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රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

ඇමරිකාව සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර ඇති කර ගත් හෝ සාකච්ඡා වෙමින් පවතින ‘ආර්ථික හා ආරක්ෂක බැඳීම්’ පිළිබඳ රජය පැහැදිලි ප්‍රකාශයක් සිදු කළ යුතු බව ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය ප්‍රතිපත්ති විශ්ලේෂණ වාර්තාව මගින් පවසයි.

ඇමරිකානු ජනපති ඩොනල්ඩ් ට්‍රම්ප් ගේ විධායක නියෝගය ලංකාවට වාසිදායක තත්වයක් නිර්මාණය කර ඇති බව මතුපිටින් පෙනේ.  ලංකාවේ අපනයන තරඟකරුවන් ද එකම බදු සීමාවක සිටීමෙන් ‘අවාසියක් නොමැති’ තත්වයක් නිර්මාණය වී ඇතැයි මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රයේ විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන් විසින් නිකුත් කළ වාර්තාවේ දැක්වේ.  

ලංකාවට වඩා බදු පනවා ඇති රාජ්‍යයන් 15 කි.  රාජ්‍යයන් 48 කට අපට වඩා අඩු බදු පනවා ඇත. ලංකාවට සමාන (20%) බදු රාජ්‍යයන් හතරකි.

ට්‍රම්ප් ගේ බදු වාසි – අවාසි තනි රටකට ‘හුදෙකලා සාධකයක්’ නොවේ. එය ලෝක වෙළඳාම සහ ආර්ථිකය ද, ඇමරිකානු පරිභෝජන රටාව වෙනස් කරන්නේය. වෙළඳපොල ස්ථාවරවීමට ඉඩ නොදීම හෙවත් ‘අස්ථාවරත්වයේ සාධකය’ තවත් කලක් පවත්වාගැනීම ඇමරිකානු උපක්‍රමයයි.  

ලංකාවේ ඉලක්කය වූයේ බහුතර කුඩා රාජ්‍ය කණ්ඩායම සමඟ (15% ) රැඳීමය.  නමුත්, අප ආසියාවේ අපගේ තරඟකරුවන් සමඟ සම තැන රැදීමෙන් සතුටු වීමට අපට සිදුව ඇත.   

ඇමරිකාව සහ ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අතර වෙළදාම ඩොලර් මිලියන 3,368 කි.  එහි ශ්‍රී ලංකාවට වාසිදායක වෙළඳ පරතරය ඩොලර් මිලියන 2,632 කි. ඒ අනුව ලංකාවට 44%ක මුලින්ම නිවේදනය කර  දෙවනුව 30% දක්වා ද, අවසානයේ 20% දක්වා අඩු වී ඇත.    ලංකාවේන් ඇමරිකාවට නිමි ඇඳුම්, අඟළුම්, රබර්, මැණික් හා ඛනිජ  අපනයනය කරේ. ඇමරිකාවෙන් ලංකාවට ආනයනය කරනු ලබන්නේ සෝයා, දුම්කොළ, කාර්මික උපකරණ ඇතුළු සීමිත භාණ්ඩ කිහිපයකි.

2025 මැයි මාසය වන විට ඇමරිකාවෙන් ලංකාවට ඩොලර් මිලියන 25.3 ක භාණ්ඩ පැමිණ ඇත. ලංකාවෙන් ඇමරිකාවට ඩොලර් මිලියන 205 ක භාණ්ඩ අලෙවි කර ඇත. 2024 මැයි සිට 2025 දක්වා වසර තුල ඇමරිකාවෙන් ලංකාවට සිදුකළ අපනයන 11% ක් පහත වැටී ඇති අතර, ලංකාවෙන් ඇමරිකාව මිලදී ගත් භාණ්ඩ ප්‍රමාණය ඩොලර් මිලියන 72.5  (26.1%) කින් පහත වැටී ඇත.

ලංකාවට වැඩිම අපනයන ආදායම ලැබෙන්නේ ඇමරිකාවෙනි. ට්‍රම්ප්ගේ වෙනස්වන බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිය මෙරට අපනයන ආදායමට මේ වන විටත් දැනෙන බලපෑමක් කර ඇත.

2025 වසරේ මැයි දක්වා ඩොලර් මිලියන 15.8 ක නිමි ඇඳුම් ද, මිලියන 12.8 ක කාන්තා යට ඇඳුම් ද ඇමරිකාවට යවා ඇත.  අස්ථාවර බදු ප්‍රතිපත්ති සාකච්ඡා කටුනායක, බියගම, කොග්ගල වෙළෙඳ කලාපයන් හි අනාගතය මේ නිසා ප්‍රශ්නකාරී වී තිබුණි.   කෙසේ නමුත් ලංකා ඇඟළුම් ව්‍යාපාරිකයින්    බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය වෙළඳපොල පුළුල් කර ගැනීම නිසා අවදානම තරමක් පහත වැටී ඇත.  ට්‍රම්ප්ගේ නව බද්ද ගැන ‘ලංකා ඒකාබද්ධ ඇඟළුම් සංසදය’ සතුටට පත්ව ඇති අතර රජයේ සාකච්ඡාකරුවන්ට  ස්තුතිය පළ කර ඇත.

2025 මැයි මස වන විට (පසුගිය වසර කාලයට සාපේක්ෂව) යට ඇඳුම් අපනයන ආදායම සාපේක්ෂව  24.3% කින් ද, නිමි ඇඳුම් ආදායම 52.3% කින් ද පහත වැටී ඇත. දැනටමත් ට්‍රම්ප් බද්ද දේශීය නිමි ඇඳුම් අපනයන ආදායමට අහිතකර ලෙස බලපා ඇත.

මිලියන 12.5 ක පරණ ටයර් ද ඇමරිකාවට යොමු කර ඇත (ලංකාව ලොව විශාලතම පාව්චිචි කළ ටයර් අපනයනකරු ය) නව බද්ද මෙයට සිදු කරන බලපෑම තවමත් පැහැදිලි නැත.

කෙන්යාවට ලංකාවට වඩා අඩු බදු ප්‍රමාණයක් ඇමරිකාවෙන් ලැබී ඇත.  කෙන්යාවේ තේ සඳහා ඇමරිකානු වෙළඳපොල පුළුල්වීමට ඇති ඉඩ ඉහළ යන නමුත්, එය මෙරට ප්‍රමුඛ සමාගම් කිහිපයකට මිස, සමස්ථ අපනයන ආදායමට ඇති කරන බලපෑම සීමිතය.

ඇමරිකානු බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තියේ වෙනස්කම් ස්ථාවර වන තුරු සහ ජාත්‍යන්තර වෙළඳාම එයට හැඩගැසෙන තුරු ඇමරිකන් බදු මගින් ලංකා ආර්ථිකයට ඇති කරන බලපෑම පූර්වකථනය පහසු නැත. ජාත්‍යන්තර ව්‍යාපාරික ප්‍රජාව නව බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තියේ හිඩැස් සොයමින් නව තත්වයට  අනුගතවීමට යම් කාලයක් ගත වනු ඇත.

ලංකා – ඇමරිකානු එකඟතා මොනවාද?  

ට්‍රම්ප් විසින් නිකුත් කළ නිවේදනයේ  සමහර වෙළඳ හවුල්කරුවන් එක්සත් ජනපදය සමඟ අර්ථවත් වෙළඳ සහ ආරක්ෂක බැඳීම්වලට එකඟ වී ඇත, නැතහොත් එකඟ වීමට ආසන්න’’ බව දැක්වේ.  සාකච්ඡාවල දී ලංකාව එකඟ වූ ‘ආර්ථික හා ආරක්ෂක බැඳීම්’ ගැන තවමත් තොරතුරු අනාවරණය කර නැත.   ඉන්ධන සහ බලශක්ති ආශ්‍රිත මිලදී ගැනීම්, වරාය මෙහෙයුම් උක්ත ‘ආර්ථික හා ආරක්ෂක බැඳීම්’  හෙවත් දැනට වෙළඳ සාකච්ඡා  පවත්වන කේෂ්ත්‍රයන් වීමට ඇති ඉඩ විශාලය.

මෙරට ඇඟළුම් කර්මාන්තයට අවශ්‍ය අමුද්‍රව්‍ය චීනයෙන් ලබාගන්නා පසුබිමක් තුල, ‘අතිරේක ස්වේච්ඡා බදුවලට යටත්ව පවතිනු ඇති අතර, එම ගිවිසුම්වල නියමයන් සිහිපත් කරමින් මම පසුව නියෝග නිකුත් කරමි” යන්න ද ලංකාවට සෘජුව බල පවත්වනු ඇත. බදු සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආනගතයේ දීර්ඝ කේවල් කිරීමට ලංකා රජයට මුහුණදීමට ඒ අනුව සිදුවනු ඇත.

ට්‍රම්ප් බදු ප්‍රතිපත්තිය දැඩිව බලපානු ඇතැයි විශ්වාස කළ බ්‍රන්ඩික්ස්, හෙල ඇපරල්, හේලීස්, ඩිප්ඩ් ප්‍රොඩක්ට්ස් වැන සමාගම් වෙත තිබූ පීඩණය අද වන විට පහව ගොස් ඇත.

ලංකා රජය වෙළෙඳ සාකච්ඡාවන් හි දී, ඇමරිකාවෙන් ආනයනය කිරීමට එකඟ වී ඇත්තේ ඛනිජ තෙල් හෝ වෙනත්  භාණ්ඩයක් ද,  ඒ සඳහා අමතර පිරිවැයක් දැරීමට  ලංකාවේ පාරිභෝගිකයාට සිදුවන්නේ ද යන්න තීරණාත්මක ය.  බලශක්ති කේෂ්ත්‍රය ඇමරිකාවට විවෘත කිරීමට 2013 වසරේ සාකච්ඡා පැවැත්වෙමින් ඇති අතර, විදුලි බල පනත තුලින් එයට ඉඩ ලබාදී ඇත. පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නියමිත ‘නව විදුලි පනත’ මගින් එම ඉඩ වසා දැමීමට ඇති අවකාශය ඉතා අඩුවී ඇත. 

රජිත් කීර්ති තෙන්නකෝන්
විධායක අධ්‍යක්ෂ/ ශ්‍රී ලංකා මානව හිමිකම් කේන්ද්‍රය

e-Con e-News

blog: eesrilanka.wordpress.com

‘Before you study the economics, study the economists!’

e-Con e-News 27 July – 02 August 2025

‘If John Keells goes down, it takes half of Sri Lankan capitalism with it…

The government might have to choose between a bailout or economic chaos.’

– SJB MP (see ee Economists, The John Keells Collapse)

*

India, Russia Can Take Their Dead Economies Down Together

– US President Donald Trump

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‘In the looming confrontation between the US-led Collective West & Russia,

Trump is threatening that if India does not join the Western camp, there is

going to be a heavy price to pay. He may even sanction Indian entities &

officials. Now, visa denial will be the unkindest cut of all for the Indian elite.’

– MK Bhadrakumar (ee Sovereignty, A Frenemy named Donald Trump)

*

The recent arrest of a high-profile former Navy Commander came a few days before the US government signaled a token reduction of their threatened tariffs on Sri Lanka’s exports. After prolonged handwringing and groaning about possible harm to employment and closure of export-related businesses, the USA’s promise of a tariff reduction, despite being short on details, was greeted with concerted groveling and applause by the usual export mafia of chambers & associations, related politicians and US-funded media & thinktanks: this corporate mafia are attempting to pull the country back from the abyss, their wholesale endorsement of merchant & usurer capitalism imposed by the colonial import-export plantation is driving us all into.

     Meanwhile, following a ‘security’ policy dialogue with Japan, there has been an attempt by importers from Japanese auto junkyards to bring down John Keells Holdings (JKH) for importing (BYD) electric vehicles from China. They claim JKH provided fraudulent engine specifications to the revenue authorities, to avoid huge taxes. The USA’s IMF has been insisting that Sri Lanka import more cars, as its twin, the World Bank, is an investor in the ‘private’ Commercial Bank of Ceylon (ComBank), which finances the import of Japan’s Toyota vehicles.

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Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) based on a letter allegedly sent from a detention centre in Pothuhera, where ‘an individual’ (so far unnamed in media) had supposedly been murdered in 2010. Ulugetenne was Head of Naval Intelligence at the time, and the alleged victim was reportedly held in the clandestine facility operated under his command.

Ulugetenne is said to have played a key role in intercepting LTTE arms supply vessels. He was later made an ambassador to Cuba. Ulugetenne is also credited with saving former President Gotabhaya Rajapakse’s life by helping him to escape a mob that was allowed to invade the Presidential Palace. They have since then kept baying for his blood, and still do. If the then-President had been harmed, as the US government through its envoy had purportedly threatened to do, a bloodbath would surely have ensued. Such US threats, as well as assassinations & incarcerations of military and national leaders, have been evident more recently also in Haiti, Honduras, and Peru.

More such arrests are being planned.

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What we have is a PR makeover of standard international financial flows

– just dressed up in a populist narrative. So, when Japan ‘invests in the US’

it’s basically just shifting existing or incoming dollars into different forms

of US assets – not new capital, just recycled surplus – Warwick Powell

(see ee Economy, Window dressing: the Japan-US ‘investment deal’)

*

The US claims about the imposition and reductions of tariffs are immediately challenged by the more ‘developed’ countries involved, even though the merchant media including in Sri Lanka reports them as gospel truth. It is also blatantly clear that the US tariffs have less to do with seeking equitable trade & enabling industrialization, than with ensuring & extending US domination. The USA’s 50% tariff on Brazil accompanies their demand for interference in Brazil’s judiciary to exonerate a former President accused of an attempted coup, while threatening other countries who join the BRICS, etc. The US & Europe are apparently mortified at any attempt by countries to collectively challenge the ongoing practice of their multinational corporations (MNCs) to play workers against each other, driving wages down. The US calculations of tariffs have, however, underplayed our huge net imports of US ‘services’ as well as royalty payments for intellectual property rights (IPR), etc.

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‘No digital space is 100% secure. Data is systematically collected

& used to assess & classify individuals & groups based on

their behavioral patterns & political or intellectual orientations.’

– see ee Quotes, Spying on Personal Data

*

In addition to using the tariffs to divide & tame socialist & nationalist forces in Sri Lanka by harassing, jailing & decapitating leaders, the US is trying to prevent an actual accounting of the state of international relations, including such economic measures as taxes on especially services, and more particularly, digital services. The US is also trying to obstruct & eliminate the proposed taxes on digital services, such has Google, FB & Hollywood (Netflix, Youtube), etc, which will begin on 1 October. Their subversion of such laws is linked to the larger challenge of controlling multinational banks & corporations, with budgets larger than the economies of most countries. (see ee Quotes, VAT vs Digital Tax)

     The USA’s ‘Magnificent 7’ high-tech companies (NVIDIA, Microsoft, Alphabet/Google, Apple, Meta, Tesla, & Amazon: see ee Quotes) now dominate their economy & their politicians, and are supposed to be highly hyped, inflated & vulnerable – with most also profiting off the ongoing starvation of Palestinians. While their countries never divulge the actual state of their economic & military machineries, corporations & banks, generally, are plagued by a falling rate of profit, and the failure to provide increasing dividends to their shareholders (see ee Quotes, Fake Dividends).

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AKD’s silent, pragmatic leadership enabled US tariffs to 20%

– Malik Samarawickrama, Economic advisor to UNP leader

Ranil Wickremesinghe (see ee Economists)

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The USA’s promised ‘reduction’ of their inflated ‘tariffs’ have been profusely hailed by ‘industry bodies’ aka merchant mafia, eg, the Planters’ Association, Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF), Exporters Association (EASL), Association of Manufacturers & Exporters of Rubber Products (SLAMERP), Colombo Rubber Traders’ Association (CRTA). Despite claiming to be ‘of Sri Lanka’, these associations are fronts for the English & US MNCs (eg, Exxon, Unilever, CTC, Proctor & Gamble, etc.) & banks (Standard Chartered, Ciitbank, etc.), who are the real source of so-called corruption (actually, business as usual) through their tax magic & transfer pricing, over- & under-invoicing.

     The merchant & moneylender mafia in Sri Lanka know very clearly that the US & England & EU through their control of the internet, etc., are well aware of their exorbitant acquisitions of  offshore assets in real estate etc, with the cash from their exports never ever being transferred into. They are taken out of Sri Lanka, tax-free, often stolen from other Sri Lankans or the state. Concealed by so-called (London or US) chartered accountants in chains of transfers between opaque holding companies, trusts & cutouts, they are laundered  in violation of Sri Lankan statutes on money laundering, ignoring orders by the government or the Central Bank. Being exposed, or being cut-off from accessing their ill-gotten wealth via visas etc, ensures their submission to the USA. Sri Lankan money is being held in famed tax hideouts as England’s Guernsey, Isle of Man, Cyprus, Cayman Islands, British Virgin Islands, Luxembourg, Bermuda (many with the English King or Queen’s head on their stamps!) and the USA’s Delaware, Nevada, & South Dakota; as well as Singapore, Switzerland, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Panama, Hong Kong, Puerto Rico, Costa Rica.

     The US threats to take Sri Lanka’s and most other countries’ leaders & economies down, are accompanied by increased war mongering. With their loss of profits and increasing unemployment, with the USA deploying nuclear subs ever closer to Russia, midst the sparking of proxy wars between countries in Asia & Africa, Sri Lanka has little choice for real survival but to abandon fake political partisanship and unite internally & internationally, to face the coming days. Nationalism & internationalism has to be girded by strong economic (modern industrial, the making of machines, not assembly, not just labor-intensive manufacture) policies & practices, that will enable the rule of the real producers, i.e., the working class.

*

• This ee Focus continues its reproduction of Chapter 1 of SBD de Silva’s Introduction to his classic The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (PEU). Here de Silva challenges the claim that the import-export plantation economy is more modern compared to peasant agriculture, and has impulses and advances to impart. This excerpt looks at the attempt to go beyond the limitations of neoclassical economic theory, by focusing on human foibles and so-called good governance (corruption etc). They blame Theravada Buddhism, primordial ethnicities, lack of civilization, etc. He also examines the critiques by so-called independent Marxists, focusing not on production but on distribution, and unequal exchange (dependency theory, promoted by white academia), etc. SBD emphasized Marx’s insistence that he had studied in detail only England’s trajectory into industrialization, and economists should be careful about crudely imposing his ‘historical sketch’ onto our countries.

     This ee Focus also continues looking at the roots of demagoguery in the white settler dominion called the USA, through Gustavus Myers’ 1917 History of Tammany Hall, an early charitable NGO! This excerpt looks at the rise of the ‘big boss’ system – through the testimony of its later-indicted leader ‘Boss Tweed,’ after he was broken and diseased, about the control of politicians & elections, judiciary & police, through thuggery, fraud and the distribution of municipal contracts & employment…

*

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Contents:

e-Con e-News

By Darshana Sanjeewa Balasuriya  Courtesy The Daily Mirror

• 300 Police officers suspended in 2025 for corruption

In 2025, Sri Lanka witnessed an unprecedented crackdown on police corruption, with over 300 officers suspended for various offences, including direct involvement in drug trafficking and abuse of power, a Minister said.  

Minister of Public Security Ananda Wijepala said that the year has seen a dramatic rise in disciplinary action within the police force compared to 2024, where 200 officers were removed from their service in connection with the incidents related to misconduct, including having links to drug dealers and organised crime groups, assaults on suspects, deaths in custody, and illegal detentions.  

The year has already seen multiple high-profile incidents. In the latest incident, the OIC of the Okkampitiya Police Station has been suspended after he was arrested by officials of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption for allegedly soliciting a bribe of Rs. 40,000 from a businessman in Okkampitiya, in connection with a sand mining operation.

The Bribery Commission has arrested at least 10 police officers by mid-2025 on various bribery and corruption charges. One of the serious cases involved the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of Poovarasankulam Police Station, who was arrested inside his office for accepting a Rs. 500,000 bribe to settle a land dispute.  

Another serious case took place in Ragama, where two officers from the Western Province Crime Division were arrested for fabricating a narcotics possession case. The officers falsely accused a man of possessing 50 grams of illegal drugs and demanded Rs. 500,000 to drop the charges. They initially accepted Rs. 180,000 and held the victim’s wife’s passport as collateral before being caught during the final handover.  

While some of the suspended officers were involved in minor bribery, such as a constable in Arachchikattuwa who took Rs. 1,500 to issue a clearance certificate, others were deeply entangled in more severe crimes, including shielding known traffickers and planting false evidence.  

According to the reports, many police officers who had links with underworld figures and drug traffickers have also been suspended. Last month, three Police Constables attached to the Maradana Police Station were interdicted after being found to have maintained links with drug traffickers. In July, three police officers attached to stations in the Matara Police Division were suspended following misconduct at a spa in the Walgama area. In May, a police sergeant from Gokarella Police Station was suspended after a video went viral showing him assaulting a civilian during a late-night stop involving a man and a woman reportedly speeding on a motorcycle.  

The crackdown has also extended to officers using illegal drugs. According to the Ministry, dozens of officers have been dismissed after testing positive for substances such as heroin and synthetic drugs like ICE. Intelligence and Special Investigations units compiled a list of suspected officers, who were later tested and removed from service following confirmation by the National Dangerous Drugs Control Board.  

Minister Wijepala said that under the current government, roughly 2,000 to 3,000 internal investigations have been launched into police misconduct, particularly concerning links to drug trafficking and peddling and other organised crimes.  

He said that disciplinary action will be taken without exception, even against long-serving or senior officers. Some officers with over 25 years in public service have lost their pension rights due to corruption findings.  

The public must trust the police. We cannot afford to have a force tainted by criminality,” he said. These steps are critical in addressing our country’s drug crisis and restoring public confidence.”  

The minister also said that several top positions in key law enforcement institutions are currently filled by acting officials, as the former officeholders are under investigation or involved in ongoing legal matters.  

Why is that the case? The Controller General of Immigration is in remand custody. The Inspector General of Police has been imprisoned and is now out on bail. The Commissioner of Prisons was jailed in his prison and is also out on bail,” he said.  

As a result, these key institutions are now led by officials in acting roles. This is what happens when public service is treated as a mere job or a personal opportunity.”  

That is why we, as a government, must ensure that the law is enforced against anyone who commits an illegal act, regardless of their rank or position,” Minister Wijepala said.  

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

මෙම වර්ෂයේ (2025) මාර්තු මාසය වන විට රජයට ගෙවීමට ඇති දේශීය හා විදේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය රුපියල් බිලියන විසිනවදහස් දෙසිය පනස් තුනයි දශම එකයි හතක් බැව් රාජ්‍ය ණය කළමනාකරණ කාර්යාලය පවසයි.

ගෙවීමට ඇති දේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය රුපියල් බිලියන දහඅටදහස් පන්සිය තිස් එකයි දශම පහයි අටකි.

මින් භාණ්ඩාගාර බිල්පත් මගින් ලබාගත් ණය සඳහා ගෙවීමට ඇති මුදල රුපියල් බිලියන 4,096.41කි.

භාණ්ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර මගින් ලබාගත් ණය සඳහා ගෙවීමට ඇති මුදල රුපියල් බිලියන 14,508.33කි.

ගෙවීමට ඇති සමස්ත විදේශීය ණය ප්‍රමාණය රුපියල් බිලියන දසදහස් හත්සිය විසිඑකයි දශම පහයි නමයකි

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

ජනාධිපති වරප්‍රසාද අහෝසි කිරීමට ඉලක්ක කරගත් පනත් කෙටුම්පතක් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කිරීමෙන් දින කිහිපයකට පසු, හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන් වන රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ සහ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහත්වරුන් අගෝස්තු 2 වනදා කොළඹදී හමුවී, එම පනතට ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ අභියෝග කිරීමේ හැකියාව පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා කර ඇතැයි සන්ඩේ ටයිම්ස් වාර්තා කරයි.

අගෝස්තු 1 වන බ්‍රහස්පතින්දා අධිකරණ හා ජාතික ඒකාබද්ධතා අමාත්‍යාංශය විසින් ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන ලද මෙම පනත මඟින්, 1986 අංක 4 දරන ජනාධිපති වරප්‍රසාද පනත අහෝසි කිරීමට අපේක්ෂා කරයි. එම පනත යටතේ, සියලුම හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන් සඳහා නිල නිවාස, ලේකම් දීමනා, නිල ප්‍රවාහන පහසුකම් සහ අනෙකුත් පහසුකම් සඳහා සුදුසුකම් ලබන අතර, ඒ සියල්ලම බදු ගෙවන්නන්ගේ මුදලින් සපයනු ලැබේ.

පනත සම්මත වුවහොත්, හිටපු රාජ්‍ය නායකයින් පස්දෙනාටම මසකට රුපියල් 97,500 ක් වන මාසික විශ්‍රාම වැටුප හැර අනෙකුත් සියලුම වරප්‍රසාද අහිමි වනු ඇත. හිටපු රාජ්‍ය නායකයෙකුගේ වැන්දඹුවට ගෙවන විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් ද අහෝසි කිරීමට නියමිතය.

හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන් දෙදෙනා නියෝජනය කරන නීති කණ්ඩායම, නීතිමය අභියෝගයට පෙර, ඉන්දියාව, පකිස්තානය, මාලදිවයින, භූතානය සහ නේපාලය ඇතුළු කලාපීය රටවල හිටපු රාජ්‍ය නායකයින් භුක්ති විඳින වරප්‍රසාද විශ්ලේෂණය කරමින් සිටී.

හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන් දෙදෙනා විසින් අනෙකුත් රටවල හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන්ට ලබා දෙන වරප්‍රසාද පිළිබඳව රැස් කරන ලද දත්ත පිළිබඳව ද සාකච්ඡා කර ඇත. අසල්වැසි ඉන්දියාවේ, හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන් සහ අග්‍රාමාත්‍යවරුන් ඇතුළු හිටපු රාජ්‍ය නායකයින්ට විශ්‍රාම වැටුපක්, නිවසක්, විශේෂ ආරක්ෂක කණ්ඩායම් (SPG) ආරක්ෂාව සහ අනෙකුත් ප්‍රොටෝකෝල හිමි වේ.

මෙම සාකච්ඡාවලට නීතිඥයින් කණ්ඩායමක් ද සහභාගී වූ බව ‘ සන්ඩේ ටයිම්ස්’ වාර්තා කරයි.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Colombo, August 3 (Daily Mirror) – Foreign tourists arriving in Sri Lanka can obtain temporary driving licenses directly at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) at Katunayake from today.

The on-arrival service counter, launched today aims to enhance convenience for travellers, particularly those who rent vehicles near the airport and prefer to drive during their stay.

Previously, tourists could only obtain temporary driving permits from the Department of Motor Traffic in Werahera.

According to the Ministry, most tourists use motorcycles, three-wheelers and light vehicles to travel across the island. 

However, under the new system, licenses will be issued only for motorcycles and light vehicle categories. Driving permits for heavy vehicles and three-wheelers will not be provided through the BIA counter.

To apply for a temporary Sri Lankan driving license at the airport, foreigners must present a valid full driving license from their home country. Learner, probationary, provisional or temporary licenses will not be accepted. If the license is not in English, a certified translation is required. Applicants must also show a valid passport and visa.

The foreign driving license must be valid for at least one year from the date of conversion.

Temporary Sri Lankan licenses issued through this process will be valid for a maximum of five months. All restrictions noted on the foreign license—such as requirements for corrective lenses, use of automatic transmission or hearing aids—will be applied to the converted license as well.

The service will charge Rs. 2,000 per month of validity.

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Shenali D Waduge

There was a time — not too long ago — when life was rooted in villages, families, faith, and community. People lived modestly, but with dignity. Homes were humble, yet filled with warmth. Families shared meals, elders were cared for, and children played under open skies, free from fear.

Evenings were filled with shared laughter, storytelling around flickering lamps, the simple melodies of a traditional instrument, or the quiet comfort of family presence. Joy was found in connection, not consumption.

There was no jealousy, no backstabbing, no envy. People were never looked down upon for who they were, or what they did. There were no high walls, no padlocked gates, no surveillance cameras. Doors were often left open — not because people were careless, but because they trusted one another.

Children walked to school alone, played until sunset, and returned home safely. They climbed trees, played in the mud, chased birds, and watched clouds. They were part of nature, not detached from it. They lived in harmony with the natural world. Trees were not just wood — they were shade-givers, fruit-bearers, and part of the family yard. Rivers were revered, not polluted. Animals were not pests or property, but companions and co-dwellers. Cows were respected, stray dogs were fed, birds nested freely in rooftops. No one needed to be taught environmentalism — it was a way of life. People took only what they needed, and left the rest — for others, and for nature.

No one worried about abduction, assault, or trafficking — nor felt the pressure to constantly acquire, upgrade, or keep pace with ever-changing material ideals.

Fulfillment was found in sufficiency, in the simple bounty of the land and the warmth of human connection, not in the relentless pursuit of material accumulation.

There were no lawyers needed for dispute – Conflicts were resolved by elders through dialogue and wisdom — not anger and litigation. Solutions were win-win, and no one walked away bitter.

There was no need for CCTV to protect one’s belongings, and very few prisons to hold broken men — because society was built on trust, honor, and mutual responsibility.

There were no banks or ATMs. No hospitals filled with strangers or machines. Instead, people relied on the native doctor— who, by feeling the pulse on the wrist, could diagnose illnesses even before modern tests like CT scans existed. Medicines came from herbs, nature’s pharmacy, tended with care and knowledge passed down generations.

Knowledge was passed orally from elders to youth. Storytelling, apprenticeships, and shared wisdom formed the backbone of education — practical, moral, and deeply connected to everyday life.

Money was scarce, and bartering was common — people exchanged goods, labor, and favors in trusted community circles. Most earned their living through farming, fishing, weaving, or craftwork.

Work was steady but sustainable, rooted in respect for the land and community, without exploitation or greed. Food was grown in their own plots or caught from unpolluted waters – fresh, wholesome, and shared freely. Meals were communal events, where the day’s harvest was celebrated, and no one went hungry.

There was no gambling, no pawning of belongings, no shadowy mafias, no money laundering or financial crimes to fear. Life was free from the complexities and vices that came with large-scale money economies.

The village temple, mosque, church, or kovil was not just a place of worship — it was the moral compass of the community. Faith was not a performance; it was quietly lived — through restraint, kindness, and integrity.

There were no placards demanding rights, no angry protests on the streets — because people understood their duties first. When duties were honored — to parents, to children, to community — there was no need to shout for rights.

What one gave, another received — in balance.

Neighbors weren’t strangers.

Everyone knew everyone. A child belonged not just to one family, but to the entire village. Children were raised collectively, embraced by the love and guidance of many, not just their parents. There was a profound sense of belonging, a knowing that one was woven inextricably into the fabric of the land and its people, their identity rooted in generations of shared soil and sky.

If someone fell ill, others came with meals and medicine. If a funeral took place, the whole community grieved. Survival was shared. Struggles were communal. Success was humble. Life’s slower pace fostered peace of mind and strong social bonds. Without the pressures of endless competition or digital distractions, people were more connected to themselves, their neighbors, and the natural world.

Women played a central role in nurturing family and community — not through demands for rights, but through daily acts of care, wisdom, and strength. There was no competition between males or females and definitely no people questioning their sex or gender!

There was no ceaseless stream of news, no constant demand for attention from invisible networks, no pervasive advertising whispering desires. Minds were free to wander, to observe, to dream, and to simply be present.

Life unfolded with the rhythms of the sun and seasons, dictated by natural cycles, not artificial deadlines. Work began with the dawn, rested in the heat of the day, and concluded as dusk settled, allowing time for reflection and genuine connection.

That world may not have been rich in numbers or machines — but it was rich in values.

And then… It changed.

The Arrival of Colonialism — The First Blow to Humanity

The real rupture in simple village life began not with development — but with invasion.

For over 500 years, Sri Lanka and much of the Global South endured wave after wave of colonial rule — by the Portuguese, Dutch, British, French, and others — who came not to settle peacefully, but to conquer, convert, extract, and control.

Villages that once lived in rhythm with the land were turned into territories of exploitation. The communal ownership of fields, forests, and water was upended by foreign-imposed land deeds, taxes, and private property laws.

Traditional livelihoods were criminalized, local industries crushed, and native medicine dismissed as superstition.

Spiritual life too was targeted. Temples and kovils were desecrated or abandoned, their custodians stripped of authority. Colonial missionaries rewrote the spiritual map — replacing millennia of inherited values with imported dogma and divisions.

Language was replaced, names were anglicized, and the sacred was redefined to serve a new foreign hierarchy.

The colonial project brought with it:

• Forced conversions and cultural erasure
• The plundering of forests, spices, gems, and labor
• Introduction of cash crops and plantation slavery
• Redefining caste and kin-based responsibilities
• The criminalization of local justice and healing systems
• A foreign legal and education system designed to divide, not elevate

Colonial rule taught communities to mistrust their roots and to aspire toward foreign ideals. The native was shamed into mimicry. The village teacher became less valued than the colonial clerk.

Colonial cities grew by draining villages — drawing in men as cheap labor and women as domestic servants, leaving families broken and communities hollow. The human cost was invisible behind the profits of tea, rubber, cinnamon, and pearls — all shipped away.

The colonizer came with flags and crosses, maps and guns — and left behind borders, prisons, poverty, and trauma.

This was the beginning of displacement.

Not just from land — but from identity, dignity, and self-sufficiency.

And long after flags were lowered and empires collapsed, their systems remained — repackaged as modernization,” progress,” and development.”

Colonials handed their role to local agents who had been molded to continue their agenda.

Development Arrived — But Humanity Declined

When colonial flags came down, the damage was already done. Villages were fragmented. Indigenous systems were dismantled. Faith and identity were distorted.

Then came the next wave — industrialization and development” — which did not heal the wound. It widened it.

Governments, independent only in name, adopted the very models the colonizers left behind. Urbanization was hailed as progress. GDP became the measure of success. Concrete replaced clay. Machines replaced hands. Quantity replaced quality. Speed replaced spirit.

Villagers were herded into cities in search of jobs — not freedom, but survival. Fields were abandoned for factories. Thatched roofs were traded for tin shanties. Family lands were mortgaged for quick loans. And in the shadows of rising skylines, slums mushroomed.

The price of development was displacement — not just of homes, but of hearts.

In these overburdened cities:

• Crime soared — theft, assault, kidnapping, trafficking.
• Violence spread — gangs replaced guardians, weapons replaced wisdom.
• Prostitution rose — poverty pushed women and even children into exploitation.
• Child labor became normal — tiny hands carried bricks instead of books.
• Mental illness grew — but few noticed, fewer cared.

Elders, once revered, were left alone or sent to institutions. Parents worked double shifts, while children were raised by screens and strangers. Marriages became transactional. Friendships became digital. Communities became anonymous.

Morality no longer came from the temple, the church, or the family — but from trends, ads, and algorithms.

Technology promised connection — but delivered distraction. Phones replaced face-to-face conversations. Likes replaced love. Privacy disappeared, even in one’s own home.

And while material goods became abundant, emotional poverty deepened.

People began to live next to each other — but not with each other. They began to earn more — but feel less. To move faster — but care less. To know more — but understand nothing.

It was a world of progress — but not peace.

Of knowledge — but not wisdom.

Of wealth — but not values.

Neocolonialism — The Empire without a Flag

When colonial empires formally withdrew, the flags changed — but the chains remained. The end of European rule did not restore people’s sovereignty.

Instead, power passed silently into the hands of global financial institutions, international agencies, and local elites groomed to obey foreign agendas.

Colonialism evolved into neocolonialism — a more sophisticated and invisible system of control.

Where muskets and missionaries once ruled, debt, trade, and diplomacy took over. Where foreign governors once dictated terms, UN bodies, IMF/World Bank officials, and corporate boards now issue commands — with local politicians and media as their agents.

From World Wars to World Order

The two World Wars, often portrayed as battles for democracy, were in reality the birth pains of a new global hierarchy.

• World War I redrew borders and buried empires — but introduced a system of global financial control.
• World War II devastated old powers — and crowned new ones, particularly the United States, as the global enforcer.

In the post-war world, institutions like the World Bank, IMF, UN, NATO, and WTO emerged not as neutral helpers — but as tools to enforce a Western-designed economic and political order.

Loans came with conditions. Aid came with strings. Debt became the new form of colonial taxation — never-ending, ever-deepening debt.

A new empire without a Flag

This empire had no borders — but it controlled them all. It dictated:

• What countries could grow and export
• Who could build dams, ports, or power plants
• What children would be taught in schools
• What laws must be changed to attract investment”
• Who would lead — and who would be removed, assassinated, or sanctioned

Nations that resisted this new order were destabilized, overthrown, or invaded:

• Iraq, Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Iran — all bear the scars of resisting global hegemony
• Assassinations of leaders like Patrice Lumumba, Aung Sang, Salvador Allende, and Muammar Gaddafi were not coincidences — they were calculated removals of resistance

While bombs fell on cities, loans buried nations under mountains of debt.

Progress — for Whom?

The story of development” was rewritten — no longer to serve people, but to serve corporate profits and foreign interests.

Villages were sacrificed for highways and hotels. Rivers were dammed for foreign energy exports. Farms were bought up by multinationals to grow export crops — while locals went hungry.

Local industries were shut down, called uncompetitive,” while cheap imports flooded markets.

Free trade” meant foreign goods got richer, and local producers went bankrupt. Privatization” meant handing public resources to a few powerful hands — often foreign-owned.

Economic reforms” meant cutting healthcare, education, and food subsidies — while paying billions in debt interest to global banks.

Under the new development model:

• Culture was commercialized
• Faith was politicized
• Family was fragmented
• Youth were alienated
• Nature was monetized
• Humanity was devalued

The dream of freedom became a nightmare of dependency. We were told we were progressing — but in truth, we were being programmed.

The War on History, Identity, and the Sacred

As global powers consolidated economic control, they turned to the next target — cultural sovereignty.

This new war was fought not with armies, but with narratives, media, education, and migration.

• History was rewritten, or erased altogether. National heroes were vilified. Indigenous achievements were ignored. Colonial crimes were downplayed or glorified.
• Mass migration was engineered — displacing millions, fragmenting traditional communities, and forcing multiculturalism” as a virtue while ignoring its failures. Instead of celebrating local identities, people were told to become rootless global citizens.”
• Sacred sites were seized, destroyed, or rebranded— temples turned to tourist traps, ancient lands converted into military bases or mining fields.
• Territories were claimed through international courts and bought through predatoryby arming rebel groups, insurgents, and non-state actors — always under the guise of freedom,” human rights,” or democracy.”

Education systems were globalized to alienate children from their culture.

Art and tradition were commercialized.

Language and literature were replaced with global pop culture.

Religion was either politicized or privatized.

A people disconnected from their history become easy to manipulate.

A nation without pride in its past will not fight for its future.

The attack was clear:

• If you erase the past, you erase identity.
• If you erase identity, you erase resistance.
• If you erase resistance, you rule without chains.

We are not merely being developed. We are being redefined.

And the question remains: Progress for whom? At what cost? And who decides?

The Great Disconnect — From Humanity to Artificial Intelligence

In the final phase of this transformation, humanity has entered the age of artificial intelligence — a world governed not by elders, but algorithms. Where once we turned to nature and community for guidance, we now look to machines, metrics, and screens.

AI promises efficiency, but at the cost of empathy. Algorithms predict our desires before we even know them — curating choices, filtering facts, and reshaping thought itself. Decisions once made with wisdom and heart are now made by data sets and corporate code.

Children are raised on screens rather than stories.

Identity is shaped by digital affirmation, not family or faith.

Relationships are filtered through apps, and emotions measured in likes, shares, and emojis.

The rise of AI has not just replaced human labor — it has begun to replace human judgment, human bonds, and even human purpose.

As machines grow smarter, societies grow more disconnected.

And with the digitization of education, healthcare, commerce, and even spirituality, the human touch is disappearing. What was once sacred — from a mother’s lullaby to the village healer’s touch — is now simulated, recorded, and monetized.

Surveillance has replaced trust. Predictions have replaced conversation. Automation has replaced vocation.

The human being — once at the center of community and creation — is being reduced to a data point in a vast, impersonal system.

In the name of progress, we have forgotten presence.

In pursuit of convenience, we have abandoned connection.

AI may solve equations, but it cannot feel loss, love, loyalty, or longing. It cannot raise a child with values. It cannot mourn with the grieving. It cannot laugh without reason or give without expectation.

This is the great disconnect — a world that seems smarter, but feels less human.

Reclaiming Humanity — The Path Forward

But this story need not end in despair. The tide can turn.

The path forward is not to reject technology outright — but to reclaim our humanity alongside it. It is not about going backward, but going inward — to recover what was stolen, suppressed, or forgotten.

A future worth living demands that we:

1. Revive Community

Rebuild the lost village — not just physically, but spiritually.

• Return to cooperative living, shared labor, and collective care.
• Make neighborhoods places of knowing, not anonymity.
• Restore communal responsibility: where children belong to everyone, and no elder is left behind.

• Restore Faith and Moral Anchors

Not for the sake of religious dominance — but for moral clarity.

• Re-center duty over entitlement, restraint over indulgence.
• Let temples, churches, mosques, and kovils again be moral compasses — not performance halls.
• Reconnect the sacred with the everyday — where integrity is lived, not preached.

• Rebuild Wisdom Chains

We must reconnect generations.

• Let elders pass down experience, stories, and ethics — not be discarded as obsolete.
• Let youth listen, learn, and evolve — not wander rootless in digital confusion.
• Restore apprenticeship, oral tradition, and mentorship as cornerstones of real education.

• Reintegrate with Nature

This planet is not a resource — it is a relative.

• Return to living with the rhythms of the sun, the soil, and the seasons.
• Design homes and cities that breathe with nature, not against it.
• Let healing return to herbs, food return to gardens, and respect return to all life forms.

• Realign Education

Shift from schooling to true learning.

• Teach values, character, and compassion — not just competition and compliance.
• Embed tradition with innovation, memory with skill, conscience with curiosity.
• Let education root identity, not erase it.

• Reclaim the Family

The family is the first institution of civilization.

• Defend it from being diluted, dismantled, or commercialized.
• Celebrate the sacred bonds of motherhood, fatherhood, and kinship.
• Create economies and policies that support strong, stable, multigenerational families.

• Redesign Economies

From GDP to GNH — Gross National Happiness.

• Shift from extractive to regenerative economics.
• Prioritize local production, fair trade, and meaningful work over speculation and speed.
• Ensure that every economic policy answers one question:Does it serve human dignity?

• Rethink Development

Development must mean deepening life, not just expanding infrastructure.

• Stop mistaking concrete for civilization, or speed for success.
• Redefine progress as harmony — with self, society, and soil.
• Choose balance over excess, slowness over stress, and depth over data.

Not Utopia — But Survival with Soul

This is not utopian nostalgia. It is grounded realism. These were once the principles by which humanity survived, thrived, and found peace.

If we do not choose to remember what made us human, we will be reshaped into something post-human — efficient, connected, productive, but ultimately empty.

The past is not to be worshipped — but learned from.

And from the ashes of lost villages, temples, forests, and families — a new civilization can rise, rooted in ancient wisdom, reborn with new resolve.

Let us replant the seeds of humanity — in our homes, in our hearts, and in our hopes.

Let us begin again

We do not need to return to the past — but we must remember what made us truly human.

Let us all start small:

• Slow down.
• Speak kindly.
• Share a meal.
• Plant a tree.
• Listen to elders.
• Teach our children values.
• Reconnect with the sacred and the soil.
• One act of care at a time.
• One home at a time.
• One village at a time.

This is how we rebuild what was lost — by living differently, starting now.

The future doesn’t need to be written in code or concrete.

It must be written in how we choose to live — with courage, with compassion, and with conscience.

Let us begin – today together.

Shenali D Waduge

Over the last two decades, the Western education system—particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, and European Union—has undergone a dramatic ideological shift. Under the banners of inclusivity,” diversity,” and progress,” gender ideology and LGBTQIA+ curricula were introduced into classrooms—often without parental knowledge or consent. What began as anti-bullying efforts evolved into sweeping programs that redefined sex, gender, identity, and parental authority.

This article traces how these changes occurred, who led them, and how they reshaped the educational landscape—and the moral foundations of Western society.

පසුගිය දශක දෙක තුළ, බටහිර අධ්‍යාපන ක්‍රමය – විශේෂයෙන් එක්සත් ජනපදය, එක්සත් රාජධානිය සහ යුරෝපීය සංගමය තුළ – දෘෂ්ටිවාදාත්මක වෙනසක් සිදු වී ඇත. 

ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ භාවය පිළිබඳ දෘෂ්ටිවාදය සහ LGBTQIA+ විෂයමාලා පන්ති කාමරවලට හඳුන්වා දෙන ලදී – බොහෝ විට දෙමාපියන්ගේදැනුමෙන් හෝ කැමැත්තෙන් තොරව. 

මෙම ලිපියෙන් මෙම වෙනස්කම් සිදු වූ ආකාරය, ඒවාට නායකත්වය දුන්නේ කවුද සහ ඔවුන් අධ්‍යාපනික භූ දර්ශනය නැවත හැඩගස්වාගත් ආකාරය – ලංකාවටත් හා විශේෂයෙන් ලංකාවේ දෙමාපියන්ටත් ගත යුතු පාඩම් හා අවධානම දැක්වේ.

1. United States: From Tolerance to Transformation

Early 2000s: Seeds of Inclusion

·      LGBTQ advocacy groups like GLSEN (Gay, Lesbian & Straight Education Network) partnered with schools to promote safe spaces” and teacher training.

2011–2016: Obama-Era Federal Push

·      Title IX was reinterpreted by the U.S. Department of Education to include gender identity” under sex discrimination.

·      Dear Colleague” letters in 2016 instructed schools to allow students to use bathrooms based on gender identity, not biological sex.

·      Curriculum guidance encouraged teaching that gender is fluid, pronouns are personal, and traditional norms are harmful.

ජනාධිපති ඔබාමා යටතේ – ලිංගික අනන්‍යතාවය” ඇතුළත් කිරීම සඳහා IX මාතෘකාව එක්සත් ජනපද අධ්‍යාපන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවවිසින් නැවත අර්ථකථනය කරන ලදී.

ලිපි මගින් පාසල්වලට ජීව විද්‍යාත්මක ලිංගිකත්වය නොව ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ අනන්‍යතාවය මත පදනම්ව නාන කාමර භාවිතා කිරීමට ඉඩදෙන ලෙස උපදෙස් දෙන ලදී.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යාංශය විසින් ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ හඳුන්වා දීමට යන මෙවැනිම මුලපිරීම් පිළිබඳව ශ්‍රී ලාංකික දෙමාපියන්විමසිල්ලෙන් සිටිය යුතුය.

Post-2016: Localized Expansion

·       States like California, New York, Oregon, Illinois, and Massachusetts mandated LGBTQ-inclusive curricula:

o   History lessons included gay and transgender figures.

o   Elementary schools introduced concepts like gender identity and nonbinary identities.

o   Kindergarten students were asked to share pronouns.

·       “Gender Support Plans” allowed social transitions of children (name, pronouns, restroom use) without informing parents.

සමලිංගිකයන් සහ සංක්‍රාන්ති ලිංගිකයන් ගැන විෂය මාලාවට සුක්ෂම ලෙස  රිංගා ගැනීම අවධානම

2020–2023: Parental Backlash and State Pushback

·       Protests and lawsuits erupted in Virginia, Florida, and New Jersey.

·       “Parental Rights in Education” laws were introduced in several states, limiting sexual and gender identity instruction in early grades.

·       The federal government threatened to withhold funds from schools that did not comply with new Title IX gender interpretations.

දෙමව්පියන් විරෝධතා දැක්වීමට සහ නඩු පැවරීමට පටන් ගත්තද, සමහර ෆෙඩරල් ප්‍රාන්ත LGBTQIA ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා නවනීතිරීතිවලට අනුකූල නොවන පාසල් සඳහා අරමුදල් ඉවත් කරන බවට තර්ජනය කළේය.

2. United Kingdom: Stonewall and the Curriculum Capture

2003–2010: Foundation Years

·       Repeal of Section 28 in 2003 (which had banned the promotion of homosexuality” in schools) opened the door to LGBTQ+ advocacy in education.

දණ්ඩ නීති සංග්‍රහයේ 365 සහ 365a අවලංගු කිරීමේ ඉල්ලීම් මෙම මුලපිරීමේම කොටසකි.

2010s: Activist Organizations Shape Policy

·       Stonewall, the UK’s most influential LGBTQ+ group, shaped policy and teacher training across the country.

·       Ofsted began evaluating schools on LGBTQ+ inclusivity” as part of inspection criteria.

2019–2020: New RSE Curriculum

·       The new Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) framework mandated teaching:

o   Different family types,” including same-sex parents.

o   Transgender concepts from primary school onward.

o   Gender identity as a matter of personal choice.

·       Parents were given limited opt-out for sex education—but not from gender ideology content.

Backlash and Legal Scrutiny

·       Muslim parents in Birmingham protested the No Outsiders” program in 2019.

·       Some schools revised or paused LGBTQ curricula due to community resistance.

·       In 2023, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced a review of gender identity teaching in schools.

3. EU Commission Guidelines: Reinterpreting Rights without Legal Basis

·      Since the early 2010s, the EU has aggressively promoted LGBTQIA+ rights as part of its human rights agenda—despite there being no legal basis in international law to classify LGBTQIA+ lifestyles or gender ideology as human rights.”

·      No core treaty—whether the UDHR, ICCPR, or ECHR—recognizes sexual orientation or gender identity as protected rights. Yet, the EU pressured member states to implement LGBTQ-inclusive education, anti-discrimination training, and identity policies.

·      Compliance was often linked to funding, EU alignment, or values” standards—bypassing public debate and national sovereignty.

2010 මුල් භාගයේ සිට, යුරෝපනු සංවිධානය එහි මානව හිමිකම් න්‍යාය පත්‍රයේ කොටසක් ලෙස LGBTQIA+ අයිතිවාසිකම්ආක්‍රමණශීලී ලෙස ප්‍රවර්ධනය කර ඇත – ජාත්‍යන්තර නීතියේ LGBTQIA+ ජීවන රටාවන් හෝ ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ භාවය පිළිබඳදෘෂ්ටිවාදය මානව හිමිකම්” ලෙස වර්ගීකරණය කිරීමට නීතිමය පදනමක් නොමැති වුවද.

අනුකූල නොවන්නේ නම් අරමුදල් සහ ආධාර කපා හැරීමක් සිදුවන බවට ඔවුහු ජාතීන්ට තර්ජනය කළහ.

Examples of Enforcement Across Europe

·      Germany: Introduced gender ideology into schools (2012–2014), including drag events and genderbread” diagrams in kindergartens.

·      Sweden: Promoted norm criticism” to dismantle traditional gender and family values in classrooms.

·      France: Launched the ABCD of Equality” in preschools; later paused after protests.

·      Hungary & Poland: Banned LGBTQ content in schools—triggering legal threats from the EU, despite no violation of actual binding law.

යුරෝපීය පාසල්වල ළදරු පාසල් දරුවන් ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ භාවය පිළිබඳ ව්‍යාකූලත්වයට ලක්වීම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දෙමාපියන් සැලකිලිමත්විය යුතු දෙයකි.

Key Methods used to introduce LGBTQIA+ and Gender Ideology into Schools

1. Teacher Training and DEI Indoctrination

Mandatory Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion” training redefined gender as a spectrum and encouraged the affirmation of all identities. Traditional views were framed as outdated or discriminatory, leaving little room for academic debate or personal belief.

සාම්ප්‍රදායික අදහස් යල් පැන ගිය හෝ වෙනස් කොට සැලකීමක් ලෙස සකස් කරන ලදී, පුද්ගලික විශ්වාසයන්ට කිසිදු ස්ථානයක් ලබා දීනොමැත – මෙම න්‍යාය පත්‍රයට අනුකූලව, ඉතිහාසය සහ සෞන්දර්යය ඉවත් කිරීමට වත්මන් අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යවරයා විසින් යෝජනාකරනු ලැබේ.

2. Curriculum Revisions

Textbooks were updated to include same-sex relationships, transgender characters, and historical LGBTQIA+ figures. Biology lessons began teaching that sex is assigned at birth” and that gender is fluid—blurring the lines between science and ideology.

මේ නිසා දෙමාපියන්, ජාතික සංවිධාන සහ ආගමික නියෝජිතයන් නව විෂය මාලාව සහ පෙළ පොත් මුද්‍රණය කිරීමට පෙර ප්‍රසිද්ධියටපත් කළ යුතු බවට අවධාරනය කළ යුතුය.

3. Pronoun and Identity Policies

Schools adopted strict pronoun usage rules. Teachers and students were required to use preferred names and pronouns, even if they conflicted with biological reality. Refusal was equated with bullying or discrimination – some teachers were even fired.

4. Social Transitioning Without Parental Consent

In many cases, schools helped children transition socially—changing names, pronouns, and bathroom usage—without informing their parents. This secrecy sparked outrage and lawsuits across the U.S. and U.K.

සමහර පාසල්වල දෙමාපියන්ගේ කැමැත්ත නොමැතිව දරුවන් විරුද්ධ ලිංගයේ අය යැයි සිතීමටත් විවිධ නම් භාවිතා කිරීමටත් පෙළඹෙනුඇත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දෙමාපියන් අවදියෙන් සිටිය යුතුය.

5. LGBTQ Clubs and GSAs

LGBTQIA+ clubs and Gender & Sexuality Alliances (GSAs) were introduced as early as elementary school. These groups, often supported by outside activist organizations, encouraged children to question gender roles and identity—frequently without parental consent.

6. Drag Queen Story Hours and Pride Events

School events included drag performances, pride parades, and gender-themed assemblies, often described as diversity celebrations.” These programs exposed young children to adult concepts under the banner of tolerance.

කැනඩාවේ අභිමානවත් පෙළපාළිය” (Pride Parade) දරුවන් පවා සමඟ සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම නිරුවතින් පවත්වනු ලැබූ ආකාරය මුළුලෝකයම කම්පනයෙන් බලා සිටියහ.

7. Government and NGO Pressure

Policy guidance from bodies like the EU Commission, UNESCO, and national education departments enforced ideological compliance. NGOs such as Stonewall (U.K.), GLSEN (U.S.), and ILGA-Europe created training materials and pushed “inclusive education” as a rights issue—linking it to school performance ratings and funding.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අධ්‍යාපන අමාත්‍යාංශයට නිතිපතා විදේශ අරමුදල් සහ පරිත්‍යාග ලැබෙන අතර, බොහෝ විට අපගේ දරුවන්ගේ තරුණමනස විනාශ කිරීම සඳහා ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ සමාජභාවය පිළිබඳ දෘෂ්ටිවාදය හඳුන්වා දීමට කොන්දේසි සහිතව උත්සාහ කරයි.

Impact on Normal Children, Traditional Families, and Religious Values

1. Psychological Confusion Among Normal-Developing Children

Children raised in stable homes are now exposed to lessons that question their biological sex and upbringing. Many feel pressured to adopt alternative identities just to avoid being seen as old-fashioned or privileged.”

අනුකූල නොවීම නිසා හිරිහැරයට ලක්වීම වළක්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ව්‍යාකූල හැසිරීම් වලට අනුගත වීමට ඔවුන්ට බලපෑම් කරනු ලැබේ.

2. Alienation of Traditional Families

Parents with conventional values—moral, religious, or cultural—find themselves sidelined. Their parenting is framed as intolerant,” and children are subtly taught to distrust or reject their family’s worldview.

සාම්ප්‍රදායික වටිනාකම් – සදාචාරාත්මක, ආගමික හෝ සංස්කෘතික – ඇති දෙමාපියන් පසෙකට දමනු ලැබේ. ඔවුන්ගේ දෙමාපියන් යල්පැන ගිය අය ලෙස රාමු කර ඇත.

3. Erosion of Parental Rights

In many cases, the school—not the parent—is given authority over a child’s identity decisions. Parents who question transitioning are sometimes reported to child services or treated as abusers.

බොහෝ අවස්ථාවලදී, දරුවෙකුගේ අනන්‍යතා තීරණ සම්බන්ධයෙන් බලය පවරා ඇත්තේ දෙමාපියන්ට නොව පාසලටයි. සංක්‍රාන්තියප්‍රශ්න කරන දෙමාපියන් සමහර විට ළමා සේවා වෙත වාර්තා කරනු ලැබේ හෝ අපයෝජකයින් ලෙස සලකනු ලැබේ.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ එවැනි තත්ත්වයකට අපට ඉඩ දිය නොහැක.

4. Collapse of Religious Moral Frameworks

Major religions uphold the binary nature of sex and gender, but these beliefs are now classified as hateful” or extremist” in some Western institutions. Faith-based students and staff face pressure to conform—or be silenced.

ඇදහිල්ල මත පදනම් වූ සිසුන් සහ කාර්ය මණ්ඩලය අනුකූල වීමට හෝ නිහඬ වීමට පීඩනයට මුහුණ දෙයි.

5. New Forms of Bullying

Ironically, while LGBTQIA+ policies were introduced to stop bullying, they’ve enabled ideological bullying. Children with religious or modest beliefs are mocked as bigots” or punished for nonconformity.

LGBTQIA කියා සිටින්නේ ඔවුන් හිරිහැරයට ලක්වන බවයි – කෙසේ වෙතත්, යථාර්ථය නම්, ලොව පුරා සිටින බහුතරයක් මිනිසුන්ටහිරිහැර කරන්නේ ඔවුන් බවයි.

6. Breakdown of Shared Social Norms

The deconstruction of sex, family, and identity has left a generation without clear moral grounding. Rising mental illness, anxiety, and identity instability among teens reflect a deeper crisis of meaning and structure.

7. Decline in Educational Focus and Discipline

Academic performance suffers when classrooms become ideological battlegrounds. Teachers spend more time on pronouns and identity politics than on core subjects, and classroom discipline erodes under fear of offending marginalized” identities.

මුළු පාසල් පද්ධතියම උඩු යටිකුරු වී ඇත. සුළු කණ්ඩායමක් ළමයින් මත දෘෂ්ටිවාදයක් බලහත්කාරයෙන් පටවමින් සිටින අතර ශ්‍රීලංකාව මෙය අපගේ පාසල්වලට ඇතුළු වීමට ඉඩ නොදිය යුතුය.

A Cost Too High

The introduction of LGBTQIA+ and gender ideology into Western schools was not a democratic or organic shift. It was driven by activist agendas, supported by international institutions, and enforced through policy. While it claims to promote inclusion, it has done so at the expense of truth, parental rights, academic integrity, and the well-being of children.

The damage is not just statistical—it is spiritual, social, and generational. And for many families, the school has ceased to be a place of learning and become a battleground for their child’s identity, morality, and soul.

Shenali D Waduge

Senaka Weeraratna Chat GPT assisted

The genesis of the player referral system in cricket, now known as the Decision Review System (DRS), can be traced back to Sri Lankan lawyer Senaka Weeraratna in 1997.

He proposed a system where players could challenge on-field umpire decisions, drawing an analogy to the appellate function of the legal system. This concept, first published in The Australian newspaper, ( March 25, 1997) was revolutionary as it challenged the long-standing principle of the umpire’s decision being final. The ICC later adopted and implemented this concept as the DRS, significantly changing how decisions are made in cricket.

Here’s a more detailed breakdown:

Early Concept (1997):
Senaka Weeraratna, then living in Darwin, Australia, proposed a system where players could refer decisions to a third umpire for review, arguing that the umpire’s decision wasn’t always accurate.

Analogous to Legal System:
Weeraratna’s concept was unique as it drew a direct parallel between cricket’s decision-making process and the legal system’s appellate structure.

Challenging the Norm:
The idea was groundbreaking because it directly questioned the umpire’s final say, a fundamental principle in cricket since its inception.

Formal Adoption (2006):
The International Cricket Council (ICC) formally adopted the concept of player referral and, after further development and testing, introduced it as the Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS or DRS).

Initial Implementation (2008):
The DRS was first tested in a Test match between India and Sri Lanka in 2008.

Official Launch (2009):
The system was officially launched by the ICC in November 2009 during a Test match between New Zealand and Pakistan.

Evolution and Refinement:
The DRS has undergone several changes and refinements since its introduction, with the ICC continuing to work on improving the technology and its application. 

Chat GPT assisted

Courtesy Adaderana

Sri Lanka has the potential to become for India what Macau is to China, according to Lawrence Ho, chairman of Melco Resorts & Entertainment Ltd., as the Hong Kong-listed gaming resorts operator opened its first South Asian property in Colombo on August 2.

Sri Lanka can be to India what Macau is to China,” Ho said at the launch of the $1.2 billion City of Dreams Sri Lanka project, developed with the country’s John Keells Holdings.

Macau is by far the biggest gaming market in the world. Colombo is the closest destination to India, and an integrated resort like this gives the city a lot of potential,” he added.

The plush property – more than a decade in the making – includes two hotels, apartments, adult gaming facilities, restaurants, a shopping mall and event spaces.

A star-studded launch event is scheduled for tonight, with Bollywood actor Hrithik Roshan performing at what is expected to be a glittering affair.

Targeting India and the Middle East

The top executive added that the sea-facing resort is designed to draw affluent tourists from India, the Middle East, Russia and China, positioning Colombo as a gateway destination.

Sri Lanka is perfectly positioned as a gateway to key feeder markets,” said Balendra.

India in particular is showing tremendous growth in its affluent middle and upper classes. By leveraging our global network of properties and expertise, we aim to attract high-end international travelers who are seeking world-class experiences in an authentic and unique destination like Sri Lanka.”

Investment signal

At the same conference, Krishna Balendra, Chairperson of the John Keels Group, pointed out that the scale of the development sends a strong signal to global investors that Sri Lanka is open, stable and investable after years of political turmoil and an economic crisis.

This project with an investment of $1.2 billion is expected to generate a significant multiplier effect for the Sri Lankan economy. 1000s of jobs in construction, retail, technology, hospitality, FDI,” said Balendra. He added that it’s their most ambitious project, but is confident that it will boost the country’s GDP.

Today is not just a launch of a milestone project, it’s a defining moment for Sri Lanka. This is our country’s largest private sector investment and it’s our declaration of belief in Sri Lanka’s future … Through every challenge from economic headwinds to the global pandemic, we have chosen to invest not retreat.”

Ho was equally enthusiastic.

This project is about more than creating a luxury resort,” Ho said. It’s about helping to elevate Sri Lanka’s global profile and contributing to its tourism economy. A development of this scale has a cascading effect — it drives demand for local products, services and supply.”

‘A long bet on Sri Lanka’

Ho said he first visited Colombo in 2013 and was shown renderings of the building.

We’ve built some pretty amazing properties around the world, but this one seemed impossible,” he said. And today, we are standing in this iconic building.”

He described the project as a collaboration aimed at helping to raise Colombo’s profile on the map of global cities” by leveraging Melco’s experience in luxury hospitality and entertainment.

Stability after setbacks

Balendra said the resort was conceived in 2010 as Sri Lanka emerged from a 25-year civil war.

We stayed the course despite the Easter bombings, the pandemic and the economic crisis,” he said. We believe the stability we are seeing now creates an opportunity to position Colombo as a regional and global hub.”

A formal legal framework for gaming, introduced in 2023, enabled Melco to enter the market. The company has a 20-year license to operate adult gaming facilities within the resort.

Early signs

Balendra said winter bookings at the group’s hotels, including the new resort, are ahead of last year.

Melco Resorts operates integrated resorts in Macau, Manila and Cyprus, with City of Dreams Sri Lanka marking its first move into South Asia.

Source: Gulf News

–Agencies

Courtesy Adaderana

Minister of Education, Higher Education, and Vocational Education, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated that there will be no obstruction whatsoever to university students engaging in protests, struggles, or student politics. 

However, there will be no forgiveness for those involved in violence or ragging.

The Prime Minister made these remarks during a discussion held with the academic staff, administrative officers, and students following the ceremonial opening of the newly constructed library building at the University of Vavuniya, according to the Prime Minister’s Media Division.

The Prime Minister unveiled the commemorative plaque to mark the opening of the new library and also participated in an inspection tour of the new library premises. Special attention was then drawn to issues concerning university students.

Further elaborating, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated:

The government’s expectation is not just quantitative expansion in the field of education, but to transform universities into spaces that offer quality education producing students who can face the world and engage with it meaningfully. 

Universities must go beyond simply producing first-degree graduates and the government’s goal is to develop institutions that offer postgraduate education and conduct impactful, meaningful research that benefits both the nation and the world.

Over the years, our university system has expanded, but not enough attention has been drawn to the quality. We must ensure that graduates from our universities are prepared with confidence to face the global stage.

In the upcoming years, it is necessary to transform universities into postgraduate institutions, centers of teacher education, and hubs of research excellence ensuring that the quality of higher education meets international standards.

Many in this assembly may agree that universities often fail to produce graduates that meet the expectations of their institutions. 

New entrants to universities frequently lack the expected quality and essential foundational skills. As a result, universities are forced to teach what should have been taught in school. This is because the responsibilities of school education are not being properly fulfilled.

This situation has placed a considerable burden on the country’s higher education system. We must not forget to ensure that the children are ready for the workforce or higher education when a child completes school. 

Through the new education reform, we are working to change this situation.

At the same time, we place no restrictions on university students raising their voices, protesting, or engaging in student politics to claim their rights. However, there will be no tolerance for violence, ragging, or any act that harms the peaceful student community within universities. We are not prepared to offer forgiveness for such acts.

The government is in a policy decision to provide the facilities necessary to deliver quality education for university students at the highest standard, and is actively working toward that goal.”

The event was attended by the Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, academic staff, administrative officials, and students of the University of Vavuniya, the statement said.

Courtesy Hiru News

The Judicial Service Commission has suspended Thilina Gamage, who served as the District Judge and Magistrate of Moratuwa.

The suspension is due to an ongoing investigation by the commission into charges of misconduct against him.

The Magistrate was officially informed of the suspension in writing yesterday (1) and has been given 21 days to respond.

The investigation is related to Gamage’s alleged involvement in elephant trafficking.

The Judicial Service Commission filed a charge sheet against him last June.

This is not the first time Thilina Gamage has been suspended.

In 2015, the Attorney General filed a case against him on 25 counts under the Public Property Act.

He was accused of illegally possessing an elephant calf named “Sakura” using a forged permit.

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) launched an investigation into the matter, and the elephant calf was handed back to the Department of Wildlife in May of 2015.

The Judicial Service Commission suspended Thilina Gamage, who was then an Additional Magistrate in Colombo, in May 2016.

However, on December 16, 2021, the Colombo High Court acquitted him of the charges after the Attorney General’s Department failed to present sufficient evidence.

උපුටා ගැන්ම  ලංකා ලීඩර්

කාන්තා පරපුර සංවිධානය විසින් ‘අධ්‍යාපන ඇමතිනීගේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සහ ජනපතිගේ අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සමපාත නොවීම’ සම්බන්ධව අදහස් දැක්වීමේ මාධ්‍ය හමුවක් ඊයේ (01) දින පැවැත්වුණි.  මෙම අවස්ථාවට කන්තා පරපුර සංවිධානයේ විධායක කමිටු සාමාජිකා ෆාතිමා හර්ෂණී සහ කාන්තා පරපුරේ ක්‍රියාකාරිනියන් සහභාගි විය.

එහිදී අදහස් දැක්වූ ෆාතිමා මහත්මිය සදහන් කළේ එදා රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතාගේ ධවල පත්‍රිකාවට විරෝධය දක්වා තම ජීවිතයෙන් වන්දි ගෙවීමට සිදුවූ ත්‍රිමා විතානලාගේ පරපුර නියෝජනය කළ ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ නායකයාට අද එම ධවල පත්‍රකාව වැනිම වූ ඊනියා අධ්‍යාපන ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ සදහා සහය දාක්වීමට සිදුවීම කුමන තත්වයක් දැයි තමන්ට නොතේරෙන බවත්, තඹුත්තේගමින් ආපු අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතාට නූතන එළාරගේ භූමිකාව රඟ දැක්වීමට සිදුවී ඇති බවයි. 

සම්පූර්ණ මාධ්‍ය හමුව පහතින් 

Dr. Gamini Goonetilleke FRCS and Dr. Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D. PhD 

The three decades of conflict in Sri Lanka left a profound impact on its victims, mainly soldiers, rebels, and civilians with numerous serious injuries. Wretchedly, many victims did not survive these injuries. Those who were wounded grappled with both physical challenges and long-term psychosocial issues, highlighting the urgent need for comprehensive healthcare services tailored to their needs. Across the island, a significant number of injured individuals face enduring disabilities that hinder their daily activities. Recognizing the depths of their physical and emotional wounds is crucial, as is understanding the broader psychosocial ramifications of their experiences. These victims must receive effective medical treatment to facilitate their recovery and prevent further health complications.

Weapons used in the Eelam War.

The Eelam Wars were marked by a diverse and deadly combination of weaponry employed by both the Sri Lankan military and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The conflict featured an extensive range of missiles, explosives, and high-velocity arms. While the military relied on conventional weapons, the LTTE utilized both captured and locally produced arms, including improvised lethal explosive devices. Their arsenal comprised AK-47s, T-56s, M-16s, long-range artillery, rocket-propelled grenades, mortars, alongside booby traps, sea mines, landmines, and anti-personnel mines. This varied and lethal assortment of weaponry turned the battlefield into a harrowing environment.

Gunshot Injuries

Gunshot injuries were prevalent during the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, leading to complex medical challenges. The impact of a bullet can create permanent spaces in the tissue known as cavities, and the surrounding damage can significantly affect overall health (Shrestha et al., 2023). Victims of gunshot wounds often face serious complications, including direct damage to tissues, vascular issues, and bone fractures, which can lead to chronic infections such as osteomyelitis. The consequences of these injuries can be long-lasting, affecting not only physical health but also mental well-being and social interactions. Survivors frequently deal with chronic pain, neurological issues, and diminished physical and mental health.

Injuries Following Artillery Fire

Artillery constituted one of the most devastating forces during Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, resulting in numerous battlefield injuries. The explosive power of artillery fire led to various types of injuries, with many arising from the blast wave itself. This blast can inflict trauma on the lungs, ears, and gastrointestinal tract. Additionally, shrapnel from artillery can cause penetrating wounds, fractures, burns, and damage to internal organs. The long-term repercussions of these injuries can be severe and varied, often manifesting as chronic pain, infections, nerve damage, and psychological trauma.

War Injuries from Mortar Explosions

During the Eelam War, mortar attacks became a prominent tactic, causing a wide array of injuries through blast effects, fragmentation, and blunt force trauma. The force of these attacks can result in anything from minor injuries to life-threatening trauma. Typical injuries include damage to internal organs due to the explosion, penetrating wounds from fragments, burns from the heat, and blunt force trauma from impacts with surrounding objects. The lasting impact of injuries from mortar explosions can be profound, influencing various aspects of a person’s life, including their physical health, mental capacity, and emotional stability. These injuries encompass conditions like traumatic brain injuries (TBIs), post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), chronic pain, and even the loss of limbs. The repercussions can extend beyond just health issues, affecting one’s quality of life, job prospects, and social relationships.

Injuries from Antipersonnel Mines

Antipersonnel landmines, designed to target individuals, were prevalent throughout the Eelam War. Both conventional and improvised mines were used, often fashioned to blend seamlessly into their surroundings. Their camouflaged designs, made from various materials including wood, plastic, and metal, make them difficult to detect. These mines are triggered by pressure or tripwires, leading to catastrophic consequences. The explosive force of antipersonnel mines can result in severe injuries, especially to limbs and soft tissues, often resulting in traumatic amputations, significant soft tissue damage, and shrapnel wounds. The aftermath of these injuries can extend beyond the physical, leading to psychological issues such as PTSD, anxiety, and depression. Survivors frequently face social challenges too, including stigmatization, unemployment, and a loss of independence, all of which can strain family and community dynamics.

Treating War Injuries  

Addressing war injuries demands a comprehensive strategy that prioritizes immediate treatment, surgical care, infection prevention, and rehabilitation. The harsh realities of war lead to injuries, fatalities, disabilities, and the impairment of essential bodily functions. Initially, the focus is on emergency care and life-saving procedures, quickly followed by critical interventions that include repair work, reconstructive surgery, and physical rehabilitation. These essential services are provided by committed teams of specialists, including orthopedic, plastic and reconstructive, and maxillofacial surgeons, primarily from the National Hospital and the Military Hospital in Colombo.

Psychological Injuries of the Eelam War

The toll of war extends deeply into mental health. Physical injuries from conflict, exposure to traumatic combat experiences, forced displacement, and the mourning of lost loved ones all contribute to significant psychosocial stress. The psychological impact of war can be profound, leading to disorders such as PTSD, depression, and anxiety. These invisible wounds affected not only the veterans; civilians—especially children—often grapple with long-lasting mental health challenges that hinder their ability to lead fulfilling lives. The Eelam War in Sri Lanka left lasting psychological scars on combatants, members of the LTTE, and a large number of civilians.

Conclusion

War-related injuries embody both physical and psychological trauma, carrying extensive ramifications for individuals and society as a whole. While physical injuries are generally visible and immediate, psychological wounds like PTSD and moral injuries may manifest in subtler, enduring ways, potentially fostering cycles of violence. Effective treatment necessitates a multi-faceted approach that incorporates trauma-informed care, mental health support, and addressing the social and economic conditions that fuel conflict.

Dr. Gamini Goonetilleke is a senior consultant surgeon in Sri Lanka with four decades of experience, having worked in many hospitals across Sri Lanka, including the combat zones during the civil war in Sri Lanka, where he gained much experience in managing battle casualties. His surgical experiences have been documented in three published books titled In The Line of Duty: The Life and Times of a Surgeon in War and Peace, The Extra Mile: A Surgeon’s Experiences, and The Healing Cut: Extraordinary Surgical Triumphs.

Dr. Ruwan M. Jayatunge, M.D., PhD, is a medical doctor and a clinical psychologist, and also a member of the American Psychological Association (APA). He is a guest lecturer at Sri Lankan and North American universities.     

References

Banford Witting A, Lambert J, Wickrama T, Thanigaseelan S, Merten M. (2016). War and disaster in Sri Lanka: Depression, family adjustment and health among women heading households. Int J Soc Psychiatry. 425-33. doi: 10.1177/0020764016650213. Epub 2016 Jun 9. PMID: 27282175.

Bourke J. War’s carnage: wounds and weapons. (2016). Lancet. 16;387(10028):1610-1. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(16)30209-4. 

Geiger S, McCormick F, Chou R, Wandel AG. (2008). War wounds: lessons learned from Operation Iraqi Freedom. Plast Reconstr Surg. 122(1):146-153. doi: 10.1097/PRS.0b013e3181773d19. PMID: 18594399.

Goonetilleke,G .(2022). The Extra Mile: a surgeon’s experiences. Sri Lanka.

 Jayatunge, R.M. (2015). Shell Shock To Palali Syndrome PTSD Sri Lankan Experience. Godage International Publishers.

Shrestha R, Kanchan T, Krishan K. (2023). Gunshot Wounds Forensic Pathology. In: StatPearls [Internet]. Treasure Island (FL): StatPearls Publishing; 2025 Jan–. PMID: 32310579.

Somasundaram D. (2010). Collective trauma in the Vanni- a qualitative inquiry into the mental health of the internally displaced due to the civil war in Sri Lanka. Int J Ment Health Syst. doi: 10.1186/1752-4458-4-22. PMID: 20667090; PMCID: PMC2923106.

Ministry of Defence  – Media Centre

The Ambassador of France to Sri Lanka, H.E. Rémi Lambert, paid a courtesy call on the Deputy Minister of Defence Major General Aruna Jayasekara (Retd) at his office in Colombo, yesterday (Jul 31).

During the cordial meeting, the Deputy Minister and the French Ambassador engaged in discussions on matters of mutual interest, including strengthening bilateral defence cooperation and exploring opportunities for collaboration in areas of maritime security and capacity building.

The Deputy Minister expressed sincere appreciation for France’s sustained engagement and valuable cooperation with Sri Lanka, particularly highlighting the significant contributions of the Regional Centre for Maritime Studies (RCMS) located at General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU) in Rathmalana.

The meeting served as a productive platform to exchange perspectives on current regional security developments and explore potential areas for future bilateral collaboration.

Colonel Paltriaux, Defence Attaché of France, also participated in the discussion.

Courtesy The Telegraph (India)

Bangladesh secures 20% tariff on key garment exports to US. India faces higher 25% tariff on apparel shipments. Pakistani, Sri Lankan exporters cautious about impact of 19% tariff

Donald TrumpFile picture

India’s neighbours Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan all got better rates than India as US President Donald Trump put steep tariffs on exports from dozens of trading partners, including Canada, Brazil and Taiwan, ahead of the trade deal deadline Friday.

Bangladesh, the world’s second-largest garment supplier, heaved a sigh of relief after negotiating a 20 per cent tariff on exports to the US, down from the 37 per cent initially threatened, bringing relief to exporters.

Dhaka’s rate is in line with other major apparel-exporting countries such as Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Pakistan and Indonesia. India will face a steeper 25 per cent tariff.

“Protecting our apparel industry was a top priority, but we also focused our purchase commitments on US agricultural products. This supports our food security goals and fosters goodwill with US farming states,” Khalilur Rahman, Bangladesh’s national security adviser and lead negotiator, told Reuters.

Muhammad Yunus, head of the country’s interim government, called it a “decisive diplomatic victory” for Bangladesh, which has a $40-billion apparel export sector –

The readymade garments sector is the backbone of Bangladesh’s economy, accounting for more than 80 per cent of total export earnings, employing about 4 million workers, and contributing about 10 per cent to its GDP.

“While the 20 per cent tariff will cause some short-term pain, Bangladesh remains better positioned than many of its competitors,” Mohiuddin Rubel, additional managing director at Denim Expert Ltd, which makes jeans and other items for brands including H&M, told Reuters.

In India, Chintan Thakker, chairman of industry body ASSOCHAM in Gujarat, a major apparel exporter, said Delhi was hoping that the tariffs will be rationalised.

“We will have to recalibrate our strategies depending on the final tariff imposed,” Thakker told Reuters.

Sri Lanka, Pakistan cautious

Pakistan, which exported about $4.1 billion worth of apparel to the US in the 2024 fiscal year, secured a tariff rate of 19 per cent, but industry figures were cautious about the immediate impact.

“Considering India’s lower production costs and the likelihood of it negotiating reduced tariffs in the near term, Pakistan is unlikely to either gain or lose a meaningful share in the apparel segment,” Musadaq Zulqarnain, founder and chair of Interloop Limited, a leading Pakistani exporter, told Reuters.

“If the current reciprocal tariff structure holds, significant investment is likely to flow into DR-CAFTA countries and Egypt,” he said, referring to a trade agreement between the US and a group of Caribbean and Central American countries.

Sri Lanka also secured a 20 per cent tariff rate from the US, which accounted for 40 per centof its apparel exports of $4.8 billion last year.

“The devil will be in the details as there are questions over issues such as trans-shipment, but overall it’s mostly good,” Yohan Lawrence, secretary general of the Joint Apparel Associations Forum, a Sri Lankan industry body, told Reuters.

Courtesy Adaderana

The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (CCC) has commended the Government of Sri Lanka and the national negotiation team for securing a further reduction in the reciprocal tariff rate imposed by the United States on Sri Lankan exports—from 30% to 20%.

In a statement issued by the Chamber, Chairperson Krishan Balendra described the development as a positive outcome of sustained diplomatic engagement.

While this is clear progress reflecting the value of sustained engagement and strategic diplomacy, it is now important to use this window of opportunity to work towards a long-term arrangement that ensures more stable and competitive market access for our exporters”, Balendra stated.

The Chamber extended its appreciation to the officials involved for their proactive and strategic efforts, particularly in engaging with the U.S. Government and the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to secure this outcome.

As Sri Lanka continues along the path to economic recovery, the Ceylon Chamber urged the government to work collaboratively to address remaining non-tariff barriers and to create a more enabling environment for bilateral trade and investment.

The statement emphasized that deepening commercial ties in a mutually beneficial manner will be critical to enhancing Sri Lanka’s export competitiveness. It also underscored the importance of diversifying the country’s export portfolio and expanding market access through strategic trade agreements.

The Chamber reaffirmed its commitment to supporting the government through practical engagement, industry-informed input, and clear representation of private sector priorities.

Borella Handiya

Top News Lk

By Rohana R. Wasala

Continued from Friday, July 25, 2025

One is tempted to ask whether it is on purpose that president Anura Kumara Dissanayake has given the portfolio of Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs to Hiniduma Sunil Senevi who is alleged to come from a non-Buddhist background, instead of to a more acceptable MP with the requisite qualifications for the job, chosen from his massive parliamentary majority. This impression was reinforced in me when I heard the news that SJB MP Dayasiri Jayasekera speaking in parliament during a heated exchange on July 22 made an improptu reference to Sunil Senevi’s deputy Gamagedara Dissanayake of the NPP, also present in parliament at that time, identifying him as the Buddhist monk who threatened the lay custodian of the Sri Dalada Maligawa in Kandy, the Diyawadana Nilame, by holding a kris knife to his neck when a group of JVP cadres attacked the foremost Buddhist shrine on February 8, 1989. MP Dayasiri Jayasekera was refuting the claim that no records pertaining to that attack exist, made by the Minister for Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Ananda Wijepala in reply to a question earlier put to him by another  SJB MP, Rohini Kavirathne. YouTuber Abheetha Edirisinghe (SL Leaders), on July 23, 2025, revealed more information about the Deputy Minister for Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs: Gamagedara Dissanayake was in robes then as a monk known as Thibbotuwawe Gnanarathana of Deepaduttaramaya of Doragamuwa, Wattegama, Pathadumbara. It’s not known whether he still remains a Buddhist or not..

By appointing such characters to be in charge of Buddha Sasana affairs, is president Anura Kumara Dissanayake flaunting his secularistic nonchalance towards the pivotal Article 9? Not likely, in my opinion. Having been in continuous parliamentary politics for twenty-five years, thanks exclusively to the support that the voters, the majority of whom are Sinhalese Buddhists, have extended to him to date, he would be the last to cock a snook at the place of special recognition given to Buddhism by the Constitution.

Article 9 is listed under Chapter 2 of the  Constitution which is exclusively devoted to Buddhism. The importance of the area of governance covered by that term (Buddhism) is underscored by the fact that it is placed next to the topics of primordial importance: ‘The People, the State and Sovereignty’ described in Chapter 1. Article 9 (coming under Chapter 2) states: ‘The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place…….’. It is not possible that the president wants to openly show contempt for Article 9 because he knows too well that it is totally compatible with secular democracy, and that it does not give Buddhism the status of a state religion that would impinge on the rights of adherents of minority religions.

But what about the neophyte MPs of his alliance, the NPP, who got swept into parliament in November 2024 on the crest of a popular wave of electoral support generated by his, realistically speaking, less than unqualified success at the presidential election held hardly two months before, in September? Though the parliament is filled with them, even the ruling party hierarchy look down upon most of them as ‘paa pisi’ (door mats) and ‘pol leli’ (dry coconut husks). My personal opinion is that these abysmally ignorant self-styled secularists or so-called ‘niragamikayas’ of the JVP/NPP, given little significance for policy-making, have  seriously misunderstood the meaning of ‘secular’ as merely ‘niragamika’ (Sinhala: without any religious affiliation). The Sinhala term is actually derived from Sanskrit; it is a combination of the two elements nir + agamika, which these newly elected parliamentarians might understand, depending on their level of general knowledge, cultural and linguistic sophistication, and common sense, as ‘without any religion’ or ‘rejecting religion altogether’, or ‘non-religious’, or ‘areligious’, or ‘irreligious’, and hence, happily ‘amoral’, or even ‘immoral’!. They also seem to labour under the additional misconception that Buddhism is your typical religion with all the inherent negative attributes usually associated with all normal religions such as dogmatic beliefs that must be accepted as incontrovertible truths and followed without questioning, otherworldly attitudes that obstruct a person’s material advancement and that accommodate unconscious antisocial self-centredness. 

But Buddhism is essentially a nonreligious, moral ethical philosophy (that is, Buddhist spirituality has no connection with religion). It nevertheless needs to assume the religious cultural form of a conventional religion in order to survive among actual religions. Very much the same thing may be said about Hinduism, in spite of the apparently chaotic and obscurantist (= that which prevents knowledge of facts) nature of its practical popular forms. But here I am taking you towards the deep end. Let’s swim back to the safer side. 

Historically speaking, Buddhism emerged in the spiritual matrix of Hinduism. We shouldn’t forget that Siddhatha Gautama who became Buddha was born a Hindu. Hinduism and Buddhism are not religions (Ask the famous Sadhguru/Jagadish Vasudev of Tamil Nadu, founder of the Isha Foundation, Coimbatore, South India). Hinduism and Buddhism  professed as religions  by over eighty percent (80%) of the Sri Lankan population are the most secular (liberal democracy) friendly, and, at the same time, mutually compatible  spiritual traditions that together make for  peaceful coexistence among the diverse ethnic/religious communities within multifaith Sri Lanka. Secularism is no threat to Hindus, nor to Buddhists. (Actually, solidarity between these two groups is the key to Sri Lanka’s national unity.)  

But unfortunately, it is a group of young Buddhist monks who rail against secularism the loudest, believing that it means total rejection of religious values in politics and in general civil society, while their Hindu, Christian, and Muslim counterparts, knowing the truth about secularism in governance, hold their peace.                                        

Nevertheless, we cannot ignore these ‘embattled’ young monks’ patriotic intentions. They must be taught about the importance of secularism (= keeping religion and other matters separate from each other) in governance, civil administration, art, entertainment, in fact, in all spheres of human activity. AI offers the following definition: ‘Secularism is the principle of separating religion from other aspects of life, particularly government and public institutions. It advocates for a society where religious belief is a private matter and the state does not favor or discriminate against any particular religion. Secularism promotes freedom of thought, conscience, and religion for all, ensuring that individuals can hold diverse beliefs without facing coercion or disadvantage’. 

However, in the real world, religion does not always manifest itself as a strictly private matter. Religions become socio-political markers that identify separate ideological groups of people. It is a well known fact that religions promote herd mentality among individuals within a larger group. It makes them conform to beliefs, morals and ethics, and attitudes of the majority (within a community), though they do not privately subscribe to those beliefs, attitudes, etc. So, religions have great political power.  In the world today, for example, Christianity and Islam are both politically powerful in different, sometimes, mutually hostile ways, as in Western and Middle Eastern countries respectively. A common observation is that secular democracy is more prevalent in the Christian West than in the Islamic Middle Eastern states. However, secular democracy is strongest in the Hindu and Buddhist majority countries including India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, etc. Hinduism and Buddhism do not seek world dominance. They only offer a firm moral anchor for individuals and groups based on non-violence, wisdom, and universal compassion.

 A memorable instance that showed the efficacy of this attitude was when Finance Minister J.R. Jayawardane of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) who attended the San Francisco Peace Conference held in 1951 made a powerful speech in which he quoted from the Dhammapada: ‘Hatred is never appeased by hatred in this world – By non-hatred alone is hatred appeased. This is an ancient Truth’, and made a passionate appeal on behalf of Japan, which was struggling after its defeat at World War II; he requested that the demand for war reparations be disclaimed; he said his own country was not going to accept any such compensation money from Japan. Jayawardane’s words were a clarion call for the humane treatment of Japan by the victorious side as well as a morale booster for that country. The grateful Japanese built a statue of J.R. Jayawardane in his honour at the Kamakura Temple in Kanagawa in Japan, which is being carefully maintained even today.

Though today we tend to look upon secularism as something modern imported from the West, a glance at our own history shows that from the very beginning, even before the advent of Buddhism, our rulers adopted a secular mode of governance that was nevertheless subject to wholesome moral standards where Brahman priests and later  Buddhist  monks played only an advisory role for the king, speaking up in the interest of public good, but never took part in governing. The Dasa Raja Dharma or the Ten Kingly Virtues are the moral and ethical duties of a ruler, which emphasize compassionate governance, social justice, and the well-being of the people. They are relevant not only for political leaders, but also for anyone in a position of authority, including business leaders and managers’, as an AI summary explains. No religion is involved here. These are secular principles of good governance. If only Anura Kumara Dissanayake cared to look at what these ten tenets of righteous government are, he would have improved his performance in no time.

In this article (published in two parts), I dwelt on the misunderstood concept of ‘secularism’ that vitiates the JVP/NPP government’s handling of Article 9 of the Constitution. However, the main thrust of president Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s address at the inauguration of the 74th Upasampada Vinayakarma ceremony of the Ramanna Nikaya was to stress his determination to stamp out the evil of  ‘nationalism’ that he seems to have identified as what has been plaguing independent Sri Lanka in the form of the so-called curse of the past 77 years. He appears to be trying to impress on his avowedly secularist party ranks, as well as the meddling outsiders (with strategic geopolitical designs on our country) who are looking over his shoulder, the strength of that resolve.

 But he cannot be unaware of the fact that the Sinhala neologism ‘jaatikavadaya’ was coined about two decades ago as an equivalent to the English term ‘nationalism’ perceived then (at least among us Sri Lankans) as a positive concept identical with patriotism. His current definition of nationalism as an evil that should be suppressed is in accordance with America’s negative interpretation of the concept of ‘nationalism’ in respect of nations/countries that independently choose to promote their own national interests without shaping their foreign policy to subserve ‘the five vital interests’ of the world’s only superpower. This is an idea that I owe to senior American public intellectual, social activist, and former linguistics professor Noam Chomsky. 

Critics have begun to ask whether Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s erroneous substitution of jaativadaya (racism) for jaatikavadaya (nationalism), is a self-conscious ploy to please the Tamil diaspora in the West who secured for him and the alliance he leads the majority of the Tamil votes in the North and the East provinces at the presidential and parliamentary elections held respectively in September and November, 2024, as would be obvious to any unbiased observer.

Shenali Waduge

India’s strategic colonization of Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province—centered around Trincomalee—is not a coincidence but the result of decades-long encirclement through war, diplomacy, economics, and cultural erasure. What began as military intervention in the 1980s has transformed into economic domination and spiritual displacement. Today, India holds de facto control over Sri Lanka’s most valuable port, energy assets, and sacred lands—threatening not just sovereignty, but national identity.

Phase 1: The Pretext – Trincomalee Targeted (1980s)

·       India’s real aim wasn’t Tamil rights — it was blocking U.S., Chinese, Israeli, or Pakistani access to Trincomalee, South Asia’s best natural harbor.

·       The 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, forced on Sri Lanka, merged the North & East (which even Prabhakaran opposed) — giving India a foothold to protect” the East.

·       India sent in the IPKF, claiming to keep peace, but laying the foundation for future control.

Behind the mask of Tamil protection, India secured a strategic grip on Trincomalee.

Phase 2: 2002 Ceasefire – The Trap Is Set

·       Norway brokered a ceasefire between Prabhakaran and PM Ranil — with India quietly backing it.

·       India used the peace to return economically without military risk.

·       Viewing Prabhakaran as a barrier to the East, India quietly backed his elimination in 2009 — clearing the path for its interests.

Strategic Land Grab Begins:

·       In 2003, Lanka IOC gained 14 Trinco oil tanks, 150+ fuel stations, and fuel import rights under PM Ranil.

·       Profits flowed to India — with no reinvestment or local benefit.

·       India mapped out ports, pipelines, and a power grid — but waited for the right moment.

India used the ceasefire not for peace — but for positioning.

Phase 3: Post-War Expansion (2009–2019)

With Prabhakaran gone, India moved swiftly:

·       Secured political influence in the Tamil-majority East

·       Expanded IOC’s footprint

·       Blocked China from entering Trincomalee

·       Funded housing, roads, and rail — only through Indian firms

·       Accelerated power grid and pipeline plans via MoUs

Soft power became hard control.

Phase 4: The Takeover (2020–2025)

Sri Lanka’s crisis became India’s opening. Influence turned into control:

·       75 of 99 Trinco oil tanks now under Indian control or joint venture

·       Sampur Solar Plant (1,000+ acres) run by India’s NTPC

·       Trinco Port co-developed with India, UAE, and CPC

·       Industrial zone, grid, and fuel pipeline link East Sri Lanka to Tamil Nadu

Sri Lanka’s core energy and port assets are now under Indian control or co-management.

Land Grab by the Numbers:

Through JVs, leases, and aid,” India has locked in operational control over thousands of acres in Trincomalee and Sampur.

Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm (TOTF)
• 75 of 99 tanks under Indian control or JV
• ≈ 2,350 acres

Sampur Solar Power Project
• Joint NTPC–CEB project
• ≈ 800–1,000 acres

Proposed Indian Industrial Zone
• Linked to port/logistics
• ≈ 400–600 acres

Trincomalee Port & Logistics Zone
• Joint India–UAE–SL development
• ≈ 2,500–3,000 acres

Total Land Area: 6,050–7,950 acres

Roughly 10–12 square miles—larger than Colombo—is now tied to Indian control.

What’s at Stake?

·       Energy Blackmail: If relations sour, India can cut fuel, electricity, and port services — crippling Sri Lanka within days.

·       Loss of Sovereignty: Vital decisions on energy, trade, and ports shift from Sri Lanka’s leaders to foreign MOUs and Indian boardrooms.

·       Enclave Economy: Trincomalee risks becoming an Indian-controlled zone — with few jobs, little access, and no local say.

·       Military Threat: Dual-use energy projects could mask surveillance or naval bases.

·       Strategic & Spiritual Loss: A double colonization — erasing national identity and sacred heritage.

The Bitter Irony

·       India armed militants, fueled conflict, then posed as peacekeeper and investor—only to quietly absorb the East through legal deals, JVs, and loans.

·       Now a QUAD partner with the U.S., India uses Sri Lanka as a geopolitical pawn in the Indo-Pacific.

Trincomalee is not just land — it’s power, security, and survival.

Imagine this: South Asia’s most valuable harbor… our backup oil reserves… solar power, ports, and industries — all locked under India’s long-term grip.

·       If India turns hostile, fuel stops, power fails, and vital shipments halt.

·       If conflict rises, India already controls logistics — right on our soil.

·       Want to build our own systems? We’ll need foreign permission, since the land and pipelines aren’t ours anymore.

Trincomalee isn’t just land. It’s freedom — or dependence

Eastern Sri Lanka — Sacred Buddhist Heritage at Risk

Trincomalee, Sampur, and the Eastern Province are more than economic zones — they’re the ancient Buddhist heartland of Sri Lanka, home to ruins, viharas, and sacred sites over 2,300 years old.

Girihandu Seya — Sri Lanka’s First Dagoba

·       Located in Thiriyaya, north of Trincomalee, it is Sri Lanka’s earliest stupa.

·       Built during the Buddha’s lifetime by merchant brothers Trapusa and Bahalika, his first lay disciples.

·       According to tradition, the Buddha gave them hair relics, which they enshrined here with local help.

·       This site predates Mahinda Thera’s arrival and Anuradhapura’s official Buddhist conversion by over 250 years.

 

Other Buddhist Heritage Sites in Eastern Sri Lanka

·       Seruwila Mangala Raja Maha Viharaya — stupa housing sacred Buddha relics

·       Velgam Vehera (near Trincomalee) — historic Buddhist monastery

·       Deegavapi (Ampara) — visited by the Buddha

·       Kanikaaravelika Samuddha Maha Viharaya (Kuchcheveli) — mentioned in ancient Pali texts

·       Gokanna Vihara — ancient temple in Trinco port, destroyed by Portuguese; replaced by Koneswaram Hindu temple, signaling Buddhist heritage erasure

·       Lankapatuna Vihara — arrival site of Princess Hemamala with Buddha’s Sacred Tooth Relic (4th century AD)

·       Neelagiri Maha Seya (Lahugala) — one of the East’s largest stupas

·       Sembimale Raja Maha Vihara — part of ancient meditation hermitage network

·       Buddhangala Aranya Senasanaya (Ampara) — active forest monastery with 1,500+ years continuous occupation

·       Kiliveddi Siriwaddana Bodhiya (Seruwila) — sacred Bodhi tree

·       Muhudu Maha Viharaya (Pottuvil) — built 2,000+ years ago by King Kavan Tissa

·       Magul Maha Vihara (Lahugala, Ampara) — dates to King Kavantissa’s reign (205–161 BC)

Many face covert attempts to reclassify or convert them into Hindu kovils—erasing Buddhist history under the guise of multiculturalism.

Numerous inscriptions, ruins, and cave temples prove an unbroken Buddhist presence here long before any Tamil settlement.

Why this matters Constitutionally

·       Article 9 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution gives Buddhism the foremost place and obliges the State to protect and promote the Buddha Sasana.

·       Article 16(1) ensures all existing laws—written and unwritten—remain valid, including those protecting Buddhist heritage.

·       Trincomalee and the Eastern Province are not just strategic or economic areas; they are sacred to the nation’s Buddhist identity.

·       Failure to protect the Buddha Sasana here could be a constitutional violation, not merely political negligence.

Threats to This Heritage

·       Indian-led development risks excluding Sri Lankans from sacred lands, especially if Trincomalee and Sampur become quasi-sovereign enclaves.

·       Unchecked foreign infrastructure and pipelines could encroach, neglect, or erase protected Buddhist sites over time.

·       Demographic and political engineering—through Tamil homeland claims and foreign-funded reconciliation” projects—threatens to wipe out Sinhala-Buddhist heritage in the East.

·       India’s Prime Minister, a Hindu nationalist, cannot mask these threats with symbolic reverence for Buddhism while advancing policies that erode Sri Lanka’s Buddhist heartland.

Key Argument

India’s investments in the Northern and North-Western provinces aren’t goodwill — they’re a calculated corridor of control, ensuring direct logistical access to Trincomalee from South India.

 

Consider this:

·       From Tamil Nadu (Rameswaram) to Jaffna – ~50 km (20 mins by sea)

·       Jaffna to Trincomalee – ~230 km (by new roads India helps develop)

·       Colombo to Trincomalee – ~270+ km (by road)

India can now reach Trincomalee faster than Sri Lanka’s own government can, from its capital Colombo

What Sri Lanka Must Urgently Do

1.     Audit and renegotiate MOUs — restore national terms in fuel, ports, and energy deals.

2.     Rebuild CPC capacity — end dependence on IOC.

3.     End monopoly leases — reclaim control of Trincomalee tank farms and ports.

4.     Ensure local benefit — enforce profit sharing, local hiring, and national oversight.

5.     Return to a Non-Aligned Policy — avoid becoming India’s satellite or a U.S. pawn.

Beware the Illusion of Partnership

India’s global behavior shows it cannot be trusted—even by major powers. Starting 1 August 2025, the U.S. will impose a 25% tariff on Indian goods, with additional penalties over trade with Russia (Reuters, July 30, 2025). If India breaks commitments with the U.S., how can Sri Lanka trust it with our ports, energy, and sacred lands?

Sri Lanka may remain politically independent—but risks becoming an economic colony of India if no action is taken.

If Trincomalee is lost, Sri Lanka’s independence becomes a formality. 

Action is no longer a choice—it is a necessity.

Shenali D Waduge

Shenali D Waduge Political Analyst

On the 98th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the Chinese Embassy in Colombo delivered more than a message of military celebration — it reaffirmed a growing truth in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy: China is a friend who has stood with us — quietly, powerfully, and respectfully.

A Force that Heals, not Harms

While some nations arm proxies and destabilize neighbors to assert control, China sends hospital ships — like the Peace Ark, which treated over 5,000 Sri Lankans, performed surgeries, and extended the hand of healing. That is not just military diplomacy — that is humanitarian solidarity.

India, in contrast, has left behind a bitter trail: from training Tamil militants in the 1980s to meddling in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs under the guise of regional stability,” often enforcing its will through covert operations, forced deals, and political interference.

Respectful Partnership vs Strategic Pressure

The PLA’s modernization is not about dominance but capacity-building. As the Chinese envoy stated, China builds no alliances to threaten, targets no third country, and seeks no confrontation. It offers confidence without coercion — unlike India’s Neighborhood First” policy that often means India First, neighbors later.”

Sri Lanka has seen how India weaponizes trade, diplomacy, and debt — through infrastructure-airport-harbor-port deals, political manipulation, and acting as a gatekeeper to Western powers. These are not claims, but facts India cannot deny.

In contrast, China provides military training, humanitarian support, cultural solidarity and consistently defends Sri Lanka’s sovereignty on international platforms like the Geneva Human Rights Council. No conditions. No lectures. Just solidarity.

Two Neighbors, Two Approaches

China and India represent two fundamentally different foreign policy models. One respects Sri Lanka’s independence. The other seeks to influence it.

Where China’s ambassador fosters partnership and trust, India’s engagement often feels like coercion disguised as cooperation. This distinction is vital: Sri Lanka must choose friends based on mutual respect and reliability, not mere geography.

A Consistent Diplomatic Ethic

Under Ambassador Qi Zhenhong, the Chinese Embassy has deepened these time-tested ties — from humanitarian aid and technical training to respectful defense cooperation. In a region where some diplomats act like proconsuls, China’s representative has behaved like a true partner, not a puppet master.

History with India: Respect must be Mutual

Sri Lanka acknowledges its deep and ancient cultural, religious, and economic ties with India — bonds we continue to respect & strengthen. Sri Lanka has never taken action that threatens India’s security. Yet, India has repeatedly undermined Sri Lanka’s sovereignty — backing separatism, manipulating internal politics, and seeking dominance rather than friendship.

Respect must be mutual. Friendship cannot be one-sided or coerced.

This is not an attack on India, nor a blind embrace of any global power. It is a sober reflection on how Sri Lanka has been treated — and how it deserves to be treated. We value our civilizational ties with India, but friendship must never become dominance. Nor is this blind praise of China; we judge all nations by their conduct. In diplomacy, proximity is not loyalty, and distance is not distrust.

Our guiding principle is simple: we stand with those who respect our sovereignty — not those who compromise it.

Critics speak of debt traps” — but forget who truly dictated terms, who benefited from rushed deals, and who pressured Sri Lanka in its moments of weakness. Unlike others, China has never demanded policy in return for aid. That is the real difference.

China’s higher moral ground in Diplomacy

Unlike certain regional powers that treat Sri Lanka as a geopolitical playground — arming insurgents, imposing political solutions, and dictating terms — China has consistently demonstrated principled diplomacy. It never exploited Sri Lanka’s vulnerabilities or used proximity as pressure.’

While others rely on surveillance, backdoor deals, and regime manipulation, China has shown that true friendship respects sovereignty. It does not subvert it.

This ethos is reflected in the actions of its present envoy and the strength of bilateral ties.

Sadly, Sri Lanka’s political leadership has often failed to see this difference — or been too compromised to respond with equal dignity and clarity.

A Shared Vision for a Peaceful Asia

President Xi’s vision of a shared future for humanity, rooted in peace and cooperation, aligns with Sri Lanka’s hopes for stability after decades of foreign interference.

China does not demand allegiance — it offers partnership.

In contrast, India’s record is full of double standards: preaching peace while backing division, talking unity while meddling in regime changes abroad.

From Zheng He to Peace Ark — A Timeless Friendship

Centuries before modern diplomacy, Admiral Zheng He sailed peacefully to Sri Lanka. Today, the Peace Ark carries that legacy forward. From the pilgrimages of Monk Faxian to strategic cooperation today, China has never treated Sri Lanka as a backyard — only as friend.

Let us choose our Friends by their Deeds, Not Their Distance

It’s time Sri Lanka sees the difference clearly:

• One neighbor uses proximity to dominate.
• The other uses friendship to empower.

With China, we built ports. With India, we nearly lost them.

China healed. India armed.

China helped end terrorism. India enabled it.

Let history judge not who claimed to help — but who truly did.

As the Chinese envoy rightly said: History is like a mirror, seeing the road ahead.”
For Sri Lanka, that road must be walked with true friends — not false allies.

Shenali D Waduge
Political Analyst

Chanaka Bandarage

Since 1970 or so all parties in this country have been extremely corrupt. Then, in the past 35 years we became one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Because the politicians are so corrupt, public servants too became corrupt; they also engaged in all forms of bribery and corruption.

This phenomenon favoured the NPP at the 2024 Presidential and Parliamentary elections, as NPP leaders had boasted a good record in relation to honesty. Thus, people voted for them en-mass.

The people’s only hope was that NPP will rescue them from the enormous social and economic plight that the country was in and bring forth prosperity to them 

What people wanted was NPP to rebuild this nation, the last thing they wanted was NPP to put them into more turmoil.

Why cannot the NPP government provide relief to the innocent sugar cane farmers of Sevanagala? Why is the government so slack and lethargic in this?

Is NPP acting like Gota’s government?

In 2019 people voted for Gota resoundingly (69 million). They genuinely believed that he would fix the country’s problems and make it prosperous.  Gota failed the people miserably; they threw him out within two years of coming to power. Will the same fate fall upon this NPP President and the NPP government?

Let us hope not.

If it is a Yes, it will be disastrous for the nation – a loss for all people.

In the last 10 months, the incidents of Container Gate, nepotism, appointment of lackeys to country’s top jobs have caused a dent in the Government’s honesty record.  But, people are still willing to give the government a chance – they still hold that overall the government is good and honest.

But, the way the NPP’s senior leadership and some Ministers behave has raised doubts in the people’s mind about NPP’s Integrity, foresight, wisdom, efficiency, administration, intellect, empathy, patriotism etc.

Let us hope that the NPP President (AKD) and his government will rectify their grave mistakes and become successful.  This paper is written in  that spirit.

When JR came to power in 1977 with a 5/6 majority, it immediately showed good results to the people. Thus, people were happy until the ugly incident in 1983.

Even before the last Presidential election, NPP indicated that upon its leader becoming the President, he will not rule the country alone but with his team.

Is this happening now?

If yes, this is the reason for the government’s present downfall.

We have a Parliamentary Executive that consists of the President and the Cabinet. The topmost government officials are considered part of the Executive.

In such a context, NPP cannot expect to  run the country from Pelawatte. The government should be run from the Echelon’s Square, by the Executive President.

Though NPP tries to emulate China and Vietnam (they are Leftist countries that practice Capitalism); it must realise that ours is more than a French style Presidency.

Our President has enormous power, some are like dictatorial.  

The late US President Harry Truman had the sign ‘the buck stops here’ placed on his desk.

The same rationale applies to our President.

JR drafted the current Constitution in order to be like the strong leader Lee Kwan Yew. JR failed because of the war (he did relatively well until 1983).

Our President must know what is good and bad for the nation.  He must not be scared to take good decisions – in the best interests of the country.

Does the President lack the ticker to be the country’s leader (unable to run the country under his total command and control, in true leadership spirit – something that is demanded by our Constitution?)?

If Yes, he is not leadership material.

The NPP promised masses that under its regime all looted money ($) will be returned to  Sri Lanka and the looters will be prosecuted. This was their strongest point during the two election campaigns.

This is one of the main reasons why people voted for them.

Are they genuinely doing this now? No.

Ranjan Ramanayake stated ‘brother, all 225 are friends”. According to him, the JVP is included in the  225.

NPP is now not Leftist, but strong Liberal

Unlike Rohana Wijeweera’s JVP which was Leftist, the NPP leadership under AKD is strong Liberal.

That is ok.

But, the NPP’s Liberalistic comments/conduct in criticizing the need to uphold traditions and values is a real cause for concern.

According to NPP’s pre-elections rhetoric, traditions must be dismantled as they inhibit the society’s forward march.

For the first time, singing Jayamangala Gatha at a Presidential Inauguration Ceremony was not allowed by NPP. This was a major blow to the country’s Buddhists. Even during the ‘British Raj’, Jayamangala Gatha was not estopped by them at state functions.

Unlike the US, Australia which are strong Liberal democracies; we are a strong conservative society (democracy).

People here know who they are/where they came from and why they are here. History is very important to us. We do not want History to be suppressed and/or faked.

We (Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Burghers) are proud of our cultures, customs and traditional ways of life.

NPP must not try to change everything overnight.

This is a civilization that has existed for 2500 years.

Sri Lanka is a country founded on a Sinhala Buddhist foundation. Sadly many Buddhist priests do not have the guts to say this openly. Several Muslim and Christian leaders (including the Cardinal) have been bold enough to state in public loudly that Sri Lanka is a Sinhala Buddhist country.

Accepting this does not mean others are 2^nd class.

We all live like children of one mother. It should be that way.

Contrary to what Rohana Wijeweera, Somawansha Amarasinghe preached, the current NPP seems to believe that Sri Lanka is not a Sinhala Buddhist nation. They have indirectly elaborated this before and after the 2024 elections.

Will the NPP accept the fact that the Sinhalese have the right to live in all parts of the North and the East? We need answers to this question now.

Since recently, NPP leaders have started visiting/worshiping Buddhist temples. This is somewhat hilarious. It is well known that JVP has been an atheist party.

Are they doing this to canvass the Sinhala Buddhist vote?  NPP must be truthful with the electorate.

We must not forget that the JVP of Rohana Wijeweera and Somawansa Amarasinghe has been a Marxist party.

Would the NPP continue to preserve the Article 9 of the Constitution? Would they support the State giving patronage to Buddhism or not? People ought to know this.

Why did upon coming to power NPP abolish the Buddhasashana Ministry?

NPP has slipped away from answering whether or not they would implement the 13^th Amendment fully (giving land and police powers to provinces), or even give 13+.

Up to what extent would they go in supporting the 13A or 13+?

Does NPP want to legalise prostitution? True, a licensing regime could give security and protection to prostitutes, but once sex work is recognized as an occupation people could travel in droves especially from villages to big cities to formally work in the new industry.  This is what has happened to one of our friendly countries in South East Asia. Legalizing prostitution (licensing brothels) means Colombo becoming the Bangkok of South Asia? (Thailand is 95% Buddhist, it is Asia’s topmost tourist destination (over 40 million tourists a year – 20 times more than us). In places like Bangkok, Pattaya, Phuket, Chiang Mai one can see how scantily dressed Thai women (and men), in selected areas, openly solicit foreign tourists for sex. They smoke cigarettes and drink alcohol in open. Sadly, this trend seems to be spreading to Laos, Cambodia and possibly to Vietnam (all Buddhist countries).  Is this what we want in Sri Lanka?

Is it possible that NPP could legalise same sex relationships?  Will they legalise same sex marriages? A possibility under NPP, not by any other political party. Then, we will be the South Asia’s first to have legally recognised same sex couples/families. Strong liberal political parties like the NPP, Peratugamis (previously leftist) should realise that we are a conservative society, the concept of same sex relationships/marriages is ‘foreign’ to people here. Such things may happen in the West, just because of that we must not emulate them. Sri Lanka is certainly not ready for same sex relationships/marriages.

We all can remember that before the 2024 elections a senior NPP (JVP) stalwart stated that in order to promote tourism NPP will organise a procession where women in seminude (exposing their breasts) will walk from Galle to Colombo. This person now holds a senior Cabinet Minister position. We are seeing so many antics from him, when will the NPP remove him from the Cabinet?

The current NPP leaders must not forget that under Somawansa Amarasinghe’s leadership it worked hard to preserve the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. It was the JVP that challenged the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces in the Supreme Court. The JVP was successful on that occasion.

Today’s JVP (NPP) Liberal policies are poles apart from the Leftist policies of Rohana Wijeweera and Somawansa Amarsinghe.

Today’s NPP policies are most attuned to the philosophies and concepts of the Peratugamis, Lionel Bopage, Jayadewa Uyangoda, the late Victor Ivan et al. And we all know what they are!

Prof. Hudson McLean

Short Answer: Yes, collectively they can—but only if they unite with strategic clarity and economic coordination.

Long Answer:
The world is no longer unipolar. While the U.S. under Trump (or any hardline leader) may project dominance through sanctions, military alliances (NATO), or economic tools (SWIFT, dollar reserve), the rest of the world now holds more than half of global GDP, resources, and population.

• China and India are economic powerhouses with massive domestic markets.
• EU is a regulatory superpower with enormous trade weight.
• Russia has energy leverage, especially over Europe and parts of Asia.
• Latin America, ANZ, and Africa offer strategic resources and emerging markets.

But here’s the catch: disunity, ideological divides, and dependency on the US dollar system are the key weaknesses of the anti-Trump bloc.

🇺🇸 Can the USA Live Without the Rest of the World? 

Short Answer: Temporarily, but at a steep cost.

The U.S. economy depends heavily on:

• Global supply chains (especially for tech, minerals, and consumer goods)
• Allies for military basing and intelligence
• Export markets for its agriculture, tech, and defense sectors
• The trust in the dollar and US financial system

If the rest of the world decouples or even partially de-dollarizes, the American cost of living would spike, global confidence would erode, and the “Empire of Trust” would fracture.

😡 Is Trump’s Skill Really ‘Deal Making’? Or Fear-Based Dominance?

Trump’s so-called deal-making” isn’t negotiation in the traditional diplomatic sense—it’s power posturing, often with:

• Unilateralism (leaving agreements like the Paris Accord, Iran Deal)
• Tariff wars (with China, even Europe)
• Threats to allies (e.g., NATO funding demands)
• Transactionalism, not partnership

He often treats allies like clients, and adversaries like rivals in a real estate deal. It’s not diplomacy; it’s intimidation wrapped in nationalism. 

🐓 Why Is Global Leadership Acting Like ‘Headless Chickens’?

Good question—and one many citizens and analysts ask.

Reasons include:

• Fear of economic retaliation (sanctions, tariffs)
• Overreliance on US tech/finance systems (e.g., SWIFT, Visa, Apple, Google)
• Political chaos or indecision in other countries
• Lack of a Unified Alternative Power Centre

Many leaders are reactive, not strategic—allowing Trump’s antics to control the global narrative.

👁️‍🗨️ “The Open Secret” 

Trump did not build America’s global dominance. It was built over:

• Post-WWII economic architecture (Bretton Woods, IMF, World Bank)
• Military presence and security guarantees
• Cultural soft power (Hollywood, tech, innovation)
• Trade dominance through dollarized systems

Trump simply exploits this inherited power for his personal political theatre, often reducing complex global relationships to a TV-style standoff. 

🔮 Who Will Blink First?

• If Trump returns and others remain disunited: the world might blink—again.
• But if the rest of the world learns to coordinate, build regional systems, invest in alternative trade/tech alliances: America will have to adjust its tone or risk genuine isolation.

✊ Final Reflection

The statement is not just political critique—it’s a Call to Action. 

The world needs:

• Real leadership rooted in cooperation, not fear
• A multipolar balance of power
• Resilience from within—less dependence on any one nation’s ego 

How Long will This Circus Go?