World leaders and Human Rights Groups and everyone seeking justice for the: Get Ranil Wickremasinghe PM of Sri Lanka to resign

July 1st, 2016

Why this is important -Dr IMR Chandrika Iriyagolle

He and the United National Party committed crimes against humanity-near genocide of Sinhalese Buddhists constructing torture chambers 1987-19992  in Sri Lanka.   Estimated torture and murder ofBuddhist
Sinhalese youth island wide is 140,000.   Death squads were established in addition to construction of torture chambers,  the most notorious(local Auschwitz) Batalanda housing detention centre administered by the Counter Subversive was directly under Ranil
Wickremaasinghe.     found guilty but not  judge or brought to justice as the president C. Kumaratunge was a personal friend.     Today  an eye witness a retired police ASP A?P.karunaratne describes the gruesome atrocities, torture committed at Batalanda on the YouTube.   Evidence against Ranil Wickreamasinghe appear on  many websites.   Wijayadasa Liyanarachchi a brilliant young human rights lawyer was tortured to death at Batalanda torture chamber  Ranil Wickremasinghe according to eye witness(ASP Karunaratne) questioned the vulnerable victim whilst under torture.

VOTE NOW

or Fpllow the Link below

https://secure.avaaz.org/en/petition/World_leaders_and_Human_Rights_Groups_and_everyone_seeking_justice_for_the_Get_Ranil_Wickremasinghe_PM_of_Sri_Lanka_to_r/?mqtHXjb

The civilised world should intervene to prevent criminals guilty of horrendous barbaric crimes against humanity gaining political power thus paving the way for the perpetuation of crimes against humanity.

Dr IMR Chandrika Iriyagolle
www.savethesinhalese.org

HINDU TEMPLES   IN BRITISH CEYLON

July 1st, 2016

KAMALIKA  PIERIS

The British rulers gave special recognition to the three religions that believed in God, namely Christianity, Islam and Hinduism.  Churches, mosques and kovils came up all over the island. Hindu temples were constructed on an unprecedented scale in the 19th century. The American missionaries in Jaffna had commented on this. Many of the Hindu temples we see today were built during British rule.

A substantial proportion of the Tamil population settling in Colombo during British rule were Hindus. Several were successful businessmen   able to support the building of Hindu temples. The British administration decided that from 1874, The Adi (July) Vel festival where the chariot carrying the deity Muruga parades the streets was to be held in Colombo. Devotees from all over the island came for this festival, making Colombo  a centre for Hindu worship.

Coomaraswamy Mudaliyar, father in law of Ponnambalam Arunachalam, belonged to the first generation of Tamils to settle in Colombo.  He was the first Tamil representative in the Legislative   Council. A staunch and devoted Hindu hailing from Manipay, Jaffna, and Coomaraswamy Mudaliyar built two Hindu temples in Colombo, Kathiresan temple at Gintupitiya and Muttuvinayakara temple. Muttuvinayakara was built in Sea Street in 1856.   Nattukottai chettiars   gave the money. The Nattukottai chettiars   were wealth money lenders who spent large sums on religion. They built several Saivite temples in Ceylon   mainly dedicated to Kathiresan and Kataragama gods.

The Arulmihu Sivasubramaniya kovil was initially in Dam Street, built in 1822. The property was acquired by the British around 1867. They gave 500 pounds, a very big sum at the time, to Ponnambalam Mudaliyar, father of Ponnambalam Arunachalam  to construct a new temple at another site in Colombo. Ponnambalam Mudaliyar built the new temple at Kew Road, Slave Island in 1870 and named it Kathiresan kovil. Ponnambalam Ramanathan enlarged it in 1902 and re-named it Shri Sivasubramaniya swamy kovil. A Board of Trustees was appointed in 1942. It was renovated in 1975. A gopuram of 82 feet was constructed in 1995   and a golden chariot in 1998. This kovil is a tourist attraction today.

The Ponnambalavanesvara temple in Kochchikade, near St Anthony’s   Church was built in 1856  and consecrated in 1857. Ponnambalam Mudaliyar bought the land, originally a coconut plantation, using his own money. He constructed a small temple on the site in 1857, built modestly with lime and mortar. The indenture of 1857 gave the responsibility of the temple to the Arunasalam Ponnambalam family.  When Ponnambalam Mudaliyar died in 1887, the trusteeship devolved on his son Ponnambalam Ramanathan. He   got down experts from India, started the renovation in 1907 and completed the temple in 1912.  It was constructed entirely out of black granite from the Veyangoda quarry. The temple is similar to those in South India with gopuram and gateways facing east and west.

 

Mention must also be made of the four Hindu temples in Bambalapitya practically adjacent to each other, ending at Vajira Road. Two are Pillayar temples, the other two Kathiresan. The total extent of land is around five acres or so, extending from Galle Road to Duplication Road. I am unable to obtain any information on their origins, but looking at the huge extent of land, which is not possible today, the land was probably given to these temples during the British administration.

 

Mayurapathy Badrakali temple in Wellawatte was built around 1880. Labourers were brought in from Tamilnadu and Kerala to build the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills. They were kept in single storey apartments and one apartment was converted to a temple.  In 1977 the government gave permission for the expansion of the temple and the large new building we see today was completed in 1987.

 

Hindu temples were built in towns where Tamil settlements had been established during British rule. Anuradha Seneviratne says Pullaiyar kovil in Kandy, near Police station was built during British rule. Nuwara Eliya Hindu kovil was   built in 1850.   Bandarawela Sri Sivasubramaniya devasthanam was built in 1837 by A.S. Muthiah Pillai   and others. The Arulmigu Sri Muthumari Amman kovil in Matale was built in 1874 by the Hindu community in Matale, mostly traders who came from Tamilnadu and Kerala to do business in and around the tea estates.

Hindu temples in Jaffna, Trincomalee and Batticaloa were restored in British times. British administrators have readily and unquestioningly accepted Tamil statements as to the antiquity of these temples. C. Pridham in his book ‘Historical, political and statistical account of Ceylon’ (1849) wrote about Koneswaram temple in Trincomalee, saying it was regarded with great reverence by its devotees. It is one of the peaks of the legendary Mahameru.

The idea of finding and restoring the Thirukeetheswaram temple came from Arumuga Navalar.  He initiated the search for the site. He wrote a tract where he said that Illankai is fortunate to have two temples for Siva worship, Thirukeetheswaram and Tirukoneswaram, mentioned in hymns ‘sung by our saints.’ So many temples are coming up in different parts of Sri Lanka now, why are the Hindus not interested in Thirukeetheswaram, he asked.

The British administration was contacted. The   British officials seem to have believed what they were told without asking for evidence. P de Hoeft, referred to as ‘Colonial Secretary’, visited the ruins several times in 1894-95 and wrote up his findings. ‘There was a low wall which was pointed out as a relic of the temple. And some broken pierces of sculpture of Hindu saints. I had then no notion of its great sanctity for the Hindus or its antiquity’ he said.

 

W.J.S. Boake, AGA Mannar reported in 1886 that Thirukeetheswaram is one of the 64 sacred places of the Hindus. Its temple rivalled that of Rameswaram and was probably built at the same period. Nothing remains above ground except a few fragments of sculpture. W. Twynam, Government Agent, Northern Province reported in 1887 that ‘there is a tradition that this temple was large and Hindus made pilgrimages to it from all parts of India as they now do to the temple as Rameswaram. The Portuguesa had destroyed it. Some images were found at the site.

 

S.Vaithilingam, Thambaiyah Mudaliyar of Colombo made an application for the purchase of the site of the temple, so that it could be rebuilt.   The Government Agent   put the land up for sale in 1893 and 44 acres were bought by R.R. Palaniappa Chettiyar. Excavations started under the supervision of Pasupathy Chettiyar in 1894.   The original location of the temple was found and the southwest corner wall located.  A small temple was erected and consecrated in 1903.

Thereafter the project was managed by the Nagarathar, a Chetty community residing in Madampe but the temple came under the control of the Kathiresan temple in Colombo. The central shrine was improved in 1921 by Hindu public servants working in Mannar. A ‘Society for the restoration of the temple at Tirukketisvaram’ was set up in 1948 and work commenced under the guidance of Sir Kanthiah Vaithianathan.  A new design was developed in 1952 and the building completed in 1969.

The Kantacuvami temple at Nallur was built in 1849 by Krishna Subba Iyer and Ragunatha Maapana Mudaliyar. Maapana was the shroff at the Jaffna Kachcheri. He obtained permission from the government to rebuild the temple. The temple had a cadjan roof and originally had only two main halls. There was no clock tower or courtyard, wall or gopuram. The first clock tower was erected in 1899 and the main hall was refurbished using rocks in 1902. The first enclosing wall came in 1909. It was renovated in 1964 ‘to have the present attractive and grand look’.

 

The first Kumbabhisekam of Durga Devi temple, at Tellipalai, Jaffna   was performed in 1829. The poojas were performed by priests from Kanchipuram. In 1894, local Hindus led by Arumuga Navalar built the present temple. Arumuga Navalar also initiated the rebuilding in 1878 of Naguleswaram in Kankesanturai. It was accidentally burned in 1918 and rebuilt in 1953. The Naga Pooshani Ambal temple at Nainativu was erected by Arumuga Navalar in 1882. Its management was placed under a Board of Trustees in 1949. (http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-etails&code_title=143248)

පෙරදිගට ගමනක් – 21 -ලංකා වංශය සහ සිංහල වංශය

July 1st, 2016

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති

සිංහල ශාසනය” ගැන මෙයට පෙර ලිපියේ කියපු කතාව ගැන සමහර පාඨකයන්ට ගැටලු තියෙන්න පුළුවන්. මොකද අපි දන්නේ බුද්ධ ශාසනයක්” ගැන මිසක් සිංහල ශාසනයක්” ගැන නෙවෙයිනෙ. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. මෙහෙම සිංහල ශාසනයක්” ගැන කියන එක ජාතිවාදී, වර්ගවාදී ප්‍රකාශයක් කියලත් කාට හරි කියන්න පුළුවන්. ඒ හින්දා මේ ගැන තව යමක් කියන්න ඕන. මේ ලිපියෙන් ඒ වැඩේ කරන්නම්.

මුලින් ම කියන්නේ ලංකා වංශය ගැන. මේ කතාව කියන එක එච්චර පහසු වැඩක් නෙවෙයි. මොකද මේ කියන පුද්ගලයන් ගේ නම්, ස්ථානවල නම් අපේ පාඨකයන්ට පුරුදු ඒවා නෙවෙයි. ඒත් බලමු පුළුවන් විදිහට මේ විස්තරය කියන්න. මේ කතාවට අදාළ වෙන්නේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 1275 දී සුඛෝදය (සුඛෝතායි) කියන තායි රාජ්‍යයේ රජ වෙච්ච රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා ගේ කාලය. සුඛෝතායි ප්‍රදේශය තියෙන්නේ බැංකොක් නගරයට කිලෝ මීටර් 400 ක් විතර උතුරින්. මේ රජතුමා සිරිධම්ම නගරයට ගිහිල්ලා ඒ නගරයේ වැඩ වාසය කරපු මහාසාමි සංඝරාජ හිමිනමක් තමන් ගේ රාජ්‍යයට වැඩමවාගෙන ආපු බවක් එතුමා විසින් ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 1292 අවුරුද්දේ ලියපු සෙල්ලිපියක සඳහන් කරලා තියෙනවා. මේ මහාසාමි සංඝරාජ හිමියන් ගැන විස්තර පස්සේ කියන්න පුළුවන්.

මුලින් ම සිරිධම්ම නගරය ගැන යමක් කියන්න ඕන. සිරිධම්ම නගරය කියලා හඳුන්වලා තියෙන්නේ බැංකොක් නගරයට කිලෝ මීටර් 780 ක් විතර දකුණින් මලය අර්ධද්වීපයේ තියෙන නාකොන් සි තම්මරට් නගරය. මේ නගරයේ ඉතිහාසය ගැන කරුණු කියන ඉපැරැණි පොතක් තියෙනවා පළිඟු වාළුකා වංශකතාව” කියලා. ඒ පොතෙන් කියන විදිහට සිරිධම්ම නගරයේ උප්පත්තියේ ඉඳලා ම ඒක අපේ රටට සම්බන්ධයි. නගරය හදන සැලැස්ම හදලා ඒක එවලා තියෙනවා අපේ රජ්ජුරුවන් ගේ අනුමැතියට. ඒ වැඩේට සියදෙනෙක් අපේ රටට ඇවිල්ලා. අපේ රජ්ජුරුවෝ ඒ නගර සැලැස්ම අනුමත කරලා ඒ වැඩේට ආපු දූත පිරිසත් එක්ක බුද්ධගම්භීර කියලා ස්ථවිරයන්වහන්සේ නමක් පිටත්කරලා යවලා තියෙනවා. උන්වහන්සේ තමයි ඒ ප්‍රදේශයේ බුද්ධ ශාසනය තහවුරුකරන්න මුල්වෙලා තියෙන්නේ. උන්වහන්සේ ගේ අනුශාසනා පරිදි සිරිධම්ම නගරයේ මහා චෛත්‍යයකුත් ගොඩනගලා තියෙනවා. ඇත්තෙන් ම, මේ සම්බන්ධය හොයන්න ඉතිහාසයට ම යන්න ඕන නෑ. අදට පවා ඒ ප්‍රදේශයේ ලංකා බෝධි, ලංකා මණ්ඩප තියෙනවා. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. ඒ ප්‍රදේශයේ අය ලංකා වංශය ගැන ආඩම්බරයෙන් කතාකරනවා.

ඒත් ලංකා වංශයේ උපත ගැන කතාව සම්බන්ධ කලින් කියපු සුඛෝදය නගරයට. ඒ වගේ ම, කලින් කියපු මහාසාමී සංඝරාජ හිමියන්ට. සද්ධම්ම සංගහය” කියන පොත රචනා කරපු ධම්මකිත්ති මහා නා හිමියන් තමයි මේ මහාසාමී සංඝරාජ හාමුදුරුවෝ කියලා ගම්මැද්දේගොඩ පුඤ්ඤසාර හාමුදුරුවෝ පෙන්නලා දෙනවා. ධම්මකිත්ති හාමුදුරුවෝ ලංකාවට ඇවිල්ලා ථෙරවාදී උපසම්පදාව ලබාගෙන තියෙනවා. ඊට පස්සෙයි උන්වහන්සේ සිරිධම්ම නගරයට ආපසු වැඩමකරලා තියෙන්නේ. ඒ විදිහට සිරිධම්ම නගරයේ වැඩ වාසය කරන කාලයේ තමයි තමන් ගේ රාජ්‍යයට වැඩමකරන්න කියලා සුඛෝදයේ රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා උන්වහන්සේට ආරාධනාකරලා තියෙන්නේ. ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි. උන්වහන්සේ උදෙසා රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා විසින් සුඛෝදයේ ඉදිකරපු මහා ආවාසය නම් කරලා තියෙන්නේ ලංකාරාමය කියලා. උන්වහන්සේ ඒ ලංකාරාමයෙහි වැඩ වාසයකරන කාලයේ තමයි සද්ධම්ම සංගහය” රචනා කරලා තියෙන්නේ.

ලංකා වංශය සුඛෝදයේ ආරම්භ කරලා තියෙන්නේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 1277  දී විතර. තායිලන්ත බෞද්ධ සංස්කෘතිය” කියන පොතෙන් බෝයගම විමලසිරි හාමුදුරුවෝ පෙන්නලා දීලා තියෙන විදිහට මහායාන ඇදහීම්වලින් සැරසුනු කාම්බෝජ බුද්ධාගමකුත්, ඉපැරැණි ථෙරවාදී බුද්ධාගමකුත් සුඛෝදයේ තිබිලා තියෙනවා. මේ ඉපැරැණි ථෙරවාදී බුද්ධාගම පවා අපිට සම්බන්ධ බව කියනවා. ඒ, තායි ජනයා සංක්‍රමණය වෙන්න කලින් ඒ බිම්වල හිටිය මොන් ජනයා විසින් ගොඩනගාගත්ත ශාසන සම්ප්‍රදායක්.

මොන් ජනතාව සිංහල අපිත් එක්ක සම්බන්ධකම් පවත්වපු බව තහවුරුකරන්න මහාචාර්ය මැන්දිස් රෝහණධීර මහතා ඉදිරිපත්කරන වැදගත් ම සාක්කිය තමයි තායිලන්තයේ ප්‍රාචීන්බුරි ප්‍රදේශයේ සා මොරකොත් විහාරයෙන් ලැබිලා තියෙන සෙල්ලිපය. ඒ ලිපිය ලියලා තියෙන්නේ ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 761 දී විතර. ලිපිය ලියලා තියෙන අකුරු සමකාලීන සිංහල අකුරුවලට බොහෝ සෙයින් සමානයි. වැදගත් ම දේ තමයි මේ ලිපියේ අන්තර්ගතය. ඒ සෙල්ලිපියේ තියෙන්නේ සුප්‍රසිද්ධ තෙලකටාහ ගාථාවලින් උපුටාගත්ත ගාථා කීපයක්.  තෙලකටාහ ගාථා කියලා කියන්නේ තෙල් කටාරමක් සම්බන්ධ කරගෙන ලියැවුණු ගාථා සීයක් තියෙන පාලි කාව්‍යයක්. තමන් ගේ බිසව සමඟ කුමන්ත්‍රණයකට සම්බන්ධ වුනා කියන සැකයෙන් කළ්‍යාණ කියන මහා ස්ථවිරයන්වහන්සේ ව උණු තෙල් කටාරමකට දාන්න කියලා කැළණිතිස්ස රජ්ජුරුවන් කරපු නියෝගයට සම්බන්ධ කතාව අපි දන්නවා. ඉතින් ඒ තෙල් කටාරම උඩ පළඟක් බැඳගෙන උන්වහන්සේ කරපු අනුශාසනාව තමයි ඒ ගාථාවලින් කියැවෙන්නේ.

ඒ විදිහේ මොන් – සිංහල සම්බන්ධතා උඩ ඇතිවෙලා සුඛෝදයේ තිබුණු ඉපැරැණි ථෙරවාදී බුද්ධාගම රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා ගේ කාලය වෙද්දි විපරිණාමයට ලක්වෙලා. ඒත් අගනුවර ඇතුළේ බලවත්වෙලා තිබුණේ ඒ බුද්ධාගම. සිරිධම්ම නගරයට ගිහිල්ලා රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා විසින් වැඩමාගෙන ආපු සංඝරාජ හාමුදුරුවෝ – ධම්මකිත්ති හාමුදුරුවෝ, වැඩවාසය කරලා තියෙන්නේ නගරයෙන් පිට තිබුණු ලංකාරාමයේ. ඒ විදිහට තමයි ලංකා වංශය ආරම්භවුනේ. ලංකා වංශික හාමුදුරුවරුන්ට තව තවත් විහාරස්ථාන ඇතිකෙරුණා. ඒ විහාර බොහෝමයක් ඇති කළේ නගරයෙන් පිට තිබුණු ආරණ්‍යවල. ඉතින් වැඩි කාලයක් යන්න කලින් සුඛෝදයේ ජනතාව අතර ප්‍රචලිත වුනේ මේ විදිහට අලුතින් පිහිටුවපු ලංකා වංශය. ඉතින් ලංකා වංශයේ පැවිදිවෙච්ච පිරිසත්, ඒ අය වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිකරපු විහාරස්ථානත් එන්න එන්න ම වැඩිවුනා.

ඒ එක්ක ම පුරාණ වංශිකයන් ගේ බලය අඩුවෙන්න පටන්ගත්තා. ඒ අයත් කැමැතිවුනා ලංකා වංශයට එකතුවෙන්න. ඒත් පුරාණ වංශිකයෝ හරියට පාලි භාෂාව උච්චාරණය කළේ නැති හින්දා, ඒ අය ගේ චාරිත්‍ර මහායාන පිළිපැදීම්වලින් සැරැසිලා තිබුණු හින්දා පුරාණ වංශිකයන් එක්ක පෝය කරන්න ලංකා වංශික හාමුදුරුවරු කැමැතිවුනේ නෑ. පාලි භාෂාව නියම විදිහට උච්චාරණය කරන්න උදව්කරන අදහසින් තායි හෝඩිය වෙනස්කරන්නත් රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා ක්‍රියාකළා. ඊට අමතර ව, රජතුමා ම මැදිහත්වෙලා පෝය කිරීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඇතිවෙලා තිබුණු ගැටලුවට විසඳුමක් ඉදිරිපත් කළා. ඒ විසඳුම තමයි පුරාණ වංශිකයන් ගේ සීමා නැවැත සම්මතකරන්න කියලා රජතුමා විසින් ම ලංකා වංශිකයන්ගෙන් ඉල්ලාසිටීම. ඉතින් ඒ ඉල්ලීම පිට සීමා සම්මතකරලා තවත් සීමා ගල් අටක් හිටවන්න ලංකා වංශිකයෝ කටයුතු කළා. ඒ වැඩේ හින්දා සීමාවකට කණු දහසයක් හිටවන සිරිත ඇතිවුනා.

ඉතින් රාම් කම් හැං රජතුමා ගේ කාලය අවසන්වෙද්දි තායි රාජ්‍ය සීමා ඇතුළේ පැළපදියම්වෙලා තිබුණු ප්‍රධානතම භික්‍ෂු සංස්ථාව තමයි ලංකා වංශය. පුරාණ ථෙරවාදී නිකායත් ලංකා වංශයට එකුතවෙලා. කාම්බෝජ බුද්ධාගමේ ලකුණක්වත් හොයාගන්න තිබුණේ නෑ. ඒ වෙද්දි තිබුණු එක ම වෙනස තමයි ග්‍රාමවාසි ලංකා වංශයේත් ආරණ්‍යවාසි ලංකා වංශයේත් වෙනස. කොහොම හරි ශේෂ වුනේ, ස්ථාපිත වුනේ එක වංශයයි. ඒ තමයි ලංකා වංශය. බුද්ධ වර්ෂ 2505 දී නිකුත්කරපු වර රාජපඤ්ඤප්ති ගන සංඝ” කියන ප්‍රකාශයේ පවා කියන්නේ තායි ජාතිකයන් වන අපි සුඛෝදය යුගයේ ආරම්භයත් සමඟ ලැබුණු ලංකා වාංශික බුද්ධ ශාසනයේ ලබ්ධිකයන් වම්හ” කියලා!

මේ ලංකා වංශයට සම්බන්ධ කතාවෙන් පැහැදිළිවෙන කාරණා කීපයක් තියෙනවා. මුලින් ම සිරිධම්ම නගරයේ කතාවට සම්බන්ධ ප්‍රවෘත්තියෙන්. ඒ නගරයට සම්බන්ධ කතා ගැන වැඩි විස්තර පස්සේ කියන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් ඒ නගරයේ ආරම්භයට සම්බන්ධ කතාවෙන් පැහැදිළිවෙනවා අපේ නගර සැලසුම්, ගෘහ නිර්මාණ ශිල්ප ඒ අයට ගුරුවෙච්ච බවක්. ඒ කියන්නේ අපේ ශාසන සම්ප්‍රදාය ගුරු කරගන්න ගමන් ම ඒ අය අපෙන් තව තවත් දේවල් ලබාගෙන තියෙනවා. යටත්විජිත බලපෑම හින්දා ඇඳුම් පැළඳුම්, කෑම බීම පවා නැතිවෙච්ච අපිට අපේ ගෘහ නිර්මාණ හැකියාවන් නැතිවෙච්ච එක මහ අරුමයක් නෙවෙයි.

දඹදිව වන්දනාවේ ගිය අය දැකලා ඇති බුද්ධගයාව, බරණැස, වේසාලිය, ශ්‍රාවස්තිය වගේ තැන්වල හදලා තියෙන අපේ පන්සල්වලත් ථෙරවාදී කලාපයට අයිති අනෙක් රටවල පන්සල්වලත් වෙනස. ඇත්තෙන් ම ඒ තැන්වල සමාජ බලය තියෙන්නේ අපේ පන්සල්වලට. ඒත් පන්සල් හදලා තියෙන්නේ අපේ වෙහෙර විහාර ඉදිකිරීමේ කලාව ගැන කිසි ම අවබෝධයක් නැතිව. හිතිච්ච හිතිච්ච වෙලාවට කෑලි එකතුකරලා, පෙට්ටි පෙට්ටි වගේ ගොඩනැගිලි හදලා. ඒත් ඒ ශුද්ධ වූ ස්ථානවල බුරුම පන්සල්, තායි පන්සල් හදපු අය තමන් ගේ සම්ප්‍රදායයන් අමතකකරලා නෑ. ඇත්තෙන් ම මේ දක්වා කියපු කරුණුවලින් පැහැදිළි වෙන්නේ ඒ අය ගේ සම්ප්‍රදායයන් ගොඩනගාගෙන තියෙන්නේ අපෙන් ලබාගත්ත දැනුම උඩ කියන එක. ඉතින් අපිට බැරි ද උපසම්පදාව නැතිවුනා ම වෙච්ච අඩුව පිරිමහගත්ත විදිහට ම, අපේ වෙහෙර විහාර හැදීමේ කලාවටත් යමක් ඒ පැත්තෙන් ලබාගන්න. ඒ හැම දෙයක් ම ඒ විදිහට ම මේ රටේ හදන්න ඕන නෑ. ඒත් ඒ අයගෙන් අපට ගැලපෙන යමක් අපිට ගන්න පුළුවන්.

තායි හෝඩිය නැවත සැකැසීමේ කතාවෙන් පැහැදිළිවෙන්නේ ඒ අය අපෙන් ලබාගත්ත තවත් දෙයක්. ඒ අය ගේ භාෂාව පවා පෝෂණයකරන්න අපි දායකවෙලා තියෙනවා. අද අපිට තායි භාෂාවෙන් ගන්න පුළුවන් දේකුත් තියෙනවා. ඒ තමයි පරිගණක, ජංගම දුරකථන ආදියේ අපේ අකුරු යතුරු ලියනය කරන විදිහ. පරිගණක සාක්‍ෂරතාව බොහොම ඉහළයි කීවත් අද අපේ අයගෙන් සියයට 99 කට සිංහල යතුරු ලියන හැකියාව නෑ. මට සිංහල ටයිප්කරන්න බෑනේ” කියලා අපේ කට්ටිය බොහොම ආඩම්බරෙන් වගේ කියනවා. ඇත්තෙන් ම ඒකට ඒ අයට දොස් කියන්න බෑ. අපේ අකුරු යතුරුලියනය කරන ක්‍රමය එච්චර ලේසි නෑ. තායි අකුරු යතුරුලියනය හරි පහසුයි කියලා මේ ලේඛකයා දැකලා තියෙනවා. ඒකත් සිංහල වගේ ම ඇලපිලි, පාපිලි, ඉස්පිලි තියෙන හෝඩියක්. ඉතින් මේ වැඩේට අදාළ ශිල්පීය ගුරුකමක් තියෙනවා නම් අපිට ඒක ඒ අයගෙන් ගන්න පුළුවන්.

අවසාන වශයෙන් සිංහල වංශය ගැනත් වචනයක් දෙකක් කියන්න ඕන. හය වැනි පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජතුමා ගේ කාලයේ දී – ඇත්තෙන් ම ක්‍රිස්තු වර්ෂ 1425 දී විතර, සිදුකරපු කළ්‍යාණි උපසම්පදාවන්ට සහභාගී වෙලා රාමඤ්ඤයට, නබ්බිසිපුරය  (චියැං මායි) අගනුවර කරගත්ත ලන් නා තායි රාජ්‍යයට ඇරන් ගිය අපේ ශාසන සම්ප්‍රදායයන් ඒ අය විසින් හඳුන්වලා තියෙන්නේ සිංහල ශාසනය විදිහට. ඉතින් සිංහලරට්ඨාරාමය වගේ සිංහල නම ගත්ත වෙහෙර විහාර විශාල ප්‍රමාණයක් ඇතිකරලාත් තියෙනවා. ලංකා වංශයේ ඇතිවෙලා තිබුණු පිරිහීම්වලට පිළියමක් විදිහට තමයි මේ දේ සිද්දකරලා තියෙන්නේ. කළ්‍යාණි ශිලා ලිපිවල, ජිනකාලමාලි සහ රත්තවනාරාම වංශකතාව වගේ පොත්වල මේ විස්තර සඳහන්. දැන් මේවා සිංහලෙන් පළවෙලා තියෙන හින්දා ඒ ගැන වැඩි විස්තර කියන්න අදහස්කරන්නේ නෑ. ඒත් ඉදිරියේ දී අවස්ථාව ලැබෙන විදිහට ඒ දේවල් ගැනත් යම් යම් කරුණු කියන්න පුළුවන්.

වරුණ චන්ද්‍රකීර්ති෴

අලුත් පෙරමුණක්

July 1st, 2016

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂගේ නායකත්වයෙන් ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ ආශිර්වාදයෙන් සහ බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂයන්ගේ මෙහෙයවීමෙන් ගොඩනැගෙන ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී සහ රට දිනවන නව ජාතික ව්‍යාපාරය පිළිබඳව විවිධ විග්‍රහයන් ඉකුත් මාස කිහිපය තුළ අසා, කියවා, දැක ඇත්තෙමු. එහෙත් ඒ බොහෝ විග්‍රහයන් මතුපිටින් බලා කරන ලද පාර්ශ්වීය පටු ඒවා වූ නිසා නිවැරදි නොවීය. ගොඩනැගෙන ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී ජාතික දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරය ගැන ඇතැමුන් බලනු ලැබුවේ නිවැරදි දෘෂ්ටි කෝණයකින් නොවේ. නිවැරදි විධික්‍රමයකින්ද නොවේ. බිහිවෙමින් පවත්නා නව දේශපාලන බලවේගය තේරුම් ගැනීමට එජාපයේද, ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුවේ ඇමති වරදාන ගත් ශ්‍රිලනිප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට සහ ඔවුන්ගෙන් යැපෙන අයටද, ‘යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ පිහිටෙන් ජීවිකාව සරුකර ගන්නා කණ්ඩායම්, කල්ලි සහ පුද්ගලයින්ගේද පටු දෘෂ්ටීන් කොහෙත්ම සෑහෙන්නේ නැත. ඔවුන්ගේ විග්‍රහයන් අන්ධයන් අලියා ගැන පැවසූ කථා වැනිය.

dharman01071601

ලංකාවේ වර්තමාන සමාජ ආර්ථික අර්බුදය හුදු ධනේශ්වර ක්‍රමයේ අර්බුදයෙන් ඔබ්බට ගිය එකකි. එය ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ අභිමානයේ තටු සිඳ ඇමරිකාව, බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය, ඉන්දියාව වැනි රටවල් විසින් මව්බිම යටත් විජිතයක් කර ඔවුන්ගේ පිලිකන්නක් බවට පත්කරගැනීමේ අරමුණ මුදුන්පත් කරවාගැනීම සඳහා වර්තමානයේ ආණ්ඩුව ලවාම ක්‍රියාත්මක කරවන අදිසි සැලසුමකි. ශ්‍රි ලංකාව වර්තමානයේ අර්බුදයට විසදුම් සෙවිය යුත්තේ ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ තුළ හෝ හුදකලා අරගල තුළ නොව සැබෑ ජාතික නිදහස දිනා ගැනීම සඳහාවු අරගලයන් තුළ නව පන්නයේ ජාතික බලවේගයක් හරහාය. එම සමාජ පරිවර්තන ක්‍රියාවලියේදී ඒ වෙනුවෙන්  පෙනී සිටින්නන් පක්ෂ, පාටභේද අමතක කර කොන්දේසි විරහිතව ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ ආශිර්වාදයෙන් ගොඩනැගෙමින් පවත්නා නව ජාතික බලවේගය සමඟ එක්විය යුතුය. එක්කරගත යුතුය. ලාංකීය රාජ්‍ය දුබල කොට දියකර හැරීම පරාජය කිරීම සදහා වර්තමානයේ ප්‍රමුඛතම කාර්යයක්ද එය වේ.

dharman01071602

නව ජාතික බලවේගයේ නැවුම් ගමන හෙට සිට එනම් ජුලි 2 සිට 4දක්වා ආරම්භ වන්නේ ඓතිහාසික ඌව වෙල්ලස්සෙනි. ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී බලවේගයන් මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂගේ නායකත්වයෙන් එක ධජයක් යටතේ පෙළගැස්සීමට ශ්‍රිලනිප මහජන පාර්ශවයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයින් දහසකට අධික පිරිසක් බදුලු දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ආසන 9ක ගම් නියම්ගම් සැරිසරනු ඇත. එයට නායකත්වය දෙමින් ශ්‍රිලනිප මහජන පාර්ශවයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්, පළාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්, පළාත් පාලන ආයතනවල හිටපු නායකයින්, ජුලි 2වන සෙනසුරාදා හල්දුම්මුල්ල , හපුතලේ, වැලිමඩ, ඌව පරණගමද ජුලි 3වන ඉරිදා බණ්ඩාරවෙල, හාලිඇල, බදුල්ල, පස්සර, ලුණුගලද ජුලි 4වන සඳුදා සොරණාතොට, මීගහකිවුල, කන්දකැටිය, රිදීමාලියද්ද පෙතියාගොඩ කෙසෙල්පොත සහ මහියංගණයේ ඇතුළු ස්ථාන 16ක පැවැත්වෙන මහජන රැස්වීම්වලට සහ ජනයා දැනුවත් කිරීමේ වැඩසටහන් සියගණනකට සහභාගි වනු ඇත. එය සංවිධානය කරන්නේ බදුල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ මහ නගර සභා 1ක නගරසභා 2ක සහ ප්‍රාදේශීය සභා 15ක පළාත් පාලන ආයතනයන්හි හිටපු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්වරුන්ය. දැනටමත් මෙම රැස්වීම් තබන ගොඩනැගිලි සහ පිට්ටනිවලට අවසර දීමේ තහංචි සහ බාධකයන් රැසකි.

ඕනෑම වැඩක කොටන් ඇදීමටද පෙරහැරේ යාමටද පිරිසක් සිටී. පෙරහැරේ යන අය පෙරහැරේ යනවා පමණක් නොව කොටන් අදින අයගේ අඩුපාඩු පමණක්ම විවේචනය කරමින් ගමන් කරන්නේනම් එය අනුචිතය. නෙල්සන් මැන්ඩලා වරක් ප්‍රකාශ කරන පරිදි හැමදෙයක්ම කරනකල් අපට පේන්නේ කරන්න බැහැ කියාය. බොහෝ විට ජීවිතයේ වටිනාම දේවල් අප වෙත පැමිණ ඇත්තේ දිරිය මිනිසුන් කිහිපදෙනෙකුගේ ආරම්භයකිනි. යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුව තුළ සිටින ශ්‍රිලනිප ඇමතිවරුන් ශ්‍රිලනිප පාක්ෂිකයින් ඇතුළු ප්‍රගතිශීලින් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින බව කීවද එහි සත්‍යයක් නැත. එජාප ඇමතිවරුන් සහ ශ්‍රිලනිප ඇමතිවරුන් දෙපිරිසම යා දෙක නොරත රත කීවද එය බොරුය. ඔවුහු තකට තකය. ගමරාලගේ කුකුල් කොටුව බලා ගැනීම නරියාට බාරදුන්නා සේ නිල ශ්‍රිලනිපයද නායකත්වය හිමිව ඇත්තේ ඉකුත් ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ ශ්‍රිලනිපය සහ එය නියෝජනය කල බලවේගයන් පරාජය කල එජාප ඇතුළු ප්‍රතිවාදී පිලේ අපේක්ෂකයාටය. ශ්‍රිලනිප මන්ත්‍රිවරුන් ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුවට එක්වී ඇමති වරදාන ලබාගෙන මෙතෙක් රටට වුණු සෙතක් නැත. ලැබුණු දේකුත් නැත. එපමණක් නොව රටෙන් පළුවක් අහිමිවීමේ ඉඩකඩද දැන් විවරවෙමින් පවතී.

dharman01071603

එදා ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුව මහින්ද සුළඟට එරෙහිව ප්‍රහාර එල්ල කළේ දිනේෂ් ගුණවර්ධන, වාසුදේව නානායක්කාර, විමල් වීරවංශ සහ උදය ගම්මන්පිලටය. මහින්ද සුළඟ ප්‍රචාරකවාදී ව්‍යාපෘතියක් වූවා මිස අක්මුල් සහිත ජාතික බලවේගයක් වූයේ නැත. ඒ ශ්‍රිලනිප නිල පලුව ඩාර්ලි පාරට ගිය නිසාය. ඉකුත් සැප්තැම්බර් මහ මැතිවරණයේදී මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට ස්වාධීන බලවේගයකට නායකත්වයකින් ඉල්ලා සිටීමට බලකිරීමට නොහැකි වූයේ සැබෑ බලවේගයක් ගොඩනැගී නොතිබුණ නිසාය. එබැවින් ආණ්ඩුව සිය ප්‍රහාරයන් පසුව එල්ල කළේ ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයටමය. දැන් බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂටය. ඒ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂගේ ජන රැල්ල සැබෑ ලෙසම ජාතික දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය කිරීමට කටයුතු කිරීම නිසාය. බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ යනු ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී අරගලය තුළ දැනට සිටින හොදම සංවිධායකයා බවට වාද විවාදයක් නැත. ඡන්ද 28ක් ජයග්‍රහණය කල ඔහු ඉකුත් ජනාධිපතිවරණ ඡන්දයෙන් ලත් පරාජයේ වගකීම තමාම භාරගත් අයෙකි. ඔහු නොසිටියානම් එම පරාජය එයටත් වඩා බරපතල වන්නට ඉඩ තිබුණු බවට සැකයක් නැත. ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුවට එරෙහිව ජාතික දේශපාලන බලවේගයන් නිර්මාණය නොකොට බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ ෂේප්වී සිටියානම් ඇතැම් විට නඩු හබද නිමවී විවේක සුවයෙන් ගතකිරීමට ඉඩ තිබිණි. රටට වන අනතුර දැක දැකම ඔහු තෝරාගත්තේ ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී විකල්ප මාර්ගයකි. මිනිසුන් එදා අනගාරික ධර්මපාලට සේ මෙදා මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂට ගෞරව කරන බව සැබෑය. එම ගෞරවය කතිරයක් බවට පත්කර ගැනීමට සැබෑ දේශපාලන ව්‍යාපාරයක් අවශ්‍යව ඇත. දැන් සිදුවන්නේ එය බව පැහැදිලිය.

dharman01071604

එජාපය සමඟ හවුල් ආණ්ඩුවක් ගෙන යන ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවය සමඟ තවදුරටත් එක්වීමට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂගේ නායකත්වයෙන් යුත් ශ්‍රිලනිප මහජන පාර්ශවය වටා එක්රොක්වී සිටින මිනිසුන් සූදානම් නැත. ඉකුත් මහ මැතිවරණයේදී එසේ එක්වීමෙන් වූ හානිය දන්නා නිසා ඔවුන් සමඟ හවුලේ කැඳත් ජනතාවට දැන් එපා වෙලාය. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ නොව සක්‍රයාගේ පුතා වයිමා කීවද ජනතාව රෑ වැටුණු වලේ දවල් වැටීමට සූදානම් නැත. දහඅට වන්නම් රඟන ශ්‍රිලනිප ඇමතිවරුන් කෙසේ වෙතත් ශ්‍රිලනිප පාක්ෂිකයින්ගෙන් අති බහුතරයක් දැන් ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවය හැරගොස්ය. හැරයාම යනු හරියෑමක ආරම්භයක්ය. රට දිනවන නව ජාතික දේශපාලන බලවේගය සමඟ ඔවුහු එක්වී සිටිති. එක්වෙමින් පවත

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ සෘජු නියෝජිතයින් වන එජාපයද වක්‍ර නියෝජිතයින් වන ඇමති වරදානගත් ශ්‍රිලනිප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් ඇතුළු ඔවුන්ගෙන් යැපෙන්නන්ද අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන් ගේ දේශීය ඒජන්තයින් වන එන්.ජි.ඕ ඇතුළු ඒවායින් ජීවත්වන පුලන්නයින්ද මහත්මා ගාන්ධි පැවසුවක් මෙන් ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී නව ජාතික බලවේගය ප්‍රථමයෙන් නොසලකා හරිනු ඇත. දෙවනුව සිනාසෙනු ඇත. තෙවනුව සටන් වදිනු ඇත. ඊළඟට ඔවුහු පරදා නව ජාතික බලවේගය ජයග්‍රහණය කරනු ඇත. ඉකුත් සැප්තැම්බර් මහ මැතිවරණයේ කිසිවෙකු පක්ෂ නායකයාවූ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේනගේ කටවුට් එකක් ගසාගෙන ඡන්දයක් කළේ නැත. ශ්‍රිලනිප නායක මෛත්‍රීපාල මහ මැතිවරණයේදි ශ්‍රිලනිප රැස්වීමක් ඇමතුවේනම් ඒ අනුරාධපුර දුමින්ද දිසානායකගේ නිවසේදි පමණි. ඩාර්ලි පාරේ ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවයේ ඇමතිවරුන්වූ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් සියල්ලම වාගේ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට ගියේ මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂට පින්සිදුවන්නටය. සමනලයින් බවට පත්ව අත්තටුවලින් පියාඹන ශ්‍රිලනිප ඇමතිවරුන් ඉකුත් මහා ඡන්දයේදී මහින්දට එරෙහිව පෙනී සිටියානම් සිදුවන්නේ දළඹුවන් මෙන් සැමදා බිම සිටීමටය. නව බලවේගයත් සමඟ මීලඟ ඡන්දයේදී ඇමති වරදාන ගත් ශ්‍රිලනිප මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ට අබ සරණය. රාජපක්ෂ ආණ්ඩුව පොදුජන අප්‍රසාදයට පත්වීමට හේතුවූ සජින් වාස් සහ මර්වින් සිල්වා වැනි දේශපාලඥයින් බහුතරයක් සිටින්නේ ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුව සමඟය. 

dharman01071605

ජවිපෙ තුණ්ඩු කෑල්ලෙන් කඩ වසා එදා හර්තාල දැම්මේ තුවක්කු කටින් සහ බෝම්බ ඩප්පියෙනි. අද කඩ වැසෙන්නේ ස්වෙච්ඡාවෙනි. ඒ රටපුරාම වැට් විරෝධතා නිසාය. කැලණිය, කිරිබත්ගොඩ, මාකොල, කඩවත, කළුතර, බදුල්ල, අනුරාධපුර, අකුරැස්ස, කඹුරුපිටිය, මාතර, දික්වැල්ල ඇතුළු ප්‍රදේශ ගණනාවක ඉකුත් සතියේද පැවති වැට් විරෝධතාවයන්ට මධ්‍යම පරිමාණ ව්‍යාපාරිකයා සිට සපත්තු මහන්නාද එක්විය. වැට් හර්තාල්වලින් රටපුරා ප්‍රදේශ ගණනාවක් ගිගුම් දුන්නේය. වැට් බද්දට එරෙහි ව්‍යාපාරිකයින්, වෙළඳ සංගම් සහ වාණිජ මණ්ඩල කියනුයේ දිනක වෙළඳාම රුපියල් 33,350ක් නම් වෙළදාමෙන් උපයන සෑම රුපියල් 100කටම රුපියල් 15කටම වැට් බද්ද නැමති සර්පයා දෂ්ඨ කරන බවය. ඔවුහු රජයට බලකර සිටිනේනේ සියයට 15 වැට් බද්ද ඉවත් කොට සුදුසු සරල බද්දක් අයකරන ලෙසය. වැට් වලින් ගන්නා බදු මුදල් රටේ සංවර්ධනයට හෝ ජනතාවට සහන ලබාදීමට වැයකරනවානම් කමක් නැත. එහෙත් ඒවා වියදම් කරන්නේ බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයේ කැමරන්ලා වෙනුවෙන් කැම්පේන් කිරීමට ලංකාවෙන් ගිය කළු සුද්දන්වූ ඇමති දුසිම් භාගයේ බිල් පියවීම වැනි තුට්ටු දෙකේ වැඩවලටය. මින් තට්ටු වන්නේ ජනතා මුදල්ය. වැට් බද්ද වැඩි කළේ සහන දෙන්නට මුදල් සෙවීමට බව කීවේය. ඡන්දෙට පෙර මෙය කීවානම් ලක්ෂ 62කම ඔය සහනය එපා කියනවාය. ‘යහපාලන’ ආණ්ඩුවේ හක්කේ බුදුරැස්ය. බොක්කේ දඩමස්ය. ‘යහපාලනයෙන්’ රට වසර ගණනාවක් දැන් ආපස්සට ගොස්ය.  

පාසැල් නිල ඇදුම කප්පාදු කළේය. ඇමතිවරුන්ට සුපිරි වාහන මේනියාවකි. පොඩි මිනිහාගේ වාහනයට බදු රැසකි. ගොවියා මහපාරේය. විරුවා හිරබාරේය. එළවළු මිල නහුතෙටය. ජනයා කුසගින්දරේය. ආර්ථිකය නන්නත්තාරය. එට්කා ගිවිසුම හරහා රට ඉන්දියාවේ කොලනියක් බවට පත්කිරීමට එරෙහිවද වෛද්‍යවරුන් ඇතුළු විද්වතුන් මෙන්ම සාමාන්‍ය ජනයා අතරද විරෝධයකි. රැකියා විරහිත උපාධිධාරියෝ රැකියා ඉල්ලා වීදි දිගේය. නාවින්නේ රාජ්‍ය ආයුර්වේද ඖෂධ සංස්ථාවේ සේවකයෝ දූෂණයට එරෙහිව එළිපිට සටනේය. දේශීය ආදායම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ නිලධාරින් දේශපාලන පත්වීම්වලට එරෙහිව කෑම පැයේ පිකටීන්ය.  රටපුරා ජන උද්ඝෝෂණයන්ය. වෛද්‍ය ශිෂ්‍යයින්ට පවා පහර දෙන්නේ අමානුෂිකය. උතුරු මැද පළාත් සභා ලොක්කෙකු රැකියා ලබාදීමට ඉල්ලන්නේ ලිංගික අල්ලස්ය. යාල වනයේ සතුන් මරාගෙන කෑ දේශපාලන හෙංචයියන්ට එරෙහිව දේශපාලන බලපෑමට යටත් නොවී කටයුතු කල යාල භාරකරු සුරංග රත්නායකට ස්වෙච්ඡාවෙන්ම මාරුවකි. විල්පත්තු වන විනාශයද තවමත් නිමක් නැත. දේශපාලන බලපෑම්වලට අවනත නොවූ වනජීවි අධ්‍යක්ෂක ආචාර්ය සුමිත් පිලපිටිය වාෂ්ප කර හැරියේය. මේවා කිසිම දෙයක් ආණ්ඩුව ගණන් ගන්නේ නැත. අවම වශයෙන් ඇහුම්කන්දීමේ සදාචාරයක් හෝ පෙන්නුම් කරන්නේද නැත.

dharman01071606

එදා රුපියල් 87 තිබූ සිනි කිලෝව දැන් 113කි. රුපියල් 35ට තිබූ ලුණු පැකට් එක දැන් රුපියල් 85කි. සින්න වෙන්න ගිය රත්තරන් බඩු ටික බේරාදීම කෙසේ වෙතත් එය සදහටම සින්නවී වෙන්දේසියේ ගියේය. අලුත් බදුබර සමඟ නිවසේ විදුලි බිල වැඩිය. ස්ථාවර දුරකථන බිල වැඩිය. වතුර බිල වැඩිය. ජංගම දුරකථන බිල වැඩිය. මසකට එම ටිකෙන් පමණක් වැඩිවූ බදුබර 5,000කට ආසන්නය. ගෑස් මිල අඩුකල බව ඇත්තය. එහෙත් ගෑස් මිල අඩුවීමෙන් ඉතිරිවූ සොච්චමට වඩා අනෙකුත් මිල ඉහළයෑම් කප්පරකටය.  දැන් ජනතාවට දුක ලැබෙන්නේ කිලෝ වලිනි. සතුට මිලිග්‍රෑම්වලින් හෝ නොලැබේ.

දැනටමත් ඇමති වරදාන ලබාගත් ශ්‍රිලනිප නෛතික පාර්ශවයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් වන ඉන්දික බණ්ඩාරනායක, මොහාන් ලාල් ග්‍රේරු, මහින්ද සමරසිංහ ඇතුළු කිහිපදෙනෙක්ම එජාප සරණං ගච්ඡාමිය. සරත් ෆොන්සේකාද පන්දම නිවා එජාපයට ඊයේ රිංගුවේය. ජනවාරි 8වැනිදා සිදුවූයේ අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන්ගේ ක්‍රමන්ත්‍රණයක් බව පැහැදිලිය. එළිවෙන ජාමෙට තව හොද හොද සෙල්ලම්ය. සාධාරණ සමාජයක් වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටි නඩේ ප්‍රධානියා ඇතුළු පිරිසේ ක්‍රියාකාරකම්ද දැන් හෙළිදරව් වෙමින් පවතී. ඔවුහු දවල්ට මහජන පුස්තකාලයේ පුරවැසි පොරවල්ය. රෑට ජනාධිපති උපදේශකයන්ය. උදු වපුරා මුං පතා වැඩක් නැතිබව කවුරු කවුරුත් තේරුම්ගත යුතුය.

රට පුරා ආණ්ඩුවට එරෙහිව ඇති සකලවිධ විරෝධය පුළුල් දේශපාලන බලවේගයක් වෙනුවෙන් මීලඟ මැතිවරණයන්හිදී කතිරයන් බවට පත්කර ගැනීමේ අභියෝගය ජය ගැනීම අද දවසේ ප්‍රමුඛ කාර්යයකි. දැනටමත් එක්සත් ජාතින්ගේ සංවිධානය රටින් පිට ඊළම ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කල සංවිධානය නිල නොවන මට්ටමින් පිළිගෙන ඇත. යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ප්‍රථමයෙන් තබනු ඇත්තේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සඳහා ෆෙඩරල් නාමය වෙනත් වචනයකින් ඇතුළත් කරමින් ජනමත විචාරණ ඡන්දයකි. එය එදා 1982දී ජේ.ආර්ගේ එජාප ආණ්ඩුවේ ලාම්පු කලගෙඩි සෙල්ලමට වඩා ලොකු ගේමක් වනු ඇත. පළාත් පාලන ඡන්දය පවත්වනු ඇත්තේ ඉන් පසුවය. ඒ අනුව එළැඹෙන ඕනැම ඡන්දයකදී ග්‍රාමසේවා වසම් 14,023කට අයත් ගම්මාන 36,000කට ආමන්ත්‍රණය කල යුතුය. එපමණක් නොව හොර ඡන්ද මඟඩි වැලකීමට ඡන්ද පොලවල් 11,000කට නියෝජිතයන් අවශ්‍යය. මේ සඳහා ආමන්ත්‍රණය කල හැක්කේ බිම් මට්ටමේ සිට උඩට දිවෙන ජාතික දේශපාලන බලවේගයක් ඇති සක්‍රීය යාන්ත්‍රණයකට පමණි. බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ පණ පොවන්නේ එම භූමිකාවටය. හෙට දින බදුල්ලෙන් අරඹන්නේ එහි පළමු වෙඩිමුරයයි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ නව දේශපාලන ප්‍රවාහයේ මෙහෙයුම්කරුවෙකු ලෙස බැසිල් රාජපක්ෂ පිළිගෙන ඇති අතර එය මෙවැනි පුළුල් ජාතික බලවේගයකට අතවශ්‍ය සාධකයක් බව පළාත් සභා මන්ත්‍රින් සහ හිටපු පළාත් පාලන මන්ත්‍රීන් මුළුමනින්ම වාගේ එකහෙලා අනුමත කර ඇත.

වර්තමාන සමාජයේ එදා මෙන් නොව අති බහුතරයක් කිසිදු දේශපාලන පක්ෂයක සාමාජිකයෙකු හෝ හිතවතෙකු නොවේ. එහෙත් වර්තමානයේ ජීවත්වන බහුතර සමාජයේ පුද්ගලයින්ට දේශපාලන දැක්මක් ඇත. කිසිදු දේශපාලනඥයෙකු සමඟ බැදීමකින් තොරව අතින් කයිට් කරගනිමින් ගෙදරින් බැනුම් අසමින් ඔවුහු රටේ ප්‍රගමනය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටිති. ගොඩනැගෙමින් පවතින්නේ ඕනෑම දේශපාලන පක්ෂයයකට අයත්වන හෝ නොවන ආණ්ඩු විරෝධී සෑම ප්‍රගතිශීලියෙකුටම එක්විය හැකි දේශපාලන බලවේගයකි. එය ශ්‍රිලනිප මහජන පාර්ශවයේ බීජයකින් ආරම්භ වුවද එයට පසද, ජලයද, වාතයද, තෙතමනය සහ හිරුරැස් සපයනු ඇත්තේද සෙසු පිරිස්ය. වැඩෙන පැලය වූ කලී එම සියළු දෙනාගේම සංකලනයකි. එබැවින් එකම එක පිලකි. පුළුල් ජන බලවේගයකි.

එහි නියාමක බලවේගය වන්නේ බිම් මට්ටමේ සිටින පළාත් පාලන මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ය. සංක්‍රාන්ති සමයේ අවසන් අදියරේදී නිසිකලට නිසිවේලාවට ශ්‍රිලනිප මහජන පාර්ශවයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් එනවා මිස පක්ෂ ව්‍යවස්ථාවන් ඉදිරියේ ඔවුන් දියකර හැරීම සිදුකල යුතු නැත. ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කටයුතු කල යුත්තේ පක්ෂ රාමුවලින් නොව අවස්ථානුකූලව උපාය උපක්‍රමයන් ක්‍රියාවට නැගීමය. එමෙන්ම නව බලවේගයේ අදිසි නායකයාවූ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂව ප්‍රබල චින්තනමය පවුරකින් නිරන්තරයෙන් සුරක්ෂිත කිරීම සහ පෝෂණය කිරීමද ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්ෂයේ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ගේ වගකීමකි.

‘යහපාලනය’ සොයා පියාසර කල මිනිසුන් අවසානයේ සැම තැනම දුටුවේ හිස්බව පමණි. අද මෙන්ම හෙටද ඉර පායන නමුදු හෙට මෝදුවන්නේ අලුත් ඉරක්ය. ඒ ඌව වෙල්ලස්සේ බදුල්ල දිස්ත්‍රික්කයෙනි.  මෝදුවන එම හිරු කිරණ ඉනික්බිතිව රටපුරා ගම් නියම්ගම් හරහා හමායනු ඇත. එය ජාතික දේශපාලන බලවේගයක් බවට පත්වී නව උපතකට විදුලන නැකත ලඟ ලඟම උදාවනු ඇත. ‘යහපාලනයෙන්’ බැටකන මිනිසුන් සහ ප්‍රගතිශීලි ජනයා බලාපොරොත්තුවන සැබෑ වෙනසද එය හැර අන් යමක් නොවේ.

(The writer is a senior journalist who could be reached at ejournalists@gmail.com OR 011-5234384)

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

ejournalists@gmail.com

ජීවිතයෙන් සමුගත් වම් ඉවුරේ පත්තරකාරයා : දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේන

July 1st, 2016

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

තවත් මාධ්‍ය මිතුරෙකු ජුනි 30වැනිදා ජීවිතයෙන් සමුගත්තේය. ඒ ලංකාදීප පුවත්පතේ සහකාර ප්‍රවෘත්ති කර්තෘ දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේනය. මාතර තලල්ලේදී 1955 ඔක්තෝබර් 7වැනිදා උපන් දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමඟ ලියුම්කරුගේ ඇසුර ඇරඹුණේ 1984දී පමණය. එකල ඔහු හරය පුවත්පතේ ලේඛකයෙකුවූ අතර මා දිවයින කර්තෘ මාණ්ඩලිකයෙකු විය. ගලා බසින ජල දහරාවක් සේ වම් ඉවුරේ පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියෙකු ලෙස මතුව ආ දුෂ්‍යන්ත කාන්තාරයේ එන පවනක් සේ දැන් පිටව ගොස් ඇත.

දුෂ්‍යන්ත අධ්‍යාපනය ලැබුවේ ගාල්ලේ මහින්ද විදුහලෙනි. කැලණි සරසවියේ ජනමාධ්‍ය ඩිප්ලෝමාධාරියෙකුවූ ඔහු කොළඹ විශ්ව විද්‍යාලයේ සේවක අධ්‍යාපන උපාධි පාඨමාලාවේ උපාධිධාරියෙකි. දෙදරු පියෙකුවූ දුෂ්‍යන්තගේ දියණියන් වූයේ සෙනුරි සහ ගිම්හානිය. බිරිඳ මානෙල් කලකට පෙර ජීවිතයෙන් සමුගත්දා පන්නිපිටිය මාකුඹුරේ නිවසේදී දුෂ්‍යන්ත හමුවිය. වෙනදා යෞවනත්වයෙන් පිරුණු සුන්දරත්වයෙන් බැබලුණු දුෂ්‍යන්තගේ මුහුණ එදා දක්නට ලැබුණේ ශෝකානුකූලව කාලවර්ණ වී ගොසිනි. දුෂ්‍යන්ත අවසන්වරට ලියුම්කරුට හමුවූයේ ඉකුත් ජුනි මස මුල් සතියේ මාදිවෙල නිවසේදී ඔහුගේ සුවදුක් බැලීමට ගිය අවස්ථාවේදීය. ජේෂ්ඨ මාධ්‍යවේදීන්වූ එල්මෝ ප්‍රනාන්දු සහ එස්. පියසේනගේ සැපදුක් බලා එන අතරමඟ ඔහු සිටි නිවසටද ගොඩවැදිණි. දුෂ්‍යන්තගේ බිරිඳගේ ඥාතින් ඔහුගේ සියළු සැපදුක් අවසන් මොහොත දක්වා නොපිරිහෙලා ඉටු කළහ. දුෂ්‍යන්තගේ බිරිඳගේ සොහොයුරෙක් මාගේ පාසැල් මිතුරෙකුද විය.

dushantha01ජීවිතයෙන් සමුගත් දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේන

දුෂ්‍යන්ත වමේ ව්‍යාපාරයට එක්වූයේ සිය ඥාති මාමාවූ ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ වෘත්තීය සමිති නායක හේ.ආ විල්බට් පෙරේරා මගිනි. ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙකුවූ දුෂ්‍යන්ත එම පක්ෂයේ කාර්යාල සේවක සංගමයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම් විය. එහි සභාපති වූයේ දේශීය ආදායම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ අබේසේකරය. රටපුරා එහි සාමාජිකයින් 15,000කට ආසන්න පිරිසක් විසිරී සිටියේය. සමසමාජ වාම ප්‍රවණතාවයේ ක්‍රියාකාරීහු ආචාර්ය වික්‍රමබාහු කරුණාරත්නගේ නායකත්වයෙන් සමසමාජයෙන් ඉවත්ව 1976 වෙනම කණ්ඩායමක් වශයෙන් සිට වාසුදේව නානායක්කාරගේ වමේ ප්‍රවණතාවය සමඟ එක්වී 1977 වැල්ලවත්ත සරස්වතී ශාලාවේදී සමසමාජ නව නායකත්වය ලෙස නම් කරන ලදී. එය නව සමසමාජ පක්ෂය ලෙස 1979 නම් කෙරුණු විට මාමාවූ හේ.ආ විල්බට් සමගින් දුෂ්‍යන්තද නව සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ සමාරම්භක සාමාජිකයෙකු විය. කාර්යාල සේවක සංගමයේ බලය ඔහු ඇතුළු පිරිස නව සමසමාජයට ගොනු කළේය.  එතැන් පටන් නසසප දේශපාලන ඉලක්කය වූ ජන අරගලය මගින් බලය අල්ලා ගැනීමේ සටනේ ඔහු ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙකු විය.

අසූවේ ජුලි වැඩ වර්ජනයට පෙර මසකට රුපියල් 300කින් වැටුප් වැඩිකරන ලෙස ඉල්ලා 1980 ජුලි 5වැනිදා කෑම පැයේ ජාතික විරෝධතා ව්‍යාපාරයක් රටපුරා පැවැත්වූ අතර එයට ලක්ෂ 4කට ආසන්න සේවක පිරිසක් එක්ව සිටියහ. මෙහිදී කොළඹ චිත්තම්පලම් ගාඩිනර් මාවතේ රජයේ සැපයුම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව ඉදිරිපිට(මහජන බැංකුවේ මුලස්ථානය අසළ) විරෝධතාවේ නිරතවූ වාසුදේව නානායක්කාර, ගලගෙදර, විජය වීරසේකර, රංජිත් වීරසිංහ, රත්නායක, යක්කල පද්මසිරි, සවනදාස, අබේසේකර ඇතුළු පිරිස අසලට අගලවත්ත එජාප මන්ත්‍රී මෙරිල් කාරියවසම් ප්‍රමුඛ මැර පිරිසක් පැමිණ ආණ්ඩුවට සහයෝගිතා පිකටින් ව්‍යාපාරයක් පවත්වන ලදී. දුෂ්‍යන්ත එකල නාරහේන්පිට කම්කරු දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ සේවය කල අතර කාර්යාල සේවක සංගමයේ ප්‍රධාන ලේකම්ද විය. අගලවත්ත මන්ත්‍රී මෙරිල් සහ දුෂ්‍යන්ත අතර මුහුණට මුහුණලා වාද විවාදයක්ද ඇතිවිය. ලේක්හවුස් දෙසින් පැමිණි ජාතික සේවක සංගමයේ පිරිස් ගල්මුල් වලින් පහරදී බෝම්බ ප්‍රහාරයක් එල්ල කිරීමේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් පොදු සේවක වෘත්තීය සමිති ශාඛාවේ නාරාහේන්පිට පදිංචි දෙදරු පියෙකුවූ දෙද්දුවගේ සෝමපාල මරුමුවට පත්විය. පසුව ඇතිවූ සිද්ධි මාලාවකින් පසු 1980 ජුලි මහා වැඩ වර්ජනය 1980 ජුලි 15 වැනිදා ආරම්භ විය. ලක්ෂ 2කට ආසන්න පිරිසක් මුල් වටයේදී වර්ජනයට එක්වී සිටි අතර ජුලි 24වැනිදා වන විට සේවයට වාර්තා නොකර වර්ජනයේ යෙදී සිටි 40,356කගේ රැකියා අහිමිවිය. දුෂ්‍යන්තද ජුලි වර්ජනයේ පුමුඛ ක්‍රියාකාරිකයෙක් ලෙස රැකියාව අහිමිවූ එම පිරිස අතර විය.

dushantha02ආණ්ඩුවේ මාධ්‍ය මර්ධනයට එරෙහිව දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේන මාධ්‍ය නිදහස සඳහාවූ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී ව්‍යාපාරයේ මෙහෙයවීමෙන් ලිප්ටන් වටරවුමේදී 1992 පැවති උද්ඝෝෂණයකට සහභාගි වෙමින් පෙළපාලි ගිය අවස්ථාවක්. මෙහි රවුම් කර ඇත්තේ දුෂ්‍යන්තය. විපක්ෂ පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්වූ හම්බන්තොට මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ සහ ගම්පහ රෙජි රණතුංග ඇතුළු පිරිසක්ද මෙහි වේ.

ජුලි වර්ජනයෙන් රැකියා අහිමිවූ ජී.ඩී. ජෙරාඩ්, ජී.වී.ඩී තිලකසිරි, සවනදාස, දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේන ඇතුළු 42 නව සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ පූර්ණකාලිනයින් බවට පත්විය. ජුලි වර්ජකයින් ගෙන ගිය උද්ඝෝෂනයේ එක් ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් 1990දී ප්‍රේමදාස ආණ්ඩුව දුන් සහන යටතේ අනිවාර්ය විශ්‍රාම යැවූ වර්ජකයින් දහස් ගණනක් අතර දුෂ්‍යන්තද විය. දුෂ්‍යන්ත නවසමසමාජයේ හරය පුවත්පතේ ලේඛකයෙකු බවට පත්වෙමින් මාධ්‍යකරණයට පිවිසියේය. එකල හරය පුවත්පතේ නයනානන්ද, චන්දන කීර්ති, මංගල විජේසිංහ, කොත්තිගොඩ, රනත්, දුෂ්‍යන්ත ඇතුළු පිරිස සමඟ මසකට වරක් දෙවරක් බඹරුන් විසින් වටකරගත් මල්පොකුරු මෙන් මිත්‍ර සමාගමේ සංවාද කළෙමු. පසුව ඉරිදා ලංකාදීපයේ නිදහස් මාධ්‍යවේදියෙකුවූ දුෂ්‍යන්ත දිනපතා ලංකාදීප ආරම්භයේදී එහි සමාරම්භක කර්තෘ මාණ්ඩලිකයෙකු විය.

dushantha03දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේන සිය මාධ්‍ය මිතුරන් පිරිසක් සමඟින් 2010දී කණ්ඩලමේදී ජේෂ්ඨ මාධ්‍යවේදීන් වන රොඩ්නි විදානපතිරණ, අශෝක ජයතුංග, ආරියරත්න ගනේගොඩ, දුෂ්‍යන්ත සහ රංජිත් ජයසිංහ දකුණේ සිට මෙහි වේ.

ශ්‍රී ලංකා වෘත්තීය පත්‍රකලාවේදීන්ගේ සංගමයේ වරෙක ප්‍රධාන ලේකම්වූයේද ඔහුය. මාධ්‍යකරණට පිවිසි තරුණ පුවත්පත් කලාවේදින්ට නිර්ලෝභීව අතදුන් ජේෂ්ඨ මාධ්‍යවේදින් අතර ඔහුද විය. අතිවාම ප්‍රවණතාවන් බැහැර කරමින් අනූව දශකයේදී නව සමසමාජයෙන් වෙන්වූ දුෂ්‍යන්ත විසින් වාසුදේව නානායක්කාර සමඟ සමීප සබදතාවයක් පවත්වාගෙන ගියද දේශපාලනයේදී එක්ව කටයුතු කළේ එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානයේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ඇතුළු ප්‍රගතිශීලි කඳවුර සමඟය. ඔහුගේ මාමාවූ විල්බට් නසසප අභ්‍යන්තර ලේකම් කමින් ඉවත්ව යළි කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂයට ගියද දුෂ්‍යන්ත මියයන විටද ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂයේ කෝට්ටේ ශාඛාවේ සාමාජිකයෙකු විය. ජේෂ්ඨ පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියෙකු වශයෙන් මියයන තෙක්ම ලංකාදීප පුවත්පතේ සේවය කල ඔහු වැඩකරන ජනතාවගේ විමුක්තිය සහ ජනතා බලවේගයන් වෙනුවෙන් සිය පන්හිද අවිය කරගත් වම් ඉවුරේ පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියෙකු ලෙස ඉතිහාසයට එක්වනු ඇත.

ජේෂ්ඨ පුවත්පත් කලාවේදී දුෂ්‍යන්ත සමරසේනගේ(61) අවසන් කටයුතු ජුලි 3 ඉරිදා බැද්දගාන පොදු සුසාන භූමියේදී පස්වරුවේදී සිදුකරනු අතර දේහය තැන්පත් කර ඇත්තේ කෝට්ටේ මාදිවෙල ඔබහේන පාරේ අංක 15 දරණ නිවසේය.

ධර්මන් වික්‍රමරත්න

ejournalists@gmail.com

 

Eye check-up camp at press club

July 1st, 2016

By NJ Thakuria

Guwahati: The ASG Eye Care in association with Guwahati Press Club has organized a free eye check-up camp for the member-journalists along with their close relatives on Tuesday (5 July 2016). The screening camp at press club premises will begin 10.30 am and continue till 3 pm. Ophthalmologists from ASG Eye Care, a unit of ASG Hospitals Pvt Ltd, Madhusudan Banerjee, Vikash Joshi, Mohit Sarma and Hrishikesh Bora will conduct the camp.

It may be mentioned that the ASG Eye Hospitals is a chain of super- specialty eye hospitals serving in 15 cities of the country. It was started by eye experts from New Delhi based AIIMS and has its expansion in northern and eastern India. The chain of hospitals has successfully treated over seven lakh patients with latest technology available in the country.

STATE DRAMA FESTIVAL AND ACTING OF MP’S AND MEDIA

July 1st, 2016

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Today TV news broadcasted about some actors holding placards during the state drama festival award ceremony ,protesting the government actions .

Next new Item was about an MP playing dangerous act by pretending to commit suicide  and the school principal playing the act of being unconscious .It also showed how MP caressing his head when he was taken to hospital .Next scene was how the parents taking to streets protesting against the MP .

Same MP was playing chandiya”in the parliament and bearing the hell out of another MP

Then you see the next news item about a sibling of a previous coming out of Serious Crime division and making a statement that a new party will be formed to fight the government ( not the FCID).
Everyday there are episodes of a soap opera unfolding and the people have stopped watching teledramas as the real life drama seem more interesting .

I read Sunday papers and read the Marriage Proposals and start  laughing  .One proposal was about a man looking for a bride stating that he divorced just after a week of his first marriage and  claiming that he is the innocent Party”

Another marriage proposal about a man explain how good he is as a future husband ,but at the end he admits that he had depression and now recovered .I consider him as a honest future husband !

Media keeps showing hilarious pictorial news via TV and  jokes in the new papers.

We in Sri Lanka are living in a dream world, and sometimes I wonder whether this is real

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Letter to the editor: Yahapalanaya or Parana palanaya?

July 1st, 2016

Dr. Mareena Thaha Reffai, Dehiwela

Last Thursday (23/6/2016) Daily Mirror’s cartoon reflects many a citizen’s  feelings – President Maithripala dropping the flag of Yahapalanaya and walking away.

Nothing much has changed, has it? The Cabinet is top heavy as it was and more being added at the drop of the hat. The politicians are as unruly and thuggish even inside the parliament – especially inside the parliament. All the so called corruption cases – even murder cases are taking years to solve – if they are to be solved at all.  All the culprits who were shivering in their boots when the President waxed eloquent on the Presidential election platform are in the parliament with extra fringe benefits to boot!

 When the floods hit not a single parliamentarian visited  the victims immediately, but made a mockery of the situation by visiting them wearing life vests after the floods have subsided. They as usual, were thumbing their noses at the voters, indicating  that  their lives are more precious than the voters’!

To top it all, not a single  politician objected  duty free cars for their clan specially at a time when thousands were just hit by floods and were suffering having lost everything except the clothes on their back.   The callous attitude of the politicians was disgusting – what was  the indecent hurry to get the cars? Couldn’t they wait at least for a month or two to bring this motion? The sheer insensitivity of the politicians was only enhanced by the absolute silence of the President regarding this matter.

Still the only way to attract attention of the higher ups seem to be riots and parades. Hate speech is spewing out from Gnanasara and the deafening silence from the law makers – in  spite of his speech having gone viral and many even having  lodged complaints with the police –  bring a painful de ja vu feeling. Muslim politicians, in spite of the fact that there is no more tyranny, have not thought it prudent to curb this menace in the bud.

O, the list goes on and on. Palanaya yanne parana parey!

 

Sent by:

Dr. Mareena Thaha Reffai,

 Dehiwela

රනිල්,අර්ජුන් ගහපු ගැහිල්ල ගැන විගණකාඩිපති කල අනාවරණය

July 1st, 2016

Hot News

රට තුළ ඉමහත් ආන්දෝලනයට තුඩුදී ඇති ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහ බැංකුවේ භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුව නිසා මේ වන විට රට තුළ ඉමහත් ආන්දෝලනාත්මක තත්වයක් සෑම ක්ෂේත්‍රයක් පාසාම උද්ගත වි ඇත.
මෙම භාණ්‌ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර නිකුතුවේ සිදු වුනා යයි කියන දූෂිත ගණුදෙනුව සම්බන්ධයෙන් විගණකාධිපති විසින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ පොදු ව්යාපාර කාරක සභාව වෙත ඊයේ විශේෂ විගණන වාර්තාවක්ද ඉදිරිපත් කරනු ලැබුවා.

එහිදී විගණකාදිපති විසින් මහ බංකු අධිපති අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් සිදු කල ගණුදෙනුව ආශ්‍රයෙන් නිගමනය කර තිබෙන කරුනු පහත දැක්වේ.

* වලක්වාගත හැකිව තිබූ රු :889,358,050 ක ඇස්තුමේන්තුගත අවාසිය සහ වලක්වාගත හකිව තිබූ රු : 784,898,755 ක ඇස්තුමේන්තු ගත අවාසිය ලෙස 2015 පෙබරවාරි 27 සහ 2016 මාර්තු 29 දින පැවති භාණ්ඩාගාර බැඳුම්කර වෙන්දේසි දෙකේදි වලක්වා ගැනීමට හැකිව තිබූ එකතුව රු : 1,674,256,805 ක අස්තමේන්තුගත අවාසිය වලක්වා ගැනීමට කටයුතු නොකිරීම පිළිබඳව බලධාරීන් වගකිවයුතු බව නිගමනය කරනු ලැබේ.

* තවද සෘජු ක්‍රමයට භාණ්ඩාගාර බඳුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම තාවකාලිකව අත්හිටුවීමට තීරණය ගත් 2015 පෙබරවාරි 27 දින සිට 2016 මැයි මාසය දක්වා සිදුකර ඇති බඳුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම්වලට අදාලව ද ඇස්ත්මේන්තුගත වාසි හෝ අවාසි ගණන කළ හොත් ඉහතින් දක්වන ලද අස්තමේන්තුගත අවාසිය තවදුරටත් ඉහළයාමේ හැකියාවක් පවතීමද බැහැර කළ නොහැක.

* මෙම වාර්තාව සැකසීමේ දී විගණකාධිපති වෙත අනාවරණය වූ කරුණු සහ ඉහත සඳහන් ඡේද වලින් අවධාරනය කර ඇති කරුනු අනුව මහ බැංකු අධිපති විසින් ස්වකීයකාර්යය මෙහෙයවීමේ දී මහ බංකු අධිපතිවරයෙකුගෙන් අපේක්ෂා කරනු ලබන මට්ටමේ වෘත්තිමය විචක්ෂණභාවයකින් යුතුව කටයුතු කර අති බව තහවුරු නොවීය.

* මෙම වාර්තාව පිළියෙල කිරීමේදී විගණකාධිපති වෙත හිමි බලතල හා විෂය සීමාව තුළ කටයුතු කර අති බව අවධාරණය කරනු ලබේ. ඉන් ඔබ්බට සාපරාදී හෝ විගණකාධිපතිට නිගමනය කල නොහැකි මට්ටමේ නීති විරෝධි කටයුතු සිදු වී අතැදැයි යන්න මෙහිදී පරික්ශාවට ලක් නොවුනු හෙයින් එවන් පරික්ශාවක් අවශ්‍ය හැගි යන්නේ නම් ඒ සඳහා විශේෂිත වූ ආයතනයන් හී සහය ලබා ගැනීම සුදුසු බව නිගමනය කරමි.

COP01COP02COP03

Tamils gave Prabhakaran the revolver to kill Tamils

June 30th, 2016

H. L. D. Mahindapala

The violence in Sri Lanka raged for 33 years, starting from the declaration of war on May 14, 1976 at Vadukoddai by the Tamil leadership and ending  in Nandikadal on May 18, 2009 when Velupillai Prabhakaran’s body was found floating in the  murky waters of the Lagoon. This war has been described in different ways, depending on the political orientation of the describer. It was, however, commonly described as an ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and the  Tamils. But the unravelling events questioned this description.

The decision to go for a military solution, stated unequivocally in  the Vadukoddai Resolution, was ratified by the Tamil leadership led by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the man who claimed that his ambition was to be a father to  the Tamils  because he never had a father to look after him in Jaffna. His  father left  him in Tellipallai when he was only four and went  back to Malaysia  and never saw him again until he was dying. It was this Father (Thanthai Chelva) who led his children all the way to Nandikadal.

Led by Chelvanayakam, the Tamil leadership agreed at Vadukoddai that the military solution was better than the non-violent parliamentary process and decided to wage a war against the Sinhalese who were identified as the enemy of the Tamils.The distorted history, the generalised accusations and the main political thrust of the Vadukoddai Resolution were designed to demonise  the Sinhala community and generate hate politics of the extreme  kind against the Sinhalese. Accordingly, the hate politics inscribed in the Vadukoddai Resolution and picked up by Prabhakaran should have led Tamil violence to target only the Sinhala community as there was no other enemy identified in the Vadukoddai Resolution.  But Velupillai Prabhakaran, the anointed proxy of the Vellahla leadership which urged the Tamil youth to take up arms, targeted the Muslims and the Tamils indiscriminately. Why? What had the Muslims done to the Tamils to massacre them? And, above all, what had the Tamils done to Prabhakaran for him to target the Tamils? Prabhakaran first turned his guns on the Tamils and killed more Tamils than all the  others put together. No other leader had pursued hate politics to insatiable extremes as Prabhakaran. His hate politics that led to the killing of anyone whom he perceived to be his enemy was totally irrational and counter-productive.

It was, above all, a deviation  from the anti-Sinhala hate politics defined in the Vadukoddai Resolution. It gave the licence to kill only Sinhalese but not the Muslims and fellow-Tamils. If Tamil militancy was in the hands of a more rational leader the  history of the Tamils – and that of the  nation – would have taken a different path, possibly a path that could have saved lives and opened up space for peace  and reconciliation much earlier than 2009. But the violent Tamil culture was neither tolerant nor broad enough to produce a more enlightened leader. The innate perversions and fury of Tamil culture had the potential to gestate only within a culture of  violence and give birth to its one and only hero, Prabhakaran – a mass murderer compared, quite  rightly, to Pol Pot by the New York Times. The Tamils had no way out  from the tyrannical grip of the  one-man regime  as long  as Prabhakaran was alive.

Ironically, the Tamil were eventually liberated from Tamil tyranny by the sacrifices of the Sinhala soldiers of the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) who were labelled as the enemies  of the Tamils. The Tamils walk the earth with dignity and self-respect today only because 27,000 Sinhala soldiers sacrificed their lives to get rid of their fascist tyrant who, among  other  evils, terrorised Tamil children by dragging them  into a futile war. While the Tamils looked the other way, concocting excuses for this barbarity, it was the Sinhala soldiers who stepped in to save the Tamil children from the clutches of Prabhakaran, the Tamil Boko Haram.

Prabhakaran’s overall strategy was based on one delusional response to all challenges faced by him : kill his perceived enemies. It was a Pavlovian response that was self-destructive. Example : killing of Rajiv Gandhi. But he imagined that he was playing the role of the great fixer like his Hollywood idol, Clint Eastwood. Killing is the standard response of terrorist leaders. They hope to grab power by climbing  over the dead bodies of their own people. Tragically, his stature grew  in the eyes of the Tamils each time he piled one more corpse on the rising mounds of Tamil bodies rotting in his killing fields.

Besides, the Tamils who followed him encouraged him by celebrating each death he caused in the name of  the Tamils. There was no Tamil courageous enough to stop his macabre madness. He knew no limits. If, for instance, A is declared the enemy by B why should B take a gun and go on the rampage killing  everybody from A – Z? His mindless killings prompted Prof. James Jupp of Australian National University to label Prabhakaran as a pathological killer”. Prabhakaran’s hate politics of killing anyone who crossed  his  path – from Rajiv Gandhi to pregnant Muslim women —  borders  on sadistic fascism. In the bloody sea of Vadukoddai violence he popped up as a maniacal wave, carrying with him the intense fury, of the intolerant, violent and arrogant Vellahla culture. Jaffna was never attuned to a democratic or tolerant culture. From  the time of Sankilli it was rooted in  Tamil fascist violence of various shades. The Tamil political class wear the democratic mask now, invoking human rights, essentially to hide the ruthless fascist face of Tamil violence that oppressed and persecuted their own people as a species of subhuman outcasts throughout their brief history. .

On the contrary, the target of the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) was clear : the Tamil Tiger terrorists. Though there were excesses and also collateral damage in which non-combatant Tamil civilians were caught in the cross-fire, the GOSL forces did not target the Tamil civilians like the spiteful way the Tamil Tigers decimated the Tamils and the Muslims. Nor did GOSL persecute the Tamil dissidents who were openly in cahoots with the Tigers. While Prabhakaran went on the rampage massacring the Tamil leadership the GOSL gave refuge to those who survived his wrath with total freedom to oppose the state. The TNA MPs, for instance, who were the  proxies for the Tigers, were not  only given protection but given every opportunity to go along with LTTE politics. But the unfettered LTTErs, using all the space available in a democracy, fired on everything that was suspected of moving against Prabhakaran.

M.K. Sivajilingam, Northern  Provincial Council member, TNA, formerly of TELO, sums up the brutal violence of the LTTE, in the following quote picked from Q & A session with Ceylon Today (26.6. 2016.) :

Sivajilingam : Other than Kayts experience, there were two more incidents. Once the TNA parliamentary group led by R. Sambanthan went to Kandy to meet the Chief Prelates of Malwatta and Asgiriya. A group protested against us there. They attacked our vehicles with rocks. The driver drove the vehicle fast and stopped it before the house of the then Deputy Minister of Justice Shelton Ranaraja. He treated us very cordially. We left Kandy in the evening after the protest was over…..

Q: What is the other incident?

A: One day in 1986, LTTE wanted to kill me in Velvetithurai. LTTE was killing TELO sympathisers. Five of the houses of my relatives were raided in the night in search of me. I was in Mannar and saved myself. When Prabhakaran was helpless, I helped him. TELO provided him with a revolver. It was handed to Prabhakaran through Ramanathanthurai and on that day, LTTE killed him too.
Q: Why did LTTE respond to people like you in that way?
A: That was LTTE’s nature. They killed so many people who helped them. I don’t approve of it.”

 

Sivajilingam also stated : I have helped him (Prabhakaran) in many ways. If I did not help  him  he could have been killed.”

 

This excerpt illustrates the experience of the Tamils in two significant ways. First, when the Tamils were threatened by the Sinhala mobs it was the Sinhala elite (Shelton Ranaraja, Deputy Minister of Justice) that  gave them protection. Second, when the Tamils were threatened by the Tamils they received no help from the Tamils. On the contrary, the Tamils used the revolvers given to them by the Tamils and pulled the trigger to eliminate them.

 

Sivajailingam was not alone in gifting revolvers to Prabhakaran. This  episode confirms that the guns and ammunition that killed the Tamils were supplied to Prabhakaran by the Tamil leadership, both at home  and abroad. The Tamil diaspora in particular financed  the Vadukoddai War that killed more Tamils than members of the other communities. Sivajilingam’s confession amounts to an admission  of guilt. As suppliers and financiers of the weapons of destruction to the LTTE, the Tamil leadership, both at  home and abroad, were responsible for prolonging a futile war that killed more Tamils than either Sinhalese or Muslims. Having stoked the  fires of devastating war as long as they could they are now shedding  crocodile tears in the corridors of UNHRC accusing the GOSL of  violating human rights. Their hypocrisy is as despicable as the brutal violence they perpetrated through their Suriya Devan”.

 

Besides, when Sivajilingam said that killing of Tamils was LTTE’s nature” he admitted, perhaps unwittingly, the incurable nature of the violence inherent in the Tamil  culture – a culture that came down from Sankilli to Prabhakaran, the crowned heir to the brutal Tamil culture of Tamils killing Tamils. The elevation of a ruthless killer of Tamils to the highest iconic level in their history reflects the inbred culture of  violence which has no qualms  about hero-worshipping subhuman  violence. The Sinhalese too produced his counterpart in the person of Rohana Wijeweera, another fascist killer. But the Sinhalese have reduced him to an obscure footnote in an aberrant history that is fading  into oblivion. The Germans have buried Hitler’s memory with his ashes. Cambodians are sick to their back teeth with Pol Pot. The Tamils, on the contrary, light candles to Prabhakaran today in their living rooms as the revered hero of Tamil history. Tamils, obviously, have no one else to replace this inhuman killer.  Arumuka Navalar and Sir. Ponnambalam Ramanathan are heroes to the reactionary Vellahlas, not to the oppressed Tamils. Jaffna, tragically, is a land without humane heroes. There was no space  for a Gandhi or an Ambedkhar. They would have been a serious threat to the Vellahla establishment.

 

This absence  of respectable  heroes questions the imagined greatness of the Tamils who never tire of boasting about a glorious culture that cannot be found  in history books even if you peruse  it with a magnifying glass. In any case, what humane values can the Tamils claim to possess when they worship their most noted killer as their Suriya Devan”? There is a touch of pathos when Sivajilingam says:  I have helped him (Prabhakaran) in many ways. If I did not help  him  he could have been killed.”…….They (the Tamil Tigers) killed so many people who helped them. I don’t approve of it. But it was Sivajilingam who gave the revolver for the killings. Isn’t a bit too late for remorse now?

 

Predictably, Tamil violence ran berserk under Prabhakaran. He had the right killer instinct to be the explosive force of the dormant Tamil culture of  violence. And  when the Vadukoddai Resolution activated Tamil violence it exploded with uncontrollable fury. There was no one to guide the naive gun-toting youth drunk with the political power that was legitimised  in the Vadukoddai Resolution. The Vellahla leadership which controlled peninsular politics from feudal times discovered, rather late in the day, that power had slipped out of their hands once they declared war in the Vadukoddai Resolution and urged the Tamil youth to take up arms. The seasoned, English-educated, Vellahla elite was replaced by a megalomaniac who never knew how to handle power. That was the biggest mistake made by the Vellahla elite. They replaced their traditional casteist fascism with Prabhakaran’s naked political fascism which, eventually, forced Sampanthan and Sumanthiram to go on their knees before him.

 

The Vellahlas financed and armed the Tamil youth hoping to ride  on their backs into power. But the Tamil youth had ideas of their own. They took the money and the arms and fired on the Tamil leaders who piously legitimised  their violence in the Vadukoddai Resolution.

 

As they say, you reap what you  sow. Chelvanyakam, the Father of the Vadukoddai Resolution, escaped the bullet of his beloved boys” only because he died of natural causes before his  political progeny could get  him.  Sadly, it was his anointed successor, Appapillai Amirthalingam, who had to pay the price for his sins. He was shot at point blank range by the pistols donated by Chelvanayakam’s Vellahla followers.

 

Moral : Tamils should beware of  gifting pistols to Tamils. History has proved that the bullets that come out of those barrels find their loving way to lodge unerringly only in Tamil hearts.

Landmark SC ruling on executive power

June 30th, 2016

By C. A. Chandraprema Courtesy The Island

* Cabinet decision declared invalid
* SC expresses shock at manner Rs. 60 billion tender was awarded
*CJ says judiciary duty bound to pre vent abuse of power

In this country, a court case rarely attracts much attention unless it has to do with something like murder or rape – preferably both. In a nation that has been discussing matters of corruption and graft and illegal money making, it is certainly surprising that a court case involving irregularities in the country’s biggest tender could goes virtually unreported in the media. What is even more surprising that even the landmark determination given by the Supreme Court in this regard hardly got any publicity at all. It’s true that ordinary folk would not be interested even in sleaze if it happens to be technically complicated. But, then how does one explain the wide publicity that the Central Bank bond issue got? That, too, was a technically complicated matter. The difference of course is that in the case of the bond matter, the loss to the country has already occurred whereas in the case of the coal tender the Supreme Court has stepped in to shoot a tainted tender down.

The Fundamental Rights case Noble Resources International Pte Limited vs Minister of Power and Renewable Energy et al, is a landmark case because the Supreme Court heard it as a matter of national interest even in a situation where the government contended that the Petitioner did not have the locus standi to invoke the jurisdiction of the court. The SC observed in delivering their judgement last week that the Court had granted leave to proceed in this case even though the Additional Solicitor General, appearing on behalf of the government raised the issue that the Petitioner did not have locus standi to invoke the jurisdiction of the Court because the Petitioner is a Company registered in Singapore which has petitioned the SC without a local representative.

In this regard, the SC observed that ‘it is essential to the maintenance of the rule of law that every organ of the State must act within the limits of its power’ and that ‘the Court cannot close its eyes and allow the actions of the State or the Public Authority go unchecked in its operations’. And further that ‘If the Petitioner with a good case is turned away, merely because he …. has no locus standi to maintain this application, that means that some government agency is left free to violate the law and this is not only contrary to the public interest but also violates the Rule of Law’. Chief Justice K. Sripavan stated that the court had decided to go into the merits of the case as some of the events that took place in the award of this tender ‘shocks the conscience of the Court’.

These are strong words indeed emanating from the country’s highest court. The SC further observed that ‘it will be a travesty of justice if, having found as a fact that a fundamental right has been infringed or is threatened to be infringed, the Court yet dismisses the application on a preliminary objection raised by the Respondents.’

Heard before a three member bench of the Supreme Court comprising Chief Justice K. Sripavan, Justice P. Dep, and Justice Upali Abeyrathne, this was perhaps the court case of the year with the list of counsel appearing for the Petitioner and the Respondents reading like a Who’s Who of the legal elite in this country. This was a case relating to a tender for the supply of 6.75 million tonnes of coal over a period of three years to the Norochcholai power plant – a contract worth well over Rs. 60 billion. The tender had been awarded to Messrs Swiss Singapore Ltd, by Cabinet overriding a ruling by the Procurements Appeal Board to cancel the tender and call for fresh bids after considering an appeal made by one of the bidders Messrs. Nobel Resources of Singapore who charged that the tender criteria had been altered after the bids had been opened.

When Cabinet overrode the ruling of the Procurements Appeal Board, the aggrieved party Messrs Nobel Resources Ltd then petitioned the Supreme Court stating among other things that cabinet had not been informed of the material facts of the case and therefore they were unable to make an informed decision about this tender. Having considered the facts of the case the SC observed that the Government Procurement Guidelines required that bids have to be ‘evaluated strictly according to the criteria and methodology specified in the bidding documents’. The Technical Evaluation Committee had originally recommended to the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee that Messrs Noble Resources Singapore was the lowest responsive bidder. Thereafter the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurements Committee (SCAPC) had received a letter dated 29 June 2015 from Swiss Singapore Ltd. On the same day the SCAPC had convened and directed the Technical Evaluation Committee to re-evaluate the bids ignoring two of the criteria.

The lower granular size limit was among the two criteria removed from the bidding documents so that more powdery coal would be accepted. Messrs Swiss Singapore Ltd was thereupon awarded the tender by the SCAPC.

The Supreme Court observed that ‘no one, neither the State nor the SCAPC shall act contrary to the bid documents and the Government Procurement Guidelines’ and that ‘it is of utmost importance that all the necessary safeguards laid down therein should be complied with fully and strictly and any departure from them make the evaluation process void’ and that ‘if the SCAPC exceeds its authority, the purported exercise of power may be pronounced invalid’.

The Supreme Court determination reproduced, in full, a letter written by Maithri Gunaratne the Chairman of Lanka Coal Company (which procures coal for the Norochcholai plant) to the Secretary of the Ministry of Power and Renewable Energy expressing shock that the SCAPC has disregarded the clause in the company’s bid document which strictly prohibits bidders from contacting anybody involved in the award of the tender from the time of the opening of bids to the time the contract is awarded. Gunaratne stressed that ‘any effort by a bidder to influence the process’ should be rejected. Gunaratne had also warned in his letter that the award of tenders in this manner might bring disrepute on the governmental authorities. The Supreme Court stated that the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurements Committee should have rejected the bid of Swiss Singapore Ltd for influencing the tender procedure.

In delivering the judgment, the Chief Justice quoted the words of a former Chief Justice Sharvananada in another case where the latter had stated that the “Rule of Law depends on the provision of adequate safeguards against abuse of power by the executive … The Legislature has necessarily to create innumerable administrative bodies and entrust them with multifarious functions…the abuse of power by them, if unchecked, may … bring about an authoritarian or totalitarian state. The existence of the power of judicial review and the exercise of same effectively is a necessary safeguard against such abuse of power.”

The SC stated that having considered the contentions raised on behalf of the parties, the decision made by the SCAPC was outside its jurisdiction and therefore null and void. It should be understood that in this judgement, the Supreme Court was not merely castigating some bureaucrats. The highest court in the land struck at the very citadel of executive power by stating that the decision taken by the Cabinet of Ministers on 22 September 2015 to award the contract to Messrs Swiss Singapore Ltd could not be considered a valid decision.

The SC stated further that the power of the State was conferred on the members of the SCAPC and the Procurement Appeals Board to be held in trust for the benefit of the public. The Supreme Court being the protector and guarantor of fundamental rights cannot refuse to entertain an application seeking protection against the infringement of such rights. The Court must regard it as its solemn duty to protect the fundamental rights jealously and vigilantly. It has an important role to play not only preventing or remedying the wrong or illegal exercise of power by the authorities but has a duty to protect the nation in directing it (the executive) to act within the framework of the law and the Constitution.

Antho jata bahi jata

June 30th, 2016

Editorial Courtesy The Island

Last year’s regime change was expected to bring about a radical change in Sri Lanka politics. In fact, the self-appointed champions of good governance or yahapalanaya made a solemn pledge before the last presidential election not only to fight bribery and corruption which had eaten into the vitals of society but also to depoliticise the state institutions completely. Sadly, that promise remains unfulfilled.

Yahapalanaya was described by its proponents as an efficacious antidote to the rot in the viscera of the state sector. But, the deterioration of those institutions continues because the much-vaunted antidote has been contaminated with dirty politics. There are unmistakable symptoms of a systemic failure affecting the three branches of government and other institutions whose independence and efficiency are a sine qua non for democratic, political and economic wellbeing of the country.

Minister Champika Ranawaka, one of the most vociferous campaigners for good governance, called the independence of the judiciary into question a few days ago. Even those who did not see eye to eye with him on that score at that time must have agreed with him later when they learnt that he had not been named a suspect in the case anent the Feb. 29 hit-and-run accident in Rajagiriya.

However, a welcome gavel blow has rekindled our hope that all is not yet lost where judicial independence is concerned as can be seen from the in-depth analysis of a recent Supreme Court decision on this page today. The judiciary has a pivotal role to play in restoring public faith in the country’s ailing democracy.

The legislature is an unholy mess. As for bills, resolutions etc it is like a dysentery patient’s stomach—anything that goes in, comes out undigested, emanating a stench. The Budget 2016 is a case in point. The official Opposition is all at sea; it has been reduced to a mere appendage of the government. The Joint Opposition is running around like a headless chicken with a single-item agenda. Its raison d’etre appears to be re-enthroning the former ruling clan.

Among the Cabinet members are those who were rejected by the people at the last parliamentary election. Members of the ruling coalition speak with one voice only on their perks and privileges. There is a cacophony within the government ranks over crucial national issues as evident from their response to the unconscionable VAT hike.

The US has urged the UK and the EU to make Brexit a calm divorce. However, the political marriage which the US and some other world powers are said to have been instrumental in arranging here between the UNP and the SLFP is bound to end in an explosive divorce, as it were. That almost happened last Wednesday on the question of the appointment of a successor to Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran under a cloud.

President Sirisena declared on Wednesday morning in Girandurukotte that he would appoint a new Central Bank Governor shortly and rushed to the Central Bank in the afternoon. He was followed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena told the media that the new appointment would be announced within a couple of hours. But, nothing of the sort happened and the President returned having made a speech in which he said so little in so many words.

The UNP has dug its heels in having taken one step back and two steps forward over the Mahendran issue! It wants one of its nominees appointed to that post temporarily in a bid to leave room for Mahendran to make a comeback.

But, the row over the next Central Bank head is the least of the UNP’s problems following the submission of the Auditor General’s report on the bond scams to Parliament. The JVP, which has benefited from last year’s regime change and is hell bent on holding the Rajapaksas at bay, is in a dilemma. Having played political footsie with the UNP all these months, now it has to make a tough decision; one of its MPs heads the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), tasked with the parliamentary probe into the questionable bond deals. A COPE report unfavourable to the UNP-led government will give the Joint Opposition a turbo boost. This is the last thing the pro-government members of the COPE want!

The UNP has much more than Mahendran’s reputation at stake. If the COPE decides that there has been a bond racket, arrests will have to be made and the government will be hoist with its own petard as regards the much-dreaded Financial Crimes Investigations Division (FCID) specialising in arresting suspects. Else, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government will be without any moral right to campaign against corruption. Above all, the people will be able to give their verdict on corrupt deals under the present government at the next local government polls to be held sooner or later. This is a worrisome proposition for not only the UNP but also its newfound allies—the SLFP (Sirisena Faction), the JVP and the TNA. Will adversity make the strange bedfellows stick together for their own sake on the bond issue as well?

The cold war between the executive president and Parliament under the present dispensation has come to a head with the UNP and the SLFP. It was with great difficulty that they averted a disastrous clash on Wednesday over the appointment of the new Central Bank Governor.

The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government is in an unenviable position with VAT protests spreading throughout the country like a bush fire. As if domestic problems were not enough, there has come a renewed UNHRC call for the participation of foreign judges in the war crimes probe mechanism to be set up. How the government will tackle this seemingly intractable issue remains to be seen.

Antho jata bahi jata—conflicts within, conflicts without!

අගමැති රනිල් එනකොට ජනාධිපති අකුලගෙන යනවා.. මෙහෙම ජනාධිපතියෙක් ලොවෙත් නෑ ලොවි ගහෙත් නෑ..

June 30th, 2016

lanka C news

අගමැති රනිල් එනකොට ජනාධිපති අකුලගෙන යනවා.. මෙහෙම ජනාධිපතියෙක් ලොවෙත් නෑ ලොවි ගහෙත් නෑ..මෙහෙම ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක් ලෝකයේ වෙන කොහේවත් නැතැයි ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණේ නායක පාර්ලිමේන්තු මන්ත‍්‍රී විමල් වීරවංශ මහතා පවසයි.

එම පක්‍ෂ මූලස්ථානයේ පැවති මාධ්‍ය හමුවකදී ඔහු මෙසේ අදහස් පල කලේය.

29 දා දහවල් ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා අපූරු ප්‍රකාශයක් කළා චෝදනාවලට ලක්ව සිටින මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයා වෙනුවට අලුත් මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයකු තව පැය කිහිපයක් ඇතුළත පත්කරනවා’ කියලා. ඒ කිව්වා වගේම ඊයේ පැය කිහපයක් ඇතුළත පොලොන්නරුවේ සිට කොළඹ මහ බැංකු පරිශ්‍රයටත් ජනාධිපතිවරයා පැමිණියා. එතුමා තනිවමයි මහ බැංකු පරිශ්‍රයට ඇතුළු වී තිබුණේ. ඊට පසුව ඒ බව දැන ගෙනද දන්නේ නැහැ, අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා සහ මහ බැංකු අධිපති අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් ද මහ බැංකු පරිශ්‍රයට කඩිමුඩියේ පැමිණ තිබුණා. අන්තිමේදී ජනාධිපතිවරයා මහ බැංකුවේ නිලධාරීන් අමතලා කතාවක් කරලා, තේ එකකුත් බීලා ආපසු තමන්ගේ මන්දිරයට ඇවිත් තිබුණා. නමුත් පැය කිහිපයකින් වෙනවා කියපු දෙය නම් වුණේ නැහැ.

මොකද එහෙම වුණේ? අපට තිබෙන තොරතුරු අනුව ජනාධිපතිවරයා අලුත් මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයකු පත් කිරිමේ ලිපියක් අරගෙන තමයි මහ බැංකු පරිශ්‍රයට යන්නේ. නමුත් අගමැති රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහගේ සහ අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන්ගේ හදිසි කඩාපාත්වීමේ ප්‍රතිඵලයක් හැටියට ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ 06 වැනි විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා තමන් සන්තකයේ තිබූ ඒ ලිපිය නැවත සාක්කුවේ දමාගෙන ආපහු තමන්ගේ මන්දිරයට පැමිණ තිබෙනවා. අගමැති ළඟින් හිටියොත් ඇති ගන්නා ක්‍රියාමාර්ග ආපස්සට ගන්න. මෙහෙම ජනාධිපති කෙනෙක් ‘ලොවෙත් නැහැ. ලොවි ගහෙත් නැහැ. මේ රට අද අරාජික සහ අස්ථාවර වෙලා තිබෙන්නේ මේ නිසයි. මහ බැංකු අධිපති අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍රන් මේ රටට සිදුකළ වරදේ බරපතලකම ඊයේ විගණකාධිපතිතුමන් කෝප් කමිටුවට ලබාදුන් වාර්තාවෙන් සනාථ වෙලා තිබෙනවා. පොලිස් විමර්ශන කටයුත්තක් විගණකාධිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ කරන්න බැහැ. නමුත් සංඛ්‍යාත්මකව සිදු වී ඇති පාඩුව පිළිබඳව සිය නිගමනය ඉතා පැහැදිලිව විගණකාධිපතිතුමන් තම වාර්තාවෙහි දක්වා තිබෙනවා. මහ බැංකු අධිපතිවරයා ඊට වගකිව යුතු බව එම වාර්තාවෙන් පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. එහෙම තිබියදී තමයි විධායක ජනාධිපතිවරයා මහ බැංකුව වටේ රවුමක් ගහලා ආපසු තම මන්දිරයට යන්නේ. මෙහෙම පාලනයක් ලෝකයේ වෙන කොහොවත් නැති බවයි මගේ අදහස”

අනුරුද්ධ බණ්ඩාර රණවාරණ
මාධ්‍ය ලේකම්,
ජාතික නිදහස් පෙරමුණ

Mahendran issue: A challenge to show integrity

June 30th, 2016

By The Nation

 Cricket matches sometimes end in thrilling finishes. At other times, they end in a tie, such as last Tuesday’s one day international with England, leaving both sides with some degree of satisfaction but deprived of victory. The recent controversy over Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran is somewhat similar.

Mahendran completes his current tenure on June 30, as he was appointed only for the remainder of the period of office of former Governor AjithNivardCabraal. Mahendran has been embroiled in controversy ever since he was first appointed, apparently on the recommendation of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The controversy was over Mahendran’s alleged involvement in the sale of Central Bank treasury bonds through a firm in which his son-in-law held a position. Mahendran has always denied any wrong doing. To add to the hullabaloo, he is also a citizen of Singapore which does not allow dual citizenship.

The Mahendran issue was canvassed heavily by the Mahinda Rajapaksa faction of the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) during the August 2015 general election. At stake was not merely the ‘deal’ that the Governor allegedly engaged in, but the new government’s commitment to the principles of good governance.

The United National Front emerged as the single largest party in Parliament after the election but fell short of a simple majority by seven seats. Some analysts suggested the Mahendran controversy cost the UNF at least five seats at the election.

Indeed, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe may have missed a trick then. Had he sacrificed Mahendran at the altar of public opinion, he could have not only engaged in damage control, he could have also projected the issue to his advantage and claim that he had dealt with a miscreant in keeping with the tenets of ‘Yahapaalanaya’.

Unfortunately, for Wickremesinghe, as Mahendran’s current tenure is nearing its end, the clamour for him to be relieved of his position came not only from the Rajapaksa led ‘Joint opposition’ but from a section of the mainstream Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) as well.
Complicating the issue further was the motion of no confidence moved against Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake by the Joint Opposition. The motion was defeated comfortably with the mainstream SLFP MPs voting against it but there was speculation that support for Karunanayake came at a price – the dismissal of Mahendran.

Whatever the merits of such speculation, the crunch came in the form of agitation by civil society groups most of whom had worked tirelessly to oust the Rajapaksa regime. Neither President Maithripala Sirisena nor Premier Wickremesinghe can afford to antagonise these groups. Hence the announcement that Mahendran will be suspended until inquiries into his conduct are over.

However, this raises more questions than answers. Who will conduct the inquiry? Will it be a Parliamentary Select Committee or a judicial process? How long will this take in a country which is yet to successfully prosecute a single person of the former regime? Is Mahendran who is, whatever his faults, a top banking professional, prepared to wait in limbo for as long as it takes to conclude the probe into his conduct? Or, will the wheels of justice move with the speed of greased lightning in this instance?

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, astute politician that he is, has certainly averted a political disaster and bought some time with his most recent decision. But for how long and to what end? Would it not be better if he bowed to the court of public opinion and said adieu to Mahendran? After all, he was happy to accept the resignation of Minister Tilak Marapone, a card carrying member of the UNP unlike Mahendran, over a much less controversial affair.

If the Premier’s wish is that by postponing the issue it would simply go away, that will not happen. What he must realise is that what is at stake here is not Mahendran’s career – it may well be Wickremesinghe’s. The Prime Minister has justly earned a reputation as being incorruptible. If he is to earn a similar standing for his integrity, he can. For that, there is but one course of action: show Mahendran the door.

Net Closes In On Arjuna Mahendran, As COPE Summons Him Next Week

June 30th, 2016

Courtesy Colombo Telegraph

The net appears to be closing in on the outgoing Governor of Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran, with the Auditor General implicating Mahendran in the first bond issuance which has resulted in the country losing a staggering Rs. 1.6 billion rupees, the Colombo Telegraph learns.

Arjuna Mahendran

Arjuna Mahendran

The highly anticipated Auditor General’s report containing details on the treasury bond transactions was handed over to Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and the Parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) on Wednesday.

The Colombo Telegraph reliably learns that the Auditor General’s report has been highly damaging to Mahendran.

Meanwhile, the COPE has decided to summon Mahendran for an inquiry next week.

COPE Chairman Sunil Handunneththi told Colombo Telegraph that the committee will meet on July 5 to discuss the AG’s report in detail.

We have also summoned officials from the Treasury, Central Bank including its Monetary Board for an inquiry,” he said

The Auditor General today submitted a report comprising of over 1200 pages to Speaker Jayasuriya, while a summarized report was handed over to COPE, which is currently carrying out an independent investigation into the bond transactions carried out during Mahendran’s term as Governor.

An immediate inquiry must be held on financial crimes at Central Bank

June 30th, 2016

ACF  Media Unit

The two Central Bank (CB) treasury bond scandals and the crisis that has occurred in appointing a new governor to CB have exposed the attempts to protect the corrupt by some elements of the ‘good governance’ government. The report of the Auditors General has stated that the activities of current CB administration  have caused a loss of Rs. 1620 million to the state. ACF insists that that an immediate investigation on those who caused this loss and legal action based on the investigation.

The President was to appoint a new governor to the CB yesterday (29). However that was not possible due to the intervention of the Prime Minister who insisted that Charitha Ratwatte should be appointed as the governor. The President has rejected this proposal.

Ratwatte is one of the key figures that led to the defeat of the United National Front (UNF) administration. His ‘Regaining Sri Lanka’ initiative was not only condemned by the general public but also by some of the staunchest UNPers. Ratwatte’s appointment will lead to the implementation of neo liberal economic policies, which will ensure austerity, which has proven ineffective across the world, increased taxation and enforce the corrupt systems created by the Rajapaksa administration and sustained by men like Arjuna Mahendran.

Today is the last day of Mahendran’s tenure as the head of the CB. What is unfortunate is that the Bribery Commission has not followed up it’s in- depth inquiry into the first treasury bond scam.

On the other hand there is a systematic initiative by those involved in the treasury bond scam to discredit the report of the Auditor General’s report. ACF has reliably learnt that they are making a number of affidavits stating that the information in the report is false. It is up to the COPE to take future action based on this report.

It is imperative that legal action be taken against those alleged of being involved in corruption activities. But it is unfortunate that there is a systematic attempt to protect this official and his corrupt colleagues by the highest echelons of power ad those calling themselves ‘civil society activists.’

ACF  Media Unit

June30, 2016

ANANDA COLLEGE EMERGE CHAMPIONS AT THE 11TH SRI LANKA SCHOOLS’ ENGLISH DEBATING CHAMPIONSHIP

June 30th, 2016

Press Release – Ananda College English Debating Society

The English Debating Team of Ananda College (Team-B) emerged Champions at the 11th Sri Lanka Schools’ English Debating Championship, organized by the Faculty of Law, University of Colombo. The aforesaid tournament is considered to be the pinnacle of the local English debating scene, the most prestigious all-island inter-school debating championship and the tournament with the highest number of participant schools every year; This year saw the participation of 56 teams from around 28 schools from all over the island.

Not only did B-Team of Ananda College emerge as Champions, they did so by defeating the ‘A-team’ of their own school at the Grand Finale; an All-Ananda Final” so to speak, an occurrence that has never happened at the said tournament; a Final round where the both teams competing for the coveted title were from the same school.

This year’s champion team comprised of Sandun Batagoda, Mahin De Silva and Yuwanath De Silva, and the Runner up team comprised of Tharuka Perera, Minul Muhandiramge and Navindu Palliyaguruge. Furthermore two speakers from the above teams were ranked among the top 10 individual best speakers of the tournament with Mahin De Silva ranking 4th and Minul Muhandiramge ranking 8th.

AnadaCollege

The Grand Final was held on the 25th of June 2016 from 5 pm onwards at the Senate Hall of the College House of the University of Colombo. Furthermore, a team from Ananda College also managed to make it up to the finals of the same tournament in 2014, and ended up becoming the runners’ up of the tournament.

3 teams, namely A, B and C teams, participated from Ananda College at the aforesaid tournament this year while the A Team members participated for the tournament in the middle of their last term test (ALs).  They are sitting for their A Level exams this August.

Moreover, B team and C teams formerly participated at the Asian Schools’ Debating Championship in Malaysia, just 2 weeks before the Sri Lanka Schools’ English Debating Championship with both teams winning 4 and 3 rounds respectively out of the 6 preliminary rounds. Ananda College was the only Sri Lankan Debating team that participated at the said tournament this year. Furthermore, the A team has also participated at the Asian Schools’ Debating Championship in previous years.

At this year’s Sri Lanka Schools Debating Championship, Team A and Team B won 6 out of the 8 preliminary rounds and qualified for the octo-finals and won each round at separate octo-finals, quarter finals and semifinals. At the semifinals A team and the B team emerged victorious against Royal College, Colombo and Colombo International School respectively.

Seniors, members of team A were the main mentors of the members of team B together with the other senior ex- debaters along with coaches Mr. Damitha Karunarathne Attorney-at-Law and Mr. Lithmal Jayawardhana.

The team also acknowledge the long term support received from Mr. Gomin Dayasri Attorney-at-Law, Mr. Nishantha de Silva and Mr. Tharindra Gooneratne as well as the teachers in charge Mrs. Ramya Samaradivakara, Mrs. Sunethra Siriwardena, Mrs. Shymalie Perera and the Principal of Ananda College, Mr. Kithsiri Liyanagamage.

Furthermore special acknowledgment must be given Mr. Damitha Karunarathne, who has been coaching the Ananda College English Debating Team for over 5 years as a volunteer and an Old Anandian.

Team B was joyous in discovering that they won against their senior team A at the finals.  However,  their immediate reaction was to call upon their seniors (team A) to receive the Champions Trophy as the seniors were the main reason they were as good as they were.

Judges were of very high caliber comprised of the members of the Moot Court and Debating Society of the Faculty of Law of the University of Colombo, Debaters Council of Sri Lanka including Lawyers and other professionals. Judges Unanimously agreed that it was one of the best finals they have seen at this tournament for a long time.

When asked about the victory, Mr. Damitha Karunarathne said, The path to glory was definitely not an easy one, it was full of obstacles, but the team managed to persevere and make many great achievements along the way. Most importantly, we had to train ourselves to believe in ourselves, when things weren’t going great. It took us more than half a decade to get to where we are.”

Some of the notable achievements for the team along the way include becoming the champions of the Asian Schools’ Debating Championship in 2012 in the Novice Category, becoming the Champions at “The Debater” organized by MTV Sports Channel (1st Season)” in 2013, becoming Overall Champions of Vijitha Weerasinghe Challenge Shield” organized by Royal College Colombo in 2015 and qualifying for the advanced and final rounds of many local and international tournaments  and producing many great individual speakers along the way.

And Mr. Lithmal Jayawardhana, added in, by saying, I am extremely proud to say that our juniors have surpassed all of us by a trillion miles and have achieved greater heights in the field of debating that we could only dream of. It is also very endearing to see the results of the countless hours spent on by us as a team, engaging in stressful debates, hectic research sessions and what not.”

Minul Muhandiramge, the captain of the A team said, My team decided to take part in this tournament this year, even in the middle of our final term test before our AL examination which is in August, because the deep love we have for debating, the contingent and our school. It was indeed a privilege to go up against our own juniors from school, and the fact that they managed to defeat us at the finals brings us only a sense of joy and pride, that the future of debating at Ananda is in really good hands!”

Furthermore, the captain of the champion team, Sandun Batagoda said, We would like to dedicate this victory to our A team, our coaches, our fellow debaters, because we wouldn’t be where we are now, if not for them; especially the members of the A team who were practically our mentors. We would also to thank all our well-wishers for supporting us throughout our journey.”

The Audience included students from Ananda College, sponsors, parents of debaters, teachers, fellow debaters from participating schools, lecturers of the University of Colombo, students of the Faculty of Law and debate enthusiasts.

Few of the past champions of the aforesaid tournament includes, St. Thomas’ College, Mount, Royal College, Colombo, St. Joseph’s College, Colombo and Gateway College.

විගණකාධිපති වාර්තාවේ කරුණු වෙනස් කරන්නට අර්ජුන් – සමරසිරි ගෙන් මෙහෙයුමක්

June 30th, 2016

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය දූෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

කථානායකවරයා සහ කෝප් කමිටුව වෙත ඊයේ බාර දුන් විගණකාධිපති වාර්තාවේ සදහන් වන කරුණු නිවැරදි නොවන බව සදහන් කරමින් මහ බැංකුවේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන්ගෙන් දිව්රුම් ප්‍ර‍කාශ ලබා ගැනීමේ ව්‍යාපාරයක් මේ වන විට ක්‍රියාත්මක වේ.  අර්ජුන් මහේන්ද්‍ර‍න් සහ නියෝජ්‍ය අධිපති සමරසිරි විසින් මහ බැංකුවේ නිලධාරීන්ට ඒ සදහා බලපෑම් කරමින් සිටින බව ‘දුෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ‘ අනාවරණය කරයි. 

කෝප් කමිටුවේ වාර්තාවක් ලබා ගෙන ඇති අර්ජුන් කණ්ඩායම එහි සදහන් කරුණු නිවැරදි නොවන බවට කරුණු දැක්වීම මෙම උත්සාහයේ අරමුණයි.  විගණකාධිපති වාර්තාවේ ඇති චෝදනා සම්බන්ධයෙන් ‘එය එසේ නොව මෙසේ සිදු වූ බව‘ ප්‍ර‍කාශ කිරීමට සකස් කරනු ලැබූ දිවුරුම් ප්‍ර‍කාශ සදහා අත්සන් ගැනීමට මේ පිරිස උත්සහ දරයි.

අද සවස 4.00 ට මහ බැංකුවේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ නිලධාරීන්ගේ රැස්වීමක් කැදවා ඇත.  බැදුම්කර වංචාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් විගණකාධිපති වාර්තාවෙන් චෝදනා ලබා සිටින නියෝජ්‍ය අධිපති සමරසිරි එම වාර්තාව නිවැරදි නොවන බවට පොදු ප්‍ර‍කාශයකට අත්සන් ගැනීමට නියමිතය.

මාධ්‍ය ඒකකය

දූෂණ විරෝධී පෙරමුණ

2016 ජූනි මස 29 වැනිදා

මහා ටොයි ආර්ථිකය උඩුකුරුඤ්ඤං.. මහින්ද රටම නොදුටු අවුල ලිහා පෙන්නවයි..

June 29th, 2016

(හිටපු ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාපක්‍ෂ මහතා 2016 ජුනි 29 වෙනි බදාදා, ඒකාබද්ධ විපක්‍ෂයේ බත්තරමුල්ල කාර්යාලයේ දීයහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ බදු සහ ණය අර්බුදය ගැන කල දේශනයේ පිටපත.)

යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ බදු සහ ණය අර්බුදය

අතිපූජනීය සංඝරත්නයෙන් අවසරයි, අන්‍ය ආගමික පූජකතුමනි, මන්ත‍්‍රීවරුනි, මිත‍්‍රවරුනි.

අපිට අද පේනවා වැට් බද්දට රට පුරාම විශාල විරෝධයක් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙනවා කියන කාරණය. විශේෂයෙන්ම නගර ආශ‍්‍රිත වෙළඳ ප‍්‍රජාව අද ජනතා සහයෝගයත් ඇතිව මේ බද්දට විරුද්ධව පාරට බැහැල තියෙනවා. ආණ්ඩුව මේ බද්ද සාධාරණීකරනය කරන්න පහුගිය කාලේ විශාල මුදලක් වියදම් කරලා හැම ජනමාධ්‍යකම දැන්වීම් දාල කිවුවේ මගේ පාලන සමය තුළ ගත්ත ණය ගෙවන්න බදු අයකරන්න වෙලා තියෙනවා කියලා. මෙතන ඇත්තටම වෙලා තියෙන්නෙ මොකක්ද කියලා ජනතාවට කියන්න  ඕන කියලා මම හිතුවා. මම ඉස්සෙල්ලා ණය ගැනීම කියන කාරණයෙන් පටන්ගන්නම්.

රටකට ගන්න පුලූවන් ණය ප‍්‍රමාණය තීරණය වෙන්නෙ ඒ ණය ආපහු ගෙවන්න තියෙන හැකියාව උඩයි. මගේ ආණ්ඩුව හැම විටම ණය ගත්තෙ ඒ කාරණය හොඳින් මතක තබාගෙන. මහා භාණ්ඩාගාරයේ වාර්තා වලට අනුව මගේ  පාලන සමයේ අවසන් අවුරුදු 7 දී හැම අවුරුද්දකම විදෙස් ණය වාරික හා පොලිය වශයෙන් ගෙවන්න වුණේ මෙන්න මේ වගේ ගණන්.

  • 2008   – ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.4
  • 2009   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.3
  • 2010   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.2
  • 2011   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.5
  • 2012   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.2
  • 2013   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.4
  • 2014   – ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.2

මේවා ගෙවා ගන්න බැරි තරම් ලොකු ගණන් නොවෙයි. ඒ වගේම අපි මතක තබාගන්න  ඕන මම ණය ගත්තෙ කන්න බොන්න නෙවෙයි මම ණය ගත්තෙ  යුද්ධය දිනන්න සහ රටේ එතෙක් නොකෙරුණු වැදගත් ව්‍යාපාති ගොඩනගන්න. මගේ ආණ්ඩුව ගොඩනගපු දේවල් මුලූ රට පුරාම පේන්න තියෙනවා. මේ ආණ්ඩුවේ ලොක්කො තාමත් විවෘත කරන්නෙ මම පටන්ගත්ත ව්‍යාපෘති විතරයි. මම මොන දේට ණය ගත්තත් බොහොම පරිස්සමෙන් සැලසුම් කරලා තමයි ගත්තෙ. ඒකයි ගෙවන්න බැරි ණය වාරික අපේ ආණ්ඩුවට තිබුණෙ නැත්තෙ.

නමුත් පසුගිය අවුරුද්දෙ ජනවාරියෙ ඉඳල යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ඉවක් බවක් නැතුව ණය ගත්ත. ඒ අය 2015 ඉඳලා ඉන්දියාවෙන් අවස්ථා තුනකදී මූල්‍ය ඒකක හුවමාරු පදනම යටතේ ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.3 ක් ගත්ත. ඊට පස්සෙ 2015 මැයි සහ ඔක්තෝබර් වල ජාත්‍යන්තර බැඳුම්කර නිකුත් කිරීම් දෙකකින් ඩොලර් බිලියන 2.15 ක් ගත්ත. ඒ වගේම 2015 මාර්තු ඉඳල 2016 ජුනි දක්වා අවස්ථා 13 කදී ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සංවර්ධන බැඳුම්කර නිකුත් කරල තව ඇමාරිකානු ඩොලර් බිලියන 3.1 ක් ලබා ගත්තා. එතකොට මේ පසුගිය මාස 18 ඇතුලත යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවෙන් විතරක් ඩොලර් බිලියන 7.7 ක් ණයට අරගෙන තියෙනව. ඒකෙන්  ඩොලර් බිලියන 3.3 ක්ම මේ අවුරුද්ද ඉවරවෙන්න කලින් ගෙවන්න  ඕන.

මේ ණය වලින් සමහර ඒව ගෙවල ඉවරයි. උදාහරණයක් වශයෙන් මූල්‍ය ඒකක හුවමාරු පදනම යටතේ මේ අය ඉන්දියාවෙන් මාස 6 කට ලබාගත් ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.1 ගෙවල ඉවරයි. ඒ වගේම සමහරක් කෙටිකාලීන ශ‍්‍රී ලංකා සංවර්ධන බැඳුම්කර කල් පිරුණාම ගෙවල ඉවරයි. නමුත් මේ අවුරුද්ද ඉවර වෙන්න කලින් තවත් ණය කන්දරාවක් තියෙනව ගෙවන්න. යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ගත්ත මේ අතිවිශාල ණය ප‍්‍රමාණය ගෙවන්න සිදු වෙන්නෙ කළින් ආණ්ඩු ගත්ත ණය ගෙවන අතරතුරමයි. ඉතින් මේ හින්දා ලංකාවට විශාල ණය බරක් ඇවිත් තියෙනව. කලින් ආණ්ඩු ගත්ත ණය කියන්නෙ මගේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ගත්ත ණය විතරක් නෙවෙයි. මේකෙ තියෙනව ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහත්තයගෙ කාලෙ ඉඳන් ගත්ත දිගු කාලීන ණය. සෑම ආණ්ඩුවක්ම කලින් තිබුණ ආණ්ඩුවල ණයත් ගෙවනව. මමත් 2005 දී බලයට පත් වුණාට පස්සෙ කලින් ආණ්ඩු වල ණය ගෙව්ව.

මේ ආණ්ඩුව බලයට ආවට පස්සෙ ඉවක් බවක් නැතුව ණය ගත්ත නිසා මේ අවුරුද්දේ ලෝකයේ ප‍්‍රධානම ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් ආයතන ඒ කියන්නෙ මුඞීස්,  ෆිච් හා ස්ටෑන්ඩර්ඞ් ඇන්ඞ් පුවර් යන ආයතන තුනම අපේ රටට දීල තියෙන්නෙ ඍණාත්මක පුරෝකතන. ඒ කියන්නෙ  නෙගටිව් අවුට්ලූක්” කියන එක. ඒකට හේතුව වශයෙන් මේ හැම ආයතනයක්ම දක්වපු ප‍්‍රධානම කාරණය තමයි මේ අවුරුද්ද ඉවර වෙන්න කළින් ගෙවන්න තියෙන මහා ණය කන්දරාව. ස්ටෑන්ඩර්ඞ් ඇන්ඞ් පුවර් ආයතනය අපිට ඍණාත්මක පුරෝකතනයක් දුන්න විතරක් නෙවෙයි, ලංකාවට පාලනය කර ගත නොහැකිව ඉදිරි වසර 3 ඇතුළත තවත් ණය බර වැඩිවෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙන බව කිවුව. ලංකාවේ මූල්‍ය තත්වයේ පැහැදිලි වෙනසක් නොපෙනුනොත් ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම තවත් පල්ලෙහාට දාන්න සිද්ධ වෙන බවටත් ඒගොල්ලො අනතුරු අඟවලයි තියෙන්නෙ.

තත්වය ඔහොම තියෙන කොට යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව අඬල දොඩල ජාත්‍යයන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලෙන් ඩොලර් බිලියන 1.5ක ණයක් ගත්ත. ජාත්‍යයන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සහනදායි පොළියකට ණය දෙනකොට ඒ දීපු ණය ආපසු ලබා ගන්න පුලූවන් වෙන ආකාරයට අදාල රටේ මූල්‍ය තත්වය වර්ධනය වෙන බවටත් වගබලාගෙන තමයි දෙන්නෙ. ඉතින් ඒ වගේ කොන්දේසී තියෙන හින්ද සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර අරමුදල සමඟ යම්කිසි රටක් ණය ගණුදෙනුවකට එළඹුනාම ජාත්‍යන්තර පුද්ගලික ණය වෙලඳපලටත් ඒ රටේ මූල්‍ය ස්ථාවරභාවය ගැන යම් විශ්වාසයක් ඇති වෙනව.

ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල ලංකාවට ණයක් දෙන්න සූදානම් කිවුවට පස්සෙත් ෆිච් සහ මූඞීස් කියන ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් ආයතන දෙකම මාධ්‍ය නිවේදන නිකුත්කරල කිවුවෙ ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල ලංකාවට දීල තියෙන ඉලක්ක සපුරා ගන්න එක ගැන ඒ අයට කිසිම විශ්වාසයක් නැති බවයි. මූල්‍ය අරමුදලෙ ණයෙන් ලංකාව ගොඩ ගන්න බැරි බවත් ලංකාවෙ ණය බර මේ අවරුද්දෙත් ඊළග අවුරුද්දෙත් තවත් වැඩිවෙනව කියල මූඩිස් ආයතනය කිවුව. ජුනි මාසෙ මුලදී ජාත්‍යන්තර අරමුදල ලංකාවට දෙන ණය සම්මත කරල ඩොලර් මිලියන 168 ක පළමු කොටසත් දුන්න. ඒ මුදල් ආවටත් පස්සෙ තමයි මුඩිස් ආයතනය ලංකාවට ඍණාත්මක පුරෝකතනයක් දුන්නෙ. ඉතින් හිතල බලන්න ලංකාවට දැන් ලෝක ණය වෙලඳපොල තුළ තියෙන තත්වෙ මොකක්ද කියල. කිසියම් රටක් ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල සමඟ වැඩපිළිවලකට එළඹුනාට පස්සෙත් ඒ රටේ ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම පහල වැටුණු මුල්ම අවස්ථාව මේක කියල තමයි ආර්ථික විශේෂඥයො කියන්නෙ. මූඩිස් ආයතනයත් අපිට ඍණාත්මක පුරෝකතනයක් දීල කිවුවෙ ඉදිරියේදී අපේ රට ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් වලින් තවත් පහලට වැටෙන්න ඉඩ තියෙනව කියලයි.

සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලත් එක්ක වැඩ පිළිවෙලකට එළඹුනාම ජාත්‍යන්තර පෞද්ගලික ණය වෙළඳපල තුළ ඒ රටේ මූල්‍ය ස්ථාවරභාවය ගැන යම් විශ්වාසයක් පහල වෙනවයි කියල මම කලින් කිවුව. මේ ආණ්ඩුව හැදුවෙ මූල්‍ය අරමුදලත් එක්ක තියෙන ගිවිසුම පෙන්න පෙන්න වානිජ ණය වෙලඳපලේ දිගට හරහට ණය ගන්න. මෙන්න මේ පිස්සු ක‍්‍රියා කළාපයට බය වෙලා තමයි ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් ආයතන ලංකාව ගැන මේ වගේ නිශේධනාත්මක අදහස් පලකරන්නෙ. ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කිරීම් අයතන වල රස්සාව තමයි ණය ගන්න පිරිස් වල මූල්‍ය ස්ථාවරභාවය ගැන විස්තර ණය දෙන පාර්ශව වලට සපයන එක. ඒ අනුව ණය දෙන පාර්ශව වලට ඒ අය ගන්න අවදානම ගැන  යම්කිසි අදහසක් ඇති කර ගන්න පුලූවන් වෙනව.

මම මෙච්චර වෙලා කතා කලේ විදේශ ණය ගැන විතරයි. නමුත් යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුව ආවට පස්සෙ ඒ අය ලංකාව ඇතුලෙ රුපියල් වලිනුත් වියරුවෙන් වගේ ණය අරගෙන තියෙනව. මහ බැංකු වාර්තාවට අනුව 2015 එක අවුරුද්දක් ඇතුළත රුපියල් ණය 16% කින් වැඩිවෙලා තියෙනව. ඒ කියන්නෙ 2014 අන්තිමට තිබුණු රුපියල් බිලියන 4,278 ක් වුණ දේශීය ණය 2015 ඉවර වෙනකොට රුපියල්  බිලියන 4,959 දක්වා රුපියල් බිලියන 681 කින් වැඩිවෙලා තියෙනව. නිදහස ලැබූ දා ඉඳලම එක අවුරුද්දක් ඇතුළත රුපියල් ණය ඔය වගේ ගණනකින් වැඩිවෙලා නැහැ. 2015 අවුරුද්ද සඳහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙන් නියම කරල තිබුණු ණය සීමාව දෙගුණයකට ආසන්න ප‍්‍රමාණයකින් ඉක්මවල තියෙනවා කියල විගනකාධිපතිවරයත් කියල තියෙනව.

වත්මන් ආණුඩව මේ විදියට ණය ගත්තට මොනම සංවර්ධයක්වත් වෙන්නෙ නැහැ. අපි දීල තිබුණු කොන්ත‍්‍රාත් ඉවරවෙනකොට ඒ අය යනව විවෘත කිරීමේ උත්සවයට. මේ අය සැලසුම් කරල පටන්ගත්ත එක ව්‍යාපෘතියක්වත් නැහැ. හැබැයි කිසිම ආණ්ඩුවක් නොගත්ත විදියට ණය ගන්නව. අපි යුද්ධ කාලෙවත් මෙහෙම ණය ගත්තෙ නැහැ. මේ අය ණය ගන්නෙ එදිනෙදා වියදම් පියවගන්න. 2015 ජනාධිපතිවරණය බොරු කියල දිනාගත්තා.2015 අගෝස්තු පාර්ලිමේන්තු මැතිවරණයත් ඒ විදියටම දිනාගන්න බැරි නිසා වෙන විදියකට මිනිස්සු රවට්ටන්න  ආර්ථිකයට දරාගන්න බැරි වැටුප් වැඩිකිරීම්, බදු සහන වගේ දේවල් දුන්න. මේ සහන දෙන්න යන මුදල් ආපසු අයකරගන්න වෙන්නෙ මහජනතාවගෙන්ම කියන කාරණය ඒගොල්ලො කිවුවෙ නැහැ. ඒ ගොල්ලො පෙන්නන්න හැදුවෙ රාජපක්‍ෂලාට මේ සහන දෙන්න පුලුවන්කම තිබුනත් මිනිස්සුන්ට සහන දෙන්නෙ නැතුව පාලකයොන්ගෙ සුඛවිහරණයට වියදම් කලා කියලනේ. ඉතින් නාස්තිකාර රාජපක්‍ෂලා එලෙව්වට පස්සෙ  ඕනතරම් සහන දෙන්න පුලුවන් කියල මවාපෑමක් පෙන්නුව. ඒගොල්ලො දීපු වැටුප් වැඩිකිරීම් සහ වෙනත් සහන වලට යන වියදම් එකපාරටම බදු වලින් අයකරගන්න පටන්ගන්න බැරි නිසා ඒ සහන වලට මුදල් හොයාගන්න දිගට හරහට ණය ගන්න පටන්ගත්ත. මවාපෑම පාර්ලිමේන්තු ඡන්දය ඉවරවුන ගමන්ම නතරකරන්නත් බෑනේ.

මාස කීපයක් යනකන් පුලුවන් ණයවලින්ම රෝල ගහන්න. ඊට පස්සෙ එනව විදේශීය පුද්ගලික වෙලඳපල ණය දෙන්න බයවෙන තත්වයක්. ඔන්න එතකොට තමයි ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලට යන්නෙ. ඒ අය ගාවට ගියාම ඒ අය ණයත් එක්කම වැඩ පිළිවෙලකුත් දෙනවා. ඉස්සෙල්ලම කියන්නෙ දැන් මේ ගත්ත ණය ගෙවන්න සල්ලි හොයන්න කියල. කොන්දේසි ඉටුකරන විදියට තමයි ණය මුදල් ටික ටික දෙන්නෙ. ඔන්න ඉතින් ආණ්ඩුව ආදායම් වැඩිකරගන්න වැට් බද්ද වැඩිකරනව. ජාතිය ගොඩනැගීමේ බද්දත් පුළුල් කරනව. මේකෙන් ලංකවෙ අමුතුම තත්වයක් ඇතිවෙනව. මුලු ලෝකෙ පුරාම කිරිපිටි, තිරිඟු පිටි, සීනි, බොරතෙල්, වානේ, සිමෙන්ති වගේ අපි ආනයනය කරන දේවල් වල මිල පසුගිය මාස 18 ඇතුළත විශාල ගණන් වලින් අඩුවෙලා තියෙනව. නමුත් ලංකාවෙ විතරක් මේ යහපාලන බදු වැඩි කිරීම නිසා මිල අඩුවෙන්න  ඕන බඩුවල මිල වැඩිවෙලා තියෙනව. ඒ නිසා තමයි මම මේ පාර මැයි දිනේට කලින් කිවුවෙ මේ වැට් ඇතුලු බදු වැඩිකිරීම් වලට විරුද්ධව ලංකාවෙ මුලු ජනතාවම එකා වගේ නැගී ඉන්න  ඕන කියලා.

ඒ අස්සෙ ආණ්ඩුව තවත් බදු ගහන විදි කල්පනා කරනව. ඉදිරි සති ගණන ඇතුලත අලූතෙන්ම ප‍්‍රාග්ධන බද්දක් හඳුන්වල දෙනව කියල අගමැතිවරයත්, ඇමතිවරුත් කියනව. ඒ අය කියන්නෙ පහුගිය කාලෙ ගොඩක් මිනිස්සු සල්ලි හම්බකරගත්ත නිසා ඒ ධනයෙන් දැන් ප‍්‍රාග්ධන බද්දක් අයකරන්න  ඕන කියල. මම රට පාලනය කරපු අවුරුදු 9 ඇතුළත ආර්ථිකය බිඳවැටුනයි කියන අයම තමයි අනෙක් පැත්තට කියන්නෙ මිනිස්සු හොඳට  හම්බකරගෙන තියෙන නිසා ප‍්‍රාග්ධන බද්දක් අයකරන්න  ඕන කියල. මේ ප‍්‍රාග්ධන බද්ද කිවුවම සමහර කට්ටිය හිතන්න ඉඩ තියෙනව මේක බලපාන්නෙ ධනය තියෙන  අයට විතරයි කියල. නමුත් මෙතන ප‍්‍රාග්ධනය කියල අදහස් වෙන්නෙ  ඕනම කෙනෙකුට තියෙන දේපලක්. ගොවියෙක් හරි කම්කරුවෙක් හරි තමන් සතු ඉඩම විකිණුවත් ඒක ගත්තු මිලයි විකුණපු මිලයි අතර වෙනසට බදු ගහනව. ගුරුවරයෙක් බැංකු ණයකින් හදපු ගෙයක් විකිණුවත් ඒකටත් බදු ගහනව. ප‍්‍රාග්ධන බද්ද ගහනව කියන්නෙ වැටි බද්ද වැඩිකරනවට නොදෙවෙනි දෙයක්.

මේ ආණ්ඩුවට මුලූ රටම පෙනෙන්නෙ තමන්ට පොශණය ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා කිරි දොවා ගන්න පුලූවන් එලදෙනක් හැටියට තමයි. මේ පසුගිය සති ගණන ඇතුලත සිදුවෙච්ච ගංවතුර, නායයෑම්, අවි ගබඩා ගිනි ගැනීම් අස්සෙත් ඇමති වරුන්ට සැප වාහන ගන්න පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට පරිපූරක ඇස්තමේන්තුවක් ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන්ම මේ අයගෙ ඔලුව වැඩ කරන්නෙ කොයි විදියටද කියල මුලු ජනතාවම දැක්ක. මෙතන දැන් තවත් භයානක ක‍්‍රියා දාමයක් සිදුවෙනව. මේ ආණ්ඩුව ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදල එක්ක තියෙන වැඩ පිළිවෙල පෙන්නල හොංකොං ඇන්ඞ් ශැන්හායි බැංකුව, සිටි බෑන්ක්, ඇතුලු බැංකු 5ක මැදිහත් වීමෙන් ඩොලර් බිලියන 3.5ක මහාපරිමාණ ණයක් ගන්න සූදානම් කරල තියෙනව. ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම ණය ශ්‍රේණිගත කරන ආයතන බය වුනෙත් මේක දැකල වෙන්න  ඕන. මේ ණය ගිවිසුමේ ඇති සමහර කොන්දේසි වලට නීතිපති දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව විරුද්ධ වෙලා තියෙනව කියල සන්ඬේ ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතේ පලවුණා. මේ වගේ අවදානම් සහිත ණය දෙනකොට යම් යම් සිද්ධීන් සිදු වුනොත් ණය අවලංගු කරල ඒ මුලු මුදල් ප‍්‍රමාණයම එකවරම  ආපසු ණය දෙන්නාට ලබාගත හැකි වෙන විදියට කොන්දේසි දමනව. මේ වගේ කොන්දේසි සාමාන්‍යයෙන් දමන්නෙ අනෙක් සියලුම ණය වලට කලින් මේ ණය ගෙවල ඉන්න  ඕන කියන කාරණය තහවුරු කර ගන්නයි.

ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි මේ ණය ගණුදෙනුවට සම්බන්ධ බැංකු වලට ඒ අයට තියෙන අයිතීන් වෙන බැංකු වලට විකුණන්නත් පුලූවන්. එතකොට ඒ තුන්වෙනි පාර්ශව වලටත් ණය එක්වරම ආපහු ලබා ගන්න මුල් බැංකු වලට තියෙන අයිතියම තියෙනව. සන්ඬේ ටයිම්ස් පුවත්පතට අනුව නීතිපතිවරයා පෙන්නල දීල තියෙන තවත් කාරණයක් තමයි මේ විදියට ණය ආපහු එක්වරම කැඳවල ආණ්ඩුවට ඒක ගෙවාගන්න බැරි වුණොත් එයින් ලංකා ආණ්ඩුවට තියෙන වෙනත් ණය ගිවිසුම්වල පොදු කොන්දේසිත් ස්වයංක‍්‍රීයව ක‍්‍රියාත්මක වෙලා ඒ ණයත් සියල්ල එක්වරම ගෙවීමට සිදුවන බවයි. නීතිපතිවරයා මේ කරල තියෙනවයි කියන අනතුරු හැඟවීම ඉතාම බරපතලයි.

මේ ආණ්ඩුව දැන් ඉන්නෙ ණය ලබා ගන්න  ඕනම කොන්දේසියකට එකඟ වෙන මානසිකත්වයක. මම ආණ්ඩුවට ඉතා  ඕනකමින් කියා සිටින්නෙ මේ අවස්ථාවේදී මේ බැංකු 5ත් සමඟ ඇතිකරගෙන තිබෙන ගිවිසුමත් නීතිපතිවරයා ඒ සම්බන්ධයෙන් දී තිබෙන උපදෙසුත් වහාම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සභාගත කල යුතු බවයි. මේ තීරණාත්මක මොහොතේදී ආණ්ඩුවේ මූල්‍ය කලමනාකරණය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට වාර්ථා වෙන්න  ඕන. අපේ රට අවුරුදු 30 ක යුද්ධයකට මුහුණ දීල තියෙනව. ඒ අතරතුර දකුණේ සන්නද්ධ කැරලි 2ක් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙනව. විදේශිය හමුදාවක් පවා මේ රටේ ස්ථානගත වෙලා ඉදල තියෙනව. නමුත් මේ යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවේ වියරු ණය ගැනීමෙන් ඇතිවෙලා තියෙන තරම් දරුණු අර්බුදයක් අර සියලුම කලබැගෑනි අස්සෙවත් ලංකාවට ඇති වුණේ නැහැ.

මේ රට වැටිලා තියෙන තත්වය අපේ ජනතාව හොඳින් අවබෝධ කරගන්න  ඕන.

ස්තුතියි.

මහින්ද රාජපක්‍ෂ (පා.ම.)
හිටපු ජනාධිපති

Govt. is looking for more ways to tax the people – Mahinda

June 29th, 2016

   

We have never faced a crisis as acute as the one created by the reckless borrowing of the Yahapalana Government. The people of this country should be aware of the situation that is developing,” former President Mahinda Rajapaksa says.
In a statement, he said Now the government is looking for more ways to tax the people. They have announced that a capital gains tax will be introduced in the coming weeks on the grounds that people accumulated a lot of wealth in the recent past and that this should be taxed.
It is ironic that while insisting that I ruined the economy, this government says in the same breath that people earned a lot of wealth during my tenure which has to be taxed. When ordinary people hear the phrase ‘capital gains tax’ they may assume that this is a tax levied only on rich people who own ‘capital’. But what is meant by capital in this case is property owned by anybody.
If a farmer, labourer or schoolteacher disposes of his land or house, he will have to pay a tax on the difference between the price at which he bought it and the price at which he sold it. The capital gains tax is no less objectionable than the VAT and NBT increase.”
Full statement:
It can be seen that the increase in the Value Added Tax has run into a great deal of opposition countrywide. Owners of small and medium businesses and traders in many towns have come out onto the streets against this tax hike with the support of the general public. The government tried to justify their tax increases by placing advertisements in all media stating that this tax increase is necessary to pay off the loans taken by my government. I thought it is only right that I explain to the people what has really caused this situation. The amount of debt that a country can take on depends on our capacity to pay back the loans as they become due. My government always ensured that borrowing was kept within manageable limits.  Treasury reports reveal that during the last seven years of my administration, foreign loan repayments (principal plus interest) that came due each year were as follows:
2008 – 1.4 billion USD
2009 – 1.3 billion USD
2010 – 1.2 billion USD
2011 – 1.5 billion USD
2012 – 2.2 billion USD
2013 – 2.4 billion USD
2014 – 2.2 billion USD
These were not excessive amounts that could not be met. Furthermore it should be borne in mind that my government did not take loans for consumption. We obtained loans to carry out the war against terrorism and to develop infrastructure which can be used by our people for decades if not centuries. What we have built can be seen all over the country. Leaders of this government are still opening only the projects that my government commenced. One minister publicly acknowledged this fact recently. Whenever we took out any loans for a project, it was done carefully in a planned manner which is why we never had to contend with an unmanageable piling up of debt.
However, since January last year, the present government has been on a reckless borrowing binge. They have borrowed 2.3 billion USD from India in the form of currency swaps on three occasions in March 2015, October 2015 and March 2016. Then they have borrowed 2.15 billion USD through sovereign bond issues in May and October 2015 and a further 3.1 billion USD through Sri Lanka Development Bond issues between March 2015 and June 2016. The total foreign loans taken by the yahapalana government now amounts to 7.7 billion USD. No less than 3.3 billion USD of this falls due for payment before the end of 2016.
Some of these dues such as the 1.1 billion USD six month currency swap from India have already been paid as have some of the short term Sri Lanka Development Bonds that were issued last year. Yet there is much more to be paid off before the end of this year. All this is over and above the loans taken by previous governments which also have to be repaid. The loans taken by previous governments is not a reference to the loans taken only by my government. Long term loans taken even during the J.R.Jayewardene era are still being repaid. Every government pays the debts of the governments that preceded it. After being elected into office in 2005, I too paid the debts taken by previous governments.
Reckless borrowing by the present government is the main reason why Sri Lanka was given negative outlook categorisations this year by Moody’s, Fitch and Standard & Poor – the three top international credit rating agencies. All three ratings agencies had cited the huge liabilities coming due for payment before the end of this year as the main reason for their decision to downgrade Sri Lanka. Standard and Poor’s not only gave us a negative outlook categorisation but also warned that in the coming three years, the debt burden would increase further. They also warned that if there was no improvement in the situation, a further downgrade may follow.
In this situation, the government obtained a loan of 1.5 billion USD from the IMF. When the IMF gives a loan to a country, they also impose conditions that are meant to create an environment where the recipient country would be able to pay back the loan taken. As a result of this, when a country enters into a programme with the IMF, the standing of that country in the credit market improves.
However, even after the IMF decided to give Sri Lanka a loan, both Fitch and Moody’s issued press statements saying that they were not confident about the capacity of the Sri Lankan government to meet the targets set by the IMF. Moody’s stated that Sri Lanka’s needs will not be met by the IMF loan and that they expected the debt burden to increase further this year and the next. In June this year the IMF executive board approved the loan to Sri Lanka and the first tranche of 168 million USD was also received. It was after the IMF money started coming in that Moody’s gave Sri Lanka a negative outlook categorisation on 20 June. Experts say this is the only known instance when even acceptance into an IMF programme has failed to bolster market confidence in a country. Having given us a negative outlook categorisation, Moody’s went to the extent of warning that a further downgrading of Sri Lanka may take place if the situation does not improve.   Even though entry into an IMF programme usually bolsters confidence in that country, the moves made by the yahapalana government to use the IMF programme as a cover to borrow more and more, seems to have unnerved the ratings agencies. The task of ratings agencies is to inform the markets about the creditworthiness of those taking loans so that the lenders can make an informed decision.
We have thus far been talking only of foreign debt, but domestic debt too has increased by 16% (Rs. 681 billion) from Rs. 4,278 billion at the end of 2014 to Rs. 4,959 by the end of 2015. This was the highest yearly increase in domestic debt since independence. The Auditor General too has revealed that the loans taken in 2015 were nearly double the borrowing limit mandated by parliament. Despite all these borrowings, the government has not started a single development project. When the contracts that my government signed are completed, leaders of this government go for the opening ceremonies.  There isn’t a single development project that has been initiated by this government. Yet they obtain loans as no government has done before. We did not get indebted like this even during the war.
The present government is using borrowed money for day to day expenses. They won the 2015 presidential election by uttering lies and making false accusations against me and my government.  Because they could not win the 2015 August parliamentary election using the same tactics,  they practiced a different kind of deception by giving people large salary increases and tax concessions that the economy could not sustain. They never told the people that it is the people themselves who will ultimately have to pay for all this election related largesse. They told the people that the Rajapaksas could have given all those concessions but they had used the money for the comfort of the ruling elite instead. They told the people that now that the wasteful Rajapaksas had been ousted, it was possible to give various concessions to the people. Because they could not increase taxes immediately to raise the income to meet the additional expenditure, they began to borrow money to fulfill their pledges.
You can live on credit for a number of months. But at a certain point the credit markets begin to get nervous. It is at that point that the government approached the IMF. The IMF gives a programme of action along with the loan. The first thing they would tell you is to start collecting the money to repay all the loans you took. The IMF tranches are released only after reviewing progress on the implementation of their conditions. Then we see VAT being increased and the application of the NBT being broadened to increase government revenue. This creates an anomalous situation in Sri Lanka. Over the past eighteen months, the global prices of milk food, wheat flour, sugar, crude oil, steel, cement and virtually everything that we import, has declined precipitously. But because of the yahapalana taxes, the prices of these goods have been increasing only in Sri Lanka. This is why I called on the people of Sri Lanka to rise up as one against these tax increases, a few days before May Day this year.
Now the government is looking for more ways to tax the people. They have announced that a capital gains tax will be introduced in the coming weeks on the grounds that people accumulated a lot of wealth in the recent past and that this should be taxed. It is ironic that while insisting that I ruined the economy, this government says in the same breath that people earned a lot of wealth during my tenure which has to be taxed. When ordinary people hear the phrase ‘capital gains tax’ they may assume that this is a tax levied only on rich people who own ‘capital’. But what is meant by capital in this case is property owned by anybody. If a farmer, labourer or schoolteacher disposes of his land or house, he will have to pay a tax on the difference between the price at which he bought it and the price at which he sold it. The capital gains tax is no less objectionable than the VAT and NBT increase.
Today the government sees the whole nation as a cow to be milked to sustain themselves. They clearly showed where their priorities lie by presenting a supplementary estimate to parliament to buy expensive luxury vehicles for ministers right in the middle of the unprecedented floods, landslides and manmade disasters that befell the country in the past several weeks. Now a new danger has manifested itself. Using the credentials provided IMF programme, the government has made hasty arrangements to take a syndicated loan of up to 3.5 billion USD facilitated by a consortium of five banks. This would have been a factor causing concern to the credit ratings agencies as well…
I earnestly request the government to table this loan agreement along with the Attorney General’s observations before parliament. The legislature needs to be informed about the financial management of the country at this critical moment. This is a country that has gone through 30 years of civil war and two insurgencies in the south. We have even had foreign armies on our soil. Yet we have never faced a crisis as acute as the one created by the reckless borrowing of the Yahapalana government. The people of this country should be aware of the situation that is developing.”

– See more at: http://adaderana.lk/news/35862/govt-is-looking-for-more-ways-to-tax-the-people-mahinda#sthash.h7OFv9pn.dpuf

The Stupidity of Rushing to Sign ETCA after Brexit

June 29th, 2016

Dilrook Kannangara

The UNP government is on the verge of yet another economically disastrous decision. Obviously, UNP leadership feels the shame of defeat in the Brexit vote as it worked hard to convince as many people to vote remain”. However, its kneejerk reaction is stupidity. Now it wants to speed up signing ETCA to overcome the economic adverse impact of Brexit. EU accounts for 40% of Sri Lanka’s exports and Brexit surely has an impact. UK is the second largest export destination of Sri Lankan exports. Depreciation of the sterling pound accompanied by the short term effects of Brexit will be felt badly. What is really worrying here is the UK and the EU are net importers of Sri Lankan exports. In other words, Sri Lanka carries a trade surplus against them.

However, India is on the other extreme. Sri Lanka has the worst trade deficit against India! By signing ETCA this trade deficit will worsen. In other words, the reduction in the trade surplus against Europe will be in addition to worsening trade deficit against India. That is a double whammy. It will double the overall trade deficit of the country and worsen the balance of payment crisis.

By rushing to sign ETCA fearing Brexit impact is displaying outright stupidity of the Prime Minister and the UNP government.

During Senanayaka and Jayawardane eras UNP was seen as the better of the two parties in economic management. However, after Jayawardana UNP’s economic credentials fell to nothingness. It is mainly due to the very poor quality people in the treasury, economic policy advisory and very heavy politicisation of the treasury and the central bank.

Credit rating suffered a second lowering within a year despite the IMF loan, which speaks volumes of the disastrous economic management of the UNP regime. It is rumoured that the discredited Central Bank governor will be replaced by a UNP politician! That will be yet another disaster. It must be noted that Mahinda’s choice of governor was also a UNP provincial councillor who also contested to enter parliament from the UNP ticket.

Public protests have broken out throughout the country against draconian VAT imposition on essentials and VAT increase on everything else. Despite borrowing $8 billion so far since January 2015, no new development work has been done by this government. Government ministers are showered with luxury vehicles while advising people to tighten their belts.

Under these circumstances, if ETCA is signed, the economy will be totally ruined resulting in unrest, riots and subversion.

Gota for the endgame

June 29th, 2016

By Rohana R. Wasala (Courtesy The Island)

 

And we shall play a game of chess,

Pressing lidless eyes and waiting for a knock upon the door.  From ‘A Game of Chess’( the second canto of The Waste Land” by T.S. Eliot)

Meaning of the epigraph

These lines from Eliot contain an allusion to the comedy A Game at Chess” (August 1624) by Thomas Middleton. It is a rather pornographic play where the action is in the form of a game of chess, which follows the stages of a seduction. The chess pieces are shown as human characters and states. The dramatist declares in the prologue that his play is based on a game of chess in which checkmate will be given to virtues’ foes”.

The latest stage of the ethnic conflict has become a political game of chess that represents an attempted rape of the unitary state of Sri Lanka.

Legitimate fear

For the establishment of a peaceful, prosperous, democratic society in Sri Lanka to become a reality, the legitimate fear of the majority Sinhalese that the unitary character of the Lankan state will soon be irretrievably lost must be allayed. We should not ignore the fact this fear is shared by the reasonable major proportion of the minority population living peaceably with the majority. The country took the initial step towards reaffirming and consolidating such a harmonious Sri Lankan nation in 2009 with the crushing of LTTE’s military capability. The defeat of armed separatist terrorism was a monumental victory for all Sri Lankans, made possible by the coming together of all the communities – Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, and others (no doubt, somewhat coerced by circumstances) –  under the leadership of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. For the peace and security and the tangible economic development we have achieved as a result of that historic victory all Sri Lankan citizens made voluntary sacrifices in unity. That unity was deeper and firmer than the spirit of unity and mutual support we normally see in action in our society during natural disasters like the 2004 tsunami and the recent havoc caused by floods and landslides. The post war reassertion of kinship was due to the popular realization attained after the bitter experience of terror that, after all, blood is thicker than water.

Federalism no solution   

National unity cannot be achieved by dividing the land and its resources unequally among different ethnic communities, which is what federalists are in effect demanding. There are many internal and external reasons why federalism is unacceptable for us. Within the country, roughly, according to the last census taken in 2012, the majority Sinhalese account for 75% of the population, Tamils 15%, and Muslims 10%. But, while, numerically, the Sinhalese predominate in the southern, western, and central parts of the country, Tamils and Muslims form majorities in the northern and eastern provinces respectively. The three communities are intermingled across the country; then there are geographical, demographic, economic, cultural, and historical factors that dictate against federalism as a solution to the Tamil problem. Externally, federalism is likely to jeopardize existing regional stability because it will inevitably be subject to the full force of India’s covert or sometimes (as in our case) cynically barefaced  irredentist designs over her small neighbours. For these and other equally cogent  reasons, the late constitutional lawyer and distinguished diplomat H.L. de Silva said, addressing  a seminar on Indian federalism” at the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo, in 2003: The Federal solution to end the ethnic conflict is like a snake a drowning man clutches onto in desperation to stay afloat…..Federalism is the beguiling serpent which by its fatal sting will bring an end to this precious Republic”.

Need for a strong oppositional leadership

At the present critical juncture, our country needs a strong oppositional leadership to democratically channel in the right direction the growing popular discontent with the current state of affairs in the country  so that the government may feel compelled to correct its course in the national interest, if anything has actually gone wrong. The citizens of the country have a duty to help the government to restore, instead of reverse, the positive trends  that the previous Rajapaksa government initiated, such as the restoration of democracy  to the north and east which had been worst hit by the conflict, the promotion of peaceful interaction between the different communities, the strategic management of foreign relations without relinquishing its responsibilities to the nation and without sacrificing national dignity, independence and sovereignty, and the maintenance of equitable economic development across the country.

Mahinda’s undiminished popularity

The more the current regime harasses the leaders of the successful former UPFA government and its senior officials leveling at them spurious charges of corruption, mismanagement of the economy and foreign relations, etc., the deeper and the more widespread the public disaffection with the former. The overwhelming crowds that attended the Joint Opposition’s ‘Janatha Satana’ (People’s Struggle) protest rally at Hyde Park Colombo on March 17, and its May Day rally at Kirulapana one and a half month later  both attended by Mahinda Rajapaksa have demonstrated this fact very clearly. That vouches for his domestic popularity. The rousing reception accorded to Mahinda in Japan by the Sri Lankans working and living there is an indication of his unmatched popularity among the Sri Lankan Diaspora in that country. Even the native Japanese joined them in extending this honour to him as we saw in the media.

Gota for the endgame

I am not competent enough in politics to offer advice to a great leader. But I allow myself to believe that Mahinda knows what he must do with his still growing popularity to save the country from the looming danger of federalism and eventual fragmentation of the country. I guess that he will form a new party or other organization and have nothing to with those of his former colleagues who left him to join Maithri. They have become Maithri’s sacrificial calves (rather, cows) for the purpose of protecting his and their own interests. Maithri will not seek a second term, and he will never prove false to Ranil. Mahinda cannot be in his agenda any longer, except it be for a repetition of the past.

But Mahinda will not be betrayed by his own brothers and the grateful people of the country. If Mahinda starts a new party or alliance, he is sure to co-opt his brother Gotabhaya. I am sure if that happens Gota will prove the greatest asset he and the country can possess at this dangerous point in our history. Gota will serve the nation with or without high office. He will help it play the endgame successfully, delivering the checkmate on the country’s foes.

These are my personal opinions for what they are worth.

ලංකා වංචාව 

June 29th, 2016

අනුර සෙනවිරත්න

 

පටබැඳී ලංකා රට හා ජාතිය මූලික අවුලය සින්හෙලයේ

හෙලදිව් දෙරනේ  ආක්රමනයට ඉන් මහමග පෑදියේ

නැත ලොව ජාතික රටකට මේවන් විනාසයේ

අප කිසිවෙකුටත් නැත මේ වග ඔලුගෙඩියට දැනිලායේ  

 

නැත ලැබුනේ නිදහස අපහට 48 වසරේ

දුන්නේ බාරෙට රට බොරු සිංහල කල්ලි හොරේ

ඩැහැ ගෙන ඉන්නේ හෙල රට තවමත් උන්ගේ මුන්ගේ බාරේ

නිදහස සඳහා සින්හෙල රජයක් ඕනෑමය මේ පාරේ   

 

SRI LANKA: Teacher asks students to beat up 10-year-old classmate

June 29th, 2016

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION – URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-073-2016

27 June 2016

——————————————————
SRI LANKA: Teacher asks students to beat up 10-year-old classmate

ISSUES: Child rights; torture; impartial investigation; impunity; rule of law; justice
——————————————————

Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information that a 10-year-old girl has been tortured on the instructions of her teacher at Anula Devi Girls’ College in Galle District, Sri Lanka. The teacher ordered the class to beat the 10-year old girl on the head, considering it a minor crime; 44 students out of 50 followed the order. As a result, their classmate was physically and mentally traumatised.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to the information received by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), a 10-year-old girl child studying in Grade 4 of the Anula Devi Girls’ College, Magalle in the Galle District, was tortured by her teacher inside the classroom on 26  February 2016.  On this particular day, while the teacher was conducting a lesson, she observed that the girl was engaged in conversation with her classmates instead of paying attention.  Angered by this behavior, the teacher punished the girl by asking all the other students to beat her on the head during the class. Of the total 50 students, 44 beat the girl as per the teacher’s instructions.

The girl as a result suffered enormous pain both physically and mentally, and is in a state of shock and trauma. She was not allowed to talk or give any explanations during the punishment, causing her much frustration and stress.

The Anula Devi Girls’ College of Galle District comes under the direct authority and governance of the Central Government Educational Department. The actions of the teachers and the principal must therefore be considered as administrative and executive actions under the Constitution of the country. The teacher allegedly responsible for torturing the child is still undergoing her period of practical training and is formally affiliated to the Ruhuna Teacher Training College. The Principal of the College has allowed this trainee teacher without any supervision to be in charge of these students, and must also take responsibility for this act of torture.

The incident was reported to the Galle District Child Development Committee, after which on 24 May 2016, the matter was discussed at a meeting. The probation officer Ms. K. Nanayakkara who is the state officer responsible for women and child care affairs, vehemently underlined the severity of the punishment. She noted that this particular ‘science teacher, who is a trainee teacher at the school, had meted out this cruel punishment causing much grief and pain to the student who had later been afraid to go to school’.

On May 26, the Harbor Police of Galle arrested the teacher and produced her before the Additional Magistrate of Galle. The lawyers appearing for her admitted to giving directions to the students to beat their classmate, and requested for bail. The court granted bail and ordered the release of the teacher under the condition of Rs. 100, 000/ personal sureties. Further, the Magistrate has ordered the teacher not to continue further harassment of the student and not to use harsh language against the victim child.

The AHRC observed that the victim student must be provided with special care and counselling to ensure her well-being. She should not be kept in the same atmosphere where she would suffer continued harassment as a result of this incident amongst the other children who assaulted her. Further, the trainee teacher should not be allowed to continue to work in the same school and it is the responsibility of the education authorities to also provide the victim child with special and due care as soon as possible to develop the victim child’s attitude and skills towards her future educational activities.

Law enforcement authorities must take all necessary measures to prosecute the alleged suspected teacher under the Penal Code for cruelty to the child, considered as a crime under law.

 

SUGGESTED ACTION:

Please write to the authorities listed below expressing your concern about this case and request an immediate investigation into the torturing of a student by a teacher in a government school. Furthermore, those proven to be responsible for this offence must be prosecuted under the criminal law of the country.

To support this case, please click here:

 

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ________, 

SRI LANKA: Teacher asks students to beat up 10-year-old classmate
Name of Victim: Girl of Grade 4 of the G/ Anula Devi Girls’ College in Galle District
Alleged perpetrators: Teacher and the school administration of the Anula Devi Girls’ College

Date of incident: 26 February 2016
Place of incident: Harbor Police Division Galle

According to the information received by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), a 10-year-old girl child studying in Grade 4 of the Anula Devi Girls’ College, Magalle in the Galle District, was tortured by her teacher inside the classroom on 26th February 2016.  On this particular day, while the teacher was conducting a lesson, she observed that the girl was engaged in conversation with her classmates instead of paying attention.  Angered by this behavior, the teacher punished the girl by asking all the other students to beat her on the head during the class. Of the total 50 students, 44 beat the girl as per the teacher’s instructions.

The girl as a result suffered enormous pain both physically and mentally, and is in a state of shock and trauma. She was not allowed to talk or give any explanations during the punishment, causing her much frustration and stress.

The Anula Devi Girls’ College of Galle District comes under the direct authority and governance of the Central Government Educational Department. The actions of the teachers and the principal must therefore be considered as administrative and executive actions under the Constitution of the country. The teacher allegedly responsible for torturing the child is still undergoing her period of practical training and is formally affiliated to the Ruhuna Teacher Training College. The Principal of the College has allowed this trainee teacher without any supervision to be in charge of these students, and must also take responsibility for this act of torture.

The incident was reported to the Galle District Child Development Committee, after which on 24 May 2016, the matter was discussed at a meeting. The probation officer Ms. K. Nanayakkara who is the state officer responsible for women and child care affairs, vehemently underlined the severity of the punishment. She noted that this particular ‘science teacher, who is a trainee teacher at the school, had meted out this cruel punishment causing much grief and pain to the student who had later been afraid to go to school’.

On May 26, the Harbor Police of Galle arrested the teacher and produced her before the Additional Magistrate of Galle. The lawyers appearing for her admitted to giving directions to the students to beat their classmate, and requested for bail. The court granted bail and ordered the release of the teacher under the condition of Rs. 100, 000/ personal sureties. Further, the Magistrate has ordered the teacher not to continue further harassment of the student and not to use harsh language against the victim child.

The AHRC observed that the victim student must be provided with special care and counselling to ensure her well-being. She should not be kept in the same atmosphere where she would suffer continued harassment as a result of this incident amongst the other children who assaulted her. Further, the trainee teacher should not be allowed to continue to work in the same school and it is the responsibility of the education authorities to also provide the victim child with special and due care as soon as possible to develop the victim child’s attitude and skills towards her future educational activities.

Law enforcement authorities must take all necessary measures to prosecute the alleged suspected teacher under the Penal Code for cruelty to the child, considered as a crime under law.

I request the intervention of your good offices to ensure that the authorities listed below instigate an immediate investigation into the torturing of the girl. The victim should also be provided with adequate counseling and rehabilitation, to ensure that she can continue with her education and life without any hindrance.

Yours sincerely,

———————
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. Mr. Pujith Jayasundara
Inspector General of Police
New Secretariat
Colombo 1
SRI LANKA
Fax: +94 11 2 440440 / 327877
E-mail: igp@police.lk

2. Mr. Jayantha Jayasooriya PC
Attorney General
Attorney General’s Department
Colombo 12
SRI LANKA
Fax: +94 11 2 436421
E-mail: ag@attorneygeneral.gov.lk

3. Secretary
National Police Commission
3rd Floor, Rotunda Towers
109 Galle Road
Colombo 03
SRI LANKA
Tel: +94 11 2 395310
Fax: +94 11 2 395867
E-mail: npcgen@sltnet.lk or polcom@sltnet.lk

4. Secretary
Human Rights Commission
No. 36, Kynsey Road
Colombo 8
SRI LANKA
Tel: +94 11 2 694 925 / 673 806
Fax: +94 11 2 694 924 / 696 470
E-mail: sechrc@sltnet.lk

Thank you.
Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)

SRI LANKA: An innocent man tortured by Katugastota police

June 29th, 2016

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION – URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-072-2016

29 June 2016
——————————————————
SRI LANKA: An innocent man tortured by Katugastota police

ISSUES: torture ; illegal arrest; detention; impunity; rule of law; justice
——————————————————

Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information that Mr. Niroshan Chamara Rupasinghe of the Kandy District was tortured by two traffic police officers attached to the Katugastota Police Station on 13th November 2015. Later he was treated at the Kandy Teaching Hospital. Police have filed fabricated charges against the victim alleging he had obstructed the police in discharging their duties. He was remanded by the Magistrate of Kandy. The victim has complained to the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission. He is seeking investigation and prosecution of those who are responsible for breaking the law, torturing him and violating his rights. His relatives are demanding immediate justice. This case illustrates the collapse of the rule of law in the country.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to information received by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) Mr. Niroshan Chamara Rupasinghe of Kandy District was tortured by the police officers attached to the Katugastota Police Station on 13th November 2016.

Niroshan was driving his car, No: CP- CAG 0683, along with two friends. He was asked to stop by two traffic policemen at the Nitthawala Junction, who were on duty. He obeyed the orders and stopped his car just a few feet from where the two police officers were. He waited about two minutes, thinking that the officers would come to question him. However, what happened was strange. One of the officers opened the car door, dragged him out and shouted when you are asked to stop, can’t you come out of your car, come to us and produced your licence.” Before he could answer, the two officers started assaulting him. The injuries he suffered indicate the extent of the severity of the attack. He was hit mainly on the head, sustaining severe head injuries. His two friends were also beaten by other police officers.

However, Niroshan’s friends were able to rush him to the Kandy Teaching Hospital for emergency medical treatment for severe hemorrhaging from the head. Hospital authorities admitted him to ward No: 10, later transferred to ward no 1. While he was receiving treatment the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) examined him and recorded his injuries.

When Niroshan and his friends got out of the car, the police officers forcibly took away his car keys. This made it impossible for them to take him to hospital by car. They had to call a three-wheeler passing by to take them to the hospital.

Meanwhile Niroshan learned that the police officers had damaged the windscreen and the back window of his car plus further damage to the car as it was taken to the Katugastota Police Station.

Then, the police officers filed a case against Niroshan and his two friends, alleging that they had tried to assault the officers. Niroshan and his friends vehemently deny the accusation.

The police have filed a ‘B’ report before the Magistrate of Kandy alleging some offences caused by Niroshan and others. Details of the offences have not yet been made known to Niroshan. On 14th of November the Magistrate visited him in hospital and ordered him to be remanded. Thereafter, both his legs were chained to the bed despite his severe injuries. On 5th of December the Magistrate released Niroshan on bail.

The victim has complained to the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission (HRCSL) seeking investigation and prosecution of those who are responsible for breaking the law, torturing him and violating his rights.

Family members of the victim state that his fundamental rights were violated by the Sri Lankan state’s officers. They demand for justice for their relative.
SUGGESTED ACTION:

For several years we have been making representations on behalf of the victims of torture and ill- treatment. We have supplied details on how the police behaved in circumstances like the above. Assaulting people for no reason and fabricating charges against them is quite a common occurrence.
No country should tolerate this cruel practice. It must take extraordinary steps to bring such practices to an end.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, addressed the 30th session of the UN Human Rights Council. It was the occasion of the passing of the resolution on Sri Lanka. As a result, the government will issue instructions to the police and the military to stop the practice of torture and sexual abuses. Any person who engages in such practices would be dealt with according to the law. It is hoped that respected law enforcement agencies of Sri Lanka will ensure that such instructions are issued as soon as possible while introducing a procedure for immediate and effective action. Officers, who violate the law by practicing torture, must be prosecuted under Act No: 22 of 1994. It is the duty of the Inspector General of Police to investigate any such alleged incidents. It is the duty of the Attorney General to prosecute the wrongdoers who carry out torture.

Please write to the authorities listed below expressing your concern about this case. Request an immediate investigation into the allegations of torture by the police, and the prosecution of those proven to be responsible under the law. Officers involved must also be subjected to internal investigations for breach of department orders as issued by the police department.

The AHRC will also write a separate letter to the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment in this regard.
To support this case, please click here:

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ________,

SRI LANKA: An innocent man tortured by Katugastota police

Name of Victim: Mr. Niroshan Chamara Rupasinghe
Alleged perpetrators: Officers attached to the Katugastota Police Station
Date of incident: 13 November 2015
Place of incident: Katugastota Police Division

According to the information I have received Mr. Niroshan Chamara Rupasinghe of Kandy District was tortured by the police officers attached to the Katugastota Police Station on 13th November 2016.

Niroshan was driving his car, No: CP- CAG 0683, along with two friends. He was asked to stop by two traffic policemen at the Nitthawala Junction, who were on duty. He obeyed the orders and stopped his car just a few feet from where the two police officers were. He waited about two minutes, thinking that the officers would come to question him. However, what happened was strange. One of the officers opened the car door, dragged him out and shouted when you are asked to stop, can’t you come out of your car, come to us and produced your licence.” Before he could answer, the two officers started assaulting him. The injuries he suffered indicate the extent of the severity of the attack. He was hit mainly on the head, sustaining severe head injuries. His two friends were also beaten by other police officers.

However, Niroshan’s friends were able to rush him to the Kandy Teaching Hospital for emergency medical treatment for severe hemorrhaging from the head. Hospital authorities admitted him to ward No: 10, later transferred to ward no 1. While he was receiving treatment the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) examined him and recorded his injuries.

When Niroshan and his friends got out of the car, the police officers forcibly took away his car keys. This made it impossible for them to take him to hospital by car. They had to call a three-wheeler passing by to take them to the hospital.

Meanwhile Niroshan learned that the police officers had damaged the windscreen and the back window of his car plus further damage to the car as it was taken to the Katugastota Police Station.

Then, the police officers filed a case against Niroshan and his two friends, alleging that they had tried to assault the officers. Niroshan and his friends vehemently deny the accusation.

The police have filed a ‘B’ report before the Magistrate of Kandy alleging some offences caused by Niroshan and others. Details of the offences have not yet been made known to Niroshan. On 14th of November the Magistrate visited him in hospital and ordered him to be remanded. Thereafter, both his legs were chained to the bed despite his severe injuries. On 5th of December the Magistrate released Niroshan on bail.

The victim has complained to the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission (HRCSL) seeking investigation and prosecution of those who are responsible for breaking the law, torturing him and violating his rights.

Family members of the victim state that his fundamental rights were violated by the Sri Lankan state’s officers. They demand for justice for their relative.

I request your intervention to ensure that the authorities listed below instigate an immediate investigation into the allegations of torture. The officers involved must also be subjected to internal investigations for breach of department orders issued by the police department.

Yours sincerely,

———————
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

  1. Mr. Pujith Jayasundara
    Inspector General of Police
    New Secretariat
    Colombo 1
    SRI LANKA
    Fax: +94 11 2 440440 / 327877
    E-mail: igp@police.lk
  2. Mr. Jayantha Jayasooriya PC
    Attorney General
    Attorney General’s Department
    Colombo 12
    SRI LANKA
    Fax: +94 11 2 436421
    E-mail: ag@attorneygeneral.gov.lk
  3. Secretary
    National Police Commission
    3rd Floor, Rotunda Towers
    109 Galle Road
    Colombo 03
    SRI LANKA
    Tel: +94 11 2 395310
    Fax: +94 11 2 395867
    E-mail: npcgen@sltnet.lk or polcom@sltnet.lk
  4. Secretary
    Human Rights Commission
    No. 36, Kynsey Road
    Colombo 8
    SRI LANKA
    Tel: +94 11 2 694 925 / 673 806
    Fax: +94 11 2 694 924 / 696 470
    E-mail: sechrc@sltnet.lk

Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)

BREXIT  ETCA ,EU SANCTIONS ON FISH EXPORT ,GSP PLUS ,UN INVETSIGATIONS. FOREIGN JUDGES FCID. JOC PROTESTS ,LOCAL COUNCIL ELECTIONS AND STATE OF ( AFFAIRS)

June 29th, 2016

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Sri Lankans need a new story-line every day to talk in the buses ,trains and in three wheelers .We have ample stories to talk and we keep forgetting one episode after the other in time to time .

People in the country do not notice that the price of food and infrastructure services are going up every day  and the development projects are at a stand still

Many expect for, commencement Port city work ,High way connection from Kadawatta  Kerawalapitya  and Hambantota Bunkering  operations  with the promised ship shipyard to get off the ground .

Light Rail or Monorail work to commence with some unimaginable boat service to sail” .

Many people have visited FCID and all are still enjoying freedom and forming new parties ,and purported politico killers are still roaming around .

18 billion dollars vanished from national coffers were searched and later the bounty hunters travel all over the world sans sniffing dogs ,and yet no sign where the money is .

USA the owner monitoring the dollar reserves all over the world promised to find the loop holes and the location where the money is lying and yet to sign of recovery .

Megapolis and Strategic Development Ministries are trying to legalize the existence, and yet no sign of issuing the relevant gazettes though the heads have been appointed with no real power .

We see chopping of trees along Rajagiriya trace of elevated bridge ,and unfinished work of CMC at Wijerama/Ward Place junction is still a show piece of inefficiency .and yet people are waiting for a miracle to happen.

Only people in the country who may be happy are the fishermen ( Sri Lankan) who may benefit from lifting of  sanction by EU ( sans England as they have BREXIT(TED) ) as their fish will find a better market .

Girls who  stich underwear ( Jangi- which has a good market abroad ) are still waiting for lifting of GSP and with England leaving EU people are worried .

GMOA is till  sick of the ruling class and keep threatening patients and warning not to get sick as they may go on strike soon on ETCA and SAITEM ,and the state is helpless and making a counter offer to change the GMOA leadership.

New party(ies) being formed at every front to spend the money to grab power and to get out of the FCID haunting them  ?

Finally local council elections are in the horizons where the main topic will be UN investigations with foreign judges, because all other topics listed above are stale .

 

Dr Sarath Obeysekera

Projecting the total package to bring in ethnic harmony and an end to the humanitarian issue in SRI-LANKA

June 29th, 2016

Professor Nishan C. Wijesinha (Professor of Paramedics and Law and Divinity and Holistic Science) Ethul Kotte, Kotte. SRI-LANKA

Firstly I want to thank the government of China, for helping our nation at the time of the war and also its re-building through highways and other projects coordinated with our nations beloved son; the former President Mahinda Rajapakse.

Our country politics and the people are brained washed with the brain mapping systems of the US Government, UK and its Allies.

People here do not know that IMF Borrowing is a fake deal; as it does not allow the lender monies to be utilized for any development projects for the people. This is where President Mahinda Rajapakse tied his fist against the US and UK and its Allies.

We were in the process of projecting the total package for the Tamil People, after establishing the functioning of the North and East Provincial Councils.

I have now put out this total solution and package and also given the history as to what and who caused the ethnic genocidal campaigns in SRI-LANKA.

Please let me first begin here with this introduction. ………………..

It was my great grandfather Mudaliya Louis Corneille Wijesinha; who was an Imperial British Colonial Genius Scholar who translated the first original manuscripts of the Great Mahavamsa from Pali to English who recognized the charismatic needs of the Jaffna People and thus wrote down the following Maritime Provincial Federal Union agenda for good governance and Ethnic Harmony of SRI LANKA.

MARITIME PROVINCIAL FEDERAL UNION OF SRI LANKA

Preamble of the Maritime Provincial Federal Union of SRI LANKA

The preamble thus declares that the Eastern and the Northern Provinces of SRI LANKA thus would become one federal Dominion.

EXECUTIVE POWER

The Executive power will remain with the Governor General who will be elected by the popular vote of the 72 member Senate; FOR A PERIOD OF 10 YEARS.

LEGISLATIVE POWER

The Legislative power will remain with the 72 member Senate who will be elected by the people by a referendum through popular vote; FOR A PERIOD OF 10 YEARS.

JUDICIAL POWER

The Judicial Power will remain with the Apex Courts and the High Courts.

Having projected the above; I will now give the history as to what and who caused the ethnic genocidal campaigns in SRI-LANKA.

During the Riots of 1915 (May 28 to June 5, 1915) the British governor came down with a heavy hand on the Sinhalese community. The governor declared Martial Law on (June 2 to August 30, 1915). And ordered the police and the army to arrest and imprison several prominent Sinhalese leaders. Among those imprisoned were D.S. Senanayake, D.R. Wijewardena, Dr. Cassius Pereira, E.T. De Silva, F.R. Dias Bandaranaike, H. Amarasuriya, A.H. Molamure and others. It was reported that other leaders were shot without trial. It was then Sir Ramanathan who came to the rescue of the Sinhalese community.

He and Sir James Peiris led the campaign for a Royal Commission of Inquiry (for the vindication of the reputations of those who had been falsely accused). He traveled to England under great threat to his life (as World War I was on) and argued the case of the imprisoned Sinhalese. So articulate were his arguments that he succeeded in having the governor transferred and the head of Military recalled from Ceylon. He eventually managed to get all the leaders released from prison.

When he came back to Ceylon victoriously, there were thousands to welcome him. Sir John Kotalawala and A.C. Seneviratne, a prominent businessman then, said that the Sinhalese owe Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan a debt that could never be repaid. They insisted that his horse carriage be drawn by Sinhalese. Sir Ramanathan was driven through the streets of Colombo to his residence at Ward Place. Some of the top families, of Sinhalese aristocracy, had no qualms about drawing his carriage through the streets of Colombo virtually carrying him on their backs. Sinhala leaders took turns to pull the carriage.

But on the declaration of independence Sinhala Chauvinist movements led by D. S. Senanayake, who was sworn-in as the first Sri Lankan prime minister, triggered the fear of another genocidal riot, and thus cunningly, and cruelly, back stabbed Sir Ramanathan by disallowing the North and East Federal Dominion.

D.S. Senanayake was also the founder of the United National Party; and in 1983 the worst ever genocidal riots were also a result of his party; with the Army and the Police being kept on hold, until the then President J.R. Jayawardena and his government with Ranil Wickramasinghe with their Green Tiger Movement, looted, killed and burnt down to ash the Tamil People; their establishments and homes.

Now under the disguise of good governance with a puppet president Sirisena; the United National Party with its current leader Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe the incumbent Prime-minister, with his allies with Mr. Sirisena fraction, are on the merge of putting the icing on the cake.

Thanking You,

Sincerely,

Professor Nishan C. Wijesinha (Professor of Paramedics and Law and Divinity and Holistic Science)

Ethul Kotte, Kotte. SRI-LANKA

 

 

කෙටි කතා ලිවීම

June 29th, 2016

වෛද්‍ය රුවන් එම් ජයතුංග

කෙටි කතා ලිවීම මා සිදු කරන ලද්දේ කාංසිය මකා ගැනීම සඳහාත් සිතේ තෙරපෙන අදහසක් කෙටි කතා මාධ්‍ය මගින් කීම සඳහාත් ය​. නමුත් කෙටි කතා ලිවීමට දශක  ගනනාවකට පෙර සිට මා බොහෝ කෙටි කතා කියවූයෙමි. දේශීය මෙන්ම විදේශීය ලේඛකයන් ගේ කෙටි කතා මා විසින් කියවා තිබේ.  

මේ වන විට මම කෙටි කතා පොත් තුනක් ලියා තිබේ. සමහර විට හතරවන කෙටි කතා පොත  ලබන වසර මැද භාගය වන විට ලිවීමට ඉඩ තිබේ. 

සැන්ට බාබරාහී යාචකයා සහ තවත් කෙටි කතා මගේ මුල්ම කෙටි කතා සංග්‍රහයයි. මෙම මුල්ම කෙටි කතා පොත එළි දැක්වීම සඳහා මහාචාර්‍ය සෝමරත්න බාලසූරිය මහතාත්  නාරද කරුණාතිලක මහතාත් මට උදව් උපකාර කල බව සඳහන් කරන්නේ කෘතඥතාපූර්වකවය​. 

සැන්ට බාබරාහී යාචකයා සහ තවත් කෙටි කතා පොත මා විසින් පිළිගන්වන ලද්දේ යහපත් වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු මෙන්ම යහපත් මිනිසෙකු වන වෛද්‍ය ආර් එම් එස් කේ රත්නායක මහතාටය​. 

ketkathaketkatha2

 

 

 

HINDUISM IN BRITISH CEYLON

June 29th, 2016

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Research into the subject of ‘Hinduism in ancient Ceylon’ started early in the British period.  Simon Casie Chetty’s contribution on the origin and history of the ‘Trincomalee temple,’ was published in Ceylon Government Gazette, 1831. (H.A.I. Goonetileke Bibliography of Ceylon item no 6873). There was much discussion on the subject at the meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon branch.  Ponnambalam Ramanathan spoke in 1887 on Thirukeetheswaram (Goonetileke Item no 6904).

Hindu researchers wished to prove that that there was Hinduism in Sri Lanka before Buddhism arrived and that it   continued to prosper thereafter. They relied heavily on a presentation by P.E.Pieris who declared in 1917, at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), that: “Long before the arrival of Vijaya there was in Lanka five recognized Ishwarams of Shiva which claimed and received adoration of all India. These were Thirukeetheswaram which was near Mahatittha, Munneswaram dominating Salawatte and the pearl fishery, Thondeswaram near Mantota, Thirukoneswaram near the great Bay of Kottiyar in Trincomalee and Naguleswaram near Kankesanturai”.  This quotation   has been cited over and over again and is the basis for all later historical speculation. But the reference to this quotation is never given. There is nothing about this in the Journal of Royal Asiatic Society for 1917. I have looked. Significantly, historian S Pathmanathan does not mention this quotation, in his bookHindu temples of Sri Lanka’ (2006).

Arumuga Navalar (1822-1879) is considered the first Tamil layman to undertake as his life’s career the intellectual and institutional response of Saivism to Christianity in Sri Lanka and India. The Saivite revival in Jaffna is dominated by him. He was born in Nallur, Jaffna as Arumugam Pillai. He received the title ‘Navalar’ (learned) in 1849 from a Saiva monastery in India. His father was a Tamil poet and he mother a devout Hindu. Arumugam studied at the Jaffna Central College, a Wesleyan mission school. K.M. de Silva says he was educated in both the Saivite and Christian traditions but never converted to Christianity.

Arumugam started to question Christianity early. He published a seminal letter in Morning Star under a pseudonym in September 1841. It was a comparative study of Christianity and Saivism, targeting the weakness in the argument Protestant missionaries had used against local Saiva practices. His letter admonished the missionaries for misrepresenting their own religion and concluded that in effect there was no difference between Christianity and Saivism as far as idol worship and temple rituals were concerned.  In 1842 Arumugam reported in the Morning Star that a group of about 200 Hindus, including himself, had decided to start a Hindu press and also open a school to study Hinduism.

 

 

He learnt from the missionaries their techniques of organization, specially the importance of education. He founded Vannarponnai Saiva pragaska vidyasalai in 1848.  He also had, says K.M. de Silva   ‘a plan for several other Hindu schools.’ He wanted to establish Saiva schools in every village, where Hindu education could be imparted   in a Hindu environment with the aid of school textbooks specially written for the purpose. He saw the value of an English education and in 1872 founded the Saivanagala Vidyasalai where English was also taught. This school later became Jaffna Hindu College, the premier Hindu English School in the island.

The Vannarponnai School did not follow the traditional Tamil teaching system, in which each student worked on his own pace and the pupils were small in number. Instead Navalar developed teaching methods based on what he had seen in his mission school. Pupils were grouped into classes. He wrote guides for teaching Saivism to the different grades in a school. These were also used in India. His schools, in imitation of Christian mission schools, taught both secular and Hindu religious subjects. The staff were mainly volunteers.  The schools were only for Vellala Tamils.

The schools he founded in Sri Lanka was replicated and over 100 primary and secondary schools were built based on his teaching methods. The schools flourished. They produced pupils who were well versed in Hinduism and could successfully defend Saivism against Christian charges. They could also function effectively in a western oriented world.

Arumuga Navalar revived the moribund Saivite religion of the upper caste Tamils of Jaffna peninsula. He realized that the Hindus of Jaffna needed a clearer understanding of their religion if they were to stop Christian conversion.  He provided an authoritative restatement of the Saiva doctrine and a systematic compilation of its ideas.  He gave the Hindus confidence in themselves and their religion which they had previously lacked.

Arumugam also helped in the formation of secular organizations devoted to the propagation of Hindu ideals. He established   the Saiva Pragasa sabai in 1853 and was instrumental in setting up Saiva Paripalana sabhai of 1888. Its members had been educated in Christian schools and were also influenced by the Hindu revival in India. Along with Hindu College Board of Management, this Sabhai came to control more than    150 schools, primary and secondary.

Arumugam modeled himself on the open air style of speech of the missionaries. He started platform speaking in Tamil. Using the preaching methods popularized by the Methodist preachers, he became a circuit preacher starting with Vaideeswaran Temple, Vannarponnai on 31 December 1847. The lecture series and the circuit continued regularly for several years and produced a Saiva revival. He was helped by his friend Karttikeya Aiyar of Nallur and the students from his school. He gave weekly sermons in the Hindu temples and wanted to improve Hindu practices.   He also attempted to reform Saivism and this led to confrontations with Saiva priests.

 

Arumugam established a printing press in 1849 at Vannarponnai and another in Madras. In Madras, Arumugam published two texts,   a teachers guide Cüdãmani Nikantu and Saundarya Lahari, a Sanskrit poem geared towards devotion. These were the first efforts at editing and printing Tamil works for Saiva students and devotees.  The American Mission had printed Bible tracts and translations of Tamil works and Arumugam   issued similar items in Tamil. He   poured forth a succession of tracts and pamphlets for the public, expounding the principles of Hinduism and meeting the criticisms of the missionaries.  His writing was respected by the missionaries who admitted that the he adroitly anticipated every possible objection and replied them. He showed a first rate mind.

One of his books ‘is doing much damage’ they said.  This was Saiva dusana parihara, (the abolition of the abuse of Saivism) published in 1854, a training manual for the use of Saivas in their opposition to the missionaries. A Methodist missionary, who had worked in Jaffna, described the manual thirteen years after it had appeared as displaying an intimate and astonishing acquaintance with the Holy Bible. [The author] labors cleverly to show that the opinions and ceremonies of Jehovah‘s ancient people closely resembled those of Saivism. The notion of merit held by the Hindus, their practices of penance, pilgrimage, and lingam-worship, their ablutions, invocations, and other observances and rites, are cunningly defended on the authority of our sacred writings! That a great effect was thus produced in favor of Saivism and against Christianity cannot be denied”. This manual was widely used in Sri Lanka and India. It was reprinted at least twice in the 19th century and eight times by 1956.

Arumugam published many polemical tracts in defense of Saivism. He   also sought and published original palm leaf manuscripts. He published literature of controversial nature as well.  Along with Centinatha Aiyar he published examples of indecent language from the Bible as Disgusting Things in the Bible (Bibiliya Kutsita).  This book together with other such publications, led to calls by local Christians to shut the printing press down.

Arumuga Navalar’s contributions to Saivism, although begun in Jaffna, spread to South India as well, thus establishing two centers of reform. He had two schools, two presses and worked against Christian missionary activity in both countries, as well as against Hindus whom he thought were unorthodox, said K.M. de Silva. There were two biographies written in Tamil on him during British rule, by V.Kanakrattina in 1882 and T. Kailasapillai in 1918.

K.M. de Silva observed that the recovery of Hinduism, in Sri Lanka,   in the 19th century by Arumuga Navalar predates that of Buddhism by a whole generation.  That could be debated. Arumugam was trying to speed up the process of making Jaffna well and truly Hindu, in the face of competition from the  long standing Catholic Church and now the Protestants. One strategy was the quickly started Vannarponnai school. The Buddhists, though deeply concerned about conversion, did not have that urgency. There was no need to   wake up the Buddhists or upgrade their   knowledge. Buddhism was firmly entrenched in the island. Their problem was to set up schools which   were dead equal to the Christian ones. That could not be done in a hurry. (http://island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=143834)

Dark Clouds Loom over Unity Govt

June 29th, 2016

By Gagani Weerakoon Courtesy  Ceylon Today

President Maithripala Sirisena was the Chief Guest at an event, marking the 74th Birth Anniversary of the Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera, organized by the All-Island Youth Abstinence Organization at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute on 21 June.

Individuals who have contributed significantly to the effort to eradicate the narcotics menace in the country were especially felicitated at the event. They included the Ven. Kuppiyawatte Bodhananda Thera, Inspector General of Police Pujith Jayasundara and Mrs. Chandra Hemachandra, who received awards from the President in recognition of their efforts. A book titled Amadyapa Hada – which basically elaborates on the vision and mission of the All-Island Youth Abstinence Organization for the next three years was presented to the President.
The Maha Sangha, including Most Venerable Ittepane Dhammalankara Maha Nayaka Thera, former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Ministers Ravi Karunanayake, Arjuna Ranatunga and former Minister Athauda Seneviratne graced the occasion.
All’s not well twixt

Maithri-CBK

However, what grabbed the attention of all those who were at the event was that President Sirisena and former President Kumaratunga, who happened to be at his right hand throughout the 2015 presidential election and until not too long ago, were seen to be even avoiding eye contact with each other.
President Kumaratunga, at the end of the event, observed with some remorse that considering the enormity of the services rendered by the late Ven. Sobhitha, the gathering was a small one.

One might then ask whether all is not well!

Not only are the signs of camaraderie thawing between CBK and the President but one discerns a distancing away from the President by members of the civil society movement that was responsible for bringing the Yahapalanaya Government to power.
Recently, a group of 17 civil society activists [who backed President Sirisena at the 2015 January Presidential Election] held a closed-door meeting with President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe on 17 June, where the latter agreed to resolve issues which hinder the smooth and fast progress of investigations into large scale corruption, fraud and bribery allegations.
Though the focus of this meeting was to discuss Central Bank Governor Mahendran’s issue, one civil society representative at the meeting said former Minister Sajin Vaas Gunewardena is being given special protection in prison which is a highly questionable factor.
As he went ahead in this accusatory vein, President Sirisena lost his cool because it was clear to everyone present that the accuser was pointing his finger indirectly at the President.

The President immediately contacted IGP Pujith Jayasundara, who happened to have no clear idea about the allegation but did mention that arrangements had been made during his predecessor’s time to provide the former MP with MSD services.
Later, President Sirisena had confided in his close friends that he felt the civil society movement was now acting in a biased manner. According to well-informed sources, a faction of the civil society movement is to break away as a majority of those who were on the same platform are now aligning with the UNP against President Sirisena.

Mahendran issue tightens

Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran informed the Monetary Board that he would not be seeking re-appointment as Governor of the Central Bank when his term finishes on 30 June. At the Monetary Board meeting, Mahendran said he would not seek re-appointment until the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) makes known its final opinion on issues related to the issuance of Treasury Bonds in the years 2015 and 2016, the Central Bank said in a statement.

On the other hand, Mahendran is pushing for the appointment of P. Samarasiri as Acting Governor, well informed sources claimed.
Those who were opposing the reappointment of Mahendran are up in arms once again against Samarasiri also, as they allege that he is also involved in the controversial bond issue in addition to not revealing details of the issues to COPE.
Samarasiri was appointed as a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank, with effect from 1 June 2014, by the Monetary Board, with the concurrence of the President and Minister of Finance.

He has functioned as an Assistant Governor in the Central Bank over the past six and a half years, and while holding such post, he has also functioned as Secretary to the Monetary Board of the Central Bank.
He also serves as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Accounting and Auditing Standards Monitoring Board and as the Vice- Chairman of the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka.

UNP APP irks SLFP

The UNP turns 70 this September, and its leadership, which is looking at innovative ways to reach out to young voters, who could impact the long-term sustainability of the Party, launched the mobile application ‘UNP App’ that allows users to obtain electronic membership from the party for a sum of
Rs 20.

“I say to the youth, come join us and take the party forward. Our time is soon coming to an end, learn from our experience and take it forward from there,” UNP Leader Premier Wickremesinghe said at the launch.
As the UNP launched its e-membership drive, the Prime Minister recalled that former President J. R. Jayewardene had them selling membership cards at Rs 1 a card, from house to house, but today their app would have reached the people before the party cadres reach their homes.

The app launch coincided with former President Premadasa’s birthday and the Prime Minister explained that they would roll out similar new programmes until late President J.R. Jayewardene’s birth anniversary on 17 September.
This new development suggests that the UNP has begun sharpening its tools for a future election and has moved SLFP Parliamentarians to urge President Sirisena to launch the Party’s campaign as well.
“With the UNP apparently launching its pre-election membership drive early, in the wake of a few inter-Party hiccups with the SLFP, that also is seen as a sign that all’s not well between the unity partners.
Before long, President Sirisena could be cornered into a position in which he will be compelled to take a drastic decision,” political analysts say.

Tit for tat

With SLFP Ministers on the warpath against the UNP for defending Mahendran, the UNP now threatens those trying to lampoon their Prime Minister with ‘consequences’.
They are in other words indirectly accusing the President of bringing in a speaker who attacked PM Wickremesinghe and a few others.
Earlier, the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute is said to have turned down an application for use of its auditorium for a function.
Maithripala Sirisena was mentioned as the Chief Guest at this conference, that was organized by an official at the Presidential Secretariat. The Kadirgamar Institute, after receiving the approval, forwarded it to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under which the institute comes.

However, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mangala Samaraweera, refused to grant permission after he read the list of speakers.
The reason was that on the list was the name of
Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke. However, Mangala was not aware that this conference was being organized by the Presidential Secretariat. When Maithri was informed that Mangala had refused permission, the former gave instructions for the conference to be held at another venue. Thereafter, the BMICH was chosen to hold the conference.
At the conference, Jayatillaka launched a scathing attack on PM Wickremesinghe, Minister Samaraweera and former President Kumaratunga.

COPE head in dilemma

Leader of the House, Minister Lakshman Kiriella, and Chief Opposition Whip JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake locked horns in Parliament, towards the latter part of the week, over COPE investigations into the Central Bank Treasury Bonds controversy.
A heated argument occurred between them when MP Dissanayake wrapped up his speech during the debate on the Right to Information Bill.

Kiriella, making a clarification on Dissanayake’s revelation on COPE findings, on Public Relations Officers and Advisors to the Minister, said during the period 2005-2015 there had been 190 such people appointed to the ministry by his predecessors.
“The investigations are not being held into the actions of the previous government. The COPE is probing current affairs but not the earlier issues. It should follow the sequence,” he said.

Commenting further he said, “You now talk about matters before the COPE in Parliament and at media conferences. Is this correct? Then COPE decisions could be invalid. You said COPE Chairman Sunil Handunnetti called a press conference on Arjuna Mahendran”.
MP Dissanayake pointed out that the said press conference was held long before Handunnetti’s appointment to the COPE. He added the press conference was held after the lapse of one week after the controversial Treasury Bonds deal.
“If you are going to Chair a Committee with preconceived opinions, will it be fair? It is up to you to do it the way you want, I am just giving you an opinion,” Kiriella continued. At this point, Dissanayake, fuming at Kiriella said, “If you want to sit at the COPE and hear the cases, do so. If you want to appoint one of your members as the COPE Chairman, do it. If somebody is saying that Handunneti is unfit to hold the COPE Chairmanship because of that press conference he held a long time ago, we are ready to step down from that position. We don’t need to hang on to any position by force”.

“You came up with an opinion. What do you propose in this regard, if not the resignation of the COPE Chairman?” asked Dissanayake.
According to inside information, the Auditor General’s report on the Bond issue will be placed before COPE on 29 June.
It is also expected that members will discuss and decide whether Handunnetti should continue as COPE Chairman.
Intelligence warns
Meanwhile, by midweek, several alarming intelligence reports were handed over to President Sirisena.

According to information available, the reports included details about recent anti-government demonstrations in various core areas in the country on the VAT issue.
The reports have suggested the situation should not be taken lightly and have indicated the involvement of certain individuals and institutions in these hartals.
President Sirisena then ordered relevant authorities to expedite legal action against these individuals who are already being accused of various wrongdoings.


Copyright © 2026 LankaWeb.com. All Rights Reserved. Powered by Wordpress