SLAF clarifies over airman who claims he does not want to be a slave to SLAF

July 24th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) said that an airman who claimed that he did not want to be a slave to Sri Lanka Air Force, has left the SLAF on termination of his initial engagement of eight-years.

An airman named Asanka Srimal, who served in the Sri Lanka Air Force has posted a social media post that he left the service stating, My choice was taken because I did not want to be a slave to Sri Lanka Air Force”. 

However, SLAF Spokesman Group Captain Dushan Wijesinghe said that he left the Air Force on 21st July 2022 on termination of his initial engagement of eight-years.

“An Air Force member is generally entitled to serve up to 22 years in service at his or her own discretion.  Nevertheless, required provisions are vested to Air Force to decide the extension of service is approved after the termination of initial engagement, based on the conduct of the particular service member concern,” the SLAF said.  

Further, this airman was found guilty for the offences in two occasions for financial frauds during his last serving period at SLAF Station Katukurunda. However, this individual was officially discharged from the Air Force after termination of his initial engagement of 8 years owing to the reason that his extension was impossible to authorize due to his disgraceful conduct which has been sentenced under the Air Force act. 

Therefore, based on the aforementioned circumstances, his discharge was caused by the inability to prolong his service and it is baseless so say that frustration and dissatisfaction in the service led to him resigning, Group Captain Wijesinghe said.

Veteran Politician Takes Control of Sri Lanka’s Battered Economy

July 24th, 2022

VOA

COLOMBO, SRI LANKA — 

Former Sri Lankan prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has been sworn in as the country’s president and has promised to form an all-party government capable of securing a multibillion-dollar International Monetary Fund bailout.

Wickremesinghe’s victory followed the resignation of President Gotobaya Rajapaksa, who fled to Singapore after hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans marched across the capital on July 9, overran the presidential palace, picnicked on the lawns and even swam in the president’s pool.

However, Wickremesinghe is also unpopular with many of the protesters given his close ties with the Rajapaskas. He served as prime minister under Gotabaya and despite promises that he would form an all-party government, most of his appointments in the new cabinet have been chosen from the ranks of Rajapaksa loyalists.

The Rajapaksa family ruled for 17 years and is widely blamed for bankrupting this country, with debts totaling $51 billion and foreign reserves of just $1.7 billion. The central bank says it needs $7 billion for debt obligations and to sustain Sri Lanka for the rest of this year.

Ganeshan Wignarjara, a senior fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies at the National University of Singapore, said the crisis had been predicted at least four years ago but the Rajapaksas did not want to listen and initial approaches to the IMF in April had come much too late.

In this photo provided by Sri Lankan President's Office, Sri Lanka's newly elected president Ranil Wickremesinghe, signs after taking oath during his swearing-in ceremony in Colombo, Sri Lanka, July 21, 2022.
In this photo provided by Sri Lankan President’s Office, Sri Lanka’s newly elected president Ranil Wickremesinghe, signs after taking oath during his swearing-in ceremony in Colombo, Sri Lanka, July 21, 2022.

The Sri Lankan economy is at risk of crashing after it defaulted on its debt. Growth is at -4 to –6% in 2022 and inflation is between 50 and 70% this year and there is three-quarters of a million poor people that has been created through this crisis.

So it’s a terrible situation in Sri Lanka,” he said, adding that Wickremesinghe needs time to get his country’s finances in order.

Officials from Colombo are expected to meet with the IMF in August and negotiations are expected to include Sri Lanka’s top three lenders – Japan, the Asian Development Bank and China.

At the recent meeting of G-20 financial officials in Indonesia, U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, urged China to help restructure Sri Lanka’s debt, telling journalists, Sri Lanka is clearly unable to repay that debt.”

And it’s my hope that China will be willing to work with Sri Lanka to restructure the debt – it would likely be both in China and Sri Lanka’s interest,” she said.

Wignaraja also said China must play a positive role in resolving the crisis but added that fear of a Chinese debt trap had been exaggerated as Beijing holds just 14% of Sri Lanka’s total debt.

China gave Sri Lanka $13.2 billion since 2006 for infrastructure projects. These projects have had mixed results; some good projects, some bad projects.

The total debt burden is something like $7.6 billion. It suggests a rising debt to China but does not indicate that Sri Lanka is yet in a Chinese debt trap,” he said.

Any IMF deal could be months away and Sri Lankans still need to contend with hyperinflation, acute food and fuel shortages, and power blackouts. Schools remain closed and many people work from home.

Shortages of medicine prompted doctors to warn people would die, particularly in the remote countryside, where distribution of essential items, including rice, has ground to a halt as the country has run out of fuel.

Protesters and politicians from all political parties are also demanding an independent investigation into the Rajapaksa family, their wealth and allegations of corruption.

Sri Lankan investigators have previously claimed that more than $2 billion had been transferred to bank accounts in Dubai, held by people close to Mahinda Rajapaksa, brother of Gotabaya, when he served as president, more than seven years ago. Mahinda dismissed those claims as “nonsense.”

Health workers hold placards and shout slogans against Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe during a protest in Colombo on July 23, 2022.
Health workers hold placards and shout slogans against Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe during a protest in Colombo on July 23, 2022.

Protest numbers have dwindled since Rajapaksa fled the country but ill feeling toward the government remains high, with many demonstrators deeply skeptical and attempting to maintain their tent camp outside of the presidential complex. However, the army and police began forcibly dismantling the camp on Friday morning leading to clashes and arrests.

Our government, Sri Lankan government, they are killing the innocent people in the rural areas in this country. They have nothing to eat,” said Keith Gibson, a musician and protest leader.

They only be drinking water – and this corrupted regiment, they are killing the people and they are not leading, and they have no solution for the country, you know, and the people are suffering,” he said.

His sentiments were echoed by Sulaimaan Saim, a medical student who recently returned from studies in Belarus. He said people who once drove luxury vehicles now ride in tuk-tuks, and people who once rode in tuk-tuks are now forced to walk.

The government has been messing around too much. They’ve been playing around with our money. They’ve been taking people’s money. They’ve been basically stealing it,” he said.

Now we’re down to zero, nothing, completely nothing, we’ve got nothing, our country’s really messed up. We don’t have fuel, we don’t have food, we don’t have gas. We don’t have medicine. People are dying. Waiting in queues for fuel for like four or five days, it’s really bad,” he said.

Protesters disregarded multiple requests to vacate Presidential Secretariat: Police

July 24th, 2022

Adaderana

The police announced today that investigations are underway to identify all those who visited the Presidential Secretariat after it was occupied by the protesters on July 09, for the crime of trespassing.

Convening a media briefing on Saturday (July 23), the police spokesperson SSP Nihal Thalduwa said measures will also be taken to arrest all those who stole artifacts and other valuable items from the President’s House.

According to the police, the main suspects who stole valuable historical items from the establishment have been identified based on evidence on CCTV footage.

The police added that a broader investigation is underway to arrest all suspects involved.

In the meantime, the bomb disposal unit has also launched operations to ascertain whether any explosive devices have been placed at the President’s House and the Presidential Secretariat.

After the protesters occupying the presidential secretariat were removed from the premises on Friday morning in a joint operation carried out by the tri-forces, the police and the STF, they have now set camp at the GotaGoGama protest site. Meanwhile, this morning, part of the Lotus Road and the Galle Road that were barricaded from the Presidential Secretariat onwards were reopened for traffic.

Addressing the media briefing, SSP Thalduwa explained as to why the protesters were cleared of the historical building which was established in 1978.

The entrance to the Presidential Secretariat was blocked by the protesters for some time now. The Colombo Fort Police had requested the protesters on nine occasions to stop blocking the entrance. However, they disregarded that request.”

He remarked that the police were operating with restraint over the past couple of months, letting the public to engage in peaceful protests at the Presidential Secretariat’s entrance.

Speaking further, he said the protesters who entered the presidential secretariat on the 09th of July were requested to vacate the premises by the OIC of the Colombo Central Police Division, his assistant and the OIC of the Fort Police on July 14th and 18th.

However, they responded aggressively to the request and refused to vacate the premises, he continued, adding that, as a result, the police had a problem with placing their trust in the protesters.

Stressing that no one will be allowed to undermine the country’s law, the police spokesperson said: The new President does not have an office to carry out his duties, and responsibilities. The Presidential Secretariat is the only office. The Presidential Secretariat is the main administrative building where decisions are taken for the people of the country. After a new executive president is elected, it is our duty to have the premises cleared up in order to ensure that the officers could carry out their respective duties. We were in a situation where we could not trust their word when they stated that they would vacate the premises on an alternative day. This is why the tri-forces, the police and the STF worked together to remove the protesters who were illegally stationed at the premises.”

Even then, the police did not use emergency laws, SSP Thalduwa said further, noting that the law enforcement authorities and the military operated as per the common law of the country.

Presidential Secretariat to reopen on Monday?

July 24th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka’s besieged presidential office will reopen on Monday (Jul 25), police said, days after anti-government demonstrators were flushed out in a military crackdown that triggered international condemnation.

Widespread public anger over the island’s unprecedented economic crisis saw protesters storm and occupy the colonial-era building earlier this month.

Soldiers were forced to rescue then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa from his nearby residence on the same day, with the leader fleeing to Singapore and resigning days later.

Troops armed with batons and automatic weapons cleared the 92-year-old presidential secretariat in a pre-dawn raid on Friday.

At least 48 people were wounded and nine arrested in the operation, during which security forces tore down tents set up by protesters outside the complex since April.

The office is ready for reopening from Monday,” said a police official on Sunday, who declined to be named as he was not authorised to speak to the media.

He told AFP that forensics experts had visited the office to gather evidence of damage by protesters.

The siege of the secretariat, which lasted since May 9, has now been lifted.”

Western governments, the United Nations and human rights groups have condemned Presidnet Ranil Wickremesinghe for using violence against unarmed protesters who had announced their intention to vacate the site later on Friday.

Police spokesman Nihal Thalduwa said protesters were free to continue their demonstrations at a designated site near the presidential office.

They can remain at the official protest site. The government may even open a few more places for demonstrators in the city,” Thalduwa said on Sunday.

The military operation to clear the secretariat building and its immediate surroundings came less than 24 hours after Wickremesinghe was sworn in and just before a new Cabinet was appointed.

Wickremesinghe was elected by legislators on Wednesday to replace Rajapaksa, who fled to neighbouring Maldives in a military plane and then travelled to Singapore from where he sent his resignation.

Source: AFP

–Agencies

Wikileaks releases 2007 document related to Ranil

July 24th, 2022

Newsin.Asia

Colombo, July 24 (NewsWire) – Wikileaks has published a document pertaining to a conversation between the newly elected President of Sri Lanka Ranil Wickremeinghe and the Japanese government in 2007.

The document has been published hours after Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected the 8th Executive President of Sri Lanka in a secret ballot held in Parliament.

As per the document shared by Wikileaks, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was the opposition leader in 2007, had asked Japan to suspend economic assistance to Sri Lanka.

The document further reveals that Japan had responded that the Sri Lankan people should not be punished for acts of commission and omission by their leaders”.

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FYGNx_lWAAAcdKC?format=jpg&name=small

https://newsin.asia/wikileaks-releases-2007-document-related-to-ranil/

President raises unofficial concerns with Colombo based diplomats over statements

July 23rd, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

– Diplomats were briefed by the President on the military operations conducted to clear the protestors from the Presidential Secretariat area, but the diplomats were requested to check with the authorities as well to clarify matters when making statements in the future

– President Wickremesinghe in a light tone asked some of the diplomats if protestors could illegally occupy the President’s Office in their respective countries

– He informed them that the protestors had been informed to vacate the area by 6 am yesterday but the protestors had refused and instead provided an alternative time which was not accepted by the authorities 

By JAMILA HUSAIN

President Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday evening invited the Colombo based diplomats to the President’s Office during which unofficial concerns were raised over their statements released over the operation carried out by the security forces to clear the Presidential Secretariat area.

The Daily Mirror learns that the diplomats were briefed by the President on the military operations conducted to clear the protestors from the Presidential Secretariat area, but the diplomats were requested to check with the authorities as well to clarify matters when making statements in the future.

During the meeting which was also attended by the IGP and Foreign Ministry officials, President Wickremesinghe in a light tone asked some of the diplomats if protestors could illegally occupy the President’s Office in their respective countries. 

He requested them that if statements were to be released in the future, authorities were available to clarify any queries rather than seeing only what was available on social media. 

President Wickremesinghe had briefed the diplomats over the military operation and informed them that protestors continued to occupy the area despite a court order and they continued to occupy the Presidential Secretariat illegally.

He informed them that the protestors had been informed to vacate the area by 6 am yesterday but the protestors had refused and instead provided an alternative time which was not accepted by the authorities. 

President Wickremesinghe also requested the diplomats to check with the relevant officials when making statements, as statements based on social media reports alone could damage Sri Lanka’s image globally, especially at a time when Sri Lanka needed assistance from friendly nations to recover from the economic crisis. 

Over 1,000 valuable artefacts missing in state premises taken over by protesters

July 23rd, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

More than 1,000 items with archaeological value are reportedly missing from the state premises such as President’s House and Temple Trees which were taken over by the protesters.

Police sources said special investigations have been launched to recover those items.

Investigating officers have received information that some people had stolen certain parts of valuable artefacts in those premises.

It was also reported that the Archaeological Department does not have official records of the artefacts in the President’s House though it was gazetted as a place of archaeological importance.

However, initial investigations revealed that at least 1000 items of value had been stolen.

It is also learnt that records of artefacts in the President’s House had not been maintained properly owing to restricted access to the President’s House which is situated in a high security area. (Sujith Hewajulige)

මාගේ පුද්ගලික නිවස ගිනි තැබීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිසිදු පාර්ශ්වයක් ට්විටර් පණිවිඩ නිකුත් නොකිරීම විමතියට කරුණක්’

July 23rd, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම  හිරු පුවත්

ගාලු මුවදොර විරෝධතාකරුවන්ට ඉන් ඉවත්වන ලෙස පූර්ව දැනුවත් කිරීම් කිහිපයක්ම සිදුකර තිබුණ ද, පෙරදින රාත්‍රිය වනතෙක්ම ඔවුන් ඉන් ඉවත් නොවීම හේතුවෙන් පොලිසිය සහ හමුදාව යොදා ඔවුන්ව ඉවත් කිරීමට කටයුතු කළ බව ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විදෙස් තානාපතිවරුන් හමුවේ පවසා තිබෙනවා.

ඒ විදෙස් තානාපතිවරු කිහිපදෙනෙකු ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමග සිදු කළ සාකච්ඡාවක් අතරතුරයි.

මේ අතර ඊයේ අලුයම ඇතිවු සිද්ධියෙන් පසු ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය ඇතුළු කොළඹ නගරයේ ස්ථාන කිහිපයක ආරක්ෂාව තවදුරටත් දැඩිකොට තිබෙනවා.

අරගලකරුවන් ඉන් ඉවත් කිරීමට ආරක්ෂක අංශ මෙහෙයුමක් දියත් කළ අතර එහිදී නොසන්සුන්තාවක් ද උද්ගත වී තිබුණා.

එහිදී ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදා සහ පොලිසිය ජනපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය යළි සිය භාරයට ගැනීමට කටයුතු කළා.

මේ අතර ගාලුමුවදොර සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ මානව හිමිකම් කාර්යාල ප්‍රකාශකවරයා විසින් ප්‍රකාශයක් නිකුත් කර තිබෙනවා.

එමඟින් සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ, බලය යෙදවීමෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ආර්ථික හා දේශපාලන ගැටලුව විසඳීමට හැකියාවක් නොහැකි බවයි.

මේ අතර ගාලුමුවදොර සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් විදෙස් තානාපතිවරු ඇතුළු ජාත්‍යන්තරයේ දැඩි අවධානයක් යොමුවූ පසුබිමක මෙරට අමෙරිකානු තානාපතිනි ජුලී චංග් මහත්මිය ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හමුවී සාකච්ඡාවක නිරත වී තිබෙනවා.

ට්විටර් සටහනක් නිකුත් කරමින් ඇය පවසන්නේ, යහපත් අනාගතයක් සඳහා ශ්‍රී ලාංකිකයන්ගේ ඉල්ලීම්වලට ප්‍රතිචාර දැක්වීමට ජනාධිපතිවරයාට සහ කැබිනට් මණ්ඩලයට අවස්ථාවක් හා වගකීමක් පවතින බවයි.

අමෙරිකානු තානාපතිවරියට අමතරව බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය, ජර්මානු, කැනඩා මෙන්ම යුරෝපා සංගමයේ තානාපතිවරු හා නියෝජිතයින් ද ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ හමුවී සාකච්ඡා කර ඇති බව අභ්‍යන්තර ආරංචි මාර්ග සඳහන් කළා.

එහිදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා පෙන්වා දී ඇත්තේ, ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්යාලය මෙරට ප්‍රධාන පරිපාලන ගොඩනැගිල්ල බවත්, රාජ්‍යතාන්ත්‍රික කටයුතු මෙහෙයවන්නේ එමස්ථානයේ සිට බවයි.

ඓතිහාසික වශයෙන් වැදගත් ස්ථානයක් මෙන්ම වැදගත් ලියකියවිලි රැසක් එම ස්ථානයේ පවතින බව ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා සඳහන් කර තිබෙනවා.

විරෝධතාකරුවන්ට ඉන් ඉවත්වන ලෙස පූර්ව දැනුවත් කිරීමක් සිදුකර තිබුණ ද, පෙරදින රාත්‍රිය වනතෙක්ම ඔවුන් ඉන් ඉවත් නොවීම හේතුවෙන් පොලිසිය සහ හමුදාව යොදා ඔවුන්ව ඉවත් කිරීමට කටයුතු කළ බව ද ජනාධිපතිවරයා තානාපතිවරුන්ට ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබෙනවා.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා අමෙරිකානු තානාපතිවරියට පෙන්වා දී ඇත්තේ, අමෙරිකාවේ කැපිටල් ගොඩනැගිල්ල සහ කොංග්‍රස් මණ්ඩල ගොඩනැගිල්ල එරට විරෝධතාකරුවන්ගෙන් මුදාගැනීම සඳහා අමෙරිකානු ආරක්ෂක අංශ ද කටයුතු කරනු ලැබුවේ මෙවැනි ආකාරයෙන් බවයි.

වැඩබලන ජනාධිපතිවරයා ලෙස කටයුතු කළ අවස්ථාවේ තම නිවසට ගිනි තැබීමේ සිද්ධිය සම්බන්ධයෙන් කිසිඳු පාර්ශ්වයක් ට්විටර් පණිවුඩ නිකුත් නොකිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමතියට පත්වන බවද ජනාධිපතිවරයා තානාපතිවරු හමුවේ සඳහන් කර තිබෙනවා.

මේ අතර, ගාලු මුවදොර විරෝධතාකරුවන් මේ වනවිට රැඳී සිටින ස්ථානයේ අද තත්ත්වය සන්සුන්කාරී බවක් ඉසිලුවා.

ඔවුන් ඊයේ රාත්‍රියේ විවිධ ක්‍රියාකාරකම්වල නිරත වන ආකාරය ද දැකගත හැකිවුණා.<br /><br />අදත් කොළඹ කොටුව‍, ලෝටස් පාර හා ඒ අවට ප්‍රදේශවල ආරක්ෂාව තර කර ඇති ආකාරය දක්නට ලැබුණා.

මේ අතර අරගලකරුවන්ට එල්ල වු ප්‍රහාරයට විරෝධය පළ කරමින් සහ ආණ්ඩුවට විරෝධය පළ කරමින් ජාතික ජන බලවේගය ප්‍රදේශ කිහිපයකදී උද්ඝෝෂණ සංවිධානය කර තිබුණා.

ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ සහ පෙරටුගාමි පක්ෂය සමඟ එක්ව වයඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාල සිසුන් සංවිධාන කළ උත්ඝෝෂණයක් කුලියාපිටය නගරයේදී පැවැත්වුණා.

උගත් නීතීඥ මහත්ම මහත්මීන්ගේ  උදහසට ලක්වීම පිණිස ලියමි.

July 23rd, 2022

හිරාන් කුරේ

නඩත්තු නඩුවට ඇවිත් සැමියා දෙන රු10000/- න් ගෑණු මනුස්සයාගෙන් රු 2000/- ක් ගාස්තු ලෙස ගන්නත්,

          පොලිසිය හරහා අර මහත්තයා අල්ලන්න..ඇප ගන්නනම් කියලා visiting card එක දීගන්නටත්,

          දික්කසාද නඩුවේ නියත තීන්දුවේ සහතික පිටපත උසාවියෙන් අරන් දෙන්න රු 5000/- ක් ගැනීමටත්,

          කුඩු නඩුවේ මිනිහගෙ නඩුවට පෙනී ඉඳලා ගාස්තුවට හරි යන්න ගෑණිගේ කරාඹු ජෝඩුව ගලව ගන්නටත්,

         ඔප්පුවේ ප්‍රතිෂ්ඨාව අඩුවෙන් දාලා මුද්දර ගාස්තු වලින් රාජ්‍ය ආදායමට යන්න ඕන බදු ටිකට කෙලින්නටත්,

        ඇතුලේ ඉන්න රංජන් කියන්නා වගේ ගත්ත ගාස්තුවට රිසිට් එකක් දී ගන්නටත්,

             ඇත්ත දැන දැන බොරු හදලා හත් පොලේ දිවුරලා, සාක්ෂි වසන් කරලා,පොලිසිය අල්ලගෙන අපරාධකාරයෝ, මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරම් කාරයෝ, කප්පම් කාරයෝ, බේර ගන්නටත්,

           හම්බ කරන සල්ලි වසන් කරලා ආදායම් බදු ගෙවන එකට අරින්නටත්,

    හිතට එකඟව බැරි නිසාවෙන් නිදහස් අධ්‍යාපනයට පින් සිදුවෙන්න ලබපු අධ්‍යාපනය රට,ජාතිය වෙනුවෙන් යමක් කරගෙන ඉන්න මට මේ ටික අහන්නමහිතුනා

මට මේ ටික අහන්න දෙන්න අයියෝ

1.  ජනාධිපති ලේකම් කාර්‍යාලය නීතී විරෝධී  ලෙස අත්පත් කරගෙන එහි රැදීසිටීමට අයිතියක් තියෙනව කියල කියන්නෙ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙ කවර ව්‍යවස්ථාව යටතේද?           

2.  අරගල කරුවන් තමන් එයින් ඉවත්වෙන්නෙ අහවල් දිනේ අහවල් වෙලාවටයි කියන්න බලයක් ලැබෙන්නෙ කොහොමද? කවර නීතියක් යටතේද?

    එතෙක් ආරක්ෂක  අංශ සිල්සමාදන් වෙලා සිටිය යුතුයි කියන්නෙ කුමන නීතියකින්ද?       

 3.  අරගලකරුවන්ට රටේ නීතියට උඩින් විශේෂ  නීතියක් ක්‍රියාත්මක වේද?

නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍යය කියන්නෙ ඒකටද??

 4. හමුදා සාමාජිකයින්ට අමානුෂික ලෙස පහරදී තුවක්කු පැහරගෙන යද්දී හමුදාවන් නවගුණ වැලේ ඇට ගණන් කල යුතුද.?

5.  හමුදා සෙබලාට පහරදෙනව වීඩියෝ කරල කවුරුවත් දැම්මද? මේක වැරදියි කියල. ඇත්තටම  ඒක වරදක් නෙවේද?

ඔවුන්ට දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහය තුල89 සිට 99 දක්වා වගන්ති තුල සඳහන් ආත්මාරක්ෂාවේ අයිතිය අකැපද?

 6. හමුදා සාමාජිකයින් ප්‍රකෝප කරදමින් ඔවුන්ගේ අම්මා අප්පා මතක්කරමින් බැණ වදිමින් ඉල්ලන් කෑම පමණක් වීඩියෝගත කර දැම්මාම හරිද?

ඇත්තටම උන් මහජන බදු මුදලින් නඩත්තු වෙන උන් විතරද? උන් ගන්න පඩියෙන් ගෙදරට ගෙනියන හාල් ටිකට,පරිප්පු ටිකට බදු වදින්නේ නැද්ද? ටික ගෙවන්නෙත් ඔයාලාමද?

( වීඩියෝ නම් මොනාද? කොයි කවුරු ගාවත් තියෙනව අද කාලෙනිසි අධිකරණයක් ඉදිරියේ දකින්න ලැබේවි)

7. ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙ 3 පරිච්ඡේදයේ 10 සිට 14 දක්වා වන මූලික අයිතිවාසිකම් ගැන සද්දෙට කතා කරන්නා සේම සෑම අයිතිවාසිකමක්ම බුක්ති විඳිය යුත්තේ සීමාවන්ට යටත් බවට ආණ්ඩු ක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ 15 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව තුල අන්තර්ගත සීමා කිරීම් ගැන නොදන්නේද?

වගේම, 28 වන ව්‍යවස්ථාව තුල පවත්නා පුරවැසි යුතුකම් ගැන කියවලා නැද්ද?

    ඔබේ සැරයටිය වනමින් ඔබට මේ අත යාමට ඇති අයිතිය අනෙකාගේ නාසය අසලින් කෙලවර වන බව උගත් බව අමතකද?

9. ජනාධිපති කාර්‍යාලය අත්පත් කරගැනීම , රාජ්‍ය නිලධාරීන් ගේ රාජකාරි වලට බාධා කිරීම් සියල්ල සාධාරණීකරණය කරන්න නීති පොත්පත්වල තියන මා නොදත් ඔබ පමණක් දත් නීති මොනවාද?

10.  ඔය කියන විදියට අරගල කරුවන් හමුදා මූලස්ථානය අල්ලාගෙන තව දින 10 කින් දෙනවායැයි කිව්වොත්😁

ඔවුන් දෙනකම් හමුදාවන් සීල ව්‍යාපාරයක් පටන් ගත යුතුද.??

   නීතිය නොදැනීම නිදහසට කරුණක් නොවන අතරම

නීතිය අතැඹුලක් සේ දැන දැනම නීතිය නොදත් පුරවැසියන්  නොමඟ යවමින් ඔවුන් අපරාධ කරුවන් බවට පත් කිරීම ඊට වඩා බරපතළ ක්‍රියාවකි.

      සාලිය පීරිස් සල්ලි💰 එන්නේ කොයින්ද? උපුල් කුමාරප්පෙරුම කඩේ යවන්නේ කාවද? CFPS අජිත් පී පෙරේරා ගේ ක්‍රියාත්මකභාවය කුමක්ද? cfps එකෙන් law college ගිය S3 නීතීඥ සිප්පි කටු කඩේ යන්නේ කාටද?

   සාමාන්‍ය මිනිස්සුන්ට  නීතිය අතට ගන්න පාර පෙන්නලාදැන් අඳ බිහිරි ගී කියන්නේ කවුද?? සරත් ජයමාන්න වැනි ජ්‍යේෂ්ඨයන් හැර ගියේ මන්ද?   

    රටේ සමස්ත නීතීඥ ප්‍රජාවගේම සංගමයක් කොටසකගේ අවශ්‍යතාව සඳහා වෛශ්‍යා සේවනයේ යෙදවිය හැකිද?

   රටේ අණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව ආරක්ෂා කරන බවටත්, යුක්තිය පසිඳලීම පිණිස සහය වන බවටත් දිවුරුම් දෙන උගත් මිතුරන් ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාව  ගිනිතැබිය යුතු එකක් බවට රටේ  ප්‍රසිද්ධ මාධ්‍යයකට පවා පැමිණ ප්‍රකාශ කිරීමෙන් නීතිය සහමුලින්ම වැලලීමට පාර කපන්නේද? එය නිවැරැදිද?

    එලෙස ගිණි තැබිය යුතු ව්‍යවස්ථාවක පවත්නා අයිතිවාසිකම් ගැන පමණද? කතා කරන්නේ.

      අරගලය හරහා system change කරන්නට බලපෑම් කණ්ඩායමක් ලෙස නව ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම ව්‍යවස්ථාවක් කෙටුම්පත් කරන්නටත්, රටේ වෙනස් විය යුතු නීති,අණ පනත් සංශෝධනය කිරීමටත්, ක්‍රම වෙනසකට අවශ්‍ය නව නීති රීති ඇතිකරලීමටත්,

      කතිකාවතක්,වේදිකාවක් නිර්මාණය කර ගැනීමට මහඟු අවස්ථාවක් තිබියදී

     රටේ මුඛ්‍ය  නීතියටත් පටහැණිව යෝජනා මාලාවක් හදාගෙන ඇවිත් හත්පොලේ ගා ගත්තේ මන්ද?

      අරගලය ඇතුලේ ලකුණු දා ගන්න විතරමද?? බැලුවේ  😁💰

       පවත්නා නීතියට අනුගත වීමටත්, නීතීන් ප්‍රකාර හිමි බලය ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමටත් සන්නද්ධ හමුදාවන් වලට බැරිද? සඳහා සංගමයෙන් නීතියක් කියලා දෙනවද? නැතිනම් සභාපතිවරයාගේ හමුදා විරෝධී ආකල්පයට හමුදාවන් අනුගත විය යුතුද?

        පවත්නා නීතිය ප්‍රකාර ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදීව පත්වූ ජනාධිපතිවරයකුට මහජන ආරක්ෂණ පනත ප්‍රකාර හදිසි නීතිය  පණවන්න බැරිද?

     නීතිය ගැන දන්න කියන කට්ටියගෙන් ඇහුවේ

   ගොඩ පෙරකදෝරු උදවිය ෆෝම් වීම අනවශ්‍යයි….

මුලදී අත දී පසුව පොහොට්ටුවට හිත දුන් ඩලස්ගේ පිරිස වෙනතක යන්නම යයි

July 23rd, 2022

උපුටා ගැන්ම නෙත්

ජනාධිපතිවරයා තේරීමේ ඡන්දයට ඉදිරිපත්වූ ඩලස් අලහප්පෙරුම මහතාට  සහාය දුන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කණ්ඩායම ඉදිරියේ දී වෙනම කණ්ඩායමක් ලෙස කටයුතු කරන බව වාර්තා වෙනවා.

ඒ ඩලස්අලහප්පෙරුම මහතාගේ නායකත්වය යටතේයි .

එම කණ්ඩායමට මහාචාර්ය ජී එල් පීරිස්, මහාචාර්ය චරිත හේරත්, මහාචාර්ය චන්න ජයසුමන,ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා යන මහත්වරුන්ට අමතරව,පොදුජන පෙරමුණේ” හෘද සාක්ෂියට එකග මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායමද ඇතළත් වනු ඇති බවයි දැනගන්නට  ලැබෙන්නේ.
 

ඇමරිකාවෙත් විරෝධතා පාලනය කලේ මෙහෙමයි ! ජනපති රනිල් තානාපතිනියට අතීතය සිහි කරයි

July 23rd, 2022

Courtesy Neth News උපුටා ගැන්ම නෙත්

ඊයෙ දිනයේදී ජනාධිපති මන්දිරය අත්පත් කර ගැනීම වෙනුවෙන් ආරක්ෂක අංශ විසින් සිදුකල මෙහෙයුම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ජනාධිපති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ඇමරිකානු තානාපතිනියට කරුණු පැහැදිලි කිරිමක් සිදුකර තිබෙනවා.

එහිදී ඔහු පවසා ඇත්තේ ඇමරිකාවේ කැපිටල් ගොඩනැඟිල්ල සහ කොංග්‍රස් මණ්ඩල ගොඩනැඟිල්ල විරෝධතාකරුවන්ගෙන් මුදා ගැනීමට ඇමරිකානු ආරක්ෂක අංශ ක්‍රියා කලේද මේ ආකාරයෙන්ම බවයි.

ජනාධිපතිවරයා මේ බව පවසා ඇත්තේ විදෙස් තානාපතිවරුන් හමුවූ අවස්ථාවකදියි.

පසුගිය මාසයේදී ලොස් ඇන්ජලිස් පොලිසියද විරෝධතා පාලනය කිරීමට මේ ආකාරයෙන් කටයුතු කල අතර එවන් විඩීයෝ කිහිපයක් ට්විටර් ඔස්සේ පසුගිය කාලය පුරාවටම ප්‍රචාරය වුනා.

https://youtube.com/watch?v=zVMLaweItQ0

එමෙන්ම ඊයේ සිදුවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඇමරිකානු තානාපතිනියගේ හැසිරීම පිළිබඳව සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ඔස්සේ හුවමාරු වන සටහනක් පහතින්.

Dear Madam Ambassador of the USA.  
I have tweeted before also that the US has no right to interfere in Sri Lanka’s internal matters as we are a None Aligned Nation State.  Will the US Government allow the White House to be stormed? Any one who dared would have been shot at.
We saw how the military retook the Capitol building when protestors stormed it during the Senate meeting. 
Over 200 police shootings happen in a day in the US on simple traffic stops 6 to 7 are fatal. Its time SL established law and order before anything else. Support the majority people of SL who are trying to live through this crisis and not the fascists who are trying to form a government through undemocratic means. This is no more a citizens protest.  Its insurgency. And if you do tweet that the US will allow insurgency and fascism in the US. I will humbly withdraw this comment.
Dr sanjay perera

ජනාධිපතිවරණයේදී දාන්න ගිය දේශපාලන ඩීල් 

July 23rd, 2022

Turn National List 29 Members into an Advisory Council not MPs

July 22nd, 2022

Shenali D Waduge

Sri Lanka’s Parliament consists of 225 Members of Parliament from which 196 are elected by the People and 29 are not-elected but nominated by the respective parties & enter depending on the allocation as per the votes obtained by each party. Therefore, the composition of the National List corresponds to the votes won by parties. Given that the National List are supposed to be professionals who are not politicians, they should not enjoy perks given to politicians. The 29 Member National List should be transformed into an Advisory Council with no mandate to enforce laws but with ability to scrutinize Bills and make Proposals and Recommendations that the 196 MPs must respect.

From the last few months, it is apparent that the country faces some serious issues that it needs to deal with

  1. Unsuited candidates nominated by political parties ending in Parliament
  2. Inability to change these unsuited candidates once elected until next election
  3. National List manipulated & abused by Political parties
  4. External threats to Parliamentary democracy

Unsuited Candidates

They say one man’s freedom fighter is another man’s terrorist. Likewise, candidates that some deem distasteful maybe doing a service to their electorate. In such a scenario, it is the prerogative of the electorate to decide and others must respect it.

There is different schools of thought regarding criteria – some insist on a degree, some are happy with a basic A/L qualification or equivalent – a paper qualification is important but best to have criteria set for portfolios too. However, what we need to understand is that a politician is far different to a professional. Politicians are dealing with people and people’s wants, needs and problems are somewhat difficult for compartmentalize as professionals like to do. We can see the difficulties that professionals have found in adjusting to life as a politician. However, to filter bad eggs from wanting to come forward to contest not to serve the nation nor the people but to advance their agendas.

Remove unsuited candidates

As per the present system, once unsuited candidates enter Parliament, people have to wait till the next election to vote them out.

It has been suggested to incorporate a RIGHT OF RECALL – this is a petition to recall an elected MP for any misadventure or abuse of power. However, even in the countries where this provision is available, there are not too many cases of its success.

Instead would like to propose a new provision – RIGHT TO REJECT. Here candidates that apply for nomination to a political party, publish the final list & the public are able to petition to REJECT a candidate they feel is unsuited to be nominated from the party. By this method, unsuited candidates can be prevented from entering the political system at nomination stage itself.

Abusing National List

At times the one’s rejected by vote end up re-entering from the national list, while even those who cross-over and are expelled from their party run to the Supreme Court & obtain an injunction to prevent expulsion. Electoral reforms must address this.

  • No politician should have been included into the National List
  • No rejected candidate should have been allowed to re-enter from the National List

Parliamentary Democracy under threat

In 2016, the then government knowingly or unknowingly signed up to become Asia’s first Open Government plan to enable an inclusive parliament bringing in civil society & NGOs. The catch here is that these NGOs and civil society being promoted to be placed in Parliament are envoys of those that fund them. This means that the external entities are plotting to send their nominees without entering from an election into Parliament to determine policy and reforms. By now we should realize the dangers in store. These entrants are unlikely to be doing anything for the benefit of the nation or its people but only to advance the geopolitical agendas of their paymasters as they currently do and that can be revealed by examples.

Therefore, any civil society or NGO heads (whether they are or are not funded by foreign entities) if they so want to enter Parliament must do so by election and not via new initiatives with ulterior motives. This means, the plan is to manipulate the National List and include foreign-funded NGOs and Civil Society as professionals” into the national list quota.

Given these threats looming before us, it is important to decide to safeguard Parliamentary sovereignty and turn the National List into an Advisory Body only.

National List – as an Advisory Body

  • 29 Members to the Advisory Body can be nominated by State universities/ registered State professional bodies/chambers & local civil society/NGOs & presented to the Elections Commission.
  • A vote is held among those nominated & the most votes becomes the Chairman of the Advisory Body.
  • The Chairman of the Advisory Body selects a team of 5 depending on the subject area of the Bill they are called to give their observations on.
  • 29 Member National List must have a separate Chamber for their deliberations
  • 29 Members should not be given MP status
  • 29 Members should not get same perks & privileges as an MP – this is because these professionals will continue to function in their respective professional roles. Making them an MP creates conflict of interest & entertains unnecessary issues.
  • 29 Members should function as an advisory body but not a body allowed to make their proposals or recommendations mandatory upon MPs
  • 29 Members can present their proposals to the public & entertain public views and opinions as well. These submissions by public must be made available for public scrutiny on a website.
  • 29 Members must be presented copies of Bill prior to enactment & deadline should be given for the National List Advisory Body to submit their determinations on any Bill before enactment. This corresponds with the time given to the Public to file FR once a Bill is gazetted.

These are just a preliminary set of suggestions & open for review.

The rationale behind this is to make maximum use of professionals & their professional knowledge instead of putting them as politicians, an area which is now unsuited for them. What is important to realize is that if the National List was created to bring in Professionals – only professionals must be brought in, not to govern but to provide advice, help policy and suggest proposals.

By turning the 29 National List into an Advisory Body, these professionals can play a significant role where their knowledge and inputs are concerned.

This is open for discussion and debate

Shenali D Waduge

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Pt 7C

July 22nd, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna   was created by Rohana Wijeweera, whose real name was Patabandige Don Nandasiri Wijeweera. He was a member of Sri Lanka’s Communist Party   (Moscow wing) led by S.A. Wickremasinghe and in 1962 was awarded a scholarship to Lumumba University in Moscow, to study medicine. Sunday Times carries biographical information on Wijeweera at https://www.sundaytimes.lk/010408/spec.html (See essay by Kumudini Hettiarachhci and Renuka Sadanandan.)

In Moscow, Wijeweera had apparently changed his loyalties from Moscow to China. When he came on a visit to Sri Lanka in 1964, Russia did not permit him to return. According to Wijeweera, the reason given was his new attachment to Communist China.

Unable to return to Moscow, Wijeweera had joined the Communist Party (Peking wing) in Colombo. Wijeweera was given the task of re-organizing its youth, but instead tried to promote his own ideas. He had apparently tried to oust the Shanmuganathan faction in the party as well.Wijeweera wasexpelled from the Communist Party (Peking wing) in 1966. It is clear that neither Moscow nor Peking wanted him.  He was not valuable to them. Also they did not trust him. Rohana Wijeweera, it is alleged, had been secretly recruited by USA when he was in Moscow.

Starting in 1965, Wijeweera set up a   well organized underground movement, initially labeled simply as’ Viyaparaya’.  The Viyaparaya had become Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna by May 1970. There was a political party called Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna led by KMP Rajaratne In the 1950’s. This party is forgotten today.

Wijeweera visited various parts of the country, to obtain support for his movement. The movement gained support in the rural areas   where there were many alienated youth.  He was able to build a base among the educated Sinhala youth there. The movement took no root in the towns, in the industrial coastal areas around Colombo, nor in the Tamil areas, reported Jayantha Somasunderam.

Wijeweera targeted O and A Level students and unemployed graduates. Only 19 per cent of the membership was poorly educated, concluded Gamini Samaranayake. 79% were from Maha Vidyalaya and 6.4% from Madhya Maya Vidyalaya.

The movement received strong support from University students. The Socialist League of the University of Peradeniya, the  Communist Party ( Moscow) breakaway faction  from the University of Vidyodaya led by M. Wijesekara  and the Communist Party ( Moscow) oriented  faction of the Student society of the University of Vidyalankara, headed by D. I. G. Dharmasekera joined the movement. Arasaratnam observed that there were definitely more University students in the JVP than the mere 156 given In Obeysekera’s sample.

Wijeweera was looking for followers, whom he could trust and who were dedicated. Recruitment of new members was therefore done at a personal level. ‘A’ brought in ‘B’ who had been a classmate and so on. Gathering new members into the fold was referred to as “koku gahanava”, to hook someone in. . The term is revealing. It indicates control.  A person was given a task, probably irregular, which thereafter committed him to the JVP.

Those seeking membership were initially exposed to a discussion on the prevailing political situation in Sri Lanka. Those who passed this’ test’ were then treated to a series of   ‘classes’, which were held in secret. Those who passed this hurdle were then admitted to the fifth lecture which dealt with the JVP strategy. The prospective members were thereafter placed under observation, to see whether they would be loyal to the movement and then admitted into the movement.

These five ‘classes’ were on five different subjects.  The first class dealt with the ‘economic crisis’, the problems facing the peasant farmer and the rural worker. The second was on ‘Independence’ giving a historical background into the ill-effects of colonial rule. The third on ‘Indian expansionism’ focused on how Indian capitalists were trying to spread their tentacles into smaller countries. The fourth was on the failure of the Left movement. The fifth class, which came later, was on ‘the path the Revolution should take’.  Classes were held in the night, in cemeteries for small groups of five or 10.

J. V. P.  Members were classified into two lists.List A consisted of full time members, trustworthy, loyal, and identified only by pseudonyms. There were 500 full-time members in 1970, said Samaranayake.  We had a sense of adventure and never felt the hardship. We would travel without any money for bus fare and walk into a boutique, eat and walk out without paying. “Polu thibba,” recalled a JVP member.

The B List consisted of part-time members, who were employed or studying, and were prepared to devoted their spare time to the activities of the group.These sympathizers were used mainly for propaganda activities, such as poster campaigns. There was also a C List” of those who could be approached for help. JVP established contacts in Buddhist temples. They   used them as hide outs   after the 1971 insurrection.

The strength of the JVP is not known. Gamini Samaranayake said that before 1970 the membership was 2,000, but by 1970 it had increased to about 3,000. 98 % were under 35 years of age. Cyril Ranatunge said the average age of JVP in 1971 was 20 years. The ages ranged from 16 years to 32.

The JVP   organization consisted of a Central committee and Politbureau at the top,  followed by district leaders,  district secretaries, village committees, police committees, grass roots units and full time volunteers. Cadres were organized according to police divisions and police districts.   The grass roots unit was a group of five, in each Police area, the ‘pahe’ committee. The police committees were charged with preparing an armed attack on the local police station. 

The Politbureau was not elected at a party congress. But was probably appointed by Wijeweera. There was even a doubt as to how many it contained. The leaders, when questioned could not agree on the number. Each gave a different figure.

The politbureau met every month in Colombo and the district secretaries would take the decisions back to their district and from there to the cadres. Couriers, the “mallis” who knew the hideouts would take the messages to the cadres. Communication was by code.

But decisions were not made by Central committee or Politbureau. All matters were decided by the Secretarial committee composed of Wijeweera, Sanath, Karunaratna and Loku Athula.Sanath” was Wijesena Vitharana, a teacher from Kalattawa, Karunaratna” was W.T. Karunaratne from the Inland Revenue Department, ‘Loku Athula’ was Nimalsiri Jayasinghe.

The high degree of security consciousness introduced into each of the JVP committees, is significant, said Indradasa Godahewa of Sri Lanka Intelligence, who had been assigned to investigate insurgent activities.  JVP conducted their political affairs in secret. The leaders used aliases to prevent identification.

Communication was by code. The Politburo met every two months in Colombo and the District Secretaries would take back the message to the districts. From the District Secretaries, couriers or “mallis” who knew the hideouts would take the messages to the cadres The JVP was organised on the lines of police divisions and police committees and this was a time when telephones were not freely available.

The ordinary members of the JVP did not know the structure of the organization. They were kept in the dark. It was only after I came to prison, that I came to know, that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna had a politbureau, one JVPer told the police.

The JVP had four working divisions, propaganda, education, organization and arms, with each division headed by one of the four members of the Secretarial committee.JVP started a propaganda section to conduct meetings all over the country, except North and East. JVP impressed the public through its poster campaigns. The same poster appeared island wide overnight. 

Several ‘farms’ were established, not for farming but for conducting secret classes and storing weapons. The first were in Anuradhapura, Tissamaharama and Kirinda. The Kirinda one was a poultry farm. The first educational camp was held in Akmeemana in 1967 followed by one in Tanamalwila.    Education camps were thereafter held secretly in remote parts of the country. Camps were held in Kurunegala, Anuradhapura   Tissamaharama, Elpitiya, Akmeemana, Tanamalwila, Tambuttegama, Kataragama and Middeniya. Each camp taught about   25 to 100 cadres. Food was obtained from chenas. .

It was ‘roughing out time’. The members had to live off the land getting vegetables and other produce from nearby chena cultivators recalled Sunanda. “Every year, the Movement collected rice and money for a big dansala in Anuradhapura. Some of this rice was kept for the camps.”

The trainees had to be up by 4 a.m. for military-style drills and arms training by navy personnel who had been drafted in. The youth were told that armed struggle was necessary, and they must be prepared to fight. Instructions in the use of arms were done through diagrams.  A rudimentary form of military training was given at the camps, with sketches of guns on the blackboard, pictures of rifles being circulated and rifle drills and karate being taught. The inadequacy of the military training was clearly shown in their attack on the Polonnaruwa police station, said Samaranayake, where 39 JVP were killed and many were wounded compared to few government casualties.

The JVP also started making bombs. hand bomb making had become a cottage industry in Pindenyia, Dedigama and Morontota. Bombs were made using condensed milk tins. These were collected in large quantities and sent to remote areas. JVP cadres were   collecting fused bulbs and jam bottles, tins and similar-sized containers to make bombs and Molotov cocktails. The containers were filled with kerosene or petrol and had a fuse.

Bombs were also being made using cheena chatti, cast iron shells, dynamite and had an elementary mechanism to blow them up.  In September 1970, Rohana Wijeweera ordered the distribution of 1000 bombs and 1000 Molotov cocktails (petrol bombs) to each JVP police division unit.JVP did not have much knowledge of explosives, commented   General Cyril Ranatunge. They tied bomb to middle of the bridge, not the two ends, as trained people will.

Every member was asked to have a gun and 10 cartridges ready. Due to this, there was a spate of robberies of guns and cartridges in 1970. They were removed from houses, taking nothing else.  There was an unprecedented increase in the theft of guns in the country, said Indradasa Godahewa. 

Although the movement was supposed to be secretive and undercover, JVP openly conducted political debates, contested University student council elections, and organized University student strikes.

The JVP o published its own paper, the Janatha Vimukthi, which was widely read. There was a wide range of JVP news sheets and publications like Kamkarupuwath, Janaka Vimukthi,  Ginipupura, Rrathubalaya,  Rathulanka,  Tharuna satana,  Virodaya, Rrathu kekulu,  and a Tamil paper Tholilali Seydi., said Cyril Ranatunge.

 The JVP came into the open, in 1969, through public meetings, the first of which was held at Vidyodaya University. Police responded with widespread arrests amounting to about a thousand JVP activists.. Fearing all out repression, they established protected villages in remote rural areas, as logistical bases.

JVP held 16 public meetings between August 1970 and February 1971.Between July and December 1970, Wijeweera addressed some twenty public rallies in places like Kegalle, Wellawaya, Tangalle, Negombo, Moratuwa and Elpitiya.

Wijeweera was arrested at Hambantota on 12th May 1970. When he was released in July, Wijeweera launched a series of public meetings across the country, going as far north as Anuradhapura. There was a pause after October and then came a massive meeting in Colombo at Hyde Park on 27 February 1971, recalled Jayantha Somasunderam. In March 1971 Wijeweera travelled around the country, visiting Hambantota, Colombo, Kandy, Matale, Dambulla, Polonnaruwa and Batticaloa.

By early 1971, recruitment to the JVP was stopped and members were urged to collect as much money as possible, through whatever means to arm the movement. Several heists were carried out, such as the Okkampitiya bank robbery, the Badulla mail bag robbery, the Ambalangoda bank robbery and the York Street robbery to raise funds. There were robberies also at branches of Peoples Bank, Bank of Ceylon, a CTB depot, a Mail train and the Urubokka sub-post office  They got their money by robbery of rural banks, payrolls of teachers, industrial firms and plantations, said Cyril Ranatunge.

The Movement was now gathering momentum. Each member was instructed to collect his uniform and kit consisting of a gun, box of cartridges, boots, stockings, black trousers, blue shirt with pockets, an army belt, black running shorts, black vest, steel helmet, knife, torch, Lighter, haversack, first aid box, and canvas cloth.

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Part 7D

July 22nd, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The subversive activities of the JVP had come to the attention of the intelligence services and  a special unit has been formed in the CID to watch them, said Indradasa Godahewa. The first police report of the existence of the JVP underground movement was presented to the Cabinet in 1968. In 1970 the government set up a special police unit nicknamed the `Guevara Bureau’, through which all intelligence pertaining to the subversive movement was channeled.

From January 1971, at Kegalle, police intelligence and the spy network floated by SP Seneviratne with the special vote of Rs. 50,000 started receiving significant information. Reports came in from grama sevaka, DROs and school principals in Kegalle district, of young boys going ‘missing’ from home for days. Tailors in the area told us how orders for a large number of uniforms had been placed. 

There were reports in Kegalle of small groups of youth meeting in secret in lonely places,  the ‘desana paha’ being delivered, collection, manufacture and storage of weapons, jungle training of fighting cadres, testing of devices in the jungle, shooting practice, strange explosions. Six-foot lengths of barbed wire were being removed from fences. These were subsequently cut into pieces and used in anti-personnel bombs”

At the Government Agent’s residence in Kegalle, one could hear at night, the tell-tale ‘clink-clink’ of the insurgents making their way through the forest behind the Residency. They were carrying ‘Molotov cocktails’ in their haversacks and as they walked over the uneven terrain, stumbling over rocks and roots, the bottles and cans would knock against each other.

Kegalle authorities informed the government .Daily dispatches were sent through special messengers, but no action was taken. Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike discussed the intelligence reports at her Cabinet meetings with MPs from the area. The MPs said repeatedly that our boys” wouldn’t do such things.

Then in February 1971, a clear warning went to the authorities that something was brewing among the university students. The JVP had hidden a large number of detonators in the ceiling of Peradeniya University’s Marrs Hall and due to the heat, they began exploding like firecrackers. The explosions went on for five days..

In March 1971, there was a massive blast at Nelundeniya in Kegalle. Five died. The authorities found a 15′ x 20′ pit with many tunnels leading from it. It was an arms dump. The army was alerted. The police began raiding JVP hideouts  police arrested about 500members and sympathizers of the J. V. P. Wijeweera was arrested on the 13th March and sent to the Jaffna jail. On March 16, the government declared a state of Emergency.

The JVP was not deterred by these developments. The JVP inner circle met in secret On April 2 at the Sangaramaya temple of Vidyodaya University, Kelaniya and decided that all police stations in the country would be attacked at 11 p. m.on April 5th.  This decision was communicated to the district cadres and local leaders. a coded telegram   saying ‘JVP Appuhamy expired. Funeral 5th”, would be sent to announce the start of the attack.

Wijeweera had sent a message that posters and leaflets should be published calling for his release and 500 comrades should be sent to Jaffna to secure his release. The   plan therefore was to launch a simultaneous night-time attack on the police stations. Also to attack concurrently the Jaffna police station, Jaffna naval base and Jaffna prison and rescue Wijeweera.

The police station attacks were to be launched by 15 separate groups, each consisting of 40 to 50 JVPers.The attackers were armed with shotguns, locally-made hand bombs and `Molotov cocktails’. They were in home-sewn dark blue uniforms,  military boots, and carried haversacks. They were ordered to fly the JVP flag, a lion on a red background, on captured police stations. Their  attack approach varied. Some launched frontal attacks arriving in buses and lorries which had been forcibly commandeered, while others resorted to more surreptitious approaches.

But things did not go according to plan. Wellawaya Police Station was attacked  prematurely   at dawn, 5.20 a.m.on the 5th April. Two policemen were killed. This  attack alerted the government.  An all-island curfew was declared on the 6th of April.This curfew lasted until mid-July. It continued till the end of November , 1971 in the Western Province.

This curfew prevented JVP attacks in Ampara, Nuwara Eliya, Badulla, Ratnapura and Monaragala,but did not deter the JVP elsewhere. JVP continued to attack police stations, in the rural areas till the  11th of April. Police stations around the country were placed on alert but they were ill-equipped to face the sudden onslaught. Police stations in remote areas were temporarily closed.

Ninety three police stations across the country were attacked in the week of 5-11 April 1971 and five, Deniyaya, Uragaha, Rajangane, Kataragama and Warakapola were  taken by the insurgents. Fifty-seven police stations were damaged.  43 police stations in Kegalle, Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, Galle and Ambalangoda districts were abandoned.  Police stations at Akuressa, Hakmana, Kamburupitiya and Mawarala were closed and the personnel were brought down to Matara. In the Matara District all police stations other than Dondra and Matara were attacked and several policemen were killed.. Several police stations were set on fire after the police withdrew.

After the initial attack on the 5th of April 1971,  there came a second phase which was confined to the following districts: Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa in the North Central Province, Kurunegala in the Central Province, Monaragala in the Uva Province,  Kegalle in Sabaragamuwa Province,  Matara, Galle and Hambantota in the Southern Province. Kegalle and Galle were  hotbeds with over a thousand full-timers each.  Badulla had around 500 members.

JVP occupied several major towns in semi-urban and rural areas.In some cases the JVP  by passed  towns to secure the surrounding countryside, thereby isolating the government forces in the town centers.  There was long-term occupation, protracted guerrilla warfare  and open fighting with the military.

JVP assumed command in areas where the police had withdrawn and the civil administration was in disarray. They  took over  whole areas , disrupted the transport system, telecommunications, power supplies.Main roads and rail tracks were damaged. They ran  the post office, distributed food from cooperative stores  and even held their  own courts of law.

JVP had insurgencies in Kegalle and Ratnapura in Sabaragamuwa province  Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa in North Central Province,,  Kurunegala in North Western Province,  Matale and Kandy in Central Province,  Moneragala in Uva,  Galle and Hambantota in Southern Province, Gampaha Kalutara and Colombo in Western Province. The Kegalle, Kurunegala, Galle and Anuradhapura Districts were the worst affected. the insurgency  fizzled out in Chilaw as  the weapons  were  too  few and unsatisfactory. 

The JVP  entrenched itself in Kegalle district. The Kachcheri  area, where  the police station and the Courts of Law are located, was held by the armed forces while the J. V. P. dominated the rest of the district. There were  fierce confrontations along the main road from Kegalle to Colombo. Tholangamuwa Central College, located some five miles from Warakapola on the Kegalle road was the JVP headquarters. A bulldozer was parked across the entrance to the school so that no one could storm them.

All petrol stations in the Kegalle district were sealed ,by the government  to conserve fuel and police guards deployed at water supply stations, electrical sub-stations and the telecom exchange.,  But the JVPers were one step ahead, said KHJ Wijedasa , who was GA, Kegalle, at the time.  They felled trees across the power lines, plunging whole areas into darkness. Cycle chains were thrown over high tension wires to cause short-circuits. Phone lines were cut and roads blocked with uprooted trees and lamp posts.   ,

“By midnight on April 5, there was a total blackout in the district. There was no transport, no communication, no vehicles on the roads, and no water. Kegalle was deserted,” said Wijedasa.  The police radio was their only link with the outside world. Within the district, all 14 police stations had fallen. “There was minimal resistance by the Police. The cops just vanished.

From Kegalle JVP moved to Anuradhapura then when that got hot they fled to Kantalai and Wilpattu. Anuradhapura unlike Kegalle was thick jungle in the interior with public in the central areas only.. then JVP went into difficulty areas off Kantalai, a vast are forest reserve on Trincomalee  Road.     JVP has had all this planned ahead.

JVP  fought in certain areas in the Anuradhapura District,and in the small towns of Elpitiya and Deniyaya. Elpitiya was under  the JVP for nearly three weeks.  At Batapola, in  Ambalangoda the JVP had barricaded themselves with trees and lamp-posts. Sentry points had been set up and big bungalows and walauwas commandeered. Some 300 shotguns had been stockpiled like firewood. The cadres got around on bicycles, with couriers going from one stronghold to another. Villagers were only allowed to leave their homes to find food.  The JVP held Batapola till April 23. Then the army with the help of villagers attacked their camp.

At Matara a lorry-load of bombs entered the fort. The moment we found the lorry of bombs we clamped a curfew and everyone chased away from all roads by the army. Later we found evidence of two other lorries coming with bombs. The cadres could not group and the lorries could not reach the cadres and Matara was saved from a bloodbath, said Garvin Karunaratne, then GA Matara.

At Deniyaya the police station was repeatedly attacked and the police retreated all the way to Rakwana and Embilipitiya as the roads to Matara had been taken over by the JVP.  Deniyaya was ruled by the JVP for around three to four weeks. In Deniyaya many well to do people were  killed. This included Dr. Rex de Costa. it was his murder that made Prime Minister dispatch a platoon of soldiers to the Matara District, said Karunaratne.

Akuressa was under the control of the insurgents. The army was ambushed  about ten miles from Matara and the JVP fire power was so strong that the army had to retreat. the Government had lost control of most of the Matara  District for around three weeks during which period the JVP ran their kangaroo courts arresting, charging people and punishing them even with death, said Karunaratne.

the armed forces delayed  launching a counterattack . Initially, the government  did not send army troops to the affected areas when the GAs asked for them. Garvin Karunaratne, then GA Matara and Neville Jayaweera, then GA Vavuniya,  said, independent of each other, that the government ignored their requests for  security forces   when the JVP attacks were at the initial stage. Army units were sent much later.

However, by the end of April the government forces had got their act together.  the J. V. P. ‘s entire plan of attack had been revealed to the security forces by an informant..J. V. P. ‘s camps were attacked by air and land. Mortars were  used. Military co-ordinators were `appointed to govern the districts previously   held by the JVP .

JVP,  retreated to   the jungle or national park nearest the areas they were in.  They went, in the south to Sinharaja , from Anuradhapura, Kegalle and Kurunegala districts to   Wilpattu, Ritigala and  from Dambulla and Polonnaruwa to the surrounding jungles. By the end of August 1971,69 guerrillas were hiding in Wilpattu and about 50 in the forest surrounding Dambulla. They did not know how to survive in the jungles.

At Haputale,  the 100 cadres who had gathered to attack the Haputale Police Station, retreated through Attampitiya to Uda Pussellawa and on to the Walapane jungles, heading for Hunnasgiriya. One they way, the seized guns from people who possessed licensed firearms. 

200 guerrillas from  the Kegalle and Kurunegala districts retreated to Wilpattu National Park in two lots under the cover of darkness and along unpopulated tracks. During the day they camped in isolated areas either on the mountains or in the jungles. A. C. Alles observed that this retreat was marked by murder, arson and looting. only about 30 reached their destination.

A special Department under  former IGP, Aleric  Abeygunawardena  was  set up to  investigate the  insurgency. OICs and ASPs were asked to send their investigation files direct to this office. Under Emergency Regulations, admissions made to ASPs by suspects were made admissible in courts. State Counsels and other lawyers were asked to prepare cases for prosecution and advise the police officers on further investigations. Cases were filed in courts without delay. This Department had CID and Intelligence officers to help  with arresting the balance rebel leaders who were hiding.

In May and June  1971, with the backbone of the uprising broken, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike offered an amnesty to those who were willing to surrender. It is reported that 3,978 surrendered in response to this amnesty. Yet another amnesty was offered from the 7th to 9th of June when 236 surrendered. . It appears that another ten day amnesty was declared thereafter and ‘thousands surrendered to local DROs and temples.’

There were approximately 18,000 in custody by the end of 1971, said Samaranayake.11,748 arrested and 6,025 surrendered.Not all of them were  JVP. On the contrary, it is obvious that some of them were never involved in the armed struggle, said Samaranayake. He   suggests that only about 20,000 to 25,000, actually participated in the insurrection According to  Godahewa, 8000     JVPers, out of a possible 14,000, were arrested by government. However, the last JVP fighters were not captured until 1976, observed Samaranayake.

The J. V. P. members  in custody, were kept in detention camps in   the Universities, under army volunteer officers. Some 200 state officers were mobilized to question them and record their statements on ‘pink’ forms for those who had been arrested and ‘blue’ forms for those who had surrendered. charges were brought against 3,872 persons who were believed to have been involved in armed attacks on police stations and other acts of political violence.

A Criminal Justice Commission comprising five judges of the Supreme Court, including Justice Alles was hurriedly set up, in May 1972 to try those prisoners,  dispensing with the normal laws of evidence, to deal with the heap of cases.  when the C. J. C. trials concluded in 1975, 92 of the accused had been acquitted, 2,519 had been released on suspended sentences, and 365 had been sentenced to prison terms.

According to Sri Lankan Government statistics, about 12,000 suspects were placed in rehabilitation camps   Those not involved in the insurgency were released’. This process was slow.  Nevertheless, compared to release rates in other Third World countries, the rate of release in Sri Lanka was quite fair and timely, said Samaranayake.When the U. N. P. Government  came to power in 1977, the remaining detainees, including Wijeweera, were released.

The human cost of the JVP insurrection was high. Fifty-three Security Forces personnel had died and 323 were injured. 37 police officers were killed and 195 wounded. Though the government gave the figure  for JVP as 1,200 dead, it could be safely claimed that the actual number of deaths ranged between a minimum of 6,000 to a maximum of 8,000 said Samaranayake.it was estimated that some 8,000 -10,000 JVPers were killed said another source. According to Wijeweera, 15,000 of his cadres had died and twice that number of civilians had lost their lives. JVPers who escaped  death and custody went underground with the objective of re-organizing the JVP. 

Why did Indian Army Chief go to Bangladesh?

July 22nd, 2022

DR Arpita Hazarika

The chief of army staff of India, General Manoj Pande completed his Bangladesh visit recently (from July 18 to July 20) as part of the “outstanding” bilateral defense relations between Bangladesh and India.

General Manoj Pande was on his first trip abroad since taking over the post. First day of his visit, the army chief laid a wreath at Shikha Anirban to honor the valiant souls who made the ultimate sacrifices during the Liberation War of 1971.

Indian Army chief General Manoj Pande received a Guard of Honour at a convention centre of Bangladesh Armed Forces here on Monday.

Indian Army Chief General Manoj Pande paid a courtesy call on his Bangladesh counterpart General SM Shafiuddin Ahmed at the Army Headquarters in Dhaka on Monday.  The two discussed ways to enhance and strengthen bilateral defense cooperation. 

Manoj Pande met with senior members of the security establishment several times throughout the day to discuss defense-related topics. In Dhanmondi, at the Bangladesh’s Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Museum, he also paid respects. He met with Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina on Tuesday and focused on strengthening bilateral ties.

The army chief spoke the Defense Services Command and Staff College, Mirpur, professors and students on the second day of his visit.

After that, he met with staff at the Bangladesh Institute of Peace Support and Operation Training, a prestigious institution in Bangladesh that prepares peacekeepers for work in a variety of UN peace operations, and engage in conversation with them. After that, he visited the Bangabandhu Military Museum in Mirpur.

Manoj Pande’s visit has strengthened relations between the two armies on a bilateral level and served as a catalyst for improved coordination and collaboration between the two nations on a variety of strategic problems.

In South Asia, Bangladesh is an important ally of the India. The two nations work closely together on problems like climate change, counterterrorism, and regional security. This visit may serve to cement bilateral defense ties. Defense cooperation between nations could strengthen bilateral ties. Both India and Bangladesh are essential to the region. Despite some bilateral issues, both countries are greatly interested in further solidifying their bilateral ties, which was made clear by this visit. This could assist in bolstering bilateral ties and reflecting better bilateral understanding. This visit is highly important for Bangladesh and India in the region. Bangladesh and the India must work together as reliable partners to address some shared issues. Through this visit, India and Bangladesh have further reinforced their defense ties.

India played a significant role in the Bangladesh War of Liberation in 1971, helping the then-East Pakistan transform into the new country of Bangladesh, which permanently altered the dynamics of South Asia. India and Bangladesh agreed to a “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation” that would last for 25 years. Given the numerous cultural, diplomatic, economic, and security linkages that exist between India and Bangladesh today, the two nations’ bilateral ties are now stronger than ever. Bangladesh occupies a special place in India’s heart as a close neighbor and an essential part of the country’s “Neighborhood First Policy.”

Defense, security, and strategic connections between India and Bangladesh are expanding daily. Bangladesh is seen by India as an enduring strategic ally. In addition to giving 18 brand-new 120mm mortars to the Bangladesh Army in December 2020 as part of army-to-army cooperation, India has granted a $500 million line of credit to Bangladesh for defense procurement from India.

A 122-member group from Bangladesh’s tri-services also took part in the Republic Day parade in India in January 2021.

From March 8–10, two Indian naval ships—INS Kulish and INS Sumedha—visited Bangladesh’s Mongla Port, making it the first naval visit India had made in the previous 50 years. Bangladesh is still India’s “closest neighbor,” and relations with it are at a “golden age.” India wants to strengthen its relationship with Bangladesh just as the US wants to engage with it more strategically. Of sure, both nations would benefit from the situation.

In an effort to improve bilateral defense cooperation, Bangladesh’s new army chief Gen S M Shafiuddin Ahmed and India’s new army chief General Manoj Pande spoke via video chat earlier this month.

It is believed that the two army commanders also discussed how the geopolitical landscape was changing and how that would affect regional security.

In recent years, India and Bangladesh’s defense and security relations have improved. The 50th anniversary of Bangladesh’s Liberation was in 2021. Both India and Bangladesh have highly trained, experienced military, and they work together to keep the Eastern region peaceful.

Due to the close ties between the two countries, India is also hosting a number of events to commemorate the liberation of Bangladesh 50 years ago.

The Bangladeshi and Indian militaries are increasingly collaborating on defense. Through a variety of initiatives, such as joint training and drills and defense discussions, the two countries’ armed forces have been working together more and more.

Two defense agreements were signed between Bangladesh and India during Sheikh Hasina’s four-day trip to New Delhi in April 2017. These were the first such pacts inked by India and any of its neighbors. According to the accords, the troops of the two nations would engage in cooperative training and exercises.

In order to achieve self-sufficiency in defense manufacturing in Bangladesh, India will assist Bangladesh in setting up manufacturing and service facilities for the defense platforms that both nations currently possess. Additionally, India will offer the Bangladesh military specialized training as well as technical and logistical support. India also gave a neighboring nation, Bangladesh, its first ever line of credit for defense-related purchases, in the amount of $500 million.

Additionally, the forces of the two nations have taken on a significant role in conducting training programs for dealing with counterterrorism challenges, natural catastrophes, and ensuring humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR).

General M.M. Naravane, the current chief of staff of the Indian Army, visited General Aziz Ahmed, the chief of army staff of Bangladesh, in March 2019 while serving as GOC-in-C of the Eastern Army Command to discuss expanding intelligence sharing between the two nations and expanding other areas of defense cooperation. The visit most importantly took place at a time when Myanmar made the decision to take decisive action against insurgent groups that were active in foiling terrorist activities on both the sides of India and Myanmar. Discussions were also held about various ways to improve the conduct of military exercises at a more rapid and decisive scale.

Defence and security are significant elements of India and Bangladesh’s bilateral relations, and the armed forces of the two nations cooperate and coordinate with one another on numerous levels.

As some selected items are being prioritized, Bangladesh would soon import goods connected to defense from India under the US$ 500 million Line of Credit offered by New Delhi, according to Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on December 16.

On December 15, 2021, President Ram Nath Kovind met with the top officials of Bangladesh during his first state visit there at the invitation of his counterpart, M Abdul Hamid, to attend the golden jubilee celebrations of Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina welcomed President Ram Nath Kovind, and the two leaders spoke about a range of topics of bilateral cooperation and shared interest. They talked about the development of their intricate and extensive bilateral relations.

The defense issue came up during President Kovind’s meetings with Bangladesh’s top officials.

India has added an additional $500 million to its line of credit for defense products. Under this line of credit, a number of items have been identified and are being accelerated quickly; their processing is at a fair degree of sophistication. (In accordance with news reports)

India presented Bangladesh with a $500 million line of credit in 2019 to help the neighboring nation purchase defense equipment.

The Armed Forces Division of Bangladesh and the Export Import Bank of India (Exim Bank) inked a contract on April 11 to allow the latter access to a US$ 500 million line of credit (LOC).

The Memorandum of Understanding aims to finance Bangladesh’s acquisition of defense equipment. In April 2017, India promised to provide Bangladesh with a US$ 500 million Line of Credit during Prime Minister Hasina’s visit to New Delhi.

Bangladesh has a “special place” in India’s “Neighborhood First” policy, according to President Ram Nath Kovind, who also told Bangladesh’s top leaders that the two countries’ relationship, which is based on sovereignty, equality, trust, and understanding, is mature enough to handle even the “most complex of problems.”

India and Bangladesh have been providing the most soldiers to United Nations peacekeeping missions in terms of bilateral military cooperation. The two Armies’ collaboration has grown in the field of counterterrorism.

India’s determination to combat terrorism in all its manifestations was echoed by Bangladesh’s resolute stance against terrorism. India is aware of Bangladesh’s efforts to prevent terrorist organizations from using space to conduct activities against India. In response, India should keep up its efforts to stop any terrorist group from using its territory to harm Bangladeshi interests.

India had encountered challenging circumstances in some of the States bordering Bangladesh, but since Prime Minister Shiekh Hasina’s government came to office in 2009, it has provided all assistance.

It made sure that no one could hurt a neighboring country by using Bangladeshi soil. Bangladesh has made a commitment to not support terrorism or radicalism in any form and to prevent these activities from taking place on its soil.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Indian President Ramnath Kovind, Indian Foreign Minister, Indian Home Minister, and Chief Ministers of surrounding states have frequently voiced their praise for Bangladesh’s zero-tolerance approach to combating terrorism.

As a result of the insurgency’s current low point in North-East India, Chief Minister of Assam Hemant Bishwa Sharma has thanked Bangladesh for its assistance and emphasized his wish to improve trade and connection between Bangladesh and North-East India.

To strengthen the defense and security facets of their alliance, Bangladesh and India can cooperate in the field of defense. The two nations should be dedicated to further developing the defense and security component of their partnership based on the needs expressed and each party’s ability to respond to them using different methods, including through capacity building and potential technology transfer. India can assist Bangladesh in achieving the goal of implementation of Bangladesh’s visionary military plan “Forces Goal 2030.”

Geopolitcs

July 22nd, 2022

Sri Lanka Political News

European ambassadors gave President GR an “ultimatum”, a “last chance” to condemn Russia,

but Sri Lanka had refused to condemn either side. A few days later the Aragalaya started.

When things had cooled down somewhat, Gota arranged to talk to Putin. Within 24 hours of talking to Putin, two Russian oil officials came to Colombo for discussions.

Julie Chung endorsed the JVP.

The Aragalaya stormed President’s House and Gota resigned.

Sri Lanka won’t get a bailout from the IMF until chaos ends, Johns Hopkins professor says

July 22nd, 2022

Ravi Buddhavarapu Courtesy CNBC

KEY POINTS

  • The IMF cannot… interact with the government when things are in a continuing crisis mode. So until the government stabilizes, until they have a minister of finance, there’s no one for the IMF to talk with,” professor Deborah Brautigam told CNBC’s Squawk Box Asia” on Friday.
  • The IMF will not lend into a situation where they deem their money will not be repaid,” she added.

Sri Lanka will need to emerge from its current state of chaos before the International Monetary Fund can step in with a bailout, according to a professor from Johns Hopkins University.

The IMF cannot… interact with the government when things are in a continuing crisis mode. So until the government stabilizes, until they have a minister of finance, there’s no one for the IMF to talk with,” Deborah Brautigam told CNBC’s Squawk Box Asia” on Friday.

Sri Lanka has been wracked by months of protests and is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence.

Ordinary people are struggling to buy essentials such as food, medicine and fuel, setting off raging protests against the government’s mismanagement. Last week, ex-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned after protesters stormed his residence.

The country’s legislators have since elected Ranil Wickremesinghe, the country’s former prime minister, as president. The 73-year-old took over as prime minister in May when Rajapaksa’s elder brother Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned.

It is not yet clear if these changes in leadership will satisfy protesters.

TOPSHOT - Protestors participate in an anti-government demonstration outside the President's office in Colombo on July 9, 2022. - Sri Lanka's beleaguered President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled his official residence in Colombo, a top defence source told AFP, before protesters gathered to demand his resignation stormed the compound. (Photo by AFP) (Photo by -/AFP via Getty Images)

The IMF cannot offer a program to Sri Lanka as long as the chaos in the country continues, says an expert. Raging protests have roiled the nation for months, with a file photo here capturing an anti-government demonstration outside the President’s office in Colombo earlier this month.

– | Afp | Getty Images

The IMF needs to be able to work with the Sri Lankan government to put together a program, said Brautigam, a professor of international political economy.

The IMF will not lend into a situation where they deem their money will not be repaid,” she added.

But uncertainty continued on Friday, with Wickremesinghe sending troops into a popular protest site, with soldiers destroying tents and makeshift camps a day after he was sworn in, Reuters reported.

The Johns Hopkins professor also said the IMF needs assurances from the government that it will get its fiscal house in order.”  She said the IMF would try to make sure that government revenues and their expenditures match up better.”

WATCH NOW

VIDEO02:21

Sri Lanka’s new president is showing that he’s in ‘full control’: Opposition MP

And so if Sri Lanka cannot provide assurances, there will be nothing forthcoming from the IMF,” Brautigam said, adding that Sri Lanka would be unable to provide what is needed as long as the crisis is ongoing.” 

She said the IMF will also seek assurances from Sri Lanka’s creditors that they will provide whatever assistance is necessary to bring the country’s debt to a sustainable level.

The IMF cannot go ahead with a program for the country without those assurances, she added.

China offers support for new Sri Lankan President

July 22nd, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Chinese President Xi Jinping says he is hopeful that Sri Lanka and China will carry forward the traditional friendship, consolidate political mutual trust and push forward the strategi cooperative partnership of sincere assistance and ever-lasting friendship.

He conveyed this in a letter to Sri Lanka’s new President Ranil Wickremesinghe to extend congratulations and best wishes on his new appointment.

In his letter, the Chinese President said he believes that under the leadership of his Sri Lankan counterpart, the island nation will be able to overcome temporary difficulties and advance the process of economic and social recovery.

I attach great importance to the development of China-Sri Lanka relations, and am willing to provide support and assistance to the best of my ability for you and the Sri Lankan people in your efforts.”

Nine arrested during Galle Face military raid granted bail

July 22nd, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The nine protesters, who were arrested this morning near the Galle Face protest site for allegedly causing damages to properties at the Presidential Secretariat premises, have been granted bail.

They were produced before the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court earlier today.

The arrestees, including Attorney-at-Law Nuwan Bopage, were released on cash bails Rs. 10,000 each and personal bails of Rs. 500,000 each.

A tense situation was reported last night (July 21) as the armed forces stormed the protest site at the Galle Face Green to clear the Presidential Secretariat and its main entrance of demonstrators.

There were reports of civilians being assaulted by the troops as they removed the protesters from the area. Meanwhile, nine protesters were placed under arrest by the police.

US envoy meets President Ranil, raises concerns over violence against protesters

July 22nd, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Ambassador of the United States to Sri Lanka Julie Chung says she called on President Ranil Wickremesinghe to express her grave concern over the unnecessary and deeply troubling” escalation of violence against protesters overnight.
 
Taking to her official Twitter handle, the US envoy noted that the President and the Cabinet of Ministers have an opportunity as well as an obligation to respond to the calls of Sri Lankans for a better future.

This is not the time to crack down on citizens,” she pointed out.

It is time to look ahead at the immediate and tangible steps the government can take to regain the trust of the people, restore stability, and rebuild the economy, the US envoy said further..

New Cabinet of Ministers sworn in

July 22nd, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The swearing-in of the new Cabinet of Ministers of the interim government under President Ranil Wickremesinghe took place at the Temple Trees.

The ceremony was held after MP Dinesh Gunawardena took oaths as the new Prime Minister this morning.

President Wickremesinghe has decided to continue the interim government with the cabinet ministers of his predecessor who stepped down last week. Accordingly, the ministers have been assigned the portfolios they were serving in prior to the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

However, Ali Sabry, PC who was the Justice Minister and Finance Minister under Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration, has been given the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This ministerial portfolio was previously under the purview of Prof. G.L. Peiris.


The Cabinet of Ministers of the new interim government is as follows:

1. PM Dinesh Gunawardena – Minister of Public Administration, Home Affairs, Provincial Councils & Local Government

2. Douglas Devananda – Minister of Fisheries

3. Susil Premajayantha – Minister of Education

4. Bandula Gunawardena – Minister of Transport, Highways & Media

5. Keheliya Rambukwella – Minister of Health & Water Supply

6. Mahinda Amaraweera – Minister of Agriculture, Wildlife & Forest Conservation

7. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe – Minister of Justice, Prisons & Constitutional Reforms

8. Harin Fernando – Minister of Tourism & Lands

9. Ramesh Pathirana – Minister of Industries & Plantation Industries

10. Prasanna Ranatunga – Minister of Urban Development & Housing

11. Ali Sabry, PC – Minister of Foreign Affairs

12. Vidura Wickramanayake – Minister of Buddha Sasana, Religious & Cultural Affairs 

13. Kanchana Wijesekara – Minister of Power & Energy

14. Ahamed Nazeer – Minister of Environment

15. Roshan Ranasinghe – Minister of Sports, Youth Affairs & Irrigation

16. Manusha Nanayakkara – Minister of Labour & Foreign Employment

17. Tiran Alles – Minister of Public Security

18. Nalin Fernando – Minister of Trade, Commerce & Food Security

Dinesh Gunawardena sworn in as new Prime Minister

July 22nd, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Member of Parliament Dinesh Gunawardena has taken oaths as the new Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.

He took oaths before President Ranil Wickremesinghe this morning (July 22).

Gunawardena embarked on active politics in late 1970s and entered the parliament in 1983 representing the Maharagama electoral district.

He has held cabinet ministerial portfolios under various governments.

Gunawardena has also served as the chairperson of three Parliament Select Committees to identify electoral reforms and as the Leader of the House and the Chief Government Whip in the Sri Lankan parliament.

He was born in 1949 to leftist politician Philip Gunawardena who was fondly known as ‘the Lion of Boralugoda’ and Kusumasiri Gunawardena.

He has been leading the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna since 1973, following the demise of his father, the founder of the party.

Gunawardena, who is a schoolmate of President Wickremesinghe, was educated at Royal College in Colombo.

Upon completing his school education, Gunawardena joined the Netherlands School of Business, where he graduated with a diploma in business administration and management. He later enrolled at the University of Oregon to study international business.

Sri Lanka: Ranil becomes the President, the Phoenix rises, again.

July 21st, 2022

By Raj Gonsalkorale

A chattering crow lives out nine generations of aged men,
but a stag’s life is four time a crow’s,
and a raven’s life makes three stags old,
while the phoenix outlives nine ravens,
but we, the rich-haired 
Nymphs
daughters of 
Zeus the aegis-holder,
outlive ten phoenixes.

The phoenix is an immortal bird associated with Greek mythology (with analogs in many cultures) that cyclically regenerates or is otherwise born again. Associated with the sun, a phoenix obtains new life by arising from the ashes of its predecessor. Some legends say it dies in a show of flames and combustion, others that it simply dies and decomposes before being born again. Exterior to the Linear B mention above from Mycenaean Greece, the earliest clear mention of the phoenix in ancient Greek literature occurs in a fragment of the Precepts of Chiron, attributed to 6th century BC Greek poet Hesiod. In the fragment, the wise centaur Chiron tells a young hero Achilles the following, describing the phoenix’s lifetime as 972 times the length of a long-lived human’s – Wikipedia

Prime Minister on six occasions, dead as a Dodo after the last general election, losing his own seat, and the party he led, the once mighty United National Party not securing even a single seat in Parliament and polling less than 250,000 nationally, Ranil Wickremasinghe has outlasted and outwitted all by rising on the Pohottuwa bed of strange bed fellows to be voted in as the next President of the country. He has now taken his oaths.

By whatever stretch of imagination, and political maneuvering, this rise is remarkable. Hopefully, he will be the man for the season, to bring some relief for the millions of people who are on the brink of poverty and hunger, although opposition to his becoming the Prime Minister and now the President has increased. Protestors, perhaps some of them led by hijackers of the real and original Aragalaya movement, have vowed to continue their protests until the new president also resigns.

For the sake of the immediate need to address the critical economic debacle, the protest movement must consider a grace period for the new President and an emergency cabinet to deliver some relief measures results, while they, the protestors engage in island wide discussions on how the political system should change. The grace period could extend to say 12 months, and the holding of a general election based on a new system at that point. So far, it does not appear that the Aragalaya boundary extends beyond Colombo and Galle Face.

The immediate focus for everyone however should be the economy as it will not survive unless avenues for foreign income improves and increases. For this to happen, exports have to increase, foreign remittances need to increase and tourism has to pick up. It is unlikely any tourist will want to visit a country that only knows protests, queues, sporadic violence, and an ongoing political instability.  Foreign remittances, another key contributor to the economy needs to pick up but if anyone thinks that someone who has some foreign currency earnings is going to remit all of it to a country in a state of anarchy, such thinkers should get their heads examined.

It is a catch 22 situation as queues will not end unless there is diesel and petrol and gas, and foreign remittances starts flowing in. This will not happen unless there is foreign exchange to buy the fuel, and gas, and this will not happen unless the tourists and other means of earning foreign income are restored.

It reminds one of the Harry Belafonte and Odetta Holmes song there is a hole in the bucket dear Lisa, dear Lisa” based on a Nursery Rhyme. This song epitomizes the situation the country is facing now. For those who are not familiar with this song, with a simple example, it epitomises the need to attend to fundamentals that have an impact on desired outcomes.

Its not protestations but structured, disciplined political discussions and engaging the public in these discussions that must happen now, as a system change cannot happen unless those who vote in or vote out a system participates, contributes, and then takes ownership of an alternative system. Any action counter to this would make the dysfunctional system even more dysfunctional.

President Wickremasinghe has indicated that he is out to change the political system of the country himself. He will have to articulate exactly what he means by this and the sooner he does it, the better for him and the country. He says rightly that the constitution process, which is the law of the land, has been followed and his Presidency is consequently legitimate.

However, for many Sri Lankans, the crux of the problem lies in the Constitution itself as they feel that the leaders and the lawmakers it has produced are the cause of the debacle faced by the country now. Corruption, unethical behaviour and immorality has come to define the inmates of this august building on the Diyawannawa lake and that is what the protestors have protested about. The credibility and the morality of leadership was amply demonstrated when a former President stated that his party fielded a candidate, and he lost although we voted for him”. Given the result of the election and the numbers who voted in favour of the Acting President, this outlandish statement will strengthen the resolve of those who wish to change the system.

The constitution making process in Sri Lanka has had one common thread. That is the lack of consultations with the public. If this is to be repeated now, it is certain that the much-reviled system will not be changed. All countries have constitutions. However, unless they meet the aspirations of the people, and what they have delivered as outcomes to the people of the country do not meet their expectations, it can be said they are not worth the paper they are written on. The system therefore has to be changed so that it can produce leaders and lawmakers who are credible, ethical, moral, honest and who will serve the aspirations of the people. Of course, if the people who elect leaders do not have these characteristics, the system, any system, will produce leaders and lawmakers of the ilk found in the Parliament.

President Wickremasinghe faces challenges he has never faced before. Amongst them, a Presidency that has no popular backing, a doddering economy, a populace suffering with no hope, a perception that he is a lackey of the Rajapaksa regime, and to date, no firm commitment from any country to provide urgent economic relief, except from India, and the disturbing belief amongst many that an external power is behind the fate that has befallen Sri Lanka.

Securing financial assistance as grants, loans and/or credit lines for fuel, gas, drugs and medical supplies, amongst other essentials, should be the Presidents immediate priority. Reviving the export economy, tourism and incentivising the flow of foreign remittances should run parallel to this. In order to win the confidence of the people, besides doing the above, he should introduce additional legislation to strengthen measures to make the President and Parliamentarians more accountable to the people by making it the law of the land that the President and every parliamentarian should (a) declare their assets and liabilities publicly on an annual basis (b) subject them to submission of their tax returns to the tax office and compel audited tax returns to be made public, and (c) introduce penalties including loss of civic rights, confiscation of assets, high fines and jail sentences if it is found conclusively through a national or international enquiry that the President or Parliamentarians have acquired undeclared wealth in the name of third parties.

If President Wickremasinghe does not demonstrate he has succeeded in winning the confidence of the people by doing all of the above as a minimum, his tenure will be short lived.

Who is NED & what is its role in Sri Lanka

July 21st, 2022

Shenali D Waduge



The term democracy” has become a tool used to undermine democracy in the name of democracy by interfering into the internal affairs of countries & causing mayhem. What the CIA did back in the 1970s has now been outsourced to an entity called NED – National Endowment for Democracy. Entire vocabulary of democracy” rule of law” freedoms & rights” peace” reconciliation” are encrypted to mean the opposite of what they profess to promote. NED founder Alan Weinstein called it the second CIA” in 1991.

The NED was designed to enable bogus democracy promoting bandwagon” to get closer to the People with initiatives that were tasked to private parties on NED’s behalf. The modus operandi was to hire private entities to do the dirty work of NED’s goals. These private entities became NGOs and Civil Society groups & their heads.

US Govt gives NED funds, NED in turn creates a program, outsources it to a NGO who are tasked to carry it out under supervision of NED or reporting to NED. These NGOs are the vassals for the bogus democratic values” spread among citizens to advance US strategic interests. This is why countries need to have a mechanism to keep an eye on the programs launched by NGOs/Civil Society as funding is sent for them to brainwash” citizens under cover of a program that looks quite innocent” on the exterior. Within the program the goal or outcome is different. 

National Endowment for Democracy (NED) comprises 4 key subsidies 

  1. National Democratic Institute
  2. International Republican Institute (supports local political groups)
  3. American Centre for International Labor Solidarity (supports trade unions & labor movements)
  4. Centre for International Private Enterprise (supports private enterprises)

Thus NED entraps the politicians-the trade unions & private organizations to facilitate riots, coloured revolutions, political crisis, to spread lies & rumors & infiltrate into local administrative systems. In Sri Lanka, we can notice that their tentacles have gone further to tap the Public Sector and top administrative posts.

NED disintegrated the Soviet Union, NED was responsible for the Rose Revolution in Georgia, NED instigated the Velvet Revolution in Serbia, NED led the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, NED was responsible for the Arab Spring across the Middle East, NED was responsible for Pakistan and there is no reason not to believe NED did not have its hands in what took place in Sri Lanka. 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ysy6qrXi0m0 US fingerprint behind Sri Lanka’s unrest.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XNZZmErTqbw Why the US National Endowment for Democracy Has Nothing to do with Democracy”

What is the National Endowment for Democracy & Why it’s Wrong to Take their Money

Inside America’s Meddling Machine: NED, the US-Funded Org Interfering in Elections Across the Globe

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SAmcdfjk0mo NED Partners from Ukraine Discuss How Civil Society Responds to the Current Crisis

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nJHngOuthzs Thai Opposition Leader Paid Lobbyists to Arrange Meeting with USAID, NED

https://www.ned.org/region/asia/sri-lanka-2021/ NED funding to Sri Lanka in 2021 is clearly given in its own website.

A series of twitter posts further showed NED/USAID involvement in Sri Lanka.

USAID is banned by several countries for its subversive activities.

It has been seen playing a role in the aragalaya in Sri Lanka too

NED funded Law & Society Trust for land rights (note recent Land Privatization bill attempting to privatize all state land)

LST was formed by late Neelan Tiruchelvan had on its board of Directors – Chairman Chandra Jayaratne (supporter of yahapalana government) Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda, G Alagaratnam (BASL President in 2015),

https://lstlanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Annual-Report-2018-V2.20-for-website.pdf

Transparency International – Sri Lanka 

Its top donors are USAID, NED, Open Society

NED-Affiliate – National Democratic Institute – Sri Lanka

https://www.ndi.org/asia/sri-lanka

NDI in Sri Lanka is linked with civil society groups & was involved in the 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2019 elections. NDI and IRI did a joint survey ahead of Nov 2019 Presidential Election

https://www.ndi.org/publications/statement-joint-iri-and-ndi-pre-election-assessment-mission-sri-lankas-2019

https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/STATEMENT%20OF%20JOINT%20IRI%20AND%20NDI%20PRE-ELECTION%20ASSESSMENT%20MISSION%20%20TO%20SRI%20LANKA’S%202019%20PRESIDENTIAL%20ELECTION.pdf

NDI is funded by NED, USAID, US State Dept, Consortium for Elections & Political Process Strengthening,

NDI also received contributions from Govt of Australia, Govt of Denmark, Govt of Belgium and Open Society Foundation of George Soros. Yasmin Sooka’s report against Sri Lanka was funded by George Soros Open Society Foundation. The Google balloon over Sri Lanka Google Loon Project” is also a George Soros project. In 2016 it was announced that George Soros was to fund a 3 year economic plan for Sri Lanka. http://www.sundaytimes.lk/160110/business-times/soros-to-boost-sri-lankan-economy-stiglitz-to-provide-sound-advice-177966.htm

NDI also funds Centre for Policy Alternatives

In 2015 Sri Lanka became the 1st South Asian country to be a member of the Open Government Partnership of NDI to which Sri Lanka pledge 15 commitments.

https://www.opengovpartnership.org/documents/sri-lanka-hybrid-report-2019-2021/ Sachini de Fonseka has been selected as OGP Researcher

Thusitha Pilapitiya is the Country Director of NDI Sri Lanka

OGP aspires to create a multi-party Open Parliament Caucus & Open Parliament Plan combining civil society. In short, the aim is to create a Parliament that includes civil society without them standing for election.

NDI partners with SARVODAYA https://www.ndi.org/our-stories/sri-lanka-sarvodaya-developing-next-generation-youth-leaders

Sarvodaya’s Vinya Ariyaratne in 2018 formed the National People’s Movement  combining its Deshodaya with United Professionals Movement & 17 civil society groups using slogans like Together We Can” Save-Serve-Sri Lanka” to bring a new face to Sri Lankan politics. Nagahananda Kodituwakku of Vinivida Foundation is also a partner of NPM.

Sarvodaya Deshodaya Next Generation” youth development training program

Waruna Padmasiri, Project Manager

NED-Affiliate – Solidarity Centre – Sri Lanka

NED-Affiliate – Centre for International Private Enterprise – Sri Lanka

CIPE partners with Verite Research in Sri Lanka

Nishan de Mel – Executive Director who is also on Board of ADVOCATA 

We are living in a cuckoo land if we think these same tactics and manipulations are not being applied in Sri Lanka, tapping Sri Lankans and working with NGOs, Civil Society, legal fraternity, media, youth leaders, human rights activists. The manner they quote terms and phrases in vogue among these democracy” promoters is a giveaway & showcases the training given to them.

The question we all hate to ask is – who are these people on NED payroll, or who are being manipulated as a result of NED-funding to outsourced local entities?

What is certain is that we need to find who are working against the state – be they in the government, in opposition, among universities, among professional organizations, among youth, among media, among public service, among legal fraternity, among judiciary and especially among NGOs and Civil Society.

In looking at the areas that NED targets it is easy to decipher their favored hot spots – elections / opposition parties / youth movements / leadership programs / women / the poor local communities. These are all nerve centres that they can work with against a government pressing the buttons when necessary while building their psyche via programs rolled out through NGOs and grassroot civil society. They have infiltrated into every sphere possible.

The governmental apparatus does not realize the extent of their outreach and people are oblivious to how much they are unknowingly being manipulated via programs on the one hand and via social media platforms as well.

With time people will understand the dangers but it shouldn’t be too late.

Shenali D Waduge

WHAT ARE THE REFORMS NEEDED TO GET BACK SR LANKA TO THE STABILITY LEVEL? PART ONE

July 21st, 2022

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Although Sri Lanka is a small country with a limited land area and resources it needs radical reforms to achieve stability and expected development. It is needed to understand that stability in this dynamic world is like a dream. The country has a long history of seditions (Aragala) and the result of conflicts created instability and frustration for many citizens with qualifications, skills and experience, many have left the country and many are in the country without opportunities to overseas.

In Sri Lanka, there is a religious madness that is related to all religions in the country.  Religions should not associate with active politics and seditions. Religious clergy should not go to parliament and need to understand the role they should be performed with laities.  

When looking at the country from the outside seems that it needs massive reforms relating to the Economy, Politics, Socialization and Structure, Culture, International Relations and many other areas. It is possible to write a big book on these points. Since its independence from British rule, Sri Lanka lacked a vision and people in power have promoted corrupt practices (rooted in certain families) than working for creating a just society that allows self-development with value practising. Citizens have no understanding of values. On many occasions, I published articles, that schools in Sri Lanka should educate values than Sara dharma” which is concerned with attracting worship to religious and other leaders and the application of Sara dharma concerns a limited area of human needs.  Values are broader aspects of behaviour and controls (Please read my articles www.lankaweb.com file Edward Theophilus) and they can apply to any society without differences in religions, social, and cultural backgrounds.

Religions in Sri Lanka do not play a required role and many times seem that worked against the objectives of religions and supported making a self-centred society. Therefore, religions have pressed to make a disdained society than being accepted by the public to reform the country. In this situation, religions have been attempting to promote self-centred attitudes against religious values. 

The mentality of people seems quite negative, they are promoting a selfish society and they are ready to betray values if activities don’t generate personal advantages. The current seditions of the country are viewed by many from a selfish point of view and it is not the right way of analysis. I watched on social media that Christian clergy (priests and nuns) participated without knowing the role educated by Jesus Christ.  If Sri Lanka’s population has a good understanding of values this type of violence would have not been incurred in the weak economic background. The major economic problem is the size of the economy is not sufficient to maintain the population, which is higher than the forecasted level in population plans.

Many analysts believe that leaders of the current seditions on all sides have gained hidden advantages, the investigation by police has revealed that leaders of sedition have gained millions. People have no ideas about these secret gains, and they might reveal financial and non-financial gains secretly obtained in the future. Formal leaders (Political and administrative) and leaders of the seditions worked more than they were supposed to do and few analysts believe that undisclosed gains were received by leaders more than they have in their pockets and later, all information would reveal. 

Strugglers were abandoned by motivators as they cannot spend so much money as bribery to leaders of the sedition and provide food and drinks for them. Many analysts have a feeling that the struggle was an outcome of bribes given to leaders by unknown sources. They were motivated by certain people who were using the suffering of the poor. The role of social media was negative and promoted indirect violence such as firing on houses.  

The people of Sri Lanka have a dirty heritage that is based on destruction despite religious values. Since the 1971 crisis, I observed that many people affiliate with the struggle without knowing the true leaders of the struggle and their intention. The leaders of seditions have not openly expressed how they will solve problems after taking over the administration. I saw a Buddhist monk who was associated with sedition, he was in the 1971 uprising, but he was rejected by JVP as a traitor. In current Sri Lanka, people cannot see a single ancient building in an original format, one reason that could assume buildings were destroyed by people in fights or destroyed by dishonest motives looking for valuables.  In the story of Ramayana, setting fire to properties was a way of expressing anger and taking revenge. That was the ancient culture. Now there are political Hanumans using fire for personal advantages. If Sri Lankan knew the danger of annihilation, they should have stopped Hanuma and not gone behind Hanuma in the Ramayana.

The fire-based destruction was experienced on many occasions after independence too. People who respect values do not engage in destruction whether those properties belonged to self or others. It is the best example that religions are not working in Sri Lanka’s society and religions have become a way of a showoff. Regions are not educating people to secure them when the wrong thing is going on in society.

The first step of the country at present should be to provide basic needs for people to survive and while this process is going on many policies and procedures need to develop for the future. Religions must get away from this process and they should work to achieve the ultimate reality after the death of the human. There shouldn’t be a conflict between religious motives and the government’s role. 

People must be educated on new policies and procedures, and active policies must be to discipline people because the nature in Sri Lanka was to get around when an incident happened and then steal the valuables in the place. As I observed many people have achieved enrichment by way of gambling and they used that money to acquire properties and maintain comfort life with political power. The government and opposition knew this situation, but not acted to change this uncivilized culture.  Although it is called an island of religions, it is not true, it has been promoting corruption everywhere and after the civil war in 2009, the corrupt practices have gone to the highest level and the war also used to make money through war-related materials by politicians and associates despite the role of making controls. The civil war was a way of undue enrichment.  

After independence in 1948, I observed more than ten instances of setting fire to common properties. I have never seen or heard any religious leader who was educating people that setting fire to express anger is a sin that put them into hell after death and that communicating with each other is the way of settling problems or grudges.    It is difficult to observe in many primitive societies anger expression using fire. Fuel shortage during the past several months was a blessing and if fuel was available the result would have been converting the country to ash.   

The nature of the society of Sri Lanka is not listening to people without power, which means political, social, religious, caste and many other groups have a feeling that supporting a leader he or she must be an acceptable person if he /she has no power with money the recognition of the society is quite remote. Various criteria are used by different groups of people to recognize a person when there are people with the ability to communicate in English. The knowledge of English used as the criterion to accept a person’s adeptness might be regarded as some form of stupidity. English is a colonial heritage and a language that is used by many leaders but in history, limited people had English knowledge but it was not caused to end of the world.

ඩලස් – සජිත් හවුල පැරදුණේ ඇයි?

July 21st, 2022

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් 

විපක්ෂයේ දේශපාලන පක්ෂ දෙකක් ගත් අමනෝඥම තීරණය සජබ හා ‘කහ පක්ෂය’ ජනපති තරඟයට එක්ව තරඟ කිරීම ලෙස ඉතිහාසගත වනු ඇත. ප්‍රතිපත්ති – වැඩපිළිවෙලක් – අරමුණක් – සැලසුමක් නැති බෝඩ් ලෑල්ලට සජබ මන්ත්‍රී රැසක් ඡන්දය දී නැත.   

සජිත් ඉවත් වූ පමණින් ඩලස් දිනන්නේ නැති බව සරළවම විග්‍රහ කළෙමි.  අවසනාවකට පුද්ගලික න්‍යාය පත්‍රයකත්, අවස්ථාවාදී බල දේශපාලනයකත් සිටි සජබ – කහ පක්ෂයටත් එය තේරුණේ නැත.

ඩලස් ට දැවැන්ත පරාජයක් ලැබුණේ ඇයි? උත්තරය සරළය.

ජනපති තරඟය ඇරඹෙන විට විපක්ෂයට 62 ක්, රනිල්ට 90 ක්, ඩලස් ට 69 ක් තිබූණි.  අවසන් ප්‍රතිඑලය ඡන්ද 82 කි. රෝහිණී කවිරත්න ගත් ඡන්ද 78 ට වඩා වැඩි වූවේ 4 කි. ඩලස් ගේ පක්ෂය අලුනේ ගෙනාවේ ඡන්ද 4 ද? නැත.

විපක්ෂයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු සංයුතියෙන් 1/3 ක් මුස්ලිම්, මලය තමිල් හා උතුරු නැගෙනහිර ද්‍රවිඩ නියෝජිතයින්ය.  විමල්-ගම්මන්පිල-රතන-චන්න ජයසුමන ප්‍රමුඛ ඩලස් කණ්ඩායම මේ කණ්ඩායමට බිය ඇති කළේය.  පැලෝපීය නාල මිරිකීම, රිෂාඩ් – අසාත් සාලි හිරේ දැමීම, මුස්ලිම් ඇමතිවරු සියල්ලට තනතුරු අහිමි කිරීම, බලය බෙදීමට එරෙහිවීම එයට හේතුවයි.  පූර්වකථනය කළ පරිදිම ඩලස්ට මේ ඡන්ද 19 න්, ලැබුණේ ඡන්ද 4 කි. අනෙක් අතට, පොහොර-කෘෂිරසායන තහනමේ නිර්මාතෘවරුන් ගෝඨාභය රජයේ ආරම්භයයි.  පාර්ලිමේන්තුවම එයට බියවීම පුදුමයක් නොවේ.      

තරඟය චීන පිළ හා ඉන්දීය පිළ අතර විය.  ඉන්දියන් බලපෑම සහිත ඡන්ද ඩලස්ට ලැබුණේම නැත. එය කළමනාකරණයට සජිත්ට හැකියාවක් තිබුණේම නැත. සජබ නියෝජිතයා සිදුවන්නේ කුමක්දැයි දැන සිටියේ ද නැත!

සජිත්ට වඩා රනිල්ට සමීප 6 – 7 සජබ මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායමේ වේ.  එය දෙගුණයකින් වැඩි වූවේ ජූලි 19 සජබ මන්ත්‍රී කණ්ඩායම් රැස්වීමේ දී සජිත් විධායක බලැති අගමැති තනතුරට ආරූඩ වූ නිසා ය.  ‘පූර්ණ විධායක ජනපති රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස දෝෂාභියෝගයට පෙර සිංහාසනයේ වාඩි වුණා වගේ’ සහභාගිවූවෝ කියති! ඇත්තක් දැයි නොදනිමි.  

මොකද වුනේ?

‘කහ පක්ෂය’ නිත්‍ය සමාජිකයින් 44 ක පක්ෂයකි.  රාජපක්ෂවරුන්ගේ උදහසට ලක් වූ ඉන් 40 ක්ම ඩලස් සමඟ සිටියේය.  පක්ෂ 7  නායකයින් ද, එලෙසමය. සාමාජිකයින් ගැන දන්නේ ඔවුන්ම පමණී.  සජබ ඡන්ද ඩලස් ට නොලැබුණු බව නම් පැහැදිලිය.

සැඟවුණු අමුත්තා

ඡන්දයට පෙර ඩලස් හා සජබ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් මුහුණට මුහුණ හමුවූයේ නැත. ජනපති අපේක්ෂක සැඟවුණු අමුත්තෙක් විය. ඩලස් වෙනුවෙන් සියල්ල කළේ ඩිලාන් සහ නාලක ගොඩහේවා ය. ඩිලාන් ගේ දේශපාලන වෘත්තීය භාවයට පළපුරුද්දට සමඟ හැරෙන්නටවත් ගොඩහේවාගේ 130 යේ දත්ත පූර්වකථනයට හැකි වූවේ නැත. සජබ මන්ත්‍රීවරු පක්ෂ නායකයින් හත් දෙනා සමඟ එකම අවස්ථාවක හෝ හමුවූයේ නැත. සජබ මැදිහත්කරු ලක්ෂමන් ෆොන්සේකා විය.

තරඟය ඇරඹෙන විට, සජබ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගෙන් බහුතරයට ‘කහ කණ්ඩායම’ නයාට අඳුකොළ විය.  රූපවාහිනී – පාර්ලිමේන්තු විවාදවල ඉදිරිපෙළ හැප්පුනේ මේ කණ්ඩායම් දෙක ය.  නායකයින් තබා දෙවියන් බුදුන් කිව්වත් නොමැකෙන විරසකයක් ක්‍රියාකාරීන් අතර විය.  මුජිබර්, මරික්කාර්, හලීම්, කබීර් ට ‘ඩලස්-විමල්-උදය-රතන-ජයසුමන-ගොඩහේවා සමඟ එක කඳවුරක සිට පාක්ෂිකයාගේ මුහුණ බලන්නේ කෙසේ දැයි නොසිතුනා නම් පුදුමය.

රනිල් – බැසිල් මෙහෙයුම

වත්මන් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පක්ෂ/කණ්ඩායම් 18 ක සංකලනයකි. එයින් පක්ෂ 14 ක ඡන්ද එක් කර ගැනීමට රනිල්/බැසිල් ට හැකි විය. දින 5 ක තනි තනි මන්ත්‍රීවරයා ඉලක්ක කළ මෙහෙයුමක් එහි ක්‍රියාත්මක විය.  බැසිල්, හරීන්, වජිර, අකිල, සාගල, මනූෂ බැසිල් එහි මෙහෙයුම්කරුවෝ වූහ. 

ඡන්දය දුන් සියළු දෙනා ආණ්ඩුවට එක්වන්නේ නම්, පක්ෂ 14 ක ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ දැවැන්තම සභාග ආණ්ඩුව නැතිනම්, ජාතික ආණ්ඩුව හෙට බිහිවන්නේය.   

විපක්ෂය කාටද?

ඩලස් ගේ ‘කහ පක්ෂය’ ජනාධිපති පුටුව හෝ ‘ප්‍රධාන විපක්ෂය’ වීම ඉලක්කය විය. දැන් සජබ 29 ක් හෝ 30 කි. ඩලස්ට 44 හෝ 40 කි.  කථිකයින් වැඩි, පක්ෂ නායකයින් වැඩි ‘කහ පක්ෂය’, වාසුදේව හරහා ඊයේ සවසම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්ෂ නායක පුටුවට තම අයිතිය ඉල්ලා ඇත.

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ නිල විපක්ෂය කවුදැයි තීරණය කරනුයේ කථානායකවරයා ය.  අතීත භාවිතය අනුව නම්, සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස දිගටම තනතුර දරනු ඇත.

සජිත් – ඩලස් ට මේ තරඟයේ අතහැරුණු අවස්ථා හතරකි.  1. උතුරේ නැගෙනහිර මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු තනතුරු දෙකෙන් එකකට පත් කිරීම 2. බාහිර පුද්ගලයෙකු පත් කිරීම (සාලිය පීරිස් යෝජනාව වැනි) 3. කාන්තාවක් පත් කිරීම (නි.කතානායක ආදර්ශය) 4.මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන යෝජනාව.  අනුර කුමාර සිය කතාවේ එය විශිෂ්ඨ ලෙස පැහැදිලි කළේය.   

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ නියෝජිත ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී යාන්ත්‍රණයෙන් ජනාධිපතිවරයෙකු පත් කර ගත් පළමු අවස්ථාව මෙයයි. මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 225 ක ඡන්දයක් දවස් තුනකින් කළමනාකරණය කළ හැකි බව මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන පක්ෂ රැස්වීමේ දී කිවේය. ඒ ඔහුගේ අත්දැකීමයි. මෛත්‍රී ගේ යෝජනාව ඉදිරියට ගෙනියන්නට සජබට අවශ්‍ය නොවීය. රනිල් ගේ පැත්තෙන්, හරීන්, බැසිල්, වජිර ක්‍රියාවට නැංවූවේ තනි තනි පුද්ගලයාය.

සජබ ප්‍රධාන සාකච්ඡාකරුවා වූයේ දේශපාලනඥයෙකු නොවන ව්‍යාපාරික ලක්ෂ්මන් ෆොන්සේකා ය. අනෙක් පැත්තෙන් බහු පක්ෂ සමඟ ගැඹුරු සහෘද බැඳීම් නොමැති නාලක ගොඩහේවා ය. ඡන්ද 225 ක මැතිවරණ ව්‍යාපාරයක් මෙහෙයවිය නොහැකි නම්, රටක ඡන්ද ව්‍යාපාරයක් මෙහෙයවන්නේ කෙසේ දැයි සජබ ප්‍රමුඛ පක්ෂ දැන්වත් සිතා බැලිය යුතුය. 2024  පරිනත දේශපාලන දෘෂ්ඨියක් හා කළමනාකරණ ශක්තියක් අවශ්‍යමය.

ඊලඟට?

රාජ්‍ය බලය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා විපක්ෂයට තිබූ සුවිශේෂතම අවස්ථා හතරක් පසුගිය දින 100 තුල අහිමි කර ගෙන ඇත. අභියෝග බාර ගැනීමට ඇති කුසීත බව, වැරදි උපක්‍රම, දේශපාලන අවස්ථාවන් ග්‍රහණය නොකිරීම එයට හේතු වී ඇත. ජාතික ආණ්ඩුවක් හදන්නට පස්වන අවස්ථාව සජිත් ට අද දිනය තුල ලැබෙනු ඇත.  සජබයෙන් අගමැති පත් කර ගැනීම රනිල් ගේ අරමුණ වනු ඇත.

රනිල් ට ඡන්දය දුන්නත් නැතත් සජබ මුල් පෙළ 10 කට රනිල් ගේ ඇරයුම් ලැබෙනු ඇත. ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන චරිතාපදානයේ මහාචාර්ය සිල්වා 1977 ජූලි 21 දින ගැන කදිම සටහනක් තබයි. 1952 සභානායක පුටුවේ සිට අගමැති පුටුවට යන්නට ජේ.ආර්. ට වසර 25 ගත වී ඇත.  හරියටම වසර 45 කට පසුව, අද ඒ දිනය නැවත එලෙසම උදා වී ඇත. මගහැරුණු අවස්ථා ඉතිහාසයේ පිරී ඇත.  අල්ලා ගත් අවස්ථා ලෝකය වෙනස් කරනු ඇත්තේය.

නායකයින් කියන පළියට ජනතාව තබා මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්වත් ඡන්දය දෙන්නේ නැත. දේශපාලන සන්නිවේදන — රජුන් තැනීම විද්‍යාවකි. කලාවකි. පරාජය 2024 ට හොඳ පාඩමකි.  

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් 

ජනසතු අරගලය ජනතාකරණයට ලක් වුනාද?

July 21st, 2022

Malinda Seneviratne

ජනතා අරගලයක් අලුතින් ජනසතු කරන්න ඕනේ නෑ.  තිබ්බේ අරගලයක් නෙවෙයි, අරගලයන්. බහුවචනයෙන් තමයි කතා කරන්න වෙන්නේ. එක් එක් අරගල වල එක එක ජන කොටස්. සමපාත වුන තැනුත් තිබුනා. නොවුන තැනුත් තිබුනා. වඩා නිවැරදිව කිව්වොත් කවුරු කවුරුත් ‘අරගලයක්’ තුල හිටියා, ඉන්නවා සහ තමන් තේරුම් ගත්ත කුමන හෝ අරගලයක් සමග අනන්‍ය වුනා, අනන්‍ය වෙලා ඉන්නවා. ‘ජනතාකරණය’ කියන්නේ වෙනම දෙයක්. පුද්ගලීකරණය වෙනුවට රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස භාවිතා කරපු සුරතල් ආදේශයක්.
 
ජනතාව. ජනතා අයිතිය. ජනසතු වීම. ජනතා හඬ සහ ජනහඬ නියෝජනය කිරීම. ඊනියා ජනතා නියෝජිතයින්ට ජනතාව නියෝජනය කිරීමේ වරම් ලබා ගැනීම හෝ ලබාදීම ට අදාළ ක්‍රමවේදය. මේ සියලු දේවල් ආදරයේ අරගලයට අදාළ වෙනවා. අරගලය කාගේද? අරගලයට අයිතිකරුවන් ඉන්නවනම් ඒ අයිතිය ලැබුනේ කොහොමද, අයිතිය පැවරුවේ කවුද සහ කොහොමද? හැම ප්‍රශ්නෙටම ‘ඇයි බං මහජනතාවනේ!’ වගේ උත්තර හරියන්නේ නෑ.  

සිදුවුනේ මොකද්ද, සිදු වෙමින් පවතින්නේ මොනවද, ඉදිරියේ සිදු විය හැකි දේවල් මොනවාද විමසන කොට අරගලයේ ජනසතු-අගය වගේමා ජනතාකරණ අනතුර ගැනද කතා කරන්න සිද්ද වෙනවා.
 
සංවිධාන ව්‍යුහයක් නැති, පුළුල් දේශපාලන වැඩසටහනක් නැති ජනතා නැගිටීම් අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම අනන්‍යතාවය වගේම නියෝජන වලංගුභාවය පිලිබඳ අර්බුදයන් වෙත ගමන් කරනවා.  අරගලය අයිති කාටද? අරගලයට අයිති කවුද? අයිතිකාරයින් ඉන්නවානම් එයාලට අයිතිය පැවරුවේ කවුද, කොහොමද? සංවිධාන ව්‍යුහයක් නැති, පුළුල් දේශපාලන වැඩසටහනක් නැති ජනතා නැගිටීම් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් දේශපාලන අරමුණු ඇති, සංවිධාන ශක්තියක් ඇති පාර්ශවයන් තමන්ගේ අණසකට නතු කරගන්නවා. එහෙම නැත්තම් අරගල වල දේශපාලන වාසිය තමන් වෙතට හරවගන්න වැඩි හැකියාවක් ඇත්තේ දේශපාල අරමුණු ඇති, සංවිධාන ශක්තියක් ඇති කණ්ඩායම් වලටයි.

ආදරයේ අරගලය ඉවර වුනාද, ඉවර නැත්තම් අරගලයේ හෙට දවස කෙබඳුද යනාදී ප්‍රශ්න පැත්තකට දාමු මොහොතකට.  හෙට මොනවා වෙයි ද කියල කියන්න බෑ. අද අරගලයේ වාසි නෙලාගන්නේ විපක්ෂයේ දේශපාලන චරිත සහ පක්ෂ. අද ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධන කතා නැත. අද #අරගලයgohome ට්‍රෙන්ඩ් කරන්න දඟලන අරගලකරුවන් මතු වෙමින් පවතිනවා. එයාල විශ්‍රාමික අරගලකරුවන්ද නැත්තම් ෆේක් අරගලකරුවන්ද නැත්තම් සැබෑ අරගලකරුවන් ගොනාට අන්දපු තක්කඩිද කියල ඉදිරියට තීන්දු කරන්න පුළුවන් වෙයි.

නමුත් අරගල වලට එකතු වෙන හැමෝම අවසානයන් ගැන මොනතරම් කතා කළත් අවසානය මොනවගේද, එය වෙත යන්නේ කොහොමද යනාදිය ගැන දන්නේ නෑ. දැන ගන්න විදිහකුත් නෑ. එයින් අරගල අර්ථ විරහිත වෙන්නේ නෑ. අරගල වල ස්වභාවය එයයි. අරගල විකාශනය වන ආකාරය, වේගය සහ දිශාව කලින්ම තීන්දු කරන්න බෑ. දිගහැරෙන ආකාරය, වේගය, දිශාව තීන්දු වෙන්නේ අරගලයේ ගතිකත්වයෙන්. මොන විදිහට දිග හැරුණත් අවසානයේ අරගලයේ අයිතිකරුවන් කවුද කියන ප්‍රශ්නය ඉතුරු වෙනවා.         

ජයග්‍රහණයකට පියවරු මවුවරු දහස් ගණනක්, පරාජය අවජාතකයි. සදාතනික සත්‍යයයක් කියන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් ඉතින් ජයග්‍රහණය සහ පරාජය අර්ථකථනය කරගන්න විදිහ අනුව තමයි පීතෘත්වය, මාතෘත්වය සහ අවජාතකකම් මනින්න වෙන්නේ. අරගලය ඉදිරියට යද්දී කොඩි වැනුනා, ජය ගී ගැයුනා. අරගලය බ්රේක් වෙද්දී, අරගලයේ කොඩි කොහේ හරි හිටපු අය අතට ගත්තට පස්සේ, තනු වෙනස් වෙන්න පටන් ගත්තා. කොඩි හැකිලුනා. මේ සියලු දේ සිද්ද වෙද්දී, අරාජිකත්වයම ඉල්ලපු, අරාජිකත්වයටම අත වනපු, හිංසනය විහින්සනය දක්වා දක්කපු ඇතැම් අයට අරගලය දැන් තිත්ත වෙලා වගෙයි. තිත්ත වෙලාම නෙවෙයි. සටන් පාඨ වෙනස් වෙලා. ගෝටාගෝහෝම් කතා දැන් වැඩක් නැහැ. මයිනාගෝහෝම් කතා ඉවරයි. සිස්ටම්-චේන්ජ් හාන්සි වෙලා.

දැන් ඇහෙන්නේ වෙන කතා. දැන් ඇති. අපි ඕවට නෑ. අරගලයගෝහෝම්. අපට අවශ්‍ය වුනේ මේ වගේ අරගලයක් නෙවෙයි. අපි එකතු වුන අරගලය නෙවෙයි මේක. ඇහෙන්නේ ඒ වගේ කතා. මරපිය, මැරියන්, ගිනි තියපන්, හොඳ වැඩේ ඕකුන්ට, අන්න අරූ අතන, අන්න අරූ left, අනන් අරුත් left, වගේ දේවල් සමාජ මාධ්‍යයේ පොස්ට් කරපු අය නැත්තම් ඒ වගේ පොස්ට් වලට ලයික්-ෂෙයාර් දාපු අය නැත්තම් මේවා නොදැක්කා වගේ හිටපු අය එක පාරටම අරගලයෙන් අත හෝදගන්න ට්‍රෙන්ඩ් එකක් පේනවා.  ඒ අයගෙන් සැලකිය යුතු පිරිසක් ඇන්ටිලා, අංකල්ලා, මචංලා නෙවෙයි. auntyලා uncleලා, broලා. එයාල සහ එයාලගේ mumලා, dadලා, grandpaලා සහ grandmaලා ඒ කාලේ ඉඳල ඡන්දේ දුන්නේ කාටද කියල හොයන්න වටිනවා. ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වුරෝධී හැම පාලකයාටම එරෙහි වුනාද, හොරකමට සහ හොරුන්ට එරෙහිව හැමදාම හඬක් නැගුවද, පාලකයෝ ගත්ත හැම මෝඩ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය තීන්දුවකටම එරෙහි වුනාද, ඒ තීන්දු කෝචෝක් කළාද කියලත් හොයන්න වටිනවා. සිස්ටම්-චේන්ජ් ගැන කතා කරපු නමුත් දැන් ඒ ගැන මුනිවත රකින අය සිස්ටම් කියල අදහස් කරන්නේ මොකද්ද කියල හොයන්න වටිනවා. පැවති සහ පවතින සිස්ටම් එකෙන් තමන්ට වාසි ලැබුනද, ලැබිය හැකි වාසි ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කෙරුවද කියලත් හොයන්න වටිනවා. අරගලය සමග අනන්‍ය වුන හැමෝම මේවා හොයනාවානම් හොඳයි. අරගල බෝට්ටුවට අන්තිමට ගොඩ වුනේ කවුද, බෝට්ටුව මොන පැත්තටද ගමන් කෙරුවේ සහ ගමන් කරන්නේ වගේ දේවල් වඩා පැහැදිළි වෙයි එතකොට.    


මේ සියලු දේවල් ඕනෑම අරගලයක සුලබව දකින්න තියෙනවා. වඩා සීරියස් ප්‍රශ්නක් ඉතුරු වෙනවා. ඇත්තටම එහෙම ප්‍රශ්නයක් තියෙනවා කියල මුල ඉඳලම පැහැදිලි වුනාට අරගලයේ බහුතරයක් ඒක පිළිගන්න කැමති වුනේ නෑ. අරගලය කාගේද කියන එකට පහසු උත්තරයක් නෑ. ඒත් අරගලය වෙනුවෙන් කතා කරන අයට එසේ අරගලය නියෝජනය කරන්න වරමක් දුන්නේ කවුද කියන ප්‍රශ්නයට නම් සරල උත්තරයක් තියෙනවා: එහෙම සියලු දෙනාගේ නැත්තම් අඩුම තරමින් අරගලයේ සියලු පාර්ශවකරුවන්ගෙන් බහුතරයක කැමැත්තක් කාටවත් ලැබිලා නැත. ජනතා අරගලයක් නම්, ‘ජනතාව’ කියන්නේ කවුද, ඒ කියන ‘ජනතාව’ ජන වරමක් කාට හරි දුන්නද, ඒ ජනමතය මොකද්ද කියලා තීන්දු කරන ක්‍රමයක් තිබුනද යනාදී ප්‍රශ්න වලට උත්තර නෑ. ඒ වෙනුවට එක එක කණ්ඩායම්, ජන වරම සමස්ත ‘ජනතාව’ තම තමන් වෙත පවරාගත් පිරිස් හඳුනගන්න පුළුවන්.

මෙහි වැදගත්ම කාරණය වන්නේ ඒ විදිහට, අත්තනෝමතික විදිහට, තම තමන්ම අරගල-ඔටුණු දාගත්ත අය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය, ජන වරම සහ ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍යය ගැන රටටම ටියුෂන් දෙන්න හදන එකයි.

මාතෘකාව සලකා බලමු. “අරගලය ජනසතු කළාද සහ ජනතාකරණයට ලක් වුනාද?” ජනතා අරගලයක් අලුතින් ජනසතු කරන්න ඕනේ නෑ.  ආදරයේ අරගලයේ ජනතාව දස දහස් ගණනින් හිටියා. දස දහස් ගණනින් කෙසේ වෙතත් අරගලය තුල තවමත් ඉන්නවා. වඩා නිවැරදිව කිව්වොත් කවුරු කවුරුත් ‘අරගලයක්’ තුල හිටියා, ඉන්නවා සහ තමන් තේරුම් ගත්ත කුමන හෝ අරගලයක් සමග අනන්‍ය වුනා, අනන්‍ය වෙලා ඉන්නවා. ‘ජනතාකරණය’ කියන්නේ වෙනම දෙයක්. පුද්ගලීකරණය වෙනුවට රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස භාවිතා කරපු සුරතල් ආදේශයක්.

මෙහෙම කියන්න පුළුවන්. සම්පුර්ණයෙන් ජනසතු වූ අරගල නෑ, ඒකෙ අවුලකුත් නෑ. අරගලය ජනතාකරණය වෙමින් පවතිනවා. ඒක අවුල්.  

FOUR-DAY WEEK

July 21st, 2022

Dr. Tilak S. Fernando

Employees at work. 

In June 2022, the Sri Lankan Government declared a ‘four-day week’ for Public Sector workers for three months, except for the essential services. It started on Friday, June 17th, giving a holiday to public sector employees. Critical services are categorised as the public sector for employees in the health, water supply, power and energy, education, and security; such essential services were exempted from the regulation.

The decision to make the four-day week was not in line with the list of other countries in the world that are experimenting with a shorter week following the COVID-19 pandemic. In Sri Lanka, of course, it is due to fuel shortage in the country and to restrict the usage of fuel by millions of public service employees to cut down on the transport and other costs during commuting to work during this period of uncertainty.

When one considers essential services, one that comes to mind is whether the dollar earners were exempt from the urgent category, such as the textile trade workers.

On June 29th, on TV Derana, a few ‘factory workers’ (women) protested about fuel supplies. They maintain they are the only category of the major contributors in bringing dollars to the country. Their fear is about losing future contracts, which are in the pipeline. If they do not get adequate fuel to take the finished orders to the airport or harbour for completed export purposes, supplies cannot ship to the appropriate countries within the time frame that the importers have. Such a situation would be going to affect their lives amidst such distress and pain they undergo at present.

Shorter working hours

When Sri Lankans go abroad on work permits to European countries or for labour work in the Middle-Eastern countries, they have to work endlessly with only ten minutes on a tea break and a one-hour lunch break. They are prepared to engage in any ‘unworthy’ job as they need weekly wages to live. But when they return to Sri Lanka, they tend to relax and take a negative attitude, which is very strange. Does it mean their supervisors are not strict enough to discipline the workforce? Same with politicians and Ministers of the Sri Lankan Cabinet; don’t they see enough development in foreign countries, but they do not execute what they experienced!

England has only eight public holidays: New Year’s Day, Good Friday, Easter Monday, May Day, Spring Bank Holiday, Summer Bank Holiday, Christmas Day and Boxing Day. Because of the Queens Platinum Jubilee, the UK declared an extra bank holiday in 2022. In Sri Lanka, it is quite a different kettle of fish. The island nation is known to be a country with too many holidays. Every month there is Poya, and whenever a public holiday falls on a Sunday, Monday is declared a holiday; Sinhala New Year celebrations have more than a week’s holiday; then comes Vesak and Poson holidays. In addition, February 4th was declared a National Day. Others include Msahashiva Ratri, Deepavali and Eid-Ul- Adha (Hadji Festival). There is hardly any time to concentrate on real work as there are 104 days, including weekends, for public servants. So how can a country progress?

Of course, the COVID-19 pandemic brought a change the world over with a different outlook entirely. People as well as Managements were affected by their economies. The UK has become the leader in accepting this new pattern of shorter weeks. Generally, approximately three thousand three hundred employees commenced working on a four-day week without losing their salaries. But they are supposed to work from home. Working From Home is not the same as working from an office. One tends to relax much more in a home environment unless one does perform sincere work, and it depends on the responsibility one carries on behalf of the institution he works.

Essential Services

A TV showed a sample of ‘Textile factory workers’ protesting fuel supplies. They maintain they are one of the significant contributors to bringing dollars to the country. When one considers essential services, the straightway that comes to mind is whether the dollar earners to Sri Lanka are exempt from this category? Suppose they do not get adequate fuel to take the finished stocks to the airport or harbour, which delays shipment to the appropriate countries. In that case, there is a likelihood of losing future contracts in the pipeline, affecting their jobs in the present scenario.

There is a discrepancy in the Sri Lankan Government’s proposals for a four-day week. The Minister of Public Admiration stated that the idea to implement a shorter week was due to the current fuel crisis. However, the Department of Government Information had to come out with a Cabinet Decision, which declared that Public Sector employees to engage in agricultural activities in their gardens to eliminate a food shortage is expected soon. That coincides with the Prime Minister’s warning of an acute food shortage by August 2020 unless Sri Lanka receives US$ 600 (Six hundred million) to import fertiliser for the next Kanne. The Prime Minister gave this briefing to the representatives.

The Sri Lanka Government’s controversial decision to ban poisonous agrochemicals in Sri Lanka was a terrible mistake as it caused lower yields of staple diets of Sri Lankans, such as rice and vegetables. No public servant has been trained or given the basics of growing systematically in their gardens before declaring a shorter week. How can public service employees manage home gardening without understanding when even the farmers have not received formal training in fertiliser use?

Api Wawamu was supposed to be the latest campaign across the country. Still, a campaign named Api Wawamu- Rata Nagamu was launched under the Ministry of Agriculture’s Development programme in 2011 and allocated Rs1.858.5 million. Previously from 2008 -2009 – 2010, and 2011 a total of 34.2 million has been used on Api Wawamu-Rata Nagamu on publicity campaigns.

It is not a new theme to propagate home gardening projects throughout the country. Expecting a food scarcity in the future, as prominent learned people in Sri Lanka say, makes people hoard essentials unnecessarily, which causes supermarkets and Sathosa food lines to quickly become exhausted, akin to petrol, diesel and kerosene hoarders. But there is no way of detecting how the public stockpiles essential food items unnecessarily.

tilakfernando@gmail.com

The Aragalaya: a postscript

July 21st, 2022

Malinda Seneviratne

Ranil Wickremesinghe is no longer president in an acting capacity. He is the president, period. Did someone say ‘I don’t know whether to laugh or cry?’ I am pretty sure someone did. Did someone say, ’who wudda thunk?’ Well, if two or three years ago, if anyone suggested that in July 2023 Ranil Wickremesinghe would be the president of this country, there would have been laughter and tears, if at all, would have been of mirth.

But get this: he is legit. Yes, he barely got into Parliament. Yes, his party returned just a single member and this only through the National List. And yet, as per constitutional provisions, he was legitimately elected President. Interestingly, his ascension is similar to that of his uncle, J R Jayewardene in 1978. There was no Presidential Election in 1978. The newly elected United National Party, with JR as Prime Minister enacted a new constitution with a provision for Parliament to elect a president with executive powers. It was only in 1982 that JR actually faced a presidential election; one which was fraught with allegations of widespread malpractice over and above the fact that his government stripped Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the individual with the best chance of defeating him, of her civil rights.

2022 is a different kind of year/situation. Wickremesinghe was appointed Prime Minister by the  politically beleaguered President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Wickremesinghe’s legitimacy came into question. That was in May. Today, he is the president as per the majority will of Parliament. Today, however, there are still people questioning his legitimacy on account of his party’s and the number of votes garnered at the last General Election. However, until such time an election is held, parliamentary or presidential, there’s no other mechanism to test the legitimacy of the illegitimacy-claims.

How did we get to this, some vociferous ‘Aragalists’ are asking themselves and anyone willing to listen. Interestingly, that question betrays a curious and all things considered irresponsible understanding of political processes, including provisions for change enshrined in the constitution. Let’s elaborate.

If ‘single-minded’ was what the Aragalaya was about then it was apparent in one thing alone: the slogan #gotagohome.” Aragalists, for the most part, pooh-poohed those who asked ‘and afterwards, what/who?’ First things first, they said. In other words, they deliberately back-shelved the question pertaining to post-Gotabaya Sri Lanka.

As it might have been expected, the protest lost must vim and vigour the moment the demanded outcome materialised. Some even posed, first cautiously and later quite vigorously, that the aragalaya (in other words, the aragalists) should go home. It looks like some were happy to take home a consolation prize while for others it was THE prize, i.e. evicting the Rajapaksas from the political stage. In all this, one thing is startlingly conspicuous by its very absence: zero effort to address the systemic flaws that pushed Sri Lanka over the brink, flaws that were deliberately created, sustained and made worse over almost half a century. So it was just a power game, nothing more, nothing less.

At the end of the day, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become the de facto leader of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna or, as someone might say, he has skillfully taken over that party. How he deals with the SLPP and how he performs as president is of course left to be seen, but that’s for later. Right now, his detractors within and without parliament (and these probably include many who supported Gotabaya Rajapaksa) are left to rue what may have been. How they regroup, re-imagine Sri Lanka and re-think strategy, is also left to be seen.

These turn of events have produced many questions. First and foremost, while there’s no denying the widespread displeasure and anger at the previous government (opposition which congealed naturally into an anti-Gotabaya riot of sorts or rather a ‘bread-riot’ wrapped in the #gotagohome streamer), it also provided fertile ground for all manner of political racketeers. They were essentially peddling their wares at Galle Face. Some had axes to grind. Some were far more devious, far better organised and focused. It has come to light that the US Embassy was thick in its involvement, funding directly and indirectly media outfits, ‘research’ institutes, think-tanks, NGOs, activists and social media operatives, many with pretty sick histories. Twitter feeds, instagram and Facebook posts leave trails. Makes for interesting reading. More will be known soon.

However, it is left to be seen whether such movers and shakers thought beyond #gotagohome. Is Ranil Wickremesinghe the desired ‘outcome’? It’s hard to tell. The aragalists, after all, began targeting Wickremesinghe the moment he was appointed as Prime Minister. The US Ambassador, perhaps covering all bases, exposed the JVP leader to endless vilification from left circles with endorsement that stopped just short of cuddles and kisses. She however tweeted that Wickremesinghe’s appointment as premier was a necessary first step. The JVP, after pooh-poohing the aragalaya in early April, attempting to hijack it later on by saying it needed a head (essentially ridiculing aragalists for being airheads, at best), later claiming outright ownership and on Wednesday putting forward Anura Kumara Dissanayake as presidential candidate and losing, now stands in opposition to the new government. Friends inside and friends outside. Happy times, certainly.

Reality check all around, though. The aragalaya is now positioned to shed the instigators with shady agenda who were living in the pockets of foreign governments, religious organizations and such. The nationalists have got rid of the Rajapaksa dead weight that had in effect crippled them. The Kolombians have distanced themselves from wannabe Kolombians. Wannabe Kolombians have been rudely awakened to the fact that in the face of Kolombians they are just another set of rowdies whose only redeeming feature was that at a particular moment in history they stood against their longtime nemesis, the Rajapaksas.

So, is this some kind of postscript for the aragalaya? Not necessarily. It didn’t start with any talk of bringing Ranil Wickremesinghe to power and it need not end with him becoming president. Time is long. Battles are lost but this doesn’t mean wars will also be lost. Betrayals are part of the story. Disappointments are to be expected. Falling short is not a crime. Some people, mostly youth, with exemplary idealism, courage, determination and innovative rush, decided to fight. It is unfair to ridicule them for not having emerged victorious. The aragalaya, some say gleefully, is dead. Some aragala, i.e. in the plural, did die, some would wounded, some retired hurt and some just quit. There’s another aragalaya that still breathes. Sobered, perhaps. That’s a good thing.  


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