Kallol Bhattacherjee Courtesy The Hindu

Mr Rajapaksa hit out at his international critics and said that allegations of human rights abuse against the victorious Sri Lankan military is false”.

Kalathma Jayawardhane Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Joint Opposition (JO) today said the government should take the responsibility and resign over the incident where milk packets containing poisonous substance were distributed among the protesters of the ‘Janabalaya Kolombata’ held last Wednesday.

JO MP Dullas Alahapperuma told a news conference that the same government which came into power guaranteeing people to provide toxin-free food had mixed a poisonous substance to the milk packets that were distributed during the protest.

We cannot point out our fingers at a specific MP or any other person. The government should be held responsible over this incident. This is not a political matter but solely a humanitarian matter. Accordingly, the government has no option but to resign” he said.

He said the Police had not taken any reasonable measure to arrest the persons who were involved in this incident even though they had provided the police with the vehicle numbers which distributed these milk packets containing poisonous substance.

Courtesy Adaderana

The decision on whether to release those convicted for the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by the LTTE is an internal matter” for India to decide, said former Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

However, he indicated that he might have taken a different line” from the Tamil Nadu government’s resolution that recommended their release to the Governor.

I have no view on this. It is up to the government; it is an internal matter for India,” said Mr. Rajapaksa in an interview to The Hindu. If this was in Sri Lanka, we would have taken a different line,” he added.

Mr. Rajapaksa is in Delhi to deliver a public lecture on Wednesday on India-Sri Lanka relations: the way ahead”.

Speaking to The Hindu, the former President, who says he is 100%” confident his party will come to power in 2019, proposed a new mechanism for India and Sri Lanka to resolve all issues, especially economic issues.

The mechanism would mirror the Troika” formed in 2008-2009 of three Indian officials — National Security Advisor M.K. Narayanan, Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon and Defence Secretary Vijay Singh — and three Sri Lankan officials — Advisor Basil Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Permanent Secretary Lalith Weeratunga — to coordinate India-Sri Lanka ties during the war against the LTTE in 2008-2009.

Mr. Rajapaksa also denied the charge that he set off incurred Sri Lanka’s debt trap by bringing Chinese companies into the Hambantota port project, saying that the situation had only been messed up” by the present government.

Excerpts from an interview:

You have had a rocky relationship with India. Is your visit here a sign of reconciliation with the Modi government after 2015?

Yes. Just before and after the elections [(in 2015], we had a lot of misunderstandings. Now of course, I think it is about time to move on.

In March 2015, in an interview to The Hindu, you had accused R&AW, the intelligence agency, of helping bring the opposition together, which led to your defeat. A few weeks ago you said that India must not meddle” in political affairs in Lanka. Are you worried it will?

It isn’t only India. I didn’t mention just India. I said no one should meddle with somebody else’s elections. It is an internal matter of a country whom the people decide to bring to power. That was in my mind. I think now they all have understood what went wrong at that time and what they did. So we need to forget about the past. This is the time to move forward and look forward.

On that subject, there were allegations that your party had accepted campaign funds from Chinese companies….

They have not funded me. But this is what people talk about because the [Maithripala Sirisena] government has nothing else to accuse us of. When they came to power, they were looking for my $18 billion, but they are still looking for it (laughs)… despite the help of the U.S. and other countries. They haven’t even found a dollar.

All eyes at present are on Sri Lanka’s Chinese debt. Do you think your original deal for Hambantota and the Colombo Port project could have been done differently?

Look, the loans that we took, Sri Lanka could have paid them back. But the [Sirisena government] has messed things up. For the Colombo Port City, we didn’t have to pay anything, it was a contract sharing arrangement, where they got a share of the land they developed. At the time of the Hambantota port deal, our debt from China was less than our debt from the U.S. and other countries and debt-to-GDP ratio was under control. So if the problem has grown now, and the government has not managed it, then how can you blame us?

What is your longer view of Sri Lanka’s relationship with India and China, which seemed to be the cause of the misunderstandings” at the time?

India is our closest relation, I would say, and our neighbour. And China has been a long-standing friend. In all our dealings with China, we never forgot about the interests of India. We had a very good understanding with the Indian government and we always told them that we would never allow our territory to be used for any activity against our neighbour.

India’s other concern at the time was a Chinese nuclear submarine being docked in Colombo harbour. Since then, there is Gwadar port, there are Chinese inroads in the Maldives. Was India justified in its concerns that it raised with you?

Look, the Chinese submarine was on a routine trip to the Gulf and South Africa. And they just stopped for a short haul. That’s all. I think this was used as an excuse [by India] at the time.

What was the reason for the deterioration in ties then?

Misunderstandings. My priority was always to develop my country and I always kept India informed and asked them first to build the port, to build the airport, to build the highways… we always came to India. We offered them first, then the next offer went to China, because they were the only people who could do it. And within eight months the Chinese had started [construction].

You say that, but recently your party opposed the Mattala airport being leased to India. What is your objection?

I am not opposing India, I am opposing the privatisation that is the policy of the Sirisena government. I never privatised the way they have. In fact I bought back the shares of the gas company, insurance company, and also the SriLankan Airlines that was sold to Emirates.

How do you see India-Sri Lanka ties at present? While the leadership says that relations are at their closest, many agreements are pending, including on the ETCA (Economic Technology Cooperation Agreement), Trincomalee oil farms, and Mattala airport.

Well they say there is a very good relationship between the two countries and the leaders, much better than earlier. I think it is all only talk from our side. I don’t want to criticise my government when abroad, and I appreciate all the meetings they have had, but no investments are coming in to Sri Lanka. The government isn’t stable. For the security of India, stability in Sri Lanka is very important. A weak government cannot give that guarantee.

If your party comes to power, what would be your first priority with India?

I think our first priority is investment. And better communication. We had a mechanism during the war [against the LTTE in 2009] called the Troika, where three officials from both sides were able to discuss any issue, even in the middle of the night. For economic purposes also, we must have a mechanism like that, where India and Sri Lanka coordinate on all the issues we have today.

You described your government as strong. Your government was in fact accused of being too strong and criticised for its policies too…

A government must be strong and speak in one voice. Currently, the [Sri Lankan] Prime Minister says one thing, the President contradicts him. Policies differ within the government.

Even so, despite the challenges and a no-confidence motion , the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party-United National Party (SLFP-UNP) combine of Mr. Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe has stayed together. Do you think they will go into elections together?

I have my doubts. But even when they get together, I don’t think they can win.

Would you be willing to work with Mr. Sirisena, your former colleague and from your old party, the SLFP, again?

Unfortunately he is not prepared to work with me. We have a new party [Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna], and our president is G.L. Peiris. So he must reach out to us since we got about 45% of the vote in a three-cornered fight.

In 2015, it wasn’t just the opposition that came together against you. Tamil populations, Muslim minorities felt marginalised and persecuted during your tenure. Why do you think they would vote for you?

I think they have understood the mistakes this government has done. The minister responsible for the anti-Muslim violence in 2014, for example, is a minister in this government. When we were in government, we rebuilt houses that were destroyed at that time itself. But this year, the government has done nothing for the victims of the Kandy violence. When the violence began [February 2018], I rushed to the area and convened a meeting of all the communities together along with the religious leaders. The PM and the President only went later.

But there is a worry that you represent a Sinhala-Buddhist muscular majoritarianism where minorities don’t feel as safe.

Look, we won 71% of the seats in the last elections [local elections in 2018], so I think most people are with us. This is just a canard spread by my opponents, I don’t think this is a perception amongst people.

How about your past role in the war against the LTTE and accusations of human rights violations? You were also recently questioned for the torture of a journalist… How much of a liability will those charges be?

I don’t think they will be a problem. People know these charges are just to harass us. Because all the cases are against only the Rajapaksa family, and their supporters. What about all the people in my government before, who are now in government? The evidence in these cases is in any case flimsy and unproven all these years. As far as international human rights groups go, let them come after me. We have nothing to hide. After all, defeating the LTTE, a terrorist organisation, was not done only for us, no? It was not just for a community or for one country. They killed Rajiv Gandhi, they were operating with other organisations in other countries too. They introduced suicide jackets to the world. So defeating them helped many other countries too.

In recent days, there has been the question in India of whether those LTTE cadres convicted for Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination should be released with a recommendation from the Tamil Nadu Cabinet. What is your opinion on this?

I have no view on this. It is up to the government, it is an internal matter for India. If this was in Sri Lanka we would have taken a different line. But how can I say anything when the issue is in India?

Who will lead the SLPP into elections in 2019, given that you have completed two terms and according to the 19th Amendment that is the limit?

I will lead the SLPP. There is a view that despite the Amendment I can fight elections and then fight it out in court.

But I still have to decide whether to take that risk. Another option is to announce a candidate acceptable to all.

Will it be a member of your family, or would you consider someone outside it?

My son [Namal Rajapaksa] can’t be a presidential candidate since they have now raised the minimum age to 35 years, instead of 30, so he can’t be considered in 2019. My brother is certainly a contender, but the party and the coalition will have to decide who the people want.

Source: The Hindu 

EDWARD THEOPHILUS

The unitary status of the country was a condition that had been existed since the establishment of Sinhala Kingdom. In addition, during the ice era where homo sapiens were occupying the country Sri Lanka was a unitary state. The national integrity of the country without any ethnic differences respected and ethnic issues of the country were created by Indian invaders in the past. Before embarkation of Western invaders in 1505, Sri Lanka had a system of power sharing (less than the level of the 13th Amendment) with the assistants of the Kings who used delegated authority in provinces (Paththuva).  The authority of the assistant to the King in Jaffna was abolished by Portuguese and such action was later confirmed by Dutch and British rulers. Therefore, the challenging to the unitary system by the supporters of yahapalana rule is going against the aspiration of Sinhala majority, which represents 76% of the total population in Sri Lanka.

The political biography of Mr. JR Jayewardene clearly indicates that when he introduced an executive presidential system in 1978, he wanted Sri Lanka to remain as a unitary state, but the 13th amendment to the constitution Mr. Jayewardene attempted to delegate the power of the central government to provinces similar to the style of the Sinhala Kingdom.  The increase in population at regional level needed the delegation of central government authority to provinces in various administrative area but it was not supposed to animate a base for the division of the country.  Large countries such as India, USA, China have provincial states in addition to the central government because of geopolitical requirements of such countries and provincial states operate subject to the authority of the central government.  No province can become a separate country without the approval of the central government, which take back the power delegated.  The history of India after the independence reported in several times taking over provincial powers to the central government.

According to the national census report of 2012, 74.90% of population in Sri Lanka are Sinhala who doesn’t want a federal system and 15.27% are Tamils, absolute Tamil population doesn’t demand a federal system. If we consider the current population estimates, about 76% are Sinhala, who have no interest in going against the traditional Buddhist values and the attitudes of NGO advocates and their hidden objectives are motivated by Indian and Western plans and they want a unitary system in the country and more than 50% of minority of 24% population don’t want a federal system and like a unitary system sharing the political role with the majority Sinhala people.  In this background, planning to abolish unitary status by the yahapalana regime is not logical and working against the fundamental right of majority of the country. Yahapalana advocates in 2015 did a tremendous mistake and during past three and a half years, they were failed to correct mistake what they have done during the elections in 2015.  Now there is no person or a group of persons to accept the responsibility for the wrong doing of the yahapalana regime.

The other connected problem with the constitutional issue is giving prominence place to Buddhism as a living religion of the country. The chapter two of the 1972 constitution stated that the Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster Buddhism while assuring to all religions the right granted by section 18(1)(d)” in the dominion constitution introduced in 1947 and same contents were adapted in the 1978 constitution using different wording that the Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the state to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana while assuring all religions the right granted by articles 10 and 14 (1)e” of the 1972 constitution.

The giving foremost place to Buddhism is not a real issue in Sri Lanka as neither Hindu, nor Christians nor Muslim have questioned about it and Buddhism is a working religion and about 75% of total population of Sri Lanka is directly associated with Buddhism.  In fact, modern historians such as Prof Raj Somadeva expressed that, Buddhism had been working as a religion in Sri Lanka before the embarkation of Vijaya and the Buddha Sasana was established in the country when King Devanam Piyatissa was ruling the country centuries ago in the era before Christian and Muslim religions originated and all major ethnic groups in the country and why Western countries, India or NGO groups are working against this truth. Do yahapalana advocates believe that the working against Buddhism would support to establish yahapalana myths in the country.

The Kandyan convention that was signed by Sri Lanka’s Adigars and the British rulers clearly indicated that British rulers will give the foremost place to Buddhism while they will be protecting Buddhism.  However, British rulers breached the agreement on the basis of ill advices of Christian leaders, who were opportunists at that time rather than true believers of Jesus Christ.  After independence Christian leaders have changed their attitudes towards Buddhism because the changes of policies in global Christian church on other religions and now Christians and Buddhism are working together in Sri Lanka.  The major difference was only in regard to school administration.  Now Sinhala Buddhist and Christian work together as a one nation.  Mr Jayawardane included the clause to give prominence to Buddhism with a clear understanding of the unity of Sinhala ethnic group without any religious differences.  Why yahapalana advocates attempt to make divisions against the unity of Sinhala population.

The next concerned issue raised by educated Buddhist monks was the undermining of the national security of the country by the yahapalana regime.  The national security is the priority of all countries in the world. A recently General Sarath Fonseka also made a public statement that yahapalana government has seriously undermined the national security of the country.  The national security is a prominent responsibility of any government, which spends a colossal amount of funds to maintain the national security.  Sri Lanka’s national security was challenged by LTTE war.  Many leaders of the country unsuccessfully attempted to control the war and bring peace to the country, but such efforts were failed as LTTE movement had international supports with a strategic plan for diving Sri Lanka.  However, yahapalanaya associated with these evil international forces to defeat the Rajapaksa regime and general public of Sri Lanka have no pleasure on account of the policies of yahapalana regime. The wish of people (95% of population) is to maintain national security and a leadership similar to Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa given to the country.

Sri Lanka needs an effective security plan, which shouldn’t be disclosed to any other. Majority of people in Sri Lanka are quite unhappy on what is going in the country as the current yahapalana government seemly attempts to undermine the role of security forces on the ill advices of NGOs.  It is essential to understand that no country in the world allows undermining its security system and other countries to put hands to make judgements on the behaviour of security forces.  There is no harm in independent investigation of doubtful war incidents by Sri Lanka, if there were anything wrong happened during the war period, but it shouldn’t be with a malice motivation to get revenge from the Rajapaksa regime as it was not surrendered to animosity advises of NGOs and some other countries.  The current experience in the middle eastern countries clearly indicate that there is a war situation and many undemocratic events and crimes against humanity are happening contrary to the prevailing law and democratic values.  Investigation of war related incidents needs an impartial and positive motivation rather than incitement of taking revenge of leaders of previous regime.  The current experience in Sri Lanka gives an impression that yahapalana government’s action were motivated by taking revenge from Mr. Rajapaksa, who is recognized as the war hero by the ordinary people of the county.  Why is this revenge requirement, there is no any other reason than Mr Sirisena was not given the Prime Minister position in that regime?  How can justify this vengeance?

The third issue highlighted by educated Buddhist clergies was securing subsistence agriculture and plantation based economic sector.  The conventional agriculture mainly based on rice production, which needs modernization.  Plantation industry successfully introduced to Sri Lanka during the British colonial rule and the combine economic sector with rice production and plantation industry has been the strategic economic focus of the country since independence.  After 1965 many views emerged to diversify this traditional conventional economic sector, which supports to eradicate the poverty of the country. All elected governments since independence given priority for the conventional agricultural sector.  However, yahapalana regime has not given due attention this area.

The current government ignored the required reforms and diversification strategies of this sector and variety of reformed began in rural sector, which is like string with disordered knots.  Since 1978 executive presidential system supported to quick decision making for resolving problems in rural sector, but yahapalana NGOs focused to abolish the major system of the executive president

The forth issue highlighted by educated Buddhist monks was the right of workers to engage in trade union actions to achieve their demands.  There is a nonstop strike wave in the country, in addition to workers tertiary students and doctors also engage in frequent strikes as the yahapalana regime clearly disregarded the rights of employees.

Finally, people of Sri Lanka need to understand the fact that they are in a transition. The new situation always advocates essentially needs deregulation of markets for the benefits of people.  The trade union system also must be in this transition needs facing to deregulation with providing protection for lower income earners. It is difficult to maintain a competitive economy with a highly regulated labour market.  The operation of the trade union system in the world show that they are too selfish and openly contradict with the government economic policy.  It requires changing trade union operations in Sri Lanka and it must deregulate and attract foreign investments.

RANJITH SOYSA

We are grateful to Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka and the Island-7^th Sept- for the discussion on the war crimes probe initiated by the OISL Geneva with regard to the last phase of war against the Tamil Tigers.

Field Marshall who commandeered the army in its fight to liberate 20 million Sri Lankans from the yoke of terrorist LTTE, have touched on very crucial issues which should receive the urgent attention of the President Maithripala Sirisena who had been reiterating the fact that he will not allow any measures to punish the men of the war winning armed forces by the international organizations.

Field Marshall had emphasized that the number of civilians killed were around 4000-5000 which is very close to figures compiled by UK military sources revealed to the world by Lord Naseby. He also stressed that the number of civilians killed had been exaggerated. He also recollected the presence of the ICRC in the theatre of war except for a very short period in which they operated a ship with observers.

With the reports of the UK and US military sources confirming that the Sri Lankan defence forces had conducted a disciplined military campaign and for them to walk off with a highly political agenda, the foreign powers and the OISL made a heavy weather of Sri Lanka.

Sri Lankan defence forces have been given a bad name and their fate is indeed uncertain with the OISL resolution being co -sponsored by the Sri Lankan government and pursued thro various organizations and visiting officials from Geneva.

It is in this context that the President Sirisena should intervene and inquire why the Prime Minister and some in the Cabinet had acted selectively and discriminately to accept only the  OISL pantomime but refusing to seek the most relevant views of the General who led the army, the men with the specialist knowledge in international affairs and most critically reports by Lord Naseby, the UK and the US military missives.

The Nation which owes a debt of gratitude to the Defence forces for liberating them from bomb exploding LTTE hopes that the President and the ex Army Chief will consider to turn the scale and find their tongues to restore the dignity of Sri Lanka.

Garvin Karunaratne

I doubt whether we have learned a lesson from the Meetotamulla Garbage Disdaster where 32  people died. The garbage collection at Muturajawela is yet intact.

Recently it is reported that the garbage collected in Blumendhal, Colombo is ablaze.

I am aware that action is being taken to dispatch the garbage to Puttlam. But this will take time and in the meantime some immediate action has to be taken.

I suggested that action be taken to bury the garbage in coconut estates and I yet think this is the quickest and best way ahead to clear the piles.  I enclose my earlier writing in detail:

“The Garbage Disaster(from Lanka Web 10/5/2017)

The garbage pile at Meetotamulla erupted, took the lives of 32 or more and we are in complacency- now, we are talking. There are piles of Garbage at various places and some authorities state that they will not explode.  I am certain that those authorities were well aware of the Meetotamulla Pile before it erupted.

There are accepted methods of turning the garbage into power, and these are being looked into but it  will definitely take time. In the manner we now act, it may take a few years to have those systems going.

In the meantime the piles that are already there are dangers and what about the daily intake of garbage, we do not know where to dump it!.

I managed my family farm- a small coconut acreage for five years and took great pains to dig trenches and fill them with dried leaves and foliage turning them into compost to be nutrients. Today in the heart of London my home garbage is buried and we apply a chemical powder to enhance the process of the garbage becoming compost. We collect the dried leaves and make compost- it takes a year or so and that too with adding chemicals.

I am certain that the garbage can be provided to coconut estate owners to be buried. Owners of coconut land find it difficult to find funds to buy manure. The crop is low and coconut pilfering is very widespread in small acreages. For this the coconut estate owners have to be asked to dig trenches- the depth and size to be decided by agriculturists and soil scientists, the owners have to get the trenches dug and shown to officialdom, then the garbage has to get sifted of extraneous matter- like iron, and non compostable materials. This sifting has to be done by the Local Authorities.  A payment is due for digging the trenches. Coconut estates too have to get paid. Compost enhancing chemicals have to be used.  I read somewhere that there is a dearth of labour for this task. It is a tedious process that people will not like to do and therefore the pay has to be commensurately high and gloves and masks have to be provided, with showers for the workers to bathe at the end of work. At Ambalantota Rice Mill,  I was bathed in dust many a day and so were all workers.

The application of compost is bound to increase the crop”

The method suggested of getting coconut estate owners to dig trenches and for the disposal of garbage to eventually become compost, can be done quickly, in addition to the project to dispose garbage at Puttalam.

Garvin Karunaratne

10/9/2018

There is a big question mark as to the eligibility of the government that was appointed in 2015 immediately after the election of a President by a Presidential election. At the Presidential Election held on 8^th January 2015 the people were exercising their inalienable right to elect the person they saw fit to elect as President. The January election was not a general election/parliamentary election from which the Parliament is elected also by the people after which the party with the largest number of seats selects the person who has the most confidence as the Prime Minister. In January 2015, the UPFA were in the majority & the UNP was a minority party with just 60 seats. Therefore, how could this minority party become the Governing party after a presidential election & have its leader appointed as the Prime Minister. Furthermore, how can this minority government bring an amendment to the constitution though it managed to buy over all the MPs save 1 MP (Admiral Sarath Weerasekera) to pass the 19^th amendment most deviously & sheepishly none of which can overrule the constitutional power vested in the People to elect the President & the Parliament & both of which must go to the People before changing anything that affects the powers given to the people through the constitution.

Article 3 of the constitution clearly states that the sovereignty of Sri Lanka is inalienable & in the hands of the people.

If so, the people had the right to select & elect the President & the Government.

Both President & Parliament have limited powers – limited by the term they serve. Justice Wanasundara delivering the 13^th amendment judgment in 1987 clearly stated that MPs are only ‘agents’ of the people. However, there is no fixed term for the People & their right to exercise their sovereignty.

Those elected cannot remove the right of the People and make decisions on their own claiming that to be what the people want. Such was the case with the 19^th amendment.

There were 2 clear violations.

• Firstly, in January 2015 a Presidential election was held not a general election therefore how legally valid was it for the President-elect to appoint a PM from a party that didn’t have a majority in Parliament without removing the sitting Prime Minister. At the time of the Presidential Election, UNP comprised only 47 MPs & it was from this 47 that Ranil became the Prime Minister. This was a serious breach of democratic principles & good governance that brought the President to power. From January to August 2015 the country was run by this minority Government propped up by the kangaroos that crossed over after Sirisena became head of both SLFP & UPFA & presented a notion of ‘National Unity Government’ and a 100 day program which was to end on 23 April with dissolution of Parliament & elections – that never happened.

• Secondly, how can Parliament & not the People decide how many years Parliament should prevail and how many years a President’s term should be – Isn’t this a violation of Article 3 of the Constitution that gives inalienable sovereign rights to the people?

While it is the fundamental right of a candidate to contest it is a constitutional right of the voter to decide whether that candidate should be elected again or not. This case was perfectly decided on January 2015 when Mahinda Rajapakse using his right to contest ran for President & the voters decided they did not wish to keep him as President for a third term. This was true democracy in action (leaving aside all other measures that came into play to enable his ouster)

What right did a parliament have to change it without asking the people?

Everybody has forgotten that there was no mention of a national government by either UNP or SLFP in their General Election manifestos of August 2015.

Let us also not forget that Maithripala Sirisena left the SLFP & UPFA to contest as Common Candidate & used the SWAN symbol to contest Presidential Elections in January 2015.  After election, he suddenly heads both SLFP & UPFA & peddles notion of a ‘National Government’ which was a political toy to buy in SLFP & UPFA MPs and create a two third majority from which all the changes that were planned by those that orchestrated the regime change could do without any impediments. Thus, the supposed ‘National Government’ ended up doing nothing in the national interest of Sri Lanka but only in the interest of themselves & the parties that were supporting it.

This was another example of the voters being hoodwinked & their powers usurped – how morally correct was it for a person who leaves a party to contest elections as a common candidate to return and head the very coalition he abandoned & then create a ‘national government’ that would enable him to avert the questions about the validity of a minority government in power as an ‘interim government’ & appoint any number of Ministers to push through drastic changes that were earmarked and part of the deal.

The National Government notion was also a great way to completely ignore the promises made in the 100-day program by this interim government which was not a national government but termed a national unity government signed by only two parties – UNP & SLFP covering 10 points.

Another important question that emerges immediately is how only SLFP & UNP can sign MOUs for a National Government when neither UNP nor SLFP contested as single parties at the August 2015 General Elections. If they contested from various alliances should the leaders of these parties also be signatories? UNP contested as UNF so why were the constituent parties omitted from the MOU?

All that was solved by Maithripala Sirisena taking over the reigns of both UPFA & SLFP and then happily dishing out Ministerial portfolios even to voter rejected candidates (in fact out of the 29 national seats 11 seats were given to candidates who were rejected by the voters) Count this as a violation of yahapalana’s promise to deliver democracy & good governance & another example of people’s mandate being violated. How come candidates that the people rejected are holding portfolios in government & living off tax payers money?

Voters trust was violated by Yahapalana too…

The 100 day program announced on 11^th January 2015 assured the appointment of a 25member cabinet. But the very next day a 27-member cabinet was announced (27 Cabinet Ministers, 10 State Ministers & 8 Deputy Ministers). By 26^th February 2015 the 27 cabinet became 45, non-cabinet became 55 from the 18! With the 19^th amendment passed on 28 April 2015 the promised 25 became 30.

Within a month of coming to power the people’s mandate was flouted and within days the issuing of Treasury Bonds that resulted in the largest Bond Scam took place.

Everyone seems to have forgotten that Nimal Siripala de Silva was appointed Opposition Leader on 16^th January 2015.

An interim budget was passed by a legally questionable PM assuring to dissolve parliament on 23 April 2015. That never happened. Parliament was eventually dissolved 2 months later on 26 June 2015 that too to prevent the COPE report on the Bond Scam been placed in Parliament.

The voters were violated again by March 2015.

President Sirisena announces a National Government in response to the lack of a majority to push through reforms that were part of the regime change assurances and as such 26 MPs from the SLFP were enticed to form a 77-member government the Opposition MPs were now down to 58 by March 2015.

The present constitution was introduced by the UNP Government in 1978. Since then 17 out of the 19 amendments to the constitution was by the UNP.

19a has a series of violations of the People’s sovereignty vested to them in the constitution.

• The President is elected by the People in an election held separately. Why has the 19a denied the right for the People’s elected highest official in the country the right to dissolve Parliament until 4 ½ years?
• The People were given the right to vote for a President for a term of 6 years, how can a minority Parliament existing on virtually buying MPs to form the National Unity Government to pass the 19a cut short the term to 5 years?
• While the President is directly elected by the People, the Prime Minister is not. Why has the 19a denied the right of the People’s nominee to remove or change the Prime Minister?
• The President directly elected by the People was head of the cabinet, why has 19a usurped this and handed it to a PM whose position is legally questioned?
• The present government came to power promising a country that would be ruled without corruption & with an initially 25 which turned to 30-member cabinet, why was this assurance violated by the 19a & the creation of a national unity government simply to enable them to entice more MPs from the Opposition. By April there were 45 cabinet Ministers and 55 non-cabinet & deputy ministers.
• Fundamental question is what right does a legally questionable government have to pass a 19a that usurps the executive powers given directly by the People to an executive President & pass that on to a Prime Minister who is not elected directly by the People.

It is not surprising that having violated the People’s sovereignty, usurped the People’s constitutionally given rights, broken the trust & faith of the people that the Common Candidate who was supported by UNP, JVP, TNA, SLMC, scores of Civil Society organizations & the International Community to receive 6,217,162 votes in January 2015 lose 1,118,246 voters who felt disgusted with the new government by August 2015. It was because the government was short of a majority again that the continuance of a bogus ‘national government’ was again drummed and a MOU was signed on 21 August 2015 to last 2 years which has now expired.

This national government is not doing anything in the national interest given that trade agreements are being discussed & signed in secret with the contents not being disclosed, very deceptive means are adopted to pass bills manipulating the FR rights for people to object or raise queries against such. Taxes and prices of essential commodities are being raised while MPs are gallivanting all over the world, renovating their homes & toilets, buying themselves benz cars & holding tamashas at the expense of the tax payers. Rubbing salt to a wounded nation has been the manner many are watching with shock as the war heroes who fought to liberate the nation are being hounded on baseless & evidence-less charges, put into prison without bail, kept in prison without filing charges & ridiculed using their henchmen that comprise individuals of the so-called civil society on foreign payroll, unpatriotic media, lawyers loyal to the government and academics & artists who would do anything for money.

20a is another means of again usurping the people’s sovereignty & handing it from a directly elected President to a Prime Minister who is unelected by the People.

With so many violations being committed by the 19^th amendment can we the People trust the same people to bring and pass the 20^th amendment with far more dangerous clauses & consequences when we know that these changes are all aligned to their final objective to change the constitution leading to the separation of the Island nation?

Shenali D Waduge

Dr. Sarath Obeysekera

Do ordinary people know the prices of Cashew in the market ?

You hardly find cashew curries in weddings now a days as it so expensive

One Kilogram of  ashew is over 4500 Rs .Ordinary people cannot buy Cashew for consumption?

No wonder why bankrupt Sri Lankan is buying cheap Cashew for passengers.

And yet when you see following news you wonder why Sri Lankan make money by buying below standard Cashew ??

SriLankan Catering posts 3.9 billion rupees net profit in 2017/18

Author LBO
Posted on September 10, 2018 | In Pictures, Lead Story

SriLankan Catering Ltd. has recorded a steady financial performance for the financial year ended 31st March 2018 with a 26% year-on-year growth in operating profits from Rs. 3.03 billion to Rs. 3.81 billion.

Its unaudited financial statements also showed that the operating profit ratio which stood at 42% in the last year improved to 44% during the year 2017/18. It has also reported a post-tax net profit of Rs. 3.9 billion during the year, which is a 4% increase compared to the previous year. A somewhat low growth in net profit has been reported as a result of a drop in exchange gains which dropped from Rs. 833 million in the previous financial year to Rs. 202 million this year.

Ranjit Fernando, Chairman of SriLankan Catering who is also the Chairman of SriLankan Airlines, said: SriLankan Catering continues to be a tower of strength to our nation and the SriLankan Airlines Group. Last year, they have achieved yet another stellar performance. The company has proven itself to be a perfect example of consistency and has crossed the Rs. 2 billion mark in profits every year, during the last five years. This performance for the financial year 2017/18 was a 26% increase over the operating profit of the previous year, a tremendous achievement by the catering arm of Sri Lanka’s National Carrier.”

Lalith Withana, Chief Executive Officer of SriLankan Catering, said: The impressive performance of the company is evidence of the strong negotiation skills and financial discipline of the entire team who have worked hard to overcome the multiple challenges faced during the past year.”

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy The Island

September 11, 2018, 9:45 pm
Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka’s recent admission that the cabinet had never discussed Sri Lanka’s response to alleged war crimes allegations highlighted the culpability on the part of the National Unity Government for depriving the country of a proper defence.

Cabinet regularly meets on Tuesday morning with the participation of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe

The Sinha Regiment veteran and war-winning Army Chief said so at a media briefing at his ministry at Rajagiriya in response to a query posed by the writer. Fonseka’s disclosure was quite a shock. Fonseka claimed that since he joined the cabinet the issue had never been discussed with him. Fonseka explained that security matters had been discussed with him before the change of government in January 2015. Referring to Sri Lanka’s response to war crimes accusations, Fonseka said not a word had been spoken with him about it.

Obviously, Fonseka, too, hadn’t taken up the issue for obvious reasons. Fonseka’s Army brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

The UNP accommodated Fonseka in the cabinet in late February 2016 following the demise of National List MP M.K.D.S Gunawardena. The UNP rescued Fonseka after his Democratic Party failed to secure a single seat at the August 2015 parliamentary poll. Fonseka received the regional development portfolio.

Can the government justify its failure to explore ways and means of countering war crimes allegations especially against the backdrop of evidence contrary to the Geneva Resolution unanimously adopted in early October 2015?

Before discussing Fonseka’s revelation further, it would be pertinent to examine two other statements made by Fonseka’s colleagues in Nov 2017 (Dayasiri Jayasekera in his capacity as the Cabinet spokesperson) and Aug 2018 (Mahinda Samarasinghe in his capacity as the SLFP spokesperson).

Both Jayasekera and Samarasinghe acknowledged that cabinet of ministers had not discussed Sri Lanka’s defence nor examined the Geneva Resolution, respectively. The revelations made by Lord Naseby’s on the basis of wartime British High Commission dispatches (January-May 2009) exposed the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government deliberately depriving Sri Lanka a proper defence. Instead of utilizing Naseby disclosure in the House of Lords in mid Oct 2017, the government struggled to suppress UK dispatches. The following story was carried on Nov 16, 2017: War crimes: Cabinet spokesman provoked by query on govt. response to Naseby move

Cabinet spokesman and Sports Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera yesterday (Nov 15, 2017) said that a statement made by Lord Naseby in the House of Lords would be used by the government appropriately at the right time, though the Cabinet was yet to discuss it.

Jayasekera said that they wouldn’t take up issues pursued by The Island the way the newspaper wanted. It had not been taken up by the Cabinet on the basis it wasn’t considered so grave a matter, the minister said. The minister initially asserted that Lord Naseby’s statement wasn’t directly relevant to the Geneva issue.

The SLFPer said so when The Island asked him whether the Cabinet of Ministers had discussed Lord Naseby’s defence of the previous administration as well as the armed forces on Oct 12 pertaining to war crimes allegations before it was taken up in parliament on Nov 14.

The Island also sought their stand on President Maithripala Sirisena’s admission on Nov 9 that some retired and serving army officers had been refused visas by certain countries.

Having faulted The Island for raising a question on the same lines, the Minister alleged that his comments in respect of the Geneva issue two weeks back at the post-Cabinet media briefing hadn’t been properly reported by The Island. Jayasekera also said that The Island was there only to raise the Geneva issue.

The Island rejected the Minister’s accusations and pointed out that the government’s opinion on Naseby’s statement was sought as the British Lord had said that a maximum of 7,000-8,000 died on the Vanni front not 40,000 as alleged by a UN panel and Sri Lanka never purposely targeted the civilian population. Lord Naseby also pointed out that of them, one fourth were LTTE cadres.

Minister Gayantha Karunatilleke and Military Spokesman Maj. Gen. Roshan Seneviratne refrained from commenting on the issue.

Minister Jayasekera said they really appreciated Naseby’s defence and it was a victory for Sri Lanka.”

The relevant section of the story carried on Aug 18, 2018: Cabinet never discussed 2009, 2015 Geneva Resolutions – MS

One-time presidential human rights envoy and the incumbent Ports and Shipping Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe on Thursday (Aug 16) acknowledged that Sri Lanka’s decision to co-sponsor the Geneva Resolution 30/1 in Oct 2015 hadn’t been discussed by the Cabinet of Ministers.

Vice President of the SLFP and party spokesman Samarasinghe said that the Foreign Ministry had handled the post-war process that led to the agreement on the Geneva Resolution. Samarasinghe asserted that there was no requirement to take it up at the Cabinet.

Samarasinghe said so when The Island asked him whether the Cabinet of Ministers had discussed the issue in the run up to the controversial decision to co-sponsor Geneva Resolution in Oct 2015 and acted on revelations that came from wartime British High Commission dispatches from Colombo that cleared Sri Lanka of killing 40,000 civilians on the Vanni east front in the final phase of the war.

Samarasinghe acknowledged that Lord Naseby’s revelations made to the British House of Lords, too, hadn’t been discussed at the Cabinet.

Samarasinghe explained that the previous Rajapaksa government adopted a similar strategy in respect of the U.N. Human Rights Council resolution passed in May 2009 celebrating the battlefield defeat of the LTTE.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon in May 2009.

The then minister for Disaster Management and Human Rights Samarasinghe emphasized that the procedure leading to the resolution had been handled by the mission there in consultation with President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Defence Ministry.

Sri Lanka itself submitted the resolution stressing its sovereign right to act without outside interference, which received the approval of the Human Rights Council.

Samarasinghe said that neither the 2009 nor 2015 Resolutions had been discussed at the cabinet but following the second declaration President Maithripala Sirisena on several occasions categorically rejected foreign judges in a domestic judicial process.

President Rajapaksa headed the 2009 Cabinet while President Sirisena has chaired the Cabinet of the National Unity Government since January 2015.

Comparing the status of judiciary during the previous administration and post-2015, Samarasinghe said that the international community hadn’t pursued a hostile agenda following the change of government. Samarasinghe asserted that the international community realized the much improved judiciary and, therefore hardly put any pressure on the government to accept foreign judges.

Samarasinghe pointed out that the UNSG Panel of Experts (PoE) comprising former Indonesian Attorney General Marzuki Darusman, US attorney-at-law Stevan Ratner and South African human rights activist Yasmin Zooka in March 2011 accused Sri Lanka of massacring 40,000 civilians.

Samarasinghe recalled his role during the previous administration in defending Sri Lanka against unsubstantiated war crimes allegations directed at the military.

In an obvious reference to a leaked US diplomatic cable from Geneva a few months after the end of the war, Samarasinghe said that the LTTE could have been defeated much earlier if the then government and the military hadn’t taken the civilian factor into consideration.

Samarasinghe discussed the possibility of some of those categorized here as dead and missing living overseas. The Minister expressed serious concern over the refusal on the part of Western governments to cooperate with Sri Lanka to identify genuine cases of missing persons. Samarasinghe said that further difficulties had been caused by those Sri Lankan receiving citizenship in Western countries taking new identities.

Samarasinghe said that he had urged Western governments to assist Sri Lanka’s efforts to ascertain the truth.”

Can there be an explanation for a government refusing to clear itself of responsibility for war crimes in spite of receiving an opportunity to do so?

Sarath Weerasekera on the offensive

One-time Navy Chief-of-Staff Sarath Weerasekra flayed the government over Fonseka’s disclosure.

A recent reply received by the writer from the Foreign Ministry in response to queries raised in accordance with the Right to Information law revealed the ministry is certainly not keen on pursuing the Naseby disclosure. Mangala Samaraweera functioned as the Foreign Minister in the National Unity Government before being replaced by Ravi Karunanayake in May 2017. Karunanayake quit the ministry in Aug 2017 in the wake of the revelation of him and his family’s damning relationship with Arjuna Aloysius, owner of disgraced primary dealer, Perpetual Treasuries implicated in treasury bond scams perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016. Karunanayake’ resignation paved the way for one-time Attorney General and President’s Counsel Tilak Marapana. Unfortunately, Marapana and Defence Secretary Kapila Waidyaratne, a former Senior Additional Solicitor General in spite of their legal background steadfastly refrained from reviewing the situation.

Lanka having co-sponsored resolution against itself in Oct 2015, the Foreign Ministry seems hell bent on somehow keeping the Geneva project on track.

Weerasekera last week compared the UNP-led government handling of Geneva Resolution with the Feb 2002 signing of a Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) by then PM Ranil Wickremesinghe, at a public gathering at Godakawela, Ratnapura chaired by wartime Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. Weerasekera, who had served as an UPFA lawmaker representing the Digamadulla electorate for one term said that the UNP never bothered to consult the Cabinet or parliament before entering into the Oslo-arranged agreement that recognized an area under the LTTE control.

Displaying The Island front-page reportage of Fonseka’s media briefing, Weerasekera said that the government owed an explanation as to why such a vital issue was never taken up for discussion. The CFA strengthened the LTTE politically, socially, economically and militarily at the expense of the Sri Lankan state. Under cover of the CFA, the UNP ruined the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) on the pretext of investigating an alleged bid to assassinate the then UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. In the wake of the change of government, the government vigorously pursued the DMI, Weerasekera explained, urging the public to be cautious of the UNP strategy.

Weerasekera said that the parliament hadn’t addressed the war crimes issue though it discussed every other issue. The parliament discussed the relevance of British High Commission dispatches several weeks after Lord Naseby’s disclosure in the House of Lords. Foreign Minister Marapana assured parliament that British High Commission dispatches would be used as an ace at the appropriate place at the right time. Marapana said: “We are not saying that we will not use Lord Naseby’s statement. We certainly will use it at the proper time and at appropriate forums. There may be a time when the UNHRC will ask us to conduct investigations into the allegations of war crimes. We will use this statement when such a time comes. Otherwise, our opponents will find counter arguments so we must use it as an ace.”

The Foreign Minister was responding to a question raised by Joint Opposition Leader MP Dinesh Gunawardena, as to why Lord Naseby’s statement was not used especially at the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council in Geneva. The UNPer asserted that the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council in Geneva wasn’t the forum to take up Lord Naseby’s disclosure.

So far, the UNP-led government hasn’t taken up the matter with Geneva. Since Marapana gave an assurance to parliament to Naseby disclosure as an ace in late Nov 2017, Human Rights Council has met twice in March and June though Sri Lanka conveniently failed to make any reference to Naseby. It would be pertinent to ask the Foreign Minister whether he intended to raise the issue in the course of the ongoing Geneva sessions. The SLFP has done absolutely nothing to influence the UNP-run Foreign Ministry to make representations on behalf of Sri Lanka.

Surprisingly, both the UNP and the SLFP so far haven’t requested Western powers to remove the threat to pusue alleged war crimes, though Lord Naseby on the basis of British High Commission dispatches from Colombo asserted that no one in the then Sri Lankan Government ever wanted to kill Tamil civilians. Lord Naseby said: “Furthermore, the UK must now get the UN and the UNHCR in Geneva to accept a civilian casualty level of 7,000 to 8,000, not 40,000. On top of that, the UK must recognize that this was a war against terrorism, so the rules of engagement are based on international humanitarian law, not the European Convention on Human Rights.”

Lord Naseby explained how the British government desperately tried to prevent the disclosure of wartime dispatches from Colombo. The Conservative politician revealed step-by-step how he sought official intervention in terms of the freedom of information submission following UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office suppressing Colombo dispatches. Don’t forget even the released dispatches were severely censored but the very little revealed was sufficient to challenge the main UN allegation.

The yahapalana government is obviously concerned about the growing challenge to unsubstantiated the charge of 40,000 civilians massacred in 2009. In fact, this is the main accusation among five allegations contained in the executive summary of the panel’s report. Let me reproduce the relevant section verbatim (point number 137 in the report): “In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. A number of credible sources have estimated that it could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is still no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and to the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths.”

Marapana declaration that Naseby’s disclosure would be used at the appropriate place should be examined against the backdrop of Sri Lanka having to fulfill its obligations by March 2019 in terms of of the Oct 2015 co-sponsored resolution. Once the obligations are met Nasebys’ disclosure is irrelevant. The former AG is allowing the Geneva agenda to progress unhindered, while the Joint Opposition struggles to cope up with political developments.

The JO never really raised the Naseby issue though it was taken up in parliament in the last week of Nov 2017 by way of an adjournment question. The JO never sought an explanation from Marapana as regards his pledge to parliament that Naseby’s disclosure would be used at the appropriate place and at the right time. The parliament Sectoral Oversight Committees on international relations and national security, cabinet as well as political parties represented in parliament haven’t taken up accountability issues. Parliament owes the public an explanation as to why people’s representatives have allowed war crimes accusations to overwhelm the country by steadfastly refusing to present genuine evidence to debunk those accusations. Fonseka’s disclosure must have stunned the public. Imagine a government neglecting its own defence and shamelessly colluding with those foreign powers out to hang war crimes tag on Sri Lanka. For want of parliament intervention as well as the collective responsibility of the cabinet, a few individuals have taken charge of the Geneva project. If not for treasury bond scams perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016, the UNP could have achieved much more progress and perhaps even managed to enact a new Constitution by now. The UNP never really recovered from the treasury bond scams that caused irreparable damage to its relationship with President Sirisena due to the latter launching devastating attacks on his partner in the run up to Feb 2018 Local Government poll. The Joint Opposition/Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna would never have achieved victory at the LG poll if not for both the UNP and the SLFP suffering due to treasury bond scams. They each suffered debilitating setback electorally, but the Geneva project seems still on track.

(To be continued on Sept. 19)

Editorial Courtesy The Island

September 11, 2018, 9:21 pm
People lived in mortal fear of Grease Yaka during the Rajapaksa government. Covered in grease and armed with a sharp weapon, it would move about in the buff, scaring women. That much-dreaded creature has not been sighted or heard of since the 2015 regime change. But, the people are now troubled by another Yaka, under the yahapalana dispensation. Covered in a mixture of petrol, diesel and kerosene, it attacks people at midnight.

The Yahapalana Oil Yaka, operates from the Finance Ministry, run by the UNP, and relieve its victims of their wallets, using an unseen pricing formula as a weapon. It has struck again and the people have to cough up more for oil. The yahapalana leaders are busy going overseas and helping solve global issues while the people are suffering at home, unable to keep the wolf from the door. UN Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of all human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights, Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky, who was here recently, has also looked askance at the way fuel prices are increased. But, the yahapalana leaders have no such concerns.

President Maithripala Sirisena has gone ballistic. The cause of his ire, however, is not the fuel price hike. He is troubled by another big problem which he is determined to solve. It is the poor quality of cashew nuts served on SriLankan flights! He says they are not fit for human consumption. Ordinary passengers have learnt to gulp down in-flight meals without grumbling. They may wonder why the leaders of a country where foreigners get state assets such as ports and land for peanuts are making an issue of cashew nuts.

We can only hope that President Sirisena will concentrate on the burning problems people are faced with, after solving the cashew nut issue. The people are struggling, unable to cope with their economic woes, aggravated by astronomical increases in fuel prices, which are effected according to a pricing formula kept under wraps. Not even the Minister of Petroleum Resources has seen the secret formula! President Sirisena came to power, promising good governance, of which transparency is an integral part.

The government initially reduced fuel prices in a bid to win the 2015 general election, but it is now heaping unbearable economic burdens on the people by way of fuel price hikes. This may be considered an indication that there will be no elections in the foreseeable future.

Bus, taxi and school vehicle operators have said they will be compelled to increase their fares again. The public will be faced with a double whammy due to the latest fuel price increases.

The pricing formula, in our book, is only a ruse to justify fuel price increases and it is highly unlikely that the public will ever get any relief therefrom. Strangely, not even the Joint Opposition messiahs who promise deliverance to the masses and stage ‘road shows’, have taken up the fuel hikes and the so-called pricing formula issue. Maybe the cost of living does not affect those worthies who amassed enough wealth while in power. They themselves fleeced the public without passing the benefit of falling oil prices in the world market on to consumers; that may be one of the reasons why they do not want to confront the government on extortionate fuel price increases. It may also be possible that they are planning to use the same formula in case they capture power.

The President has boasted of having a sword, which is thought to be like King Arthur’s Excalibur, and promised to use it for the sake of the people. If he cannot neutralise the Yahapalana Oil Yaka with that magical blade, will he, at least, have the fuel pricing formula disclosed? The people have a right to know what hits them on the head from time to time. That is the least the President can do for the people crying out for help.

Courtesy The Island

Neither the Sri Lankan government nor the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had conducted an ex ante human rights impact assessment of the economic reforms implemented or announced, United Nations Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of all human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights, Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky said yesterday in a statement after his nine-day visit to Sri Lanka.

He said that he was extremely concerned about recent reforms by the government to reduce energy and farming subsidies, setting fuel price using an automatic market based mechanism and the attempts to deregulate price of electricity. These measures might have an adverse effect on the livelihood of fisher, farmers and rural communities’ households.

The present administration has chosen a strategy, as recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to stabilise the economy by strengthening the fiscal and external sectors. “Significant efforts have been deployed by the Government to maintain macroeconomic stability and a range of reforms were adopted to serve that goal. Besides fiscal consolidation measures, there were also reforms on its social safety net programmes. Sri Lanka’s vision 2025 programme (launched in 2017) lays out a series of announced measures for 2025 including deregulatory reforms impacting on land and the labour market,” he said.

“The government must conduct an ex ante human rights impact assessment when it rationalises fuel subsidies and social security benefits or when a more profit-oriented logic is introduced into public services or state-owned corporations.”

Bohoslavsky has also expressed concern about the lack of unionisation of the Sri Lankan work force as weak trade unions have the potential to entrench income inequality and stagnation of workers’ wages in the bottom half of the labour market and trade unions lose the power to fulfill their traditional role of contributing to redistribution.

“The government has expressed its intention of engaging in public-private partnerships in important social sectors such as health, education, etc. These efforts of public private partnerships should not replace the Government’s primary obligation of ensuring the economic, social and cultural rights equally among everyone and its obligation in allocating maximum available resources,” he said.

Pointing to the fact that debt repayment has become the most important expenditure for Sri Lanka, Bohoslavsky recommends that debt sustainability analyses should be carried out by the Government and international financial institutions based on a more comprehensive understanding of debt sustainability, incorporating human rights and the social and environmental dimensions of sustainability.

“Social spending should not be cut in order to repay increasing debts if less harmful policy options are available. There are at least three –complementary- options that deserve to be considered. First, boosting domestic demand through various channels, including progressive tax reforms, expanding social benefits and increasing of minimum wages, among other measures; the resulting improvement in GDP growth would increase fiscal revenues. Second, opening the discussion on whether the military budget reflects the fundamental changes the country has undergone in the last years, in particular in the fields of peace and economic development. And third, renegotiating the debt with creditors in order to expand the fiscal space to boost the domestic demand and generate revenues to ensure that nobody is left behind. Fiscal, monetary, economic and social policies need to be fully consistent.”

Lahiru Pothmulla Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Visiting UN Expert Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky today expressed concerns over the Sri Lankan Government’s decision taken in May 2016 to increase the Value Added Tax (VAT) from 11 per cent to 15 per cent.

Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky, the UN Independent Expert on the Effects of Foreign Debt on Human Rights said, I am concerned by the significant raise of the VAT tax rate, climbing from 11 per cent to 15 per cent in 2016, since the cost of such tax is borne by the poorest part of the population. In fact, revenue collection through VAT has seen an acceleration to 56.5 per cent in 2017,” he said addressing a news briefing in Colombo.

He said recent reforms in Sri Lanka have resulted in rationalization in energy and farming subsidies, fuel price being now set with an automatic market-based mechanism and the price of electricity is about to be de-regulated along the same mechanism.

However, he said he was concerned about the impact of such measures on the livelihood of fisher, farmers and rural communities’ households.

It is my view that such cuts should at least be compensated through cash transfers targeting those in need and ensuring that they reach the beneficiary in a timely and efficient manner. Investments in the rural economy should be directed in supporting the livelihoods of these small-scale producers so they will be resilient against these subsidy reductions targeting those in need,” he said.

Sheain Fernandopulle Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Government had to increase the prices of fuel due to its poor economic management, MP Bandula Gunawardana said today.

Addressing a news briefing, he said the incumbent Government did not have a long term economic policy in place.

There is a prevailing economic crisis caused due to the rupee depreciation,” Dr. Bandula said.

The Government has been unable to provide the advantage to the people in such a situation where the World Market price of fuel remains in a lower percentage than that in the precious regime,” Dr. Bandula said.

Although the World Market price remained in a higher percentage in our Government, we were able to keep the people unburdened. That is why I reiterate that this Government lacks a proper economic management,” he added.

Meanwhile, MP Sisira Jayakody said even though Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was boasting of the growth of the economy, they could not see any such growth.

The economic growth rate is diminishing compared to that in the previous Government. We were able to maintain a growth rate of six but now it has declined even below three,” MP Jayakody said.

He further said that Enterprise Sri Lanka would not become a helping hand for the poor but would make rich people richer.

Shehan Chamika Silva Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Filing a revision application in the Court of Appeal, President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva today said the order given by the Kurunegala High Court Judge remanding former Minister Johnston Fernando pending the conclusion of the trial was legally wrong.

President’s Counsel was of the view that the alleged High Court order was wrong on the face of it as the same court had previously enlarged Mr. Johnston Fernando (accused -petitioner) twice before and after the indictments.

According to the President’s Counsel, initially, the prosecution had filed a B report against three suspects namely Johnston Fernando, Mohammed Shakeer and Nalin Fernando over an alleged purchase of certain goods from Laksathosa Limited violating the Public Property Act in Kurunegala Magistrate’s Court.

However, later the Kurunegala Magistrate’s Court refused to grant bail as the law requires bail to be granted by a high court judge, unless for exceptional circumstances.

Then the suspects filed a revision bail application and were released on conditional bail.

Subsequently, the Attorney General indicted the suspects in High Court.

Mr. De Silva said that his client had pleaded not guilty for the charges and subsequently on the same date he was released on bail again by the same High Court without any objection of the State.

“The Kurunegala High Court Judge was then transfered and the case was taken up before a new Judge. When the trial was finally fixed to be heard daily, the new Judge ordered the suspect to be remanded till the conclusion of the trial proceedings, even though there was no request a to do so,”said Mr. De Silva.

According to the President’s Counsel, while remanding the suspect the Kurunegala Judge had said that it was the practice of the Court to do so. “Surely that cannot be the law which violates the Bail Act. What we have to understand is that bail is the rule, remand is the exception” Mr. De Silva said.

The petitioner has sought to issue notices to the respondent of the petition, to set aside the Kurunegala High Court order remanding him, pending the conclusion of the ongoing trial, and to make an interim order releasing him on bail.

The matter was taken up for inquiry before the Bench comprising Judge Achala Wengappully and Judge Janak de Silva.

Subsequently, the application was fixed for support tomorrow 1.30 p.m. by the Court of Appeal.

Sheain Fernandopulle Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption which was established to inquire into corruption was full of corruption, United National Freedom Front Secretary Maithri Gunaratne charged.

The Director General and couple of Commissioners of the Commission are reported to have purchased three Mercedes Benz cars worth Rs. 4.5 million each on rent basis in such scenario where they have been provided with three luxury vehicles by the Commission. It is utterly misappropriation of public funds,” Gunaratne told a news briefing today.

The other funny thing is that although these three newly purchased cars are electric motor cars, it was reported that they still get the fuel allowance granted by the commission,” he said.

On the other hand, there is an official in the commission who frequently goes abroad in the first class or the business class. According to the information we gathered from an official of the commission, he goes overseas to buy sweets and other food items for his family members,” he added.

He said it was the funds of the people that were being used for these journeys.

Nevertheless, he said the Director General of the Commission used to spend funds between Rs. 6mn to Rs. 7mn to get his office cabin repaired.

Is this we should expect of a commission like this which has been placed to investigate corruption and bribery? They should set an example for others instead of involving in misappropriation of public finds,” he added.

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The ‘rift’ between Minister Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka and Army Commander Mahesh Senanayaka escalated again with the Field Marshal drawing similarities between the Army Commander and Idi Amin because of their choice of ‘bald’ hairstyle.

The Army Commander acts with a distorted mind. He should know how to maintain his hair like a respected public officer. He is bald, like Idi Amin,” he told journalists after attending an event in Kelaniya on Monday.

The Field Marshal was responding to Army Chief Lieutenant General Senanayake’s statement on Sunday in which he said that no one could review the Army’s strength after having gone on retirement years ago.

Lieutenant General Senanayake said some retired military officers who have identified themselves as ‘War-Analysts’ had defined the Army’s right-sizing programme as s closure of camps.

Field Marshal Fonseka told journalists that the Army Commander was only a Brigadier when he was leading the war.

If he thinks he knows more than us, he is just sitting on his tail. He was appointed as the Army Commander not because of his talent, but because of other people’s mistakes,” he said.

Courtesy Adaderana

In an interview conducted by Nitin A. Gokhale, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe addresses the security aspects of the lease of Hambantota Port, Sri Lanka debt and his relationship with President Maithripala Sirisena.

At the interview conducted in Hanoi, where he attended the 3rd Indian Ocean Conference recently, Prime Minister reaffirmed the security of the region following the lease of Hambantota Port to China and stated that Sri Lankan territory will not be used for anything harmful to Indian security.

He says that, although the joint venture has a 70-year lease, the government can at any time terminate it, if the government thinks it has to be done.

Wickremesinghe also stated that there is not military dimension to the Colombo Port City funded by the Chinese government and spoke about collaborative projects with the Indian government such as the  liquefied natural gas plants, Trincomalee development and the oil tanks with the Mattala airport.

Interview also focused on the future plans for the Palaly airport where India assist to extend the runway.

Speaking on his relations with President Sirisena, Wickremesinghe stated that it’s the first time that two major rival parties have worked together, not just in Sri Lanka but also in the world.

The complete interview is a follows:

Q: We are meeting at Hanoi on the eve of the third Indian Ocean Conference. You’ve attended the previous two conferences too. What is your view on the importance of Indian Ocean and the new Indo-Pacific structure that is sought to be evolved now?

A: The strategic centre of geo-politics in the next few decades will certainly be the Indian Ocean, by around 2050. Therefore, Indian Ocean is important. Firstly, because of its population and economic growth, I think a fair number of wealthy nations by 2050 will be within this region. Take South Africa, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore, and that’s a lot. Secondly, the volumes travelling through the Indian Ocean, east to west, will be far more and crucial. The fuel supplies to the whole of East Asia and to India will all go through this ocean, so it is becoming the centre. The Indo-Pacific is really extending the concept or the concerns of USA and others to cover the whole Indian Ocean. Actually these are all terminologies. The first South East Asia command was in Sri Lanka. It went all the way up to China, to Chongqing, at the Burma front and India. And then downwards to Indonesia, what’s called the Indo-Pacific under the South East Asia command and the Pacific was under the Americans. Subsequently, it has been the Indian Ocean littoral nations that have been there. We are Asian so we have a common identity, but I think the distinct nature of the Indian Ocean and the geo-politics of this ocean must function as it is and you can’t use the Pacific issues to cover the Indian Ocean issues. But together we can all work for a stable order and to ensure freedom of navigation.

Q: So, in that context, Sri Lanka is so well located and poised. How do you see Sri Lanka’s role in this evolving new center of gravity in world politics?

A: Well, we are a small nation but we are at the centre of the Indian Ocean. So navigation through Indian Ocean is critical to our economy. And we would like to ensure that the freedom of navigation is maintained in the Indian Ocean. Therefore, for us we thought we should try and get all the littoral states plus all the other stakeholders to come in and play this role. It is not the Indian Ocean itself, but I think we’ll also look at the choke points and work on it. As far as to get everyone down and to start talking and see where the consensus is and where you haven’t gotten a consensus and keep working at it. Our aim is to ensure that somehow the freedom of navigation is upheld in the Indian Ocean. As long as it’s done, we prosper.

Q: Right. So the Indian Ocean conference in that sense is a new initiative. It’s been three years now that I’ve seen you talking in all the three conferences, in fact hosted it last year in Colombo, for which I was also there. So, in that sense how important is this conference?

A: It’s continuing and it’s the first time that we are coming into South East Asia, into Vietnam, which is on one end of it, but that is also essential. In the old days the commerce passed through Vietnam and I think Mae Sot was the furthest Hindu kingdom that was there.

Q: That’s right. Let me come to your own domestic issues. The Hambantota Port has always been under some kind of constant scrutiny in the world media and otherwise. So what is the current status of that Port right now?

A: Hambantota harbour is a public-private partnership, the public part being the Sri Lanka Port Authority and the private part being China Merchant. As you know the story, this was built at that time and we were having difficulties without closing it up, unless some of us came. We firstly asked for two other Chinese firms but whoever offered, Chinese or non-Chinese, it was going to be for commercial shipping purpose. Security was going to be asked and that operate within it. So now they have come in, they have paid their stake and they are putting in some additional money to develop the port. The joint venture has a 70-year lease but the government can at any time terminate it, if the government thinks it has to be done. The security is in the hands of the Navy and the Southern command we shifted from Galle to Hambantota, Galle has limitations, only a large frigate could come in. The police will be there, the customs will be there and immigration will be there. We are starting a large industrial estate zone there of about 15,000 acres. We will give it out to developers who want to start special economic zones like in Bangladesh. And of course with your own Indian authorities, we are discussing another public-private partnership for the Hambantota airport, the Mattala airport. But nothing will be allowed to be used for military purposes, but commercially yes. We also told the Chinese, the Japanese and others that there was an understanding between India and us that Indian territory will not be used for anything harmful to our security. Similarly, Sri Lankan territory will not be used for anything harmful to Indian security. So we are functioning within that framework.

Q: Similarly, the Colombo port project had also raised some controversies. Initially, before you were elected to power, you had said that you will review it. So after the review you have allowed…

A: The port city project we found, that it had been given out on a free-hold basis and work had commenced, that they had filled up half of it. So we decide to make it into a lease hold and with certain powers with the Government of Sri Lanka. So it will be like a property development project. And as far as we’re concerned, we let it go ahead because we anyway couldn’t have a half complete land filled. Once we bring the financial city commission and the urban development authority, they will have the regulatory powers over the land there. But of course the China Harbour and its developers will be selling about 60 to 70 per cent of the land there. The remainder is in the name of the Government of Sri Lanka. That again is not a free-hold, they can only give a lease.

Q: And also there is no military dimension to it?

A: No military dimension to it, yes.

Q: How are you dealing with the debt trap that Sri Lanka is under with China? How are you dealing with that?

A: It’s an overall debt issue that we are involved in. With China, the port city is the investment and Hambantota has sort of sorted itself out with the payment, Mattala will also be resolved with the joint venture we are planning. There are Chinese loans on other projects, but more than that, now we have the International Sovereign bonds and that’s the biggest issue that we have here. So we have to find ways to stabilise so that our revenue is sufficient to certainly meet the debt servicing and to repay those installments but that loan is not enough. We now have to earn sufficient foreign exchange for our balance of payments and send our revenues up. We feel by about 2025 we should start that process of easing out the loan payments.

Q: Right. So in that context, sir, before you came to power with the previous government, India had this objection legally that you are allowing China free run. Now that you’ve done all this, how do you see the India-Sri Lanka relations under your government?

A: It is really improving. And we would like to see, India is getting involved in more projects here. We are getting India and Japan involved into LNG plants (liquefied natural gas plants). We are also discussing the Trincomalee development and the oil tanks with the Mattala airport. We are also working on the Palaly airport where India will help us to extend the runway. In fact, I am speaking to your minister about getting a flight in from South India to Palaly.

Q: That will be interesting. What about the Kankesanthurai harbour project?

A: That project is also going on. The Indian Government has agreed on that. I would like Palaly airport to become an international airport.

Q: Oh, you want flights from Palaly going international?

A: Yes I think we should get it from the region. We can initially do with India with what is there, because the IAF (Indian Air Force) used that during the IPKF days. Then we had to extend the runway where we can take 320s. So then not only India but even Malaysia and Singaporean airlines can also come there.

Q: You’ve laid special emphasis on development of the North under your government.

A: Yes we have and India is helping us with the Mannar-Trincomalee highway and the highway system there. Even houses for re-housing.

Q: Yes, the other day you inaugurated something there, some project.

A: Yes. I did one in the hill country, that is the villages for the people who work in the plantations, having them outside. In the future, as they are getting educated, it’s unlikely that they will continue to work in the plantations. That will be another problem for us but that’s a different subject.

Q: The other thing is regarding the fishermen’s issue with India and Tamil Nadu.

A: That is gradually getting sorted out. I think your government is also helping them to go into deep sea fishing, which is good. So I think that should sort itself out and maybe with more and more South Indian fishermen doing deep sea fishing, our people will also go there. Seas around Sri Lanka and India we are allowing foreign trawlers to come and take the catch and that’s something that should not happen.

Q: And how do you see BIMSTEC’s future?

A: BIMSTEC has to become more vigorous I feel and work along with ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) members there, especially Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore.

Q: It hasn’t really taken off so far.

A: It should do more yes.

Q: Let me turn to a little bit of your domestic politics sir. It’s been three and a half years since the new government came in, with a lot of hope. When you look back, or see now, there is a lot of uncertainty in the minds of the people because of the January results of the local body elections. Have you overcome that setback?

A: Well, that came at the most difficult time for us. We had a shortage of fertilisers, the prices were up and supply was disrupted because we had about five cultivation seasons in the drought. The tea area was affected by floods. Everything that could have gone wrong went wrong and if we would have postponed the elections, it would have been worse for us. But it also showed that we are a democratic nation and that we are willing to go through that. I told the country that we took tough decisions because the country needed it, not that we were suicidal, but that it had to be done and they would understand it, and that we are gradually picking up. There was a protest vote against us but I don’t think the former President and his group can capitalise on it as a positive vote when it comes to a game-changing election.

Q: That will anyway be next year right.

A: Yes, it’ll be next year. Basically the relationship between the communities has improved except for one unfortunate incident at Digana. Well, democracy is in place. Every media has been criticising me every day but no one has been taken away, no one is missing, no one complaining. The democratic system and the RTI (Right to information) Act is on. We have stabilised the economy. Now we have move forward. But India and all of us now are facing the present global economic situation and the strengthening of the dollar. But education and health indicators have gone up, we’ve spent a lot of money despite all our problems. Now we are coming with the rural infrastructure programme and the enterprise for small and medium. We are also coming up with incentives for investors. So let’s see. In five years we’ve done the correct thing.

Q: So you can build on that as you go along. And you mentioned very significantly the relationship between different communities. So, is the reconciliation well on track with the northern Tamils?

A: It’s back but the issue now is going to be the constitution, we can enact the constitution now. A draft has been given by panel of experts but I think we will have to decide in the next few weeks how we go forward.

Q: Right, and what about provincial elections?

A: That’s the next one. We are discussing what the system of election should be because people and all parties were unhappy with the report given by the delimitation committee. So that is the next round. I am trying to conclude that quickly, one way or another, the necessary laws are passed. Personally, I think it’s better to have the election early and finish it off, giving us the time to focus on national issues.

Q: Ok, which will give more powers to provinces or something of that sort?

A: It will protect the power of the provinces where the centre can’t just come and take it away. And there are some areas where they have agreed to increase the powers as well.

Q: I see. One final question, though you might not want to answer it. I read your media and they say that relations between you and the President are not very good and that somehow you are pulling in different directions. Is that true?

A: Relations between the President and me are good but it’s the first time that two major rival parties have worked together, not only in Sri Lanka but anywhere else. If BJP and Congress had worked together, would it have lasted?

Q: Never

A: That’s the answer to the question.

ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

රත්නපුරය – ධර්මප්‍රිය ලියනආරච්චි නිමල් බඳගිරිය උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් වුණේ ජනතාවට බොරු කියලා, බොරු පොරොන්දු දීලා මහින්ද බලයෙන් පහ කිරීමේ බටහිර බලවතුන්ගේ න්‍යායපත්‍රය හැරුණුවිට ආණ්ඩුවක් පිහිටුවා ඉදිරියට යෑමේ වැඩපිළිවෙළක් ඔවුන්ට තිබුණේ නැහැ. අද රට වැටී තිබෙන මේ අර්බුදකාරී තත්ත්වයෙන් ගොඩ ඒමේ අභියෝගය අපි භාරගන්නවා. එයට සැලැසුම් හා වැඩ කළ හැකි නායකයෙක් ඉන්නවා. වියත්මඟ සංවිධානය සමඟ එක්ව සකස් කළ ඒ වැඩපිළිවෙළ ජනතාව අතරට ගෙන යෑම ‘එළිය තුළින් සිදුවෙනවා’ යැයි හිටපු ආරක්ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ ගොඩකවෙලදී පැවැසුවේය.

ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා එසේ පැවැසුවේ හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ යළි බලයට පත් කළ යුත්තේ මන්ද යන්න පැහැදිලි කිරීම සඳහා ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය ‘එළිය’ වැඩසටහන යටතේ දීපව්‍යාප්තව පවත්වාගෙන යන සම්මන්ත්‍රණ මාලාවේ රත්නපුර දිස්ත්‍රික් සම්මන්ත්‍රණය ගොඩකවෙල බ්ලූ සැෆයර් හෝටලයේ පැවැති ‘එළිය’ සම්මන්ත්‍රණයට සහභාගි වෙමිනි.

එහිදී හිටපු ආරක්ෂක ලේකම්වරයා මෙසේද කීය.

ලෝකයේ හැමතැනමත් අයුක්තිය සහ අසාධාරණය සිදුවෙනවා. එහෙත් එයට ඉඩදී සිටීම යුක්තිගරුක බුද්ධිමත් ජනතාවගේ යුතුකම හා වගකීම නෙවෙයි. අපේ රටෙත් සිදුවෙමින් පවතින්නෙ එයයි. පසුගිය 5 වැනිදා කොළඹට එක්වුණු මහා ජන ගඟ ඉටුකළේ අයුක්තියට අසාධාරණයට එරෙහි වුණු යුක්තිගරුක ජනතාවගේ වගකීම සහ යුතුකම ඉටුකිරීමේ තවත් පියවරක් තැබීමයි. ඔවුන් එදා කිව්වේ කරන්න බැරි නම් දාල යන්න. කරන්න පුළුවන් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වගේ නායකයෙක්ට රට දෙන්න කියන එකයි.

ඒත් මම දන්නෙ නැහැ බලෙන් බලයේ එල්ලී හිටින අගමැතිවරයාට ඒ දෙය තේරුණාද කියන එක.

මම හිතන්නෙ ජනාධිපතිවරයාට වගකීමක් තියෙනවා ඔහුට ඒ කරුණු පහදා දෙන්න. මේ රට වැටී තිබෙන තත්ත්වයෙන් ගොඩ ගන්න පුළුවන් කෙනකුට දෙන්න අඩුම වශයෙන් ඔහුවත් තේරුම් ගත යුතුයි.

අද වන විට බොහෝ ව්‍යාපාරිකයන් කියන දෙයක් තමයි මේ ආණ්ඩුව ගෙන යන ප්‍රතිපත්තිය තුළ තමන්ගෙ ව්‍යාපාර කඩා වැටිලා තිබෙන බව. ඒ වගේම රටේ ආරක්ෂාව, සදාචාරය විශාල වශයෙන් කඩා වැටෙමින් පිරිහෙමින් තිබෙනවා.

අපි යුතුකමක් හැටියට මේ තත්ත්වයට විසඳුම් සොයන්න මහින්ද ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ නායකත්වයෙන් ඉදිරිපත් වුණා.

මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් වුණේ බොරු විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවක් කියලයි. නොමඟ යවලයි. ඔවුන් බලයට පත්වුණත් ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් තිබුණෙ නැහැ. සූදානමක් තිබුණේ නැහැ. සුදුසු කණ්ඩායමක් ඔවුන්ට හිටියෙත් නැහැ. ඒ නිසයි අද මේ තත්ත්වයට පත්වෙලා තියෙන්නේ.
ඒත් අපිට ඒ වගේ ගැටලුවක් නැහැ. අපිට ඒ සඳහා ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් තියෙනවා.

වැඩපිළිවෙළක් තියෙනවා. ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමට හැකි කණ්ඩායමක් අපට ඉන්නවා. එදා අපි සකස් කරපු මහින්ද චින්තන වැඩපිළිවෙළ අපට තියෙනවා. අපි ඒක තවදුරටත් ක්‍රියාවට නංවනවා.

සමහරු අහනවා අපිට මේක කරන්න පුළුවන් දෙයක්ද කියලා. අපි ඒකට දෙන උත්තරේ තමයි එදා අපෙන් ඇහුව කාලයක් තිස්සෙ ඔඩුදුවලා තිබුණු යුද්ධය නිමා කරන්න පුළුවන්ද කියන එක. ඒ වෙලාවෙ ඒ අභියෝගය ජයගත්ත මට මේක ජයගන්න එක වැඩක් නෙවෙයි කියලා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිවරයා කිව්වා.

යුද්ධය නිම කළාටත් වඩා වැදගත් වෙන්නෙ. පශ්චාත් යුද සමයේ මේ රට සංවර්ධනය කරපු කාර්යයි. ඡන්දයක් තියල උතුරු පළාත් සභාව ස්ථාපනය කළා. සමහරු ඒකට විරුද්ධ වෙනවා ඇති. ආයුධ දැරූ කණ්ඩායම් නිරායුධ කළා. සාධාරණ ඡන්දයක් සඳහා ඔවුන්ව නිරායුධ කිරීම අවශ්‍ය වුණා.

අපි හැම ඡන්දයක්ම වෙලාවට තිබ්බා. අද ඒක වෙන්නෙ නැහැ. මොනවහරි කරල ඡන්ද කල් දමනවා. අපිට අවශ්‍යව තිබෙන්නෙ ජනතාවට මේ අවශ්‍යතා ලබාදීමයි.

අද රටට ව්‍යවසායකයන් ගෙනඑන්න පුළුවන් වාතාවරණයක් නැහැ. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා එයට සුදුසු වාතාවරණයක් ඇති කළා. අද කොළඹ කොටුව ප්‍රදේශයේ ඉදිවෙමින් පවතින හැම ව්‍යාපෘතියක්ම ආරම්භ වුණේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිවරයාගේ කාලයේ. එහෙත් ඒවා නිසි වෙලාවට නිම කරන්නට ලැබුණෙ නැහැ. මේ ආණ්ඩුව සිදු කළ අනිසි මැදිහත්වීම් නිසා ඒ අය අපිට ඒ බව කියනවා. ෂැංග්‍රිලා ව්‍යාපෘතිය ඒ වගෙයි.

නැවත වරක් මේ රට ගොඩනඟන්න නම් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ වගේ නායකයකු රට භාරගත යුතුයි කියන එකයි අපි කියන්නේ. මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ හැම කෙනාම කතා කරන්නෙ රාජපක්ෂලාට ජම්පර් අන්දවන හැටි මිසක් රට කරවන හැටි නෙවෙයි.

පොලිස්පතිවරයාගේ හැසිරීම මට පුදුමයි. එයා නිල ඇඳුම ඇඳගෙන ජනාධිපතිවරයා ඉදිරියේ නටනවා. මෙහෙම පොලිස්පතිවරයෙක් තියාගෙන කොහොමද නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක කරන්නෙ.

දැන් ඉතාම භයානක ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම සංශෝධනයක් සිදුවෙමින් පවතිනවා. එහෙම ඉඩදිය යුතු නැහැ. ඒවා ඉතාම භයානකයි. ජනතාව දැනගත යුතුයි. ඒවා නවත්වන්න හැම උත්සාහයක්ම ගත යුතුයි. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂය එහි වගකීම අරගෙන තිබීම සතුටට කරුණක්.

රියර් අද්මිරාල් ආචාර්ය සරත් වීරසේකර

උතුරු පළාත් සභාවත් දැන් යමින් සිටින්නේ ඊළාම් රාජ්‍යයක් කරායි. මේ රජය බලයට පත් වුණේ 2015 පෙබරවාරි 8 වැනිදා. උතුරු පළාත් සභාව පෙබරවාරි 10 වැනිදා යෝජනාවක් සම්මත කරගන්නවා. ඒ යෝජනාවේ කියනවා සියලුම රජයන් දෙමළ ජනතාව සමූල ඝාතනය කළා. ආණ්ඩුව සැලැසුම් සහගතව දෙමළ ජනතාවට ලිංගික අතවර කළා.

සංස්කෘතිය සහ භාෂාව විකෘති කළා. හමුදාව දෙමළ කාන්තාවන්ට කඳවුරු තුළ ලිංගික හිංසා කළා කියලා කියනවා. මේ යෝජනා සම්මත කර ගැනීම තුළ සිදුවන්නේ වෙනම රාජ්‍යයක් කරා යෑමේ ජාත්‍යන්තර අවශ්‍යතා සම්මත කර ගැනීමයි. මේවා සිදුවෙද්දී මේ ආණ්ඩුව නිහඬයි.

ආචාර්ය නාලක ගොඩහේවා මහතා

මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට පත් වුණේ කිසිම ආර්ථික සැලැසුමක් නැතිව. කිසිම දෙයකට කිසිම සැලැසුමක් නැහැ. කළේ නිකම් කාලය නාස්ති කරපු එක විතරයි.

රත්නපුරය – ධර්මප්‍රිය ලියනආරච්චි
නිමල් බඳගිරිය

කේ.එස්. උදය කුමාර් උපුටාගැණීම  මව්බිම

ඉකුත් රජය සමයේ මැදමුලන ප්‍රදේශයේ ඩී.ඒ. රාජපක්‍ෂ අනුස්මරණ කෞතුකාගාරය ඉදිකිරීමේදී රුපියල් මිලියන 33ක රජයේ අරමුදල් සාවද්‍ය ලෙස පරිහරණය කළේ යැයි චෝදනා කරමින් හිටපු ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම් ගෝඨාභය රජපක්‍ෂ මහතා ඇතුළු විත්තිකරුවන් 07 දෙනකුට එරෙහිව නීතිපතිවරයා විසින් ගොනුකර ඇති නඩුව විභාග කිරීම සඳහා අධිකරණයට බලයක් නොමැති බවට විරෝධතාවක් මතු කරන බව විත්තිකාර ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ රොමේෂ් ද සිල්වා මහතා ඊයේ (10දා) කොළඹ ත්‍රිපුද්ගල විශේෂ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු මඬුල්ල හමුවේ සඳහන් කළේය.
එම නඩුව ඊයේ සම්පත් අබේකෝන් (සභාපති), සම්පත් විජයරත්න සහ චම්පා ජානකී රාජරත්න යන මහත්ම මහත්මීන්ගෙන් සමන්විත ත්‍රිපුද්ගල විශේෂ මහාධිකරණ විනිසුරු මඬුල්ල හමුවේ කැඳවූ අවස්ථාවේදී ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ රොමේෂ් ද සිල්වා මහතා මෙම දැනුම්දීම කළේය.

අධිචෝදනා භාරදීමෙන් අනතුරුව විත්තිකාර ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ රොමේෂ් ද සිල්වා මහතා ඉල්ලීමක් කරමින් ඇප පනතේ 07 වැනි වගන්තිය ප්‍රකාරව තම සේවාදායකයා ඕනෑම අවස්ථාවක අධිකරණය හමුවේ පෙනී සිටීමේ කොන්දේසිය මත මුදාහරින්නැයි ඉල්ලීම් කළේය.

ඊට ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් පැමිණිල්ල වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි රජයේ නියෝජ්‍ය සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිලීප පීරිස් මහතා විත්තිකරුවන්ට මේ වන විට චෝදනා පත්‍ර භාරදී ඇති හෙයින් ඔවුන් සුදුසු කොන්දේසි සහිත ඇපයක් මත මුදාහරින්නැයි ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.

මේ අනුව එක් එක් විත්තිකරු රුපියල් ලක්‍ෂයක් මුදල් ඇප සහ රුපියල් ලක්‍ෂ 10ක් බැගින් වූ පෞද්ගලික ඇප දෙකක් මත මුදාහැරීමට නියෝග කෙරුණු අතර, විත්තිකරුවන්ගේ ඇඟිලි සලකුණු ලබාගෙන වාර්තාවක් කැඳවන ලෙසටද නියම කළේය.

විත්තිකරුවන්ගේ විදේශ ගමන් තහනම් කෙරුණු අතර ඔවුන්ගේ විදේශ ගමන් බලපත්‍ර අධිකරණයට භාරදිය යුතු බවට නියම කළ විනිසුරුවරු අධිකරණයේ අවසර ලබාගැනීමෙන් පසුව විත්තිකරුවන්ට විදේශගතවීමට හැකියාව පවතින බවද සඳහන් කළහ.
මෙම නඩුවට අදාළ ලේඛන සියල්ල විත්ති පාර්ශ්වය වෙත ලබාදීමට පියවර ගන්නැයි නීතිපතිවරයාට නියම කළ විනිසුරුවරු නඩුව නැවත ඔක්තෝබර් මස 09 වැනිදා දක්වා කල් තැබූහ. නඩුවට අදාළ ලේඛන විත්ති පාර්ශ්වය වෙත සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ලැබී තිබේද? යන්න ගැන එදින පරීක්‍ෂා කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුව නඩුවට අදාළව විත්තිය විසින් ඉදිරිපත් කළ මූලික විරෝධතාව පිළිබඳ කරුණු විමසන බවද විනිසුරුවරු සිය නියෝගයේ සඳහන් කළහ.

මෙම නඩුව ඊයේ පෙරවරුවේ කැඳවූ අවස්ථාවේදී පැමිණිල්ල මෙහෙයවන නීතිපතිවරයා වෙනුවෙන් කිසිදු රජයේ නීතිඥවරයෙක් අධිකරණය හමුවේ පෙනී නොසිටියේය.
එම අවස්ථාවේදී විත්තිකාර ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ ද සිල්වා මහතා අධිකරණය හමුවේ ඉල්ලීමක් කරමින් පැමිණිල්ල වෙනුවෙන් කිසිදු නීතිඥවරයකු පෙනී නොසිටින හෙයින් තම සේවාදායකයා ඇතුළු විත්තිකරුවන් මුදාහරින ලෙස ඉල්ලා සිටියේය.

ඊට ප්‍රතිචාර දක්වමින් සභාපති විනිසුරු සම්පත් අබේකෝන් මහතා අධිකරණය හමුවේ කියා සිටියේ මෙය අපරාධ නඩු කටයුත්තක් බැවින් එවැනි නියෝගයක් කළ නොහැකි බවයි.

විනාඩි කිහිපයකින් අනතුරුව පැමිණිල්ල වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින නියෝජ්‍ය සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිලීප පීරිස් සහ රජයේ නීතිඥ උදාර කරුණාතිලක යන නීතිඥවරු අධිකරණය හමුවේ පෙනී සිටියහ.

මෙහිදී සභාපති විනිසුරු සම්පත් අබේකෝන් මහතා රජයේ නීතිඥවරුන්ට දන්වා සිටියේ මෙම අධිකරණයේ නඩු විමසීම් කටයුතු පෙරවරු 9.30ට ආරම්භ කරන හෙයින් ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් සැලකිලිමත් වන ලෙසයි.

මෙම විත්තිකරුවන් ඇප මත මුදාහැරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් තමන්ගේ විරුද්ධත්වයක් නොමැති බවට රජයේ පාර්ශ්වය දැනුවත් කිරීමෙන් අනතුරුව ඇප නියෝගය ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරමින් සභාපති විනිසුරු සම්පත් අබේකෝන් මහතා සඳහන් කර සිටියේ මෙම විත්තිකරුවන්ට ඇප දීම සඳහා නීතිමය වශයෙන් කිසිදු බාධාවක් නොමැති බවයි.

ඒ අනුව ඇප නියෝගය ප්‍රකාශයට පත් කරන බව සඳහන් කළ විනිසුරුවරු මෙම විත්තිකරුවන් රජයේ ඉහළ නිලතල දැරූ පුද්ගලයන් හෙයින් ඇප කොන්දේසි පිළිපදිමින් නඩු විභාගවලට පෙනී සිටිනු ඇතැයි අධිකරණය අපේක්‍ෂා කරන බවද සඳහන් කළහ.

2013 වසරේ සැප්තැම්බර් මස 03 වැනිදා සහ 2015 වසරේ පෙබරවාරි මස 02 වැනිදා දක්වා කාල සීමාව තුළ මැදමුලන ඩී.ඒ. රාජපක්‍ෂ අනුස්මරණ කෞතුකාගාරය ඉදිකිරීමේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා ඉඩම් ගොඩකිරීමේ හා සංවර්ධනය කිරීමේ සංස්ථාවට අයත් රුපියල් මිලියන 33.9ක මුදලක් සාවද්‍ය ලෙස පරිහරණය කළේ යැයි චෝදනා කරමින් හිටපු ආරක්‍ෂක ලේකම් ඇතුළු විත්තිකරුවන් හත්දෙනකුට එරෙහිව නීතිපතිවරයා මෙම නඩුව ගොනුකර තිබේ.

මෙම නඩුවේ සෙසු විත්තිකරුවන් ලෙස ඉඩම් ගොඩකිරීමේ හා සංවර්ධනය කිරීමේ සංස්ථාවේ හිටපු සභාපති ලියනාරච්චිගේ ප්‍රසාද් හර්ෂාන් ද සිල්වා, එහි සාමාන්‍යාධිකාරි භද්‍රා උදුලාවතී කමලදාස, එම සංස්ථාවේ අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ මණ්ඩල සාමාජිකයන් වන සුදම්මික කේමින්ද ආටිගල, සමන් කුමාර ගලප්පත්ති, මහින්ද සාලිය, ශ්‍රී මති මල්ලිකා කුමාරි සේනාධීර යන අය නම් කර තිබේ. මෙම නඩුවේ විත්තිකාර ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්‍ෂ මහතා වෙනුවෙන් සුගත් කල්දේරා, සම්පත් මෙන්ඩිස්. මංජුල සුගතපාල, රුවන්ත කුරේ, හරින් ද මෙල් යන නීතිඥවරුන් සමඟ ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ අලි සබ්රි මහතා හා ජනාධිපති නීතිඥ රොමේෂ් ද සිල්වා යන මහත්වරු පෙනී සිටිති.

පැමිණිල්ල වෙනුවෙන් රජයේ නීතිඥ උදාර කරුණාතිලක මහතා සමඟ රජයේ නියෝජ්‍ය සොලිසිටර් ජනරාල් දිලීප පීරිස් මහතා පෙනී සිටිති.

ජනබලයෙන් වුණේ කුමක්ද සහ ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් නැගෙන චෝදනා පිළිබඳව එ.ජ.නි.ස පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රී ඩලස් අලහප්පෙරුම මහතා සමග කළ සාකච්ඡාවකි මේ.

උපුටාගැණීම අද දෙරණ

ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිසන් සභාව සන්තකයේ තිබී එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හිටපු කැබිනට් අමාත්‍යවරයකුට කෘෂිකාර්මික කටයුතු සඳහා පවරා තිබූ ඉඩමක් ඔහු අවභාවිත කර ඇති බව උකුස්සාට අනාවරණය විය.

ඒ අනූව කළ සොයාබැලීමේදී උකුස්සා අනාවරණය කර ගත්තේ අදාල හිටපු අමාත්‍යවරයා එම ඉඩම කැබලි කර විකුණා ඇති බවයි.‍

හෝමාගමට ආසන්න බොරකැටිය හොරගල නැමැති ප්‍රදේශයේ පිහිටි අක්කර පහකට වැඩි භූමි ප්‍රමාණයකින් යුත් මේ ඉඩම,පුද්ගලික සමාගමක් මේ දිනවල විකිණීමට සූදානම් කර ඇති ආකාරය අපට දක්නට ලැබිණි.

අදාළ ආයතනය වෙළඳ දැන්වීම් පුවරුපවා එහි ප්‍රදර්ශනය කර තිබේ.

මෙහි ඇතැම් ඉඩම් කැබලි විකුණා ඇති බවට දැක්වෙන පුවරුද මෙහිදී උකුස්සාට දැකගත හැකි විය.

කෙසේ වෙතත් අදාළ ඉඩම නීතිවි රෝධීව අලෙවි කෙරෙන බවට ලද තොරතුරකට අනුව උකුස්සා ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් සොයා බැලීය.

එහිදී අනාවරණ වූණේ ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවට අයත් බව පැවසෙන මේ ඉඩම 1984 වර්ෂයේදී එවක කැබිනට් අමාත්‍ය ධුරයක් දැරූ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ අමාත්‍යවරයකුට පවරා ඇති බවයි.

ඒ කෘෂිකාර්මික කටයුතු සඳහා පමණක් භාවිත කිරීමේ නීතිමය බැදීමක් යටතේයි.

කෙසේ වෙතත් අදාල හිටපු කැබිනට් අමාත්‍යවරයා මෙම ඉඩම,එම ඉඩම් විකුණන පුද්ගලික සමාගම වෙත සින්නක්කරව ලබා දී ඇති බවයි උකුස්සා අදාල පුද්ගලික සමාගමේ නිලධාරීනියකගෙන් කළ විමසීමෙකදී ඇය පැවසුවේය.

ඒ අනූව තොරතුරු තහවුරු කර ගත් උකුස්සා මෙහි සත්‍ය අසත්‍යතාව ඉඩම් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ කොමිෂන් සභාවේ අධ්‍යක්ෂ පත්මසිරි ලියනගේ මහතාගෙන් විමසා සිටියේය.

මෙවැනි පසුබිමක එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හිටපු කැබිනට් ආමාත්‍යවරයා මෙම ඉඩම සින්නක්කරව විකුණනු ලැබුවේ කෙලෙසද යන්න පිළිබඳව පවතින්නේ ගැටලුකාරී තත්ත්වයක්.

මේ පිළිබඳව සොයාබලා කටයුතු කිරීම ඊට වගකිවයුතු බලධාරීන්ගේ වගකීමක්.

උපුටාගැණීම අද දෙරණ

නේපාලයේ සිට ශ්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සමාගමට අයත් යානයකින් ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා පැමිණෙන අවස්ථාවකදී ආහාරයට ගත නොහැකි කජු තමාට පිළිගැන්වූ බව ජනාධිපතිවරයා චෝදනා කරයි.

ජනාධිපති මෛතී‍්‍රපාල සිරිසේන මැතිතුමා මේ බව ප‍්‍රකාශ කළේ ඊයේ(10) පෙරවරුවේ හම්බන්තොට මාගම්පුර රුහුණු ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්මන්ත‍්‍රණ ශාලාවේ දී හම්බන්තොට ගොවි ජනතාව සමඟ පැවති හමුවකදී ය.

රට තුළ වගා කළ හැකි ආහාර භෝග විවිධ ජාවාරම්කරුවන්ට අවශ්‍ය ලෙස පාරිභෝගික වාර්තා ඉදිරියට දමමින් පිටරටින් ගෙන්වීම වහාම නතර කිරීමේ විධිමත් වැඩපිළිවෙළක් පිළිබඳ බලධාරින්ගේ අවධානය යොමු විය යුතු බව ජනාධිපතිතුමා සඳහන් කළේය.

මෙහිදී වැඩිදුරටත් අදහස් දැක්වු ජනාධිපතිවරයා මෙසේ පැවසීය.

දැන් මම ගිය සතියේ නේපාලයේ ඉදලා ඉන්දියාවේ ඉදලා ලංකාවට ආවේ ශ්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සේවයේ එද්දි දුන්නා කජු වගයක් කන්න. 

වාඩිවෙලා ඉන්න කොට දෙනවනේ එක එක ඒවා කන්න. කජු පීරිසියක් ගෙනත් දුන්නා.බල්ලෙක්ට කන්න බෑ මිනිහෙකුට තියා.

කවුද මේවා අනුමත කරන්නේ, ශ්‍රී ලංකන් ගුවන් සේවය ගේන මිනිහෙකුට තියා සතෙකුට කන්න බැරි කජු කවුද අත්සන් කරලා අනුමත කරන්නේ.

මේ රටේ වගා කරන්න පුළුවන් දේවල් එක එක ඡාවාරම්කරුවන්ට ඕන විදියට  පාරිභෝගිකයාගේ තත්ත්වය පිළිබඳ වාර්තාව මේ ගෙන එක නවත්වන්න ඕනේ.

BY EDWARD THEOPHILUS

Political and economic issues are common facets in any country in the modern world.  It is apparent that people in any democratic country use to cry for quick solutions to political, economic, social and cultural predicaments, but they also know that it is highly unlikely finding active solutions for problems as quick as possible. People of Sri Lanka should face the problems and need gradually find the way to get out of problems using intuitive techniques rather than relegating to an insecure risky situation.  Early 1980s, Sri Lanka faced to the most vicious problem of terrorism and different governments attempted to find a solution to the problem listening to international advocates and the elected Rajapaksa regime in 2005 found a long-lasting solution. When the same regime was attempting to identify right solutions for economic and social problems the yahapalana government elected unexpectedly in 2015 and beguiled people about unknown heaven and now information in Sri Lanka bring round that known devil was better for solving political and economic issues than the unknown angels of the yahapalana regime.

The campaign for political changes of Yahapalana regime aimed at a vital issue to constitute a good governance system in the country that could eliminate corruptions with a view to creating a procedural superiority in relation to public management arena. It has been critical issue in country for more five decades, which needed agreement from all political parties by all party conference despite a hidden conspiracy against China.  In fact, the aim of changes had a good element that people of the country has been expecting since independence in 1948, but it was not creating colonial retapes against the development needs and taking revenges from only the Rajapaksa regime.  However, the expected changes did not convince to people at least two three years before the presidential election in 2015 to attract the wider support of the community and critically evaluate the background of the jockeys of the yahapalana movement. The practical results showed that the policies of Yahapalanaya were contradictory to the good governance concept of the United Nations and the motivation of changes secretly focused to a regime change specially to take revenge from Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa for unknown reasons.  In fact, common people of the country did not expect hidden motives and strategies when changing the regime in 2015.  The leadership of the regime changing movement was secretly motivated by offering bribery style of incentives by certain countries, which were directly against the United Nations Policies. The transparency of the regime changing movement was a necessary precondition for the understanding of common people.

After the beginning of changes with the presidential election in 2015, manipulators of the good governance have found faults with the leader of the yahapalana president as he openly violated democratic traditions and rules of good governance, which were fundamentally accepted principles of Western democratic society.  This violation incurred before electing the yahapalana regime in 2015 and people in all over the world disappointed with actions of the Yahapalana leader. People were also disappointed with the use of power by the president of Sri Lanka as his rulings were directly against democratic rules and now Western democratic advocates can’t use Sri Lanka as an antecedent example for the establishment of good governance and for the future plans for regime changes in the world.

The concept of regime change had been used by Soviet Regime in many Asian, African and Latin American countries using different techniques, and American and Europe camp used by democratic way using elections or justifying military dictatorships.  It is assumable that China and India too have used this method when there will be ruling regimes in neighbouring countries against their economic and social plans.  That is why many people suspect about the regime of Imran Khan.

Although it is quite difficult to successfully implement good governance, there are many positive features and is an excellent concept for administration in any country especially for Asian, African, Latin American countries, which are obviously involved in corrupt practices.  At the beginning, advocates of good governance in Sri Lanka did not know about the leader they selected and the leader did not know about personnel, who were surrounding him. The leader was purely motivated by the reason that he was not given the prime minister post in the Rajapaksa regime.   The nomination paper of Mr Sirisena for the presidential election was signed by an unknown person and later he was arrested for an offence of cheating a Taiwan bank. The Central Bank Bond scam happened soon after the election of Mr Sirisena as executive President. The Prime Minister and the members of the cabinet were changed overnight without an election using the presidential power, which was the most rated concept of yahapalana advocates. That is how the yahapalanaya began and the method of beginning good governances clearly showed that it has broken the principles of good governance.

After a year of the beginning of yapalana changes, it seemed that the participated political parties and the members of the civil society organizations perceived many faults with the leaders of previous Rajapaksa regime without convincing evidence, based on gossips and people disappointed with the answers of the government for various corruptions that believed to be committed by the members and the administrators of the previous regime. Many cases were recently analysed by C.A Chnadraprema showed that Yahapalana regime attempted to mislead people using the administrative discretion as criminal cases, despite the administrative legal precedent as Lord Green MR explained in a judgement of British Supreme Court.  A significant principle of Criminal law, Mens Rea is not provable in many cases but they treated as criminal cases. The establishment special high courts against democratic traditions and appointment of selected judges and transferring cases to the courts established for special purposes with recommendations of cabinet members of yahapalana regime contrary to the accepted judicial procedures in the country since colonial era halcyon that yahapalana regime sticked to a dictatorship than good governance principles.

General public in Sri Lanka feels that yahapalana politicians have misunderstood reforms expected by voters or they have willingly concealed reform agenda for bluffing Western countries.  Some academics believe that certain powerful politicians of yahapalana regime have misconceived the expected changes interpreting the mandate received in 2015, was to take revenge from Rajayapaksa family.  The rallying voters in meetings participated by Mr Rajapaksa in local government election in 2018 also gave a clear message that voters in 2015 elections did not expect to take revenge from Mr Rajapaksa or disable his ability or prospect of future leadership and his services to the country by giving severe punishments to him.  The looking for dead rats in public offices through appointed presidential commissions, would not find concrete evidence for litigating the past regime for punishments as the director general of Bribery and Corruption Commission recently stated that commission finding may not be concrete evidence that warrant to litigation of public servants and punish them and the commission inquiry might be show off to public that the government is acting for yahapalana promises. Certain members of parliament who spoke in political platform of yahapalana in 2015 have disappointed and although they were in political platforms and became members of the United National Party, the party leadership and the big hands of the government don’t listen to them and they have become a rubber stamp of UNP.

As soon as the yahapalana office assumed duties they have done serious mistakes which were badly affected the economy especially for uncontrollable inflation, depreciating Sri Lanka’s currency unit, economic growth, unemployment and many areas.  At that time the leaders of good governance did not expect immediate consequences believing that economic conditions of the country would be changed, but after three and a half years in the power, many advocates of good governance have realized what went wrong and many attempts to get away from the concept of yahapalana.

After one year of the appointment of yahapalana government, a news briefing of educated Buddhist clergies in Colombo highlighted several vital issues, which were believed to be currently dominating in the country.  They could be succinctly indicated that (a) the plan to abolish the unitary status of the country through the proposed constitutional reforms, which suggest to convert Sri Lanka to a secular state abolishing the prominence status to Buddhism (b) the undermining of the national security of the country giving for an international pressure of India and Western block, (c) Securing conventional agriculture and plantation industry based economic sector. (d) reduction of lawful right of trade unions and (e) conspiracy against the national unity of the country.  Any analyst with a broader knowledge and background of Sri Lanka could look at these issues from different point of views and the current developments in the country display that people have no trust on the regime change and people want to re-elect the Rajapaksa regime. After three and half years of administration, no issue has been resolved by the yahapalana regime.

These issues are inherent problems of the country since the era of colonial administration and the issues originated as a repercussion of the actions of colonial rulers without listening to majority Sinhala aspiration. Everybody must honestly admit the highlighted above issues by educated Buddhist clergies were far-reaching and the yahapalana government should have understood that they need sustainable solutions within a democratic framework, consistent with the expectation of Sinhala majority, which represents 76% of current population of the country. The real situation in Sri Lanka is that if Sinhala people are united they can establish a regime without any support from the minority, which represents only 24% of votes in the country.  However, the hidden objective of the yahapalana regime was to divide Sinhala majority and tract 50% of minority votes and establish a shaky regime, which cannot find sustainable solution to the underpinning political, economic and social problems of the country.

When it looks on these issues except the trade union related issue, it is quite significance to read the forward of JR Jayewardene of Sri Lanka, a political biography written by KM de Siva and Howard Wriggins.  From these two authors, who wrote the forward to the book was unknown, but assumes that Prof KM de Silva might have written it, as he was a great scholar in relation to historical issues of Sri Lanka.  The forward of the book must be read by all politicians and administrators.

C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.

(This is an essay written by me after MaithripalaS won the EP election. I found it printed in the Sinhala.net (Feb 25, 2015). It becomes relevant again with Dr. Anuruddha Padeniya’s plan to develop a directory” of traitors in (of) Sri Lanka. His idea generated lot of anger from NGO and new Marxist anti-Sinhala Buddhist agents. I suppose that war heroes Sarath Weerasekera and Kamal Gunaratna are also preparing such lists so that like in the American elections, such people can be exposed to the voters at future election.  I consider as a political traitor, any Sinhala person who supports directly or indirectly, knowingly or unknowingly the conspiracy/plan (1) to demolish the Sinhala Buddhist foundation of this island and (2) to balkanize the island to eliminate the Sinhala Buddhist civilizational heritage. These persons must be identified using objective criteria so that the target persons also get an opportunity to show why they should not be in the list. Obviously, bribe-takers at any level or corrupt government or private company servants also become traitors if the offence has national level adverse impact such as the day time robbery of the Central Bank or Indian and Singapore selling deals.

I used 6 yardsticks then, and obviously, more and better factors must be added. I was wrong completely in my placement of Maithripala as a neutral person in the list, and I hope readers will help to develop a new updated list and publish it on the Lankaweb or send the information to Dr. Padeniya for his project. This is some help we can give in a scary situation the country’s fate is hanging on.)

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No shame, no fear (හිරි-ඔත්තප්ප)

Politicians are a corrupt lot in India, USA, UK, EU or in Sri Lanka. But the worst kind of cheaters is found in Sri Lanka because here one can escape easily even if caught red-handed. Double game is so open here. As ‘not promised,’ of the 43 UNP MPs, 41 are ministers of some sort! As ‘not promised,’ Ravi Karunanayaka, an ardent Catholic, goes to worship God Kataragama, in a government helicopter. He was once a chief dayaka of the Kotte Raja Maha Viharaya. Look at the picture of PM Ranil with President MS at the root of the Sri Maha Bodhi. It was as if MS ordered him to appear there with him in a worshipping posture, because previously a lady pupil (Sharmine Serasinha) of the late Ven. Piyadassi, questioned MS, via the anti-Sinhala Buddhist website Colombo Telegraph, why he was worshipping a tree! Ranil did not know even how to pretend! While silent on Udayan, he is angry with Sinhala newspapers Divaina and Rivira!

The politicians in Sri Lanka have no shame, no fear. From JRJ, RP, CBK, RW to MR were all a corrupt lot, and we must expose them for the public good. It is a tragedy for the Sinhalayas, especially the Sinhala Buddhists. I consider Ranil, CBK and MR as dishonest politicians along with a long list of other names (Rajiva Wijesinha is an exception in this regard), not interested in serving or saving the country. Therefore, at the next parliamentary election, these rotten eggs should not be allowed to deceive people, because those who have no fear or shame (හිරි-ඔත්තප්ප) can do anything to save their skin in Sri Lanka’s dirty political waters.

Remove 13-A

Removing 13-A and replacing it with the Jana Sabhas must be the key election issue at the next parliamentary election (to be held under the new electoral system), and I have prepared a checklist to test the behavior of a selected set of talking politicians who are all (except MS who has no more political ambitions) in the game for selfish reasons. A few non-political names are also added because of their public stand on public issues. The table of checklist can have any number of columns added to it, but I decided to limit it to 13-A related items because 13-A is the beginning of the end of the Sinhala Buddhist heritage in Sri Lanka.

Three danger bells

There are three problems that Sri Lanka is facing today which have international connections. They are: (1) Christianization of Asia project of the Pope and the World Church Org. This we have in Sri Lanka as unethical religious conversion of Buddhists and Hindus; (2) Islam fundamentalism of Taliban, Wahhabism, Shari fighters of the ISIS type. This we have as Muslim pockets of inclusive zones with a right to have five wives; and (3) World Tamil movement to have a Tamil country with an UNO flag encompassing the British Madras Province. This we have since 1924 as Tamil separatism which was rejected by the Donoughmore and Soulbury Commissions in 1929 and 1946.

Economic and Moral decline

In addition, Sri Lanka faces the old colonial problem of widening economic disparity between the rich and the poor and spatial inequality due to socio-economic gap between Colombo versus villages. Nobodies becoming Somebodies is happening so fast since 1978 and since 2005, but the people are living on the borderline of food or starvation and health.

Since 1971 with JVP introducing the new method of political killings, and after 1978 JRJ’s open economy, the moral degradation is such that children are willing to sell parents or parents are willing to sell their children for a quick buck. The moral decline is frightening. Parents teach children to lie to get school admissions!

These five different trends are interlinked, and the group of people adversely affected by them predominantly, is the Sinhala people, especially the Sinhala Buddhists.

American-Chinese power struggle in the Indian Ocean

Perhaps, the most important geopolitical variable affecting Sri Lanka is the American attempt to block Chinese expansion in Africa and in the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka is no more a sovereign country after the 1987 Rajiv-JRJ agreement limiting any local action affecting India. If oil is found in the Mannar Basin, American interests will go beyond Sri Lankan ports. Sri Lanka is not a sovereign state, when one thinks of the American and UK embassy interferences in the North and East civilian affairs, or direct dealings on a daily basis between TNA and Indian embassy office located in Jaffna. There was no foreign coup with regard to the presidential election date as it was an astrology-based, decision taken solely by MR. But, the American CIA and Indian RAW must be playing cat and mouse games all over Sri Lanka day and night. For 100,000 US dollars or a scholarship to a son or daughter to go to a US university who will not betray rules, regulations or principles!

Sinhala Buddhist orphans

What Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) revealed was that all the Sinhala MPs are competing to fight for minority rights and non to look after the Sinhala Buddhists! This is in addition to the Tamil, Muslim or Christian MPs to fight for their own rights, and get laws passed slowly and secretly. For example, UNP cabinet minister Eran Wicramaratne is a pastor in charge of the Assembly of God Church organization accused of engaged in unethical conversions. Not a single colonial law passed adversely affecting the Sinhala Buddhists were removed or modified by the so-called Sinhala Buddhist PMs or Presidents! Even the Kuragala ancient pre-Christian era Buddhist ruins could not be protected under the colonial Preservation of Antiquities Act, because MR stopped it to please a Muslim group. In other countries, this is an offence to impeach or send a president to jail.

Who is seeking Sinhala Buddhist vote?

The table below tells an interesting story. Imagine if we add other columns to show bank accounts, sudden wealth, nepotism, relatives in PCs etc. The table is a checklist, prepared with the information I believe as correct, which could help one in understanding why or why not a particular politician (MPs, PC members, PS members) support or oppose 13-A.  For a Christian, generally, Sri Lanka history begins in 1505, and most politicians at the national scene has a close Christian connection, even if he or she openly profess to be a Buddhist or a Donoughmore Buddihist. Some are Marxists who have no religion until they become very old. Some do not believe Sri Lanka is the country of the Sinhalese (Sinhale not Ceylon), with minority rights protected. The opposition to BBS is a clear indication of an anti-Sinhala Buddhist mind, when that opposition is linked with any or all of C2-C7.  C6 & C7 are in red as most critical characteristics in abolishing 13-A. One important secondary issue is that because MR was a supporter of 13-A, all those who want him back in politics must be presumed as 13-A supporters. Hence the question marks against their names in columns 6 & 7.

It is a blessing that MS is free of any doubt indicated by a question mark.  He has a clean slate so far. He is the only true commoner to become EP. Not a son of an MP or a Colombo black-white. Not even a Thurstan or Ananda college admission; a dry zone colonist farmer’s son. He became EP under most extraordinary circumstances and he is in a position to bring poor Sinhala people of UNP and SLFP under his guidance. This may not be the wish of UNP or SLFP politicians. But by following the Buddhist Middle Path, by balancing the reasonable demands of minorities with the recognition and remediation of historical injustices done to the Sinhala Buddhists, he could prove that he received training for 47 years for the task of rescuing Sri Lanka.

Table- explanation of columns

C = Christian /B=Buddhist                                          C2= Interfaith believer (I)

C3 = Does not believe in a Sinhale                                            C4= said this war is not winnable

C5= supported federal packages                              C6= supported 13-A plus

C7= supported 13-A minus                                          C8= opposed BBS

Never before has Ranil’s political acumen been put to the wire. For 22 plus years he has managed to bluff his way riding on the West’s media campaign strategists that have backed him throughout & projected him as a Mr. Visionary, a façade easily sold to a gullible green vote base. This has enabled him to weather close to 30 election losses and yet remain UNP leader since 1994 happily dishing out vision statements & promising restructuring of the UNP. Thus, UNPers have been suffering the balagiri doshaya (not today tomorrow) syndrome since 1994. It has come to a point where many are now questioning whether the UNP seriously has any alternative leaders that they continue to hero-worship just one man since 1994. UNP voters love to question why other leaders do not retire after an election defeat but think that question is not applicable to the UNP leader, nevertheless a large number is now waking up.

Ranil Wickremasinghe may by another yankee poodle but he is also well tuned into ground realities though he is clueless & care’s less about the needs or demands of people at grass root levels (even those in his own party). But he is concerned that UNP does not end up a dead party like the JVP.

It is baffling that at provincial and district levels UNP has managed to maintain its vote base in rural Sri Lanka though statistics show these numbers are slowly declining. UNP has generally been a class-based party. Many of its traditional supporters have been supporters from generation to generation while others have presumed that being a UNPer placed them in an upper class pedestal with the notion that they aligned to liberal & westernized thinking & habits.

Many of these did not stop to think how much these notions would impede on the cultural & historical heritage of Sri Lanka, while for many others history & heritage were not important. This helped UNP leadership & their campaign strategists to present a notion that winning the international community was far more important & Sri Lanka stood to gain than preserving and protecting the national heritage. Little did they realize that every nook & corner that we were to gain the so-called International Community support meant compromising the national security, territorial integrity & sovereignty of Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, many of these die-hard supporters are clueless of the damage the West has done since colonial times carried forward to the neo-liberal & neo-colonial policies pushed through local poodles.

A hallmark of UNP rule has been its ability to woo the minorities both Tamil & Muslim inspite of the hard facts that point to UNP following western colonial divide & rule strategies. It is baffling how inspite of UNP burning the Jaffna library being instrumental in July 1983 riots, causing ethnic tensions through various false flag operations, killing anti-LTTE informants most of whom have been Tamils or Malays (Millennium City) the majority of the minorities have remained loyal to UNP & without batting an eyelid gone & voted for the UNP completely ignoring or being bothered about the policy blunders its leadership have made to the detriment of the country’s welfare.

Ranil’s association with Right-Wing Christian think tanks like International Democratic Union & secret societies like Mont Perelin Society have not helped his at home image either.

Nevertheless they say you can fool some people all of the time but not all of the people all of the time and the manner that a well-planned regime change finally succeeded to place Ranil in power was to the advantage of those who funded & operated the regime change but not to those who actually went out & voted, they are now beginning to open their eyes to the realities that they did not get an uncorrupt rule – their cost of living did not reduce – the transparency that Ranil promised did not happen – that justice that was preached is looking ridiculous when none of UNP illegalities are even getting their day in court with rising number of people now questioning even the judges & magistrates rulings.

You can have the entire international community singing hosannas and issuing statements even going so far as to statistically doctor surveys to project Ranil is popular and the king of democracy but all that cannot feed mouths, all that cannot hide that the rupee against the dollar which was Rs.131 in Rajapakse time is now Rs.163 and one by one the lies that were drummed to bring the regime change is now being digested with anger by the people. Of course this does not include the ultra-rich inner circle of UNP elite who have landed themselves big deals & commissions & who’s extended families will continue to fund the efforts to maintain Ranil in power.

But then is there really an alternative. Some say there is Sajith, but other than becoming a voice headache where is the substance or vision that he has articulated to match the drafts prepared by the western supporters of Ranil? Some say Karu – but with Ranil claiming to hand over leadership in 2030, we wonder whether Karu would be around! There is another figure looming – Karu’s son-in-law Navin, but he has shown nothing of substance that could woo the island voters, then there is Ruwan who looks to be the better bet … but with the possibility of 2030 become 2050 even … all these aspirants can only bite their nails waiting!

It is without a doubt that Sri Lanka needs a powerful mainstream party and everyone agrees that the manner that the UNP is being led is unlikely to result in the bloc vote that it has commanded over the years. A party must stand for a powerful slogan & be country-centric in its objectives & vision, no one wants a party that comes to power to facilitate the objectives of foreign agendas and no party can sustain its existence if it lacks cultural values that are engraved in the country’s history.

D S Senanayake the first Prime Minister afterall was a proud Buddhist & worshipped his mother before leaving home as was a Buddhist custom. D S also donated most of his ancestral lands to the Buddha Sasana. When his son Dudley was born 25 acres of land was immediately donated to the Botale temple. Likewise immediately after becoming the PM of Ceylon the first thing he did was to visit the Polwatte temple in Kolpetty & worship the Buddha. DS was also clear that Buddhism had to be given the foremost place & that it was the duty of the state to protect & foster the Buddha Sasana while assuring the freedom to practice other faiths.

http://www.dailynews.lk/2018/03/22/features/146207/ds-senanayake-and-his-commitment-buddhism

All these clearly defined policies were changed after JR and Ranil took over power of the UNP. JRJ held power over UNP for 11 years while Ranil remains leader for 22 years and counting. Of the 72 years of the UNP, JR & Ranil has held forte for 33 years and it is the later part of this rule that has reduced the stature of the UNP.

With the reign of JRJ marked the burning of the Jaffna library, the July 1983 riots, the closure of military bases in the North set up by Mrs. Bandaranaike to address illegal immigrants from India, the political system became manipulated to create an all-powerful executive presidency, elections were marred by voter intimidation, vote rigging, ballot box stuffing & even impersonations which continued under Premadasa rule, the underworld emerged with nefarious characters given arms & functioning as body guards of the politicians, mob rule meant political victimization & attacks against political opponents. Neoliberals entered and Sri Lankan citizens were turned into laborers with women sent to the middle east as domestics or working in garment factories under poor working conditions. Then came nephew after a series of assassinations of UNP leaders left only one left to take over. With West’s connections to LTTE & open support to the UNP present leader, an unanswered question is whether there is a link to why his life was never at risk of LTTE gun.

Ranil has weathered many a storm – Batalanda torture chambers, preference to his school mates, LH plantation, name linked to Gamini Dissanayake’s death, 2002 CFA agreement, Millennium City exposure, to the co-sponsoring of a legally questionable UNHRC Resolution that accepts the national army committed war crimes, agrees to a tribunal and agrees to draft a new constitution.

Never has PM Ranil thought of asking why the UN or foreign envoys should insist on a new constitution and such a demand is a direct interference into the internal affairs of a sovereign state. Moreover, many have clearly presented valid points to the illegalities of the UNHRC resolutions, the bias of the UN, the violations of its own charter & the influence that LTTE bloody money is making with the manner they have been able to buy over even foreign parliamentarians, UN officials & even renowned lawyers who are working for the LTTE on retainer fees.

Many in the UNP who are privy to these valid arguments are themselves asking what the UNP leader is doing by agreeing to divide a small island into asymmetrical federal units to the whining of a Northern Chief Minister whose racism has been quite disgusting and who represents a party that is still uninvestigated for LTTE links.

These are questions that the UNP electorates are now beginning to ask as even the Maha Sangha has clearly and explicitly voiced their concerns against a new constitution or even any amendments. These will definitely impact on the UNP voter and even the minorities many of whom are also waking up to ground realities.

The Tamils have voted UNP but they have never trusted Ranil – at least Prabakaran did not. This is possibly one reason why he decided to ensure Ranil lost the election in 2005. With West’s links to LTTE, Prabakaran would have realized that his powers would be clipped or controlled by the West, something he was not prepared to allow and a factor that played a role in going against the Indians too. As for the Muslims, though a majority of them remain loyal to the UNP with the economic situation bleak and because they are most affected it is unlikely that they will vote UNP when they would consider their purse & pockets more valuable than keeping Ranil in power. In short, minorities have not been provided anything though the leaders of these minorities are enjoying more than they should & not sharing with their own people. The outcome of that can be seen at the next election, if we are lucky to have one.

Ranil has much to ponder about. Will he go gun-ho with the demands of the West & LTTE in pushing the 20a, passing a new constitution & then knowing the outcome take the next plane out of the island never to return or will he stall the process because he knows that he will forever be cursed for the damage he would singlehandedly be responsible for if Sri Lanka is divided & in no time the North & East declares an independent state an outcome that has been openly prophesized which the citizens are well aware of.

Whatever dilemma Ranil suffers, he & his party are putting the entire country at great risk.

Shenali D Waduge