The clergy and politicians expressed various views against the statement made by Harin Fernando.
Ven. Magalkande Sudaththa Thero of the Sinhala Ravaya organization said that Sajith Primadasa’s group is in the group that hates religious leaders and is questioning the Leader of the Opposition Sajith Primadasa about the action to be taken regarding Harin Fernando’s statement.
Meanwhile, Tissa Attanayake, from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, said that insulting any religion by anyone in his party or any party should not be allowed.
He further said that the UNP has learned its lessons from history.
Meanwhile, State Minister Shehan Semasinghe told the media that he was questioning the Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa on whether a disciplinary inquiry would be held into Harin Fernando’s statement.
Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa stated that discussions will be held within the party regarding the statement made by MP Harin Fernando regarding the Cardinal.
>He stated this while answering questions posed by the media after visiting a church in Matara.
State Minister Piyal Nishantha told the media that MP Harin Fernando could face the same fate as Mangala Samaraweera for criticizing religious leaders.
Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa states that the small and medium scale enterprise sector has become the backbone of the country’s economy.
The Prime Minister was addressing the Small and Medium Enterprise Development Conference held at the Magamruhunupura International Conference Center in Hambantota today
The archdiocese of Colombo says it condemns the puerile attempt by MP Harin Fernando to find excuses for his own grave misdeed and cast unjustified and unfounded aspersions on Archbishop Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith.
In a statement, it refers to remarks made by the MP at the presidential commission that inquires into the Easter Sunday attacks.
Once again we affirm categorically that the Cardinal and the Bishops as well as the Catholic clergy were in no way made aware of this plot by anyone and so the allegation is baseless,” the statement says.
The Yahapalana Government & US Government finalized MCC (development arm of US Govt’s Pivot to Asia) in 2018. It was to create a dynamic market for land and was a key component in Yahapalana 8-year National Development Plan – Vision 2020: A Country Enriched. Land & Transport were identified as tools with which MCC would enter Sri Lanka with bim saviya & Title Registration Act playing a key role. MCC Land Project in Sri Lanka is going to use the bim saviya that has removed judicial authority in 1998 Act together with MCC immunity clause to grab our land and leave very little role for the legal fraternity to adjudicate our land rights legally.
Are lawyers & notaries aware their professions are at risk.
Annex 1-33 of MCC clearly shows US Government has laid down plans for Sri Lanka together with USAID, WORLD BANK, US EMBASSY and US Actors. Bim Saviya plays a pivotal role in this plan.
Annex 1-34 of MCC shows that Title Registration (Bim Saviya) will govern government lands that will all be privatized.
Bim Saviya or Title Registration Act was hurriedly enacted in Sri Lanka proposed by World Bank in 1998. Title Registration Act 21 of 1998 is a cut and paste of the 1858 Torrens Law Australia. None of the amendments adopted by other countries adopting Title Registrations were done because recommendations were ignored and consultations limited to those who favored implementing system. Thus land fraud a burning issue in Sri Lanka was not addressed.
From 1998 to 2006 the Bim Saviya could not be launched because of the issues associated to it. It was essentially a failed project. Section 2 of Title Registration Act 1998 created a new title – Commissioner of Title. This separate department had a team of officials tasked to adjudicate judicial process. They were not lawyers but they were entrusted to examine land ownership of 12million land owners in Sri Lanka. These private & State land owners were to be governed by bim saviya. What actually happened was that the task of Judges & the Court was slowly transferred to public administration by the Title Commissioner thereby removing the 3rdpillar (Judiciary) of governance from the People.
Is this not a violation of the Constitution?
Commission of Title adjudication process has been a failure. This is evident in the Commissioner of Title Report of 2018. Only 700,000 blocks out of 12million blocks of land has been converted to bim saviya since 1998. Bim Saviya does not recognize customary laws of Sri Lanka specifically co-ownership. The Commissioner of Title’s role is made difficult because the adjudication process is minus the judiciary.
Cadastral system of drawing plans entrusted to Survey Department also failed as private surveyors were outsourced the task.
MCC is making use of bim saviya as it is a failed project which MCC can manipulate to its advantage. Even MCC in Annex 1-31 acknowledges failures of MCC. In order for MCC to take advantage, MCC is recommending amendments to existing laws Annex 1-34.
Why can’t the Government of Sri Lanka recommend that e-register continues with the existing DEED SYSTEM? Why amend MCC to incorporate what is already in practice by the DEED SYSTEM.
Why does a sovereign government have to accept recommendations from foreign bodies simply because of foreign funding?
How many are aware that after entry of owners name into the bim saviya registry, ownership is conclusive and cannot be altered.The real owner possessing deed cannot seek legal intervention if a fraudster has registered same land under bim saviya. The only relief given to the owner in the 1998 Act is to seek compensation for the land lost from the Government. The government too cannot give the land back to the owner. The role of the Judges in adjudicating land fraud is no more with Act 21, 1998.
Section 33 of Act 21 clearly establishes this. MCC will manipulate this.
Fraudster will register a land in his name, obtain the 12 digit number for a piece of land that does not belong to him and the real owner cannot go to courts after realizing what has happened to his land. His only relief is compensation awarded by the Title Commissioner. His land is lost to a fraudster.
With the role played by Judges & Court passed on to the Title Commissioner, the owner’s fundamental right to access court is denied.
Act 21, 1998 has removed the 3rdpillar from the People. Why has lawyers not raised this to the highest levels? Giving reports is not enough.
Role of judges in land matters is now limited. So too is the role of lawyers.
Let us imagine a poor farmer given freehold title to a piece of State land (he has been living on with a permit) as is being presently promoted by the previous government & even present government. He is now owner of several acres of land.
He is illiterate about electronic systems, he cannot converse or communicate in English. He does not have a deed as recommended by the Electronic Transaction Act 19 of 2006 Section 23. His notary too has no computer or internet to help him. Can the police, CID or even courts come to his help if someone has shifted his name with a forged deed?
He can go to Court – but the Court is likely to say he cannot get his land back & to seek compensation from the Title Commissioner. What he had as a permit holder is now lost. Not only does he not have a piece of land, he has no living or even a place to live & perhaps no compensation as the Govt has no money to give. This opens a new chapter in poverty but MCC claims its ‘gift’ is to alleviate poverty.
Does the Government have money in the Assurance Fund to give compensation for acres of land defrauded from owners?
What is the future of land litigation and the future of the judiciary with section 33 which states ‘ the register is conclusive evidence and ownership registered shall not be questioned in a court‘’ ?
What is the future of the banks that lend money on mortgages to a forged bim saviya registered owner? He can also cancel the mortgage bond.
These issues cannot be taken to court under Section 33 of Act 21, 1998.
What is the future of the existing cases before court?
Counsels who find defendants with Bim Saviya certificates obtained with the adjudication process of Title Commissioner running parallel to the judicial process of the country. Can the judges dismiss the pending land cases?
Chaos at times in courts where trials come to naught with one owner with deed and another with bim saviya for the same land!
What is the future of co-owners–where only one owner is appointed to be registered as the owner with power over the other co-owners designated as Trustee under Bim Saviya Section 16 of the Act 21 Bim Saviya
What is the future of Counsels who are unable to file legal remedies such as injunctions relating to land ownership?
What is the future of those who prescribe to land as the Bim Saviya repeals the law of prescription?Section 57 Act 21 of 1998
What is the future of notaries? Do they all practice in English[ MCC sates the language is English] Do they all have computers and Internet ?
What is the future of Insurance remedy?where the government believes that monetary compensation can be granted to owners in lieu of owners’ rights to access court?
Many are advocating or promoting giving away of state land to farmers.
They believe ownership of lands grants money to owners and the poor will be rich. Anyone who owns land will know the cost of managing land and cost of cultivation Only those who have deep pockets can cultivate as one has to wait for the crops to cover even the cost leaving alone profit.
Is the real intent to create the above scenario?
Imagine the fate of all the farmers who will have no land, no deed [Act 19 of 2006 specifically require deeds to be retained with the e-register]
With no rights to access court and no money to cultivate or manage land?
Have the legal fraternity [judges, counsel, notaries] not thought of their own livelihoods being at risk too from Bim Saviya MCC land program?
To satisfy the US and accept a paltry $480m – is it worth our professionals and our People and the Government ending up eventually landless and without professionals?
The
Vision Statement issued by Mr Gotabaya Rajapakse, had received
overwhelming approval of the general public. Then Mr Mahinda
Rajapakse faced the General Election without a new Vision Statement, but
committed to comply with that of the elected President.
Now
there are several brickbats attempting to drive their own personal
Agenda’s overriding that of the President.
a.
GEVENDU
KUMARATUNGA:
The
new national list MP Mr Gevindu Kumaratunga was an unknown quantity until
recent times, even though he is the grandson of Late Munidasa
Kumaratunga. He formed Yuthukama (යුතුකම)
meaning Foremost Duty. He was not voted into the parliament
by the people. He declared war against the proposed 20 amendment.
According to him, it is difficult to meet the media unless changes are made to
the Draft. Gevindu forgot two factors. Firstly he is not the
media spokesperson for the government=and must be intelligent enough to express
views on contentious issues. Secondly, if he has any concern regarding
the Draft, his Foremost Duty (යුතුකම)
should be to express his views with the government hierarchy, instead of
undressing in public.
B. PREMARATNE DOLAWATTE: Another young energetic lawyer moving up the ladder,
from the Colombo District wasted no time in trying to get into the
Picture. Inspired by Gevindu, he assumed a high role of attempting
dictate terms to the President and PM.
c. WIMAL, DAYASIRI:
These
are experts on all fields, willing to step forward to become heros. Wimal
did many improvements as Industries Minister before the general election,
but now he is more of a constitutional expert than an Industry Minister.
The Industry Ministry is a complicated specialised role, realising this, the
President has decentralised the role for Pharmaceuticals, Textile,
Batiks, Wood and Metal work, Jewellery and Gem manufacture, Clay related
Industries etc. With microeconomic attention, the President
has given wide powers and funds to State Ministers to embark on large projects
in these areas. Wimal should be happy about the structure
and try to work as a team instead of speaking out of turn on matters outside
his role. Dayasiri has held several senior cabinet ministerial roles, but
had not made any significant contribution.
D.
VASUDEWA NANAYAKKARA:
It
is no secret that Vasu dislike President Gotabaya. He has been given a
Cool Job, as Minister of Water Supply. But prefer to speak out
of turn, just like Wimal, on any subject.
TRYING TO PLAY THE OLD GAMES:
There
are several MPs, Ministers, lobby groups trying to play the old game of
politics to derail the pathway formulated by the President and approved by the
masses.
This
is a great opportunity for the President to exert his authority on Ministers
and MPs, trying to undercut his policies. If the President attempt
to bargain or compromise on the gazetted 20 Amendment, it will be an
extremely difficult task for him to formulate a new Constitution.
The President will be deemed as a weak person, lacking leadership. The
Opposition, local and international media will provide widest publicity that
Gotabaya has backed down. His authority will be tarnished.
Few
SLPP mps and Ministers have provided much needed weapons to the opponents of
the government. The general public expect stern
action by the President, against the culprits, regardless of their standing
within the Government Group. The Political bickering must stop.
Therefore,
we hope, the President will NOT agree to change an iota of the proposed
Draft of 20A, but continue further processing in the Parliament, with due
regard to the determinations, if any, by the Supreme Court.
The anti-Rajapaksa
camp has a distinct advantage at presidential elections than in parliamentary
elections. On the other hand, the Rajapaksa camp has a clear advantage in
parliamentary elections than at presidential elections. Given this fact, it is
unwise the empower the president at the expense of the PM. What should happen
is the opposite. The parliament and the PM must be given more powers and the
president less powers. Although more power to the president seems a good idea
today because the president is Gotabaya, it will be a disaster for Rajapaksas
in the long run.
JR did the
same mistake in 1977 when he drafted a new Constitution with total executive
power in the hands of the president. He expected his coterie will rule the
country forever with his nephew Ranil taking over after him. But alas! Ranil
never became the head of state. He was defeated by Chandrika who was 16 years
his junior in politics and Sirisena (12 years junior in parliament). This may
be the fate of Gotabaya’s nephews too.
A careful
look at recent elections prove that Rajapaksas must empower the parliament and not
the president. Parliamentary elections give them more power while presidential
elections give their rivals more power.
Rajapaksa
camp won 46% at the 2004 parliamentary election and their main rival UNP won
only 38%. However, at the presidential election a year later, Rajapaksa only
improved by 4% whereas the UNP improved a massive 9%. The 2010 presidential
election saw UNP backed candidate win 40% against Mahinda’s 58%. However, at
the following parliamentary election UNP collapsed to a dismal 29% – that is a
gain of 2% for Rajapaksas and a loss of 11% for the UNP. 2015 presidential
election was won by the UNP supported candidate with 51% while Rajapaksa
managed 48%. At the following parliamentary election, UNP slid down to 45% (a
drop of 6%) whereas Rajapaksas despite losing the previous election also
reduced 6%. The same pattern continued in 2019 and 2020. UNP managed to win 42%
at the presidential election against Rajapaksa’s 52%. However, UNP/SJB
collapsed to a dismal 24% which is a drop of 18%! Rajapaksas on the other hand
improved by 7%.
At the past
election cycles, parliamentary elections favoured Rajapaksas by an average of
3% over presidential election. But presidential elections favoured Rajapaksa
rivals by an average of 11% over parliamentary elections.
Look at it
another way, Rajapaksas won on average 52% of parliamentary elections whenever
they contested to become PM. It was the same when they contested to become
President (52%). However, they main rivals managed 45% at presidential elections
on average but only managed 34% on average at parliamentary election.
Astronomical
population growth rate of minorities worsens this disparity as years pass.
Of course,
Rajapaksas won most of these elections. However, these good times won’t last
forever. They will end most likely at a presidential election than a
parliamentary election. That is why it is suicidal to give more power to the
president at the expense of the parliament. GR must not do the mistake of JR.
Their nephews paid/will pay for it and their rivals will gain.
State Minister Arundika Fernando, in charge of coconut, fishtail palm, palmyra, and others, was hoisted up a coconut tree in his estate to address reporters.
The 20th Amendment (20A) to the Constitution has become a topic of spirited debate and discussion. Much of it is generated by misunderstanding the true intent of 20A. It should not be a durable amendment to the Constitution. Instead, it should be temporary, until a comprehensive new Constitution is developed and presented to the nation.
Until then, 20A should serve as a stop gap for the Executive President to address the unprecedented challenges the country has to face following the COVID-19 pandemic. With this in mind, the intent of 20A should be to either repeal those provisions that had been introduced by the 19th Amendment to seriously dilute executive powers as admitted by the framers of 19A or to repeal 19A altogether and restore the executive powers the President had under the 1978 Constitution. It is only by removing the constraints that exist under 19A that the President would be in a position to address the daunting challenges that lie ahead. Without strengthening the hand of the Executive, the formidable task of social and economic recovery that the country is compelled to face because of the global pandemic would be a near impossibility.
THE NEED for 20A
The two most formidable issues that should engage the full attention of the government and the nation are:
(1) The need to continue with the very effective measures adopted to contain COVID-19 in order to prevent the possibility of a resurgance.
(2) The absolute urgency to revive the seriously depressed economy, brought about nationally and globally by the pandemic.
As far as the first issue is concerned, the government has demonstrated very effectively that it has the capabilities and organizing abilities to implement procedures and practices to maintain the health of the nation to such a degree that the President and the Sri Lankan nation have received international acclaim. An equally encouraging aspect is the support extended by the public to the call of the government to practice the health safeguards recommended by the government. What the government and the nation have collectively achieved is a shining example to the world for which we as a nation could be proud of.
The elephant in the room is how to revive the depressed economy. While the measures that need to be adopted are bound to test the skills and ingenuities of the entire nation, an equally important factor that would have a direct bearing is the freedom for the government, in particular the President and the executive branch, to act without being constrained by the fetters introduced by 19A.
There is no denying the fact that 19A was introduced with the deliberate intent of diluting executive powers of the President. In fact, Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne P.C., (Dr. JW) referring to 19A, has admitted that the initial attempt was to completely abolish the Presidential system of government”. This attempt failed because the Supreme Court ruled that the intended attempt would require a referendum. The end result was the compromised version of 19A. According to Dr. JW, The experience under 19A clearly showed the need to completely abolish the Presidential form of government and move towards a Parliamentary form…” (The Island, September 8, 2020).
The approach should not be to analyze which Article should be amended and to what degree, since such an exercise would not only be time consuming but also would add to the confusion that already exists in 19A. Instead, the approach should be to undo the entirety of 19A, and for the executive power of the President that had existed under the 1978 Constitution to be restored, for the simple reason that tough measures are needed to overcome the economic black hole Sri Lanka is in, the likes of which the nation as a whole has never seen.
The argument that such an approach would restore what is often described as draconian executive power amounting to a Presidential dictatorship that had existed under the 1978 Constitution, is unfounded if one realizes the full impact of the economic catastrophe the nation is currently facing. The situation is so dire that the bulk of the nation is more concerned with the basics of existence and survival rather than about niceties of Democracy and Good Governance that only the fortunate few could afford to be concerned about.
THE NEED for a NEW CONSTITUTION
Having addressed the short term issues, the next is the long term issue of a new Constitution. The genesis for 19A and 20A is the 1978 Constitution. Therefore, any anomalies and contradictions that exist in amendments invariably are a result of anomalies and contradictions in the 1978 Constitution. Describing the system of government under the 1978 Constitution, Dr. JW quotes Dr. Colvin R. De Silva as having described the 1978 Constitution as a constitutional presidential dictatorship dressed in the raiment of a parliamentary democracy’ (Ibid). The comment is justified because the 1978 Constitution has features of Presidential and Parliamentary systems, notwithstanding that each represents one of the two ideologically completely different systems of government by which practically all democracies are governed. If such contrasting systems are incorporated in a single constitution confusion is inevitable, as evident from the 1978 Constitution and its related amendments. Therefore, the framers of a new constitution should endeavour to base it on either one or the other, a Presidential or a Parliamentary system, but certainly not a mix of both.
PARLIAMENTARY and PRESIDENTIAL
FORMS of GOVERNMENT
Under a Parliamentary system, Parliament is supreme and as described in the 1972 Constitution is the supreme instrument of State Power”. This means that Parliament is responsible for Legislative and Executive functions. A few members of Parliament are selected by the Prime Minister to form the Cabinet of Ministers to exercise the executive functions of the government. Consequently, the Cabinet of Ministers is responsible and answerable to Parliament.
On the other hand, under a Presidential system, the cardinal principle is the separation of Legislative and Executive power. This separation is underscored by the fact that each branch is separately elected by the people and responsible for the exercise of separate powers, namely Legislative and Executive. This separation is clearly outlined in Articles 4 (a) and 4 (b) respectively, of the 1978 Constitution.
Article 4 (a) states: the legislative power of the People shall be exercised by parliament…”.
Article 4 (b) states: the executive power of the People, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President…”.
Commenting on the executive power of the people, the Supreme Court in S.D. No. 04/2015 stated: It is in this background that the Court in the Nineteenth Amendment Determination came to a conclusion that the transfer, relinquishment or removal of the power attributed to one organ of government to another organ or body would be inconsistent with Article 3 read with Article 4 of the Constitution. Though Article 4 provides the form and manner of the sovereignty of the people, the ultimate act or decision of the executive functions must be retained by the President. So long as the President remains the Head of the Executive, the exercise of his powers remain supreme or sovereign in the executive field and to others to whom such power is given must derive the authority from the President or exercise the Executive power vested in the President as a delegate of the President”.
On the other hand, Article 43 (1) states: There shall be a Cabinet of Ministers charged with the direction and control of the Government of the Republic which shall be collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament”.
Commenting on Article 43 (1) the Supreme Court in the same case, S.D. No. 04/2015 stated: This important Article underscores that the Cabinet collectively is charged with the exercise of Executive power, which is expressed as the direction and control of the Government of the Republic and the collective responsibility of Cabinet of which the President is the Head. It establishes conclusively that the President is not the sole repository of Executive power under the Constitution. It is the Cabinet of Ministers collectively, and not the President alone, which is charged with the direction and control of the Government.
This Cabinet is answerable to Parliament. Therefore, the Constitution itself recognizes that Executive power is exercised by the President and by the Cabinet of Ministers, and that the President shall be responsible to Parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers, collectively responsible and answerable to Parliament with regard to the exercise of such powers…”.
It is evident from the opinions cited above that the powers of the President depend on whether he acts under provisions of Article 4 (b) or Article 43 (1). For instance, under provisions of 4 (b) the President as the Head of the Executive is sovereign in the executive field”. However, if the President acts under provisions of Article 43 (1) the Court stated that the Constitution itself recognizes that Executive power is exercised by the President and by the Cabinet of Ministers”. The potential for such contrasting interpretations that exist in the 1978 Constitution have been blindly repeated in 19A without regard for their relevance or irrelevance.
Another serious contradiction often overlooked is that a President elected by the People should be recognized as being co-equal with Parliament under provisions of separation of power. Therefore, the President cannot be responsible to another organ of government– the Parliament. Furthermore, if the Cabinet of Ministers derive their authority from the President as interpreted by the Supreme Court, the Cabinet cannot be responsible and answerable to Parliament either. Under the circumstances, Article 33A that calls for the President to be responsible to Parliament for the due exercise performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions” is a violation of the principle of separation of power.
The few examples cited above amply demonstrate that while the framework of the 1978 Constitution is essentially Presidential, it has sufficient elements of a Parliamentary Democracy to warrant the Judiciary from giving contrasting opinions depending on which Article it interprets. This ambiguity requires Sri Lanka to adopt either a Presidential or a Parliamentary system, but not a mix of both systems. Despite the fact that such contradictions have been brought to the attention of the public, confusion has reigned uninterrupted. Therefore, the need is for Parliament to vote on which system of government is best suited to govern Sri Lanka. Furthermore, when formulating a new constitution, it is also recommended that a fresh approach be incorporated to devolve power to the smallest practical workable unit in order to strengthen operations in the periphery.
CONCLUSION
According to media reports the intention of the government is to introduce the 20th Amendment. Indications are that each Article would be reviewed and amended where necessary. Such an exercise is bound to repeat the contradictions in 19A because the framers mechanically copied provisions from the 1978 Constitution without understanding what separation of power is all about in a Presidential system. Therefore, it is best to repeal 19A completely, and go back to the powers exercised by the President under the 1978 Constitution as a stop gap measure until a new constitution is formulated. Such an interim measure is vital in order to prevent a resurgence of COVID-19 and to equip the executive with necessary powers to revive the depressed economy.
Critics to such an approach may consider it to be the death knell to Parliamentary democracy. What such critics forget is that the country is in such dire straits economically, that drastic measures need to be introduced if the country is to get back to some degree of normalcy. Proof of the merits of such an approach is evident from the uncompromising measures successfully adopted by the government to contain COVID-19; a fact acknowledged internationally. The reversal to the past is intended to be only until such time that a new constitution is tabled and adopted by Parliament and the People at a referendum.
In summary, the essence of the recommendation is for the 20A to define a clear two-step approach. Step One is to repeal all of 19A and strengthen the hand of the President and the executive with necessary powers to address all issues relating to COVID-19, and to also adopt all necessary measures to revive the economy. Step Two is for Parliament to vote and give clear direction as to whether the new constitution should be based on a Presidential or Parliamentary system to address all issues relating to good governance in all respects. Adopting such a clear cut approach without ambiguities would enable Sri Lanka to be free of the current fog of confusion, and embark on a fresh Chapter in her history.
Former President Maithripala Sirisena on April 24, 2019 informed former IGP Pujith Jayasundara that if he accepted responsibility for the co-ordinated terror attacks on April 21, 2019 and resigned from his position, he would be given the pension and a position as an ambassador in any country he wished to serve, former Defense Secretary Hemasiri Fernando yesterday informed the PCoI probing Easter Sunday attacks.
Testifying before the Commission Mr. Fernando said that after President Sirisena’s communication, former IGP Jayasundara had come to seek his advice in this regard.
However, Fernando said that he could not attend to the former IGP’s matter because it was a serious issue. “I asked him to discuss the matter with his family members,” he said.
Mr. Fernando further added that the former President had informed Jayasundara that he could be released from the Commission headed by Supreme Court Judge Vijith Malalgoda which investigated the causes and background for the coordinated terror attacks.
The total number of positive COVID-19 cases confirmed in the country reached 3,283 as two more arrivals from foreign countries tested positive for the virus today (19).
The new cases include 01 recent returnee from the United States and 01 sea marshal who arrived in the country from Red Sea area, the Department of Government Information said.
In the meantime, the number of recoveries from the disease in Sri Lanka moved up to 3,070 as 10 persons infected with the virus were discharged from hospitals upon recovery earlier today.
The Epidemiology Unit says that 200 active cases are currently under medical care.
Sri Lanka has thus far witnessed 13 deaths due to the virus outbreak.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa visited Puttalam district today (19) to inspect some of the development projects in the area, says the President’s Media Division (PMD).
Commencing the tour President Rajapaksa has inspected the activities in Palachchonai Estate in Madurankuliya. Coconut, vegetables and several other agricultural crops are cultivated in the 900-acre estate, says the PMD. President has appreciated the successful model cultivation of grapes in 10 acres of land.
President has then declared open the agro-technical institute constructed with funds received by His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith from the Government of Italy. The institute has been designed to provide residential practical training to 50 students. The Cardinal said more opportunities will be given to the youth from low-income families in the area.
The institute will operate under the supervision of the Archbishop House in Colombo. President engaged in a cordial discussion with the Rector of the training institute, the PMD added.
During the visit to Model School in Madurankuliya, the President has spent some time speaking to the students. Heeding to their requests to construct the playground in the school, President has instructed the Commander of the Army to expedite the construction work.
President informed the Secretary to the Ministry of Highways to construct a flyover connecting the Primary School on the other side of the road. President has given immediate solutions to several public issues including transport problems, the PMD said further.
Further, the President exchanged pleasantries with the people on his way to Daluwa from Madurankuliya.
Inspecting farm lands of beetroot, tobacco, green chillies and onion the President encouraged farmers to cultivate similar crops.
President also inspected the windmill in Nimalapura, Daluwa. His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith and Member of Parliament Chinthaka Mayadunna were also present.
The Buddhist Advisory Council has commended President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for following advice and implementing suggestions of Maha Sangha, says the President’s Media Division (PMD).
Member Theros of the Council are confident that the policies being followed by the President will be instrumental in building a fair and virtuous society.
Five months ago, President Rajapaksa decided to set up the Buddhist Advisory Council to seek the advice and views of MahaSangha in the process of implementing policies of the Government, the PMD said in a statement.
The first meeting between Maha Sangha and the President took place on the 24th of April at the Presidential Secretariat. During the meeting, the President had apprised Theros of the measures taken to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic and the future activities of the Government. President informed that he intends to meet the Council on the third Friday of every month and invited Theros of the three Chapters to participate.
Member Theros of the Council presented their advice and suggestions to implement strategies pertaining to several areas included in the Vistas of Prosperity and Splendor” national policy statement during the previous 5 sessions.
The Buddhist Advisory Council which met for the 6th time at the Presidential Secretariat yesterday (18) reviewed the progress of the implementation of proposals so far.
Maha Sangha commended and invoked their blessings for paying attention of the Government and executing several proposals put forward by them including protecting historical places with archaeological value, developing Pirivena education by removing deficiencies, providing deeds to Vihara lands, Dhamma School education, National Education Policy, early childhood development, prioritizing national security, controlling the drug menace, environmental protection, creating the background for discourse on Buddha Sasana and taking Buddhist Universities under the purview of Ministry of Education.
The Council has praised the President for taking measures to lay a strong and viable foundation for the future of Ministry of Education by appointing 4 State Ministers for the first time in history.
The MahaSangha pointed out that the decision to amend the Antiquities Ordinance to address the long-standing issues related to Viharas built on archaeological sites has been welcomed by many.
While highlighting the importance of the Advisory Council which meets once a month, President Rajapaksa said that it had helped him as well as the officials to gain a better perspective of various fields. President assured to take steps to rectify prevailing shortcomings, the statement read further.
Maha Sangha representing the Buddhist Advisory Council, Principal Advisor to the President Lalith Weeratunga, Ministry Secretaries and heads of several institutes were present at the meeting.
Former Chief of National Intelligence Sisira Mendis gave evidence before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) probing the Easter Sunday terror attacks for the 7th day on Thursday (17).
During the proceedings, the legal counsel representing the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) Nilantha Jayawardena asked the witness as to how he came to know that an attack had been carried out on Easter Sunday in 2019.
The former National Intelligence chief replied that he came to know of the attacks via a relative from an area of one of the blasts.
The legal counsel then asked the witness if he did not feel ashamed in being updated on such an important piece of information via a relative, to which Mendis responded that it is normal to obtain information from a person in the vicinity of an incident when such a thing occurs.
Subsequently, the chairman of the PCoI on Easter attacks questioned the witness if his mobile phone was deactivated until the attacks, since the day before.
My mobile phone was on ‘silent mode’ since the evening of April 20 and I didn’t have the chance to check the phone for incoming calls,” Mendis responded.
Afterwards, it was the turn of former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando to testify before the PCoI on Easter attacks.
He was asked whether the intelligence information provided by a foreign source on the 04th of April 2019 was discussed at the intelligence review meeting held on April 09.
The witness responded, Nilantha was responsible for taking that information up for discussion since it was information received by him. April 08 in 2019 was a special day for the country’s Ministry of Defence since until then, the Indian Defence Secretary had not visited this country. The Defence Ministry was busy. It was in such a backdrop that the chief of National Intelligence met me and informed of the piece of intelligence. I perused it and said that it is very important and asked him to tell Nilantha to take it up at the meeting the following day. At the meeting next day, Nilantha said that Zahran’s extremism is turning towards violence but he did not say that he is a terrorist. Likewise, he made no mention of the information he received on April 04. Towards the end of the meeting, Sisira Mendis showed me a piece of information received on April 04, which was in his hand. Then I asked Nilantha as to what was done about that piece of information. He replied that he informed the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and that another report is being compiled to be submitted after completion. So, I was content with it.”
The former Defence Secretary went on to say that by March 2019, Commander of the Army Mahesh Senanayake had told him that the State Intelligence Service does not provide information and that they are bypassed. I told him that I will give a reply after talking it out with the President.”
The Commission then asked the witness if he had discussed the matter with then-President, to which he responded in the negative. I did not get a chance to talk it out with the President. A rift had been created between the President and me by external factions. As such the President did not want to talk with me.”
Then-IGP Pujith Jayasundara only participated in the first National Security Council meeting that I attended as the Defence Secretary. The President had given me instructions not to call him for meetings thereafter,” he went on to say.
Fernando further stated that, following the constitutional crisis of October 2018, both former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and State Minister of Defence Ruwan Wijewardene were not invited to the Security Council.
After the governmental change in October, I asked the former President whether to invite then-new PM Mahinda Rajapaksa to attend the council. The President said it is unnecessary and said it can be done later.”
The former Defence Secretary noted that then-PM Rajapaksa was not invited to the Security Council during the 52-day government.
The Additional Solicitor General then asked the witness if non-permanent members of the Security Council who did not receive a special invitation, attended the Security Council during his tenure of participation in the council.
Fernando responded that one day, as they were seated until the President’s arrival, they were surprised to see 04 persons walking in behind the President. They were representatives of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) represented by then-President – Dayasiri Jayasekara, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Mahinda Amaraweera and Thilanga Sumathipala. They were not invited to the National Security Council.”
The witness went on to say that when Ranil Wickremesinghe became the PM after the 52day government, he had met with the President and said, Sir, even when Madam Chandrika Bandaranaike became President in 2002, Ranil Wickremesinghe attended the Security Council.”
Then-President Maithripala Sirisena has responded that it was okay to be called for that but he would not call him for the meetings chaired by him, Fernando said further. By then there was deep hatred between the former President and the PM. As officials, we too were caught in that.”
The Additional Solicitor General asked the witness as to what was the reason behind Pujith Jayasundara not being called for the Security Council. Fernando responded that during the Security Council meeting, then-chief of Defence Staff Ravi Wijegunaratne had made a complaint against a Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officer claiming that a certain officer is attempting to arbitrarily arrest him.
The former President then told IGP Pujith Jayasundara to remove Nishantha Silva since what the President says must be done, the IGP transferred Nishantha Silva to Negombo, the witness stated, adding that it was also communicated to the National Police Commission in line with the due protocol.
Three days later, the former President called me and asked under whose instructions Nishantha Silva was transferred. I told him that it was he who gave instructions for the transfer. He said he did not ask for him to be transferred and slammed the phone down. Later, I went to meet with the President on several days. The President told me Look at what he has done. He has written to the National Police Commission with reference to the Security Council.” He instructed me not to call the IGP for the Security Council anymore. Accordingly, I communicated the President’s order to then-IGP Puijth Jayasundara. Instead of the IGP, Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne who was then in charge of the CID was invited to the Security Council.”
The Additional Solicitor General then asked the witness if the former President Maithripala Sirisena at some point asked him whether his head was not right, to which Fernando replied in the affirmative.
The statements made by parliamentarian Harin Fernando at the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on the Easter Attacks was criticized by various factions today as well.
State minister of Prison Reforms & Prisoners’ Rehabilitation Sudharshini Fernandopulle said parliamentarian Harin Fernando should publicly apologize to his eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith and the Catholic community.
Giving witness before the commission recently Harin Fernando said that he believes that the Catholic Church was aware of the attacks.
Several protests against the statement were voiced yesterday as well, while State Minister Sudharshani Fernandopulle said he needed to publicly apologize for his statement.
She further said that parliamentarian Harin Fernando previously accused the Cardinal of having a political agenda but visited the cardinal secretly and apologized.
She reiterated that he should publicly apologise to the cardinal and the catholic community regarding his recent statement.
Meanwhile speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena visited venerable professor Medagoda Abayatissa thero this afternoon.
The thero expressed the following views regarding parliamentarian Harin Fernando’s statement.
The Lankan Prime Minister echoed the view of Forbes magazine which in 2018 listed the CPC as one of the “Five New Cities to Shake Up the Future.”
Colombo, September 18: (Xinhua): Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa Thursday called for the construction of a multi-billion U.S. dollar Colombo Port City project to be accelerated, saying it is a landmark in the island country and will be the main income generator in the future.
Rajapaksa inspected the Colombo Port City construction site, in the heart of capital Colombo, to mark the sixth anniversary of the launch of the project, jointly developed by the Sri Lankan government and China’s CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd.
Colombo Port City under construction: Waterway
The prime Minister said he hoped that the project would be completed soon, so that it would be a major economic boost for the island country.
Rajapaksa, along with a large government team which included several ministers, visited the marina area, the beachfront, and the central garden of the Port City, which continued construction amid the COVID-19 pandemic, adhering to all safety protocols.
Colombo Port City under construction another view
Rajapaksa toured the project along with Hu Wei, Charge d’Affaires of the Chinese embassy in Sri Lanka.
Colombo Port City is a large-scale urban development project invested, constructed and operated by China Harbor Engineering Company (CHEC), a subsidiary of China Communications Construction Company.
In 2018, Forbes magazine listed the port city as one of the Five New Cities to Shake Up the Future.”
An amazing variety of dishes can be made from Jackfruit which is also the heaviest fruit in the world
Colombo, September 18: My mother grew up in a house of eight people in Kurunegala, Sri Lanka, 100km north-east of Colombo. During the island’s severe droughts in the 1970s, most of her family’s humble, home-cooked meals consisted of boiled jackfruit served in a clay pot with a handful of freshly grated coconut. This simple, carb-rich meal fused with natural fats fuelled enough energy for the farmer-family to toil day and night in the dry plains.
Today, Starbucks serves jackfruit in wraps, while Pizza Hut offers it as a topping. The London Evening Standard called jackfruit the new kimchi, kale and cauliflower all rolled into one”. Pinterest named it the hottest food trend of 2017”, and more recently, The Guardian declared it a vegan sensation” thanks to its shredded meat texture.
But for my mother, her memories of growing up are studded with her eldest sister’s myriad jackfruit dishes. She’s particularly fond of kiri kos, a creamy jackfruit curry cooked in coconut milk. For kiri kos, my aunt plucked unripe jackfruits. Decades later in the early 2000s, it was the same tree that pleased my jackfruit cravings as a child. My mother recalls the days where I sat side by side with her as she removed and discarded the sticky white sap – koholla, as she called it in Sinhala – from ripe jackfruit, gobbling up each yellow, egg-like pod.
This humble fruit has been revered by Sri Lankans, as it has repeatedly saved the island from starvation
I loved the strong smell of the ripe fruit. People in the West often describe it as stinky”, but for me, other Sri Lankans and those living between many parts of India and the rainforests of Malaysia where the fruit naturally grows, this seasonal smell of ripe jackfruit brings immense joy.
Jackfruit is the world’s largest tree-borne fruit and it has a spiky skin that changes colour from green to yellow as it ripens. We use unripe jackfruit in our cooking and eat the ripe fruit raw, just as we eat a ripe mango or an apple. While the West is now touting it as an ethical meat alternative, for centuries, this humble fruit has been revered by Sri Lankans, as it has repeatedly saved the island from starvation.
Jackfruit is the world’s largest tree-borne fruit and mature trees produce 200 fruits each year (Credit: Utopia_88/Getty Images)
Across Sri Lanka, the jackfruit tree is known as bath gasa (rice tree”). Sri Lankans are rice eaters and pre-colonial Sri Lanka took pride in the country’s vast reservoirs and irrigation canals that harnessed monsoon rains, suppling water for paddy cultivation. But when British forces occupied the island starting in 1815 and subsequently stripped farmers of their land, they made it difficult for islanders to grow rice and instead expanded plantation crops such as tea, rubber and cinnamon for their export gains.
Sri Lankan jackfruit curry
In 1915, a member of Sri Lanka’s independence movement named Arthur V Dias, who had been sentenced to death by the British for his perceived role in an uprising, was freed from prison. Upon his release, Dias dedicated himself to helping Sri Lankans fight British rule and he realised that islanders would soon face food shortages as rice cultivation continued to decline. During his independence movement marches in Sri Lanka’s central highlands, he also saw the destruction of the island’s native jackfruit trees. When he learnt about the harrowing food shortages caused by World War One across Europe, Dias sought to establish food security and self-sufficiency throughout Sri Lanka.
One person can’t build a tank for paddy cultivation, but Arthur V Dias realised he could plant jackfruit trees, which [would] be the same as rice and eradicate starvation in Sri Lanka,” said Damith Amarasinghe, a history teacher at St Mary’s Maha Viduhala in the town of Uswetakeiyawa.
Dias came up with the ambitious goal of planting one million jackfruit trees across Sri Lanka. A planter by trade, Dias imported jackfruit seeds from Malaysia and gathered healthy seeds for germination. He visited villages to distribute seedlings and mailed seeds to far-flung corners in the country. Over time, Dias’ campaign paved the way to many successful jackfruit plantations across the country and earned him the heroic nickname of Kos Mama, or Uncle Jack.
Jackfruit was also known as the ‘starvation fruit’ in Sri Lanka
Today, Dias is considered a national hero, and like most Sri Lankan children, I first learned about Dias in a school textbook. His jackfruit campaign also helped establish food security in Sri Lanka during World War Two while nearby places such as Bengal and Vietnam experienced horrific famines in the 1940s. Amarasinghe explained that jackfruit was also known as the starvation fruit” in Sri Lanka during the 1970s, fleetingly transferring me to my mother’s memories of her childhood.
In the 1970s, a combination of inflation, droughts and a food shortage pushed Sri Lanka to the verge of collapse. A 1974 New York Times article quotes Sri Lanka’s then-prime minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike as saying the dire economic situation has almost squeezed the breath out of us – we are literally fighting to survive”.
But thanks to Dias’ campaign in the early 1900s, people had jackfruit growing in their backyards. Amarasinghe explained that those saplings – which had become tall, fruit-bearing trees long before the 1970s – are what got people through the crisis.
My grandmother hailed from a well-to-do family, but the government only allowed them to purchase 2kg of rice for a week. During these years, it’s jackfruit that kept them fed,” Amarasinghe told me.
Jackfruit has birthed a host of flavourful delicacies, and we welcome every bit of it into our diverse cuisine
Most recently, Amarasinghe says that jackfruit also became a staple during Sri Lanka’s months-long curfew to control Covid-19. During the initial weeks of the pandemic, many people in rural villages lost their incomes and it took weeks or even months for government welfare programmes to reach these remote hamlets. Without access to money or food, many villagers resorted to boiling jackfruit – just as my mother’s family did in the 1970s.
But jackfruit isn’t just a starvation fruit. The island’s deep love and gratitude for jackfruit has birthed a host of flavourful delicacies, and we welcome every bit of it into our diverse cuisine. Tender baby jackfruit without seeds go into a flavourful curry known as polos ambula. The curry’s labour-intensive process involves slow cooking the young fruit in a clay pot over an earthen fire for at least six hours. As the hours pass, the baby jackfruit slices simmer in a spice-infused coconut broth, soaking up the flavours of cloves, cardamom, dried tamarind and other aromats.
Kiri Kos curry, another jackfruit dish
Sri Lankans incorporate jackfruit into a wide variety of traditional dishes (Credit: Nathan Mahendra)
Ripe jackfruit pods are slimy and taste better with a sprinkle of salt. Seeds don’t go to waste in our homes; we eat them boiled. When combined with a ground mix of pan-fried rice and shredded coconut, boiled seeds make for a dark curry called kos ata kalu pol maluwa. My mother loves seeds as a snack, smoking them over a charcoal fire. My favourite is my father’s kos ata aggala, pan-roasted and ground jackfruit seeds blended with scraped coconut, sugar and a hint of pepper that are formed into balls for sublime taste and a subtle crunch. He makes them for evening tea when I’m home as a token of his love.
This jack-of-all-fruits’ versatility runs beyond the kitchen. It’s hard to think of another tree with so many uses,” said Diwani Welitharage, a pharmacist who cooks with locally sourced ingredients in her spare time. Welitharage cites jackfruit trees’ popularity as timber and the many uses of its leaves and flowers in Ayurvedic medicine to treat diabetes. Rich in carbs, jackfruit is also a good source of dietary fibre and vitamin C.
Ripe jackfruit
Welitharage uses jackfruit flour in muffins and cakes, and fries sliced jackfruit pods into chips laden with sugar. Similarly, many Hela Bojun restaurants – an initiative by the Ministry of Agriculture allowing women to cook traditional Sri Lankan cuisine and earn a living – prepare kos kottu. Kottu, a popular street food and hangover cure, is a greasy mix of leftover flatbread, sliced vegetables, eggs and meat. The female-run Hela Bojun stalls dish up a healthier vegan kottu using boiled jackfruit pods.
Jackfruit is often fried and made into crunchy chips as a snack (Credit: Credit: santhosh_varghese/Getty Images)
Jackfruit is often fried and made into crunchy chips as a snack (Credit: santhosh_varghese/Getty Images)
Though jackfruit is traditionally cooked at home, this humble fruit is increasingly found in many upscale restaurants across the country.
One day we had additional baby jackfruit, so I thought of preparing cutlets [a croquette-like snack] with it for guests who are vegetarian or vegan,” said chef Wasantha Ranasinghe at Upali’s by Nawaloka, a popular restaurant in Colombo that serves authentic local dishes. His tender jackfruit cutlets, served with a homemade spicy chilli sauce, soon became a hit among the epicureans frequenting the restaurant.
Curious to see how jackfruit fares at hipster cafes, I visited the chic Colombo restaurant Cafe Kumbuk, which plates tacos with fried baby jackfruit alongside mango salsa and guacamole. Living in Sri Lanka, I realised jackfruit is such a widely available, versatile fruit that can be cooked and enjoyed in so many ways,” said cafe founder Shana Dandeniya, who returned to Sri Lanka a few years ago after growing up in the UK. To me, it’s one of the greatest local superfoods we have access to, and we should champion it more.”
She is particularly fond of the pulled pork-like texture in cooked jackfruit and has plans to reintroduce a pulled jackfruit burger on the cafe’s menu following customer requests. It’s great when slow-cooked and pulled; I think it’s even better than pulled pork.”
By P.K.Balachandran/Weekend ExpressCourtesy NewsIn.Asia
Besides exacerbating Tamil-Sinhala ethnic tension in Sri Lanka, the commemoration of Thileepan’s death could sour the Lankan Tamils’ relationship with India
Thileepan is to the left of Prabhakaran. He belonged to the inner circle in 1987
Colombo, September 17: The commemoration of the 33 rd.Anniversary of the fast-unto-death of the Tamil Tiger hero Thileepan this year has become an issue in Sri Lankan politics. It has the potential to further sharpen the divide between the Tamils and the Sinhalese and sour the Tamils’ relations with India, whose help they are seeking to safeguard the 13 th. Constitutional Amendment, which is now under threat from Sinhala radicals entrenched in the current Sri Lankan regime.
The Tamil-Sinhala division surfaced after the arrest of former Tamil MP M.K.Shivajilingam for commemorating Thileepan’s fast unto death in September 1987, in the aftermath of the India-Sri Lanka Accord. The Jaffna district police had obtained a court order against the commemoration on the grounds that no member of a banned terrorist organization could be honored. The magistrate acceded to the police’s request to bar the event disregarding the defense’s argument that in the past, the commemoration had taken place with the consent of the government and the court. Shivajilingam was arrested when he held a ceremony in defiance of the ban and was later released on bail.
However, the issue is unlikely to rest there as Tamil political parties are making it an issue to build their strength vis-à-vis each other and the Sinhala nationalist government of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) called for a meeting of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to discuss the issue of new restrictions on commemorating heroes of the Tamil liberation struggle and other grievances of the Tamils. The ITAK leader has now called for a meeting of all Tamil groups, including its Tamil rivals, to chalk out a common agitation program. The wide media coverage given to Shivajilingam’s arrest has made the commemoration a Tamil” issue. A routine annual event which would not have caused even a ripple if allowed to take place has been made a divisive public national security” issue by the ban and the arrest, a moderate Tamil leader said. If the issue snowballs, the State would react, further exacerbating the issue and sharpen the ethnic divide, the moderate leader feared.
M.K. Shivajilingam arrested and graned bail
The first shot from the pro-government side was fired by Dr.Rohan Gunaratna, an international expert on terrorism, who is now Honorary Professor at the Sir John Kotelawala Defense University. Those who glorify terrorists should be arrested, charged, tried, and given the maximum punishment to deter others from following their destructive path. It will deter others funded by LTTE front organizations in the Tamil Diaspora from reviving the separatist agenda of the LTTE,” Dr.Gunaratna said.
The LTTE’s propaganda and paraphernalia should remain banned forever, just as Germany banned Nazi symbols and activities after World War II. It is LTTE propaganda that fosters an environment for LTTE plots, plans and preparation aimed at revival,” he pointed out.
The tolerance of democracies revives violence, he added. Research demonstrates that if there is looseness (government neglect) as opposed to tightness (government vigilance), terrorist groups exploit the gaps and loopholes and come back,” Dr.Gunaratna said.
If a democracy permits display of terrorist paraphernalia and allows the dissemination of propaganda, the next step will be protests and demonstrations breaking out into violence. Like the Islamic State and al Qaeda, LTTE glorified death. If commemoration and celebration of death are permitted, it will lead to a culture of destruction,” Dr.Gunaratna warned.
According to him, there have been a dozen plots by the LTTE to revive since the end of Eelam War IV in May 2009. Most of the LTTE plots were supported by LTTE fronts overseas. The number of plots increased due to the delisting of LTTE fronts overseas by the Yahapalanaya government in 2015, he alleged.
It is essential for the government to relist the delisted LTTE fronts overseas as some of them are operating in Sri Lanka. Therefore the security and intelligence platform in Sri Lanka’s north and east should continue for one generation until the separatist ideology disappears,” he recommended.
Thileepan memorial in Jaffna
International Dimension
In addition to the internal divisiveness triggered by the Thileepan issue, there could be an international dimension, which might have a deleterious effect on the Tamils’ relations with India, whose help they are counting on to keep the present system of power devolution intact.
Thileepan’s eleven-day fast unto death which ended in his death on September 26, 1987, was against the then Indian government’s alleged failure to get the Sri Lankan government to implement the agreements entered into in regard to a number of issues. The chief issue at that time was the setting up of an Interim Administrative Council (IAC) before the establishment of an elected North-Eastern Provincial Council with devolved powers.
The former Indian envoy in Sri Lanka, J.N.Dixit, in his book Assignment Colombo” writes that it was clear that the Sri Lankan government was unwilling to delegate financial, law and order and land management powers to the Provincial government of the North and the East.” He further said that the Sri Lankan side also indicated that the constitutional amendment to give Tamil a status equal to Sinhala would be a complicated and prolonged process. There was also little enthusiasm for absorbing Tamil youth into the administrative and security forces of Sri Lanka. All this resulted in a revival of apprehensions among the Tamil groups.”
Dixit said that the LTTE was in daily touch with the Indian Keeping Force (IPKF) HQ in Jaffna, and its chief, V.Prabhakaran, was a frequent visitor. However, by the middle of September the LTTE decided to pull back from the limited cooperation” stance it had taken on the July 1987 India-Sri Lanka Accord.
Finding fault with New Delhi, the LTTE got people to demonstrate against the IPKF. New Delhi moved to press Colombo to set up the Interim Administrative Council (IAC) at the earliest. But Lankan President J.R.Jayewardene was under pressure from Prime Minister R.Pramadasa and Internal Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali not to give in.
It was at this time that Thileepan, a close associate of Prabhakaran, entered the scene going on a fast unto death. Dixit described him as an idealistic and committed LTTE leader” whose stand was that the India-Sri Lanka Accord did not fulfil the aspirations of the Tamils and that India was not doing enough even to implement the provisions of the agreement.”
According to Dixit, Prabhakaran was insistent” that Jayewardene first devolves all the required powers immediately” to the IAC. He was not willing to wait for the necessary constitutional amendments and the procedural requirements. On page 196, Dixit says that Prabhakaran suspected that Premadasa and Athulathmudali were even planning to pit the Lankan military against Jayewardene if they latter gave in to the Indians and the LTTE.
New Delhi was pressing Dixit to talk to Prabhakaran and reassure him, but Dixit wanted the Indian intelligence agencies to do it as they knew Prabhakaran. Eventually, New Delhi forced Dixit to meet Prabhakaran. Dixit met Jayewardene first. The Lankan President promised to appoint Prabhakaran as Chief Minister and devolve some routine law and order and administrative powers to the IAC.
When Dixit met Prabhakaran, the latter stiffened his stance and said that the LTTE should have a majority in the IAC and also a hand in the choice other members of the IAC including the Chief Administrator. He wanted all policing in the North East to be left to the LTTE. He agreed to submit three names for the Chief Adminisrator’s post allowing Jayewardene to pick one from the list. But when the President picked C.V.K.Sivagnanam, Prabhakaran said it has to N.Pathmanathan. Jayewardene considered this unreasonable and refused to oblige.
In the meanwhile, the fasting Thileepan died. And as if this was not enough there was an imbroglio over the arrest and the simultaneous suicide of 17 LTTE cadres including top leader Pulendran. The LTTE’s confrontation with the IPKF intensified and war broke out, leading to the alienation of India from the LTTE-led Tamil movement.
After the exit of the LTTE from the scene in 2009, India took up the Tamil cause again through the ITAK and the TNA. One wonders if this will suffer a setback when all the Tamil parties blow up the Thileepan issue.
The maritime and Air hub of Asia in the 21st century
The above map
shows the relative location of Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean in relation to
four continents and four Oceans Atlantic, Indian Pacific and Antarctic Oceans.
This also shows the maritime and Air links of all these four continents with
Sri Lanka. The validity of the President’s plan has to be viewed in this
broader perspective. You will also notice the unique geographical location Sri
Lanka enjoys in its centrality in relation to four continents and the wide
expansion of four oceanic territory extending from, Africa in the West to Australia
in the East and the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal in the North to Antarctic
in the South pole across the Indian Ocean which no other country in the world is
blessed with. Its unique location right at the center of the Great East- West
oceanic trade route that carries the biggest volume of freight to and fro the
21st century Indo Pacific pivot of economic and political power
itself has bestowed a rare fortune unbelievable for any country in the world.
Besides making
it the South Asia’s foremost maritime logistic and distribution hub located at
the cross roads of fastest growing region in the world in proximity to many
emerging markets in the world it is in this backdrop development planners and
politicians have to assess the future development potentialities of this
country. Already it is said that Sri Lanka is served by all the top 20 global
shipping lines and Colombo is already ranking no 23 among the top 30 container
ports in the world. Its locational
advantage in terms of sea and Air connectivity with all these countries and its
unlimited potentials for development in terms of comparative advantages are even
over Dubai and Singapore is a foregone conclusion.
The Island is
also blessed with physical facilities for first class harbours right round its
maritime belt. Already we have six such developed ports Colombo, Galle,
Hambantota, Oluwil, Ttrincommallee and Kankasasnature and six Airports vize
Katunayaka.Ratmalana, Mattala, Trinco and KKS.
What is required is to develop these ports and harbours to their maximum
capacities with all modern technologies and service facilities perhaps with first
class land connectivity between Colombo Trinco and KKS, as we already have the
Colombo Hambantota link is a first class national master development plan.
Beside
developing Sri Lanka as the maritime and Air hub in the Indian Ocean I also
would like to draw the attention of the government in other areas alike Ship
Building Ship Repairing, and Fishing industry making use of the vast expanse of
oceanic territory that has the potential to claim the biggest fishing nation in
the world. The availability of skilled technical, managerial and work force
will definitely be a boost to these industries. The only missing link is
visionary and patriotic political leadership for the past 72 years. The 69.5
million who elected Gothabhaya as their President expect him to fill this long
felt vacuum. His above declaration therefore I hope will be a good omen in this
direction.
The Indian Purana rishis said ‘Bhuu madyaye Lankiyatiti Lanka’
At this point it
may be recalled that even in prehistoric times this Island was regarded as a
world hub For example.The Indian Purana
rishis perceived it as lying at the
centre of the world when they said ‘Bhuu
madyaye lankiiyatiti Lanka”. They wrote, it is called Lanka as it is
located right at the centre of the earth.
Even in the
early historic times this Island had always been the Asia’s cynosure and meeting
place and trade hub between the East and the West. Traders and travellers both
from the West Rome, Greece and the Arab world and China in the Far East have
passed through this Island as a transshipment point and a trading hub. It had
been famous for its gems, spices and elephants and it had been a bee hive of
international trade, in the Indian Ocean. Moreover Sri Lanka also had
established diplomatic ties both with the West and the East at very high levels.
For example Diplomatic contact between the Emperor Claudius and a King of Sri
Lanka in AD 52 is recorded. It is said that the Sri Lankan Kings Ambassador sat
next to Claudius on his right when the British captive King was paraded before
Emperor as a war captive. That was the
name and the fame this country enjoyed at such ancient times. This shows the
recognition Sri Lanka had got in the ancient world. This also shows how nature had already decreed
Sri Lanka as the maritime trade hub in the Indian Ocean long before we began to
realize about it.
I wish in ten years’ time once again Sri Lanka will
emerge as the modern miracle of Asia under the direction of President Gotabhaya
Rajapaksa.
We
will be doomed if our authorities do not look into the concealed activities of
our foreign ambassadors and their feigned activities.
In nostalgia I
remember what did happen when I was the G.A. at Matara in 1971. After the JVP
cadres that ruled Deniyaya for some three weeks with their kangaroo
courts and wild ways were chased out by the Army , when they had taken refuge
in the Sinharaja forest, the Army Unit at Deniyaya reported that a European DPL
vehicle had made visits to the Sinharaja jungles and had been in the Sinharaja
for a few hours. This was reported by me to Colombo. DPL meant that no one
could question them. I instructed the Army to have a jeep fully loaded with
armed men ready which will follow any DPL vehicle and be at a distance, but to
be seen by the DPL vehicle, also to do some sabre rattling and wait near the
DPL vehicle as long as it is in our District. This did the trick and DPL visits
ceased.
The DPLs ruled Sri
Lanka from 2015 to 2019. We have to take ample care and I am certain that our
Defence Secretary will be up to that task.
