presidential election was announced. During the election campaign, party members went canvassing house-to-house in the same neighborhood several times. This was so that they would be able to talk to inmates of houses who may not have been present when they had gone earlier. By this method, they made sure to cover every home. It was old-fashioned campaigning perfected to a fine art, apart from the glitzy mass rallies that attracted media coverage.

Another facet of this organizational ability was the party’s communication strategy, which was also far ahead of the others. Social media, in particular, was used expertly to advance its narrative. Official statements from the party leadership in response to various matters were also mostly fast, clear and to the point.

Voting in Jaffna showed a phenomenal spike in the NPP’s popularity. From a mere 7% during the presidential election, it shot up to 25%. NPP had set up a permanent party office there. Bimal Ratnayake and Ramalingam Chandrasekaran, former JVP activist from the plantation sector had taken up residence in Jaffna and carried out the NPP campaign.

At the General election of 2025, NPP set an all-time record by securing 159 member seats in Parliament. This was a significant win. NPP drew near-unanimous support from the public servants, as indicated by the very high percentage of postal votes polled.

The support for NPP came from across the country as shown by the spread of their victorious candidates, noted commentators.  The south was openly in support of the JVP/NPP and  victory there was expected.  But NPP also bagged the entire Christian Belt. Wattala, Ja-Ela, Katana, Negombo, Wennappuwa, Naththandiya and Chilaw. In addition, electorates with a significant Christian population including Moratuwa, Dehiwala and Colombo West also voted for NPP.

NPP obtained a sizeable number of votes in North and East.  NPP won two seats in the Vanni district and got around 20.37% votes. They bagged three seats in Jaffna with 24.85%.They won two seats in Trincomalee, getting around 42.48% of the votes in the district. In the Nuwara Eliya district, the NPP obtained 105,057 votes (22.175%), while in the Batticaloa district, they polled 38,832 (12.19%), and in the Trincomalee district, their tally was 49,886 (20.83%).

But these two electoral wins are not as rosy as they look. Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s    victory as President was not an impressive win. He failed to get 51% of the main vote in the first count. He    was declared President only after the preferential votes were   counted.  This was the first time that preferential vote was included in a Sri Lanka election, and it was a novel experience for Sri Lanka, observed the media.

The wave of popular support Dissanayake claimed to have was not as huge as it was made out to be. The voter turnout was a high 79% and AKD polled 42.31%.   In some districts Sajith Premadasa (SJB) and    Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP) between them, polled more votes than Dissanayake.  Premadasa retained the Nuwara-Eliya, Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, and Digamadulla seats    which he won in 2019 and also secured Badulla district which he lost in 2019.

The media said that Anura Kumara Dissanayake   got 55% of the votes in the Presidential election in September 2024. That calculation is based only on the total votes cast, not the total votes registered. There was a large gap between the total registered vote and the actual votes cast. 

The Commissioner General of Elections said that out of the 17.1 million voters, approximately 3.5 million (21.54 %) had not used their votes at the 2024 Presidential Election.    The total registered electors at the election were 17,140,354. Total votes polled: 13,619,916 (79.46% turnout). Total valid votes: 13,319,616. Rejected votes: 300,300 (2.2%).

The General Election of November 2024 was no better. The result was: Total registered electors 17,140,354. Total Polled: 11,815,246 (68.93% voter turnout). Valid Votes: 11,148,006. Rejected Votes: 667,240. This means that out of 17.1 million registered voters, Jathika Jana Balawegaya only got 6,863,136 votes. That is less than 50%, it is certainly not 68%. The 68% was calculated from the votes cast, not the total registered vote.

NPP’s support is much more unstable than its two-thirds parliamentary majority suggests,said analysts. Support came mainly from anger about the economic crisis rather than positive support for NPP policies. It is a weak support based.

The columnist Ryp Van Winkle   also thought so. He said: My Dear Anura Kumara sahodaraya, It is a remarkable turnaround. Just a few years ago, you and your rathu sahodarayas were being ridiculed by your opponents as the ‘three percent’ party. That was after you polled just over three per cent at the last presidential poll and only a little more than that at the last general election

So, Anura Kumara sahodaraya, it looks as if most people who are disappointed and disgusted with decades of rule by these parties and the people in them looked around and thought that they should give your sahodarayas a chance. At least, they seem to think, you are not tainted with corruption.That would explain what is being described as the ‘rella’

The ‘rella’ that you are experiencing right now appears to be founded on similar reasons. Most people are disappointed with most parties, so they want to vote for you. It would be better if they are voting for you because of what you have to offer instead of voting for you just because you are not corrupt.

In terms of your policies, many wish to know what your exact position is about key issues such as the economy and the devolution of power. Will you work with the private sector or try to stifle them.

You have transitioned from the JVP and its ‘seenuwa’ symbol to the Jathika Jana Balawegaya and its ‘maalimawa’. Is this a clever attempt to re-brand the JVP and sell the same product under a different label, because the JVP brings back old memories,  asked Ryp Van Winkle. (continued)

REFERENCES

Dilrook Kannangara https://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2024/10/07/why-the-npp-won-the-entire-christian-belt/

 Editorial 23.9.24 https://island.lk/passing-grade-for-akd/#google_vignette

 Javid Yusuf https://www.sundaytimes.lk/240929/columns/two-plus-two-does-not-always-make-four-at-an-election-572802.html

Nirmal Dewasiri, Polity  2025  vol 13 issue 1 p 14 ,15

For a New Dawn, Sri Lanka must Pivot to the BRICS: De-dollarize to De-colonize after Elections

https://www.sundayobserver.lk/2025/11/16/opinion/66893/tilvin-silva-on-rebuilding-the-jvp-the-common-cause-and-public-service

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/250518/columns/battle-intensifies-over-control-of-local-councils-598467.html

KAMALIKA PIERIS

 Sri Lanka elected a brand-new political party, Jathika Jana Balavegaya, (Malimawa) to power at the 2025   general election and treated it to a landslide win. There was a sharp swing away from   known politicians to the totally unknown. It was a huge protest vote against the mainstream parties.   Voters   were fed up and wanted to take a gamble. They hoped the new government will deliver.

 Voters were attracted to this new Party because of its lovely promises, which the gullible section of the electorate readily fell for. NPP promised to deliver everything the way the voters wanted. They said that they would bring down prices, make essential goods readily available and anything else the voters wanted to hear. For instance, they promised a 30 percent decrease in electricity tariffs as soon as they came to power.

NPP presented itself as a clean, pure, political party engaged in a high cause. Malimawa said We have undertaken a very serious mission, not merely to run a government, but to transform society as outlined in our manifesto, A thriving nation, a beautiful life.” These are not just words. They carry a profound meaning.

Our vision is for economic development that involves the entire population, ensuring that the benefits of growth are shared fairly, not concentrated in the hands of a few. We aspire to a society where everyone can live happily, children can enjoy their childhood and receive a good education, and people can lead healthy lives with fewer illnesses. A society free from communal or racial conflict, where fairness and justice are guaranteed to all, concluded Malimawa.

NPP’s election strategy of blaming all economic problems on corruption worked politically but created dangerously unrealistic expectations, said analysts. NPP suggested that complex economic problems had simple solutions, with corruption as the cause, not poor management. They promised that everything would be perfect” once corruption ended.

The public believed this and voted. The people have voted for a complete overhaul of the political order in Sri Lanka, hoping to usher in a corruption free administration based on a level playing field, transparency and meritocracy, said analysts.

 The country could look forward to a clean slate of new parliamentarians, said one commentator. The NPP will assuredly field a slate of new candidates who have never been in parliament. Hopefully, their list will include candidates with a range of educational qualifications and life experiences, and will scrupulously exclude family members and individuals with a criminal record, he concluded.

The level of expectation of the voters was extremely high. With a commanding Parliamentary majority and control of Local Councils, expectations were immense.  

Malimawa started well. They created a small Cabinet which was not packed with family members.  The  MPs included many graduates. They had no experience of government or politics, but had the gift of the gab and heaps of confidence.

NPP had the most graduates in Parliament. Here are the figures.Sixteen of the 20 doctors were NPP. Of the 14 arts graduates, 13 were NPP.  Of the 20 science graduates 15 were NPP. 16 out of the 27 accountants and lawyers were from NPP. There was one MP with a dental degree and one MP with a veterinary degree. Both were NPP. There were 11 MPs with PhDs, eight were from NPP.

It soon became clear that Malimawa had no intention of keeping its promises.  The disappointed electorate condemned the government. They called it aseemitha boru kiyapu, vada karanna bari, vada bari anduwak”. Its leaders were labelled conceited.   NPP’s claim to political purity and ethical high ground   was rejected.  

Discerning voters had known all along, that the NPP was making promises they could not keep. NPP gave the impression that the country’s political and economic issues had swift, straightforward solutions, hiding the fact that they were actually very complex issues which could not be solved easily. This audience had pointed out that past governments had some achievements and were not the total failures that the NPP said they were. This group did not vote   for the NPP.  

Critics observed that NPP seemed to have no economic vision at all. The NPP manifesto, ‘For a beautiful life’, sets out in 30 pages what the NPP will do, observed Lalith de Mel. They will carry out something like 1,800 programs, to create the beautiful life they have promised. But there is something missing in the manifesto.  There is no overall economic vision. Further, the document has been written by people who have never executed any project in their lives. Executing a project is a long and difficult process.

The angry, disappointed electorate got another chance of   showing their distress when the local government elections were held in May 2026. The public’s simmering frustration showed in the election results. Malimawa got just 4,503,930 votes.

This showed that the government’s popularity had nose dived just six months after its sweeping win in the parliamentary election. The approval rating also dropped significantly. Further, the election results showed that if SJB and the UNP had got together, they would have had the majority in many councils.

Malimawa had worked hard to win this election. The President himself spearheaded the election effort, leading from the front, just as he did during the presidential and parliamentary races. 

Malimawa did emerge as the overall winner in the LG polls, but there was a decline in its total vote. It found itself precariously positioned in a number of Municipal Councils, where it won razor-thin majorities. Also, it lost dozens of hung councils to the Opposition although it secured pluralities in them.

NPP refused to accept defeat. There is a hugely feigned surprise that the NPP vote dropped to 43.76% in the local government election, said Rajan Phillips. It was argued that a clear majority of voters still chose to back the NPP, as shown by the number of councils the NPP won and the members it had elected.

President Dissanayake insisted that the NPP would form the administration of every single council it won. He also publicly scoffed at claims that the result of the election showed his party had suffered a drastic drop in popularity within six months and rattled off a series of victories the party had achieved at the polls, reported Sunday Times.

We haven’t lost a single Pradeshiya Sabha in the Southern Province. Except for three Pradeshiya Sabhas in the Kalutara District, we have won every other Pradeshiya Sabha in the Western Province. In the Sabaragamuwa Province, we have won all Pradeshiya Sabhas in the Kegalle and Ratnapura districts. In the Wayamba (North-Western) Province, we have won everywhere except in Kalpitiya, though there too, the numbers are tied 10:10.

 In Nuwara Eliya, we have won 10 out of 12, with numbers being tied in the other two. We won all local authorities in the North-Central Province. The NPP won the largest number of votes in the Vanni District, made up of Mullaitivu, Mannar and Vavuniya. We have the highest number of votes in Ampara and Trincomalee districts, while our vote in Batticaloa is the same percentage we received during the parliamentary election. We came second in the Kilinochchi and Jaffna districts, and we had 93 members elected in Jaffna. We got 10 members elected in the Jaffna Municipal Council. Where have we lost?” asked President Dissanayake.

Malimawa supporters agreed with the President. While the NPP has underperformed, the results are not indicative of a wholesale rejection or widespread disillusionment, Malimawa said. They gave explanations for the defeat, which are most entertaining and worth recording.

 One explanation is that there was voter fatigue. This was the third election in nine months. NPP supporters did not see this election as worth their time. They skipped the election as they thought that NPP would win the local government election easily.   Actually, the voter turnout did not fall greatly. It fell from 69% in the General election to 62% in the LG election.

 Results of a local council election cannot be compared to presidential and parliamentary elections, another group said.  At a local government election people are not thinking of political parties. They are simply picking the best person to fix potholes and manage garbage collection. They vote for known people in the area and take into account caste ties and petty village rivalries (continued)

REFERENCES

 K.K.S Perera . https://www.dailynews.lk/2025/09/25/featured/863506/akds-first-year-politics-of-transformation/#google_vignette

Lalith de Mel.18.5.25 https://island.lk/what-will-the-npp-do-in-the-future/

Nirmal devasiri, Polity  2025  vol 13 issue 1 

Pradeep Peiris Polity  2025  vol 13 issue 1 

Rajan philips https://island.lk/president-anura-kumara-dissanayakes-historic-win-and-his-promising-start/

 Rathidra Kuruwita. https://www.sundayobserver.lk/2025/05/11/opinion/51902/local-govt-elections-a-wakeup-call-for-all-parties/

 Sakuna m Gamage.  https://www.sundayobserver.lk/2026/01/04/news-features/69228/2026-at-the-edge-of-the-landslide/

 HB Dassanayake and  Rajni Gamage.Polity  2025  vol 13 issue 1

Derana news 20.11 25

https://dailynews.lk/2024/11/18/business/673208/chambers-and-business-community-hail-historic-victory-of-npp

 https://island.lk/the-npp-keeps-winning-india-and-pakistan-keep-fighting/11.5.25  rajan philips

https://www.sundayobserver.lk/2025/11/16/opinion/66893/tilvin-silva-on-rebuilding-the-jvp-the-common-cause-and-public-service

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/250511/columns/local-council-polls-will-the-govt-heed-the-warning-in-the-voters-verdict-597787.html

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/250518/columns/battle-intensifies-over-control-of-local-councils-598467.html

Source: AI Overview

South African Lawyer David Becker ‘s flawed legal opinion on authorship of Player – Referral (DRS) which was misconceived in law (overlooked legal principle of Constructive Notice) has not only embarrassed the ICC but also has led to a crisis and tension between Sri Lanka and ICC

South African lawyer David Becker

The Dispute

• The Creator: Colombo-based lawyer Senaka Weeraratna publicly proposed the “Player Referral” concept in mainstream media starting in 1997. This idea—which gives dissatisfied players the ability to request a limited number of reviews routed to a third umpire—laid the foundation for the DRS.
• The ICC: The ICC developed the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS) and began using it in 2009. Weeraratna requested formal recognition, alleging a violation of his intellectual and moral copyright.

The ongoing dispute regarding the authorship of the Umpire Decision Review System (DRS)—originally proposed as the “Player Referral” concept—centers on a highly publicized intellectual property battle between Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna and the International Cricket Council (ICC). [1, 2]

The crux of the legal argument against the ICC’s stance, specifically involving its former Head of Legal, South African lawyer David Becker, relies on a foundational legal principle that Weeraratna’s camp claims was entirely overlooked. [1, 2]

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1. The Core of the Legal Dispute

• The Sri Lankan Claim: Senaka Weeraratna established that he conceptualized and published the “Player Referral” system as early as March 25, 1997, in an article for The Australian. This occurred nine years before the ICC introduced its version in 2006.
• The ICC’s Defense: Spearheaded historically by its legal department under David Becker, the ICC maintained that its cricket committees conceived the technology and application independently, claiming total ignorance of Weeraratna’s earlier global publications. [1, 2]

2. Misconception of Law: The Doctrine of Constructive Notice

Legal analysts and Weeraratna’s supporters argue that David Becker’s legal positioning was profoundly flawed because it ignored the Doctrine of Constructive Notice. [1]

• Definition of Constructive Notice: A legal principle dictating that a party is legally presumed to have knowledge of a fact or document if it has been made a matter of public record or widely disseminated in mainstream public domains, regardless of whether they have actual, subjectively verified knowledge of it.
• The Application: Because the Player Referral concept was widely publicized across prominent international sports media beginning in 1997, the ICC—as the global governing body of cricket—is legally presumed to have been aware of the concept.
• The Flaw: Denying knowledge of the concept does not absolve the ICC of copyright or moral attribution claims under this doctrine, making a defense based on pure “unawareness” legally weak and highly embarrassing on an international level. [1, 2]

3. Diplomatic and Institutional Fallout

The strict refusal to grant moral or economic authorship to the Sri Lankan inventor has triggered ongoing friction between cricket authorities: [1, 2]

• Institutional Tension: Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) officials have historically backed Weeraratna’s claims, asserting that the system is a Sri Lankan “brainchild”.
• Diplomatic Crisis: The refusal of an international body like the ICC to credit a Global South innovator, relying on defensive legal technicalities that ignore basic IP doctrines, has turned a standard copyright dispute into a point of national pride and systemic tension between Sri Lankan sports governance and the ICC establishment. [1, 2, 3]

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If you are researching this specific case further, I can provide a breakdown of how the ICC defines independent creation or the specific moral versus economic copyright laws that govern international sports innovations. Let me know how you would like to proceed. [1]

https://share.google/aimode/DhKCMD7r4P1hClAEC

Source: AI Overview