By Damith Wickremasekara Courtesy The Sunday Times
Justice Minister will present a bill to Parliament, transferring financial powers to the Treasury and Parliament
Financial powers of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the Central Bank, will be curtailed in terms of a bill the Justice Minister will present to Parliament this month.
The move would remove the power of the Central Bank to determine its staff’s salaries, and that power would be vested with the Finance Ministry and Parliament, Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe told the Sunday Times.
He said that accordingly, the Central Bank’s recently proposed salary hike for its staff would be revoked, but a reasonable salary increase would be considered in consultation with the Finance Ministry.
Under the proposed bill, the SOEs would be given only administrative powers and financial policy decision-making powers, while the
powers to increase their salaries would not be given to the institutions, the minister said.
He said that in terms of the bill, which is to be presented this month, the SOEs would not be allowed to exceed the parliamentary financial powers.
He said one of the existing issues was that there was no proper interpretation of the financial powers of SOEs, and thereby many of them were trying to bypass parliamentary powers.
The party leaders in Parliament will be briefed about the proposed bill on Tuesday, while other ministers will also be submitting proposals on maintaining parliamentary financial powers.
Minister Rajapakshe said the move to increase the salaries of the Central Bank staff had come while issues of exporters retaining funds overseas, measures to stop illegal micro-finance company businesses, issues over leasing, and pawning centres were pending.
Meanwhile, Opposition Chief Whip Lakshman Kiriella told the Sunday Times that they would extend support for maintaining parliamentary financial powers, as they have been campaigning all along to preserve these financial powers.
He said the timing and proportion of the salary increase by the Central Bank were wrong, and therefore they were opposed to it.
Sri Lanka has told the UN Human Rights Council that double standards, which contribute to the politicisation of human rights, cannot be condoned.
Himalee Arunatilaka, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations in Geneva, addressing the 55th session of the Human Rights Council on Friday, drawing attention to the plight of the people in Gaza, questioned, Where are the resolutions and where are the accountability projects?” We cannot condone the continuing double standards of some sectors that provide no tangible relief to the grievances of people but only contribute to the politicisation of human rights.”
The Ambassador, during her statement to the Council, also responded to a string of allegations made by UN Human Rights High Commissioner Volker Türk earlier during the session.
She explained that during his address, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister, Ali Sabry, elaborated on the recent engagements with several working methods of the Council.
The government, to overcome the challenges of the recent past, prioritised economic recovery and reconciliation objectives while ensuring that the country’s democratic traditions and institutions remained stable at all times. Being sensitive to the economic hardships faced by the people, social safety nets have been strengthened to help cushion the impact of the challenges on the poor and vulnerable,” she said.
Despite severe constraints, our objectives remain steadfast and unwavering towards expediting the ongoing efforts to strengthen the foundation of national unity, post-conflict reconciliation, and human rights. Sri Lanka is committed to pursuing progress through already established domestic mechanisms,” she said.
She explained that consultations on the draft Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Commission bill were ongoing with the participation of the government, civil society, religious leaders, and legal experts. The draft bill was gazetted on January 1, 2024, and would be tabled in Parliament after providing sufficient time for the people to express their views on the draft. An interim-Secretariat, to lay the foundation for the commission, has already been established since May 2023 and continues its work.
The work of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) is ongoing. Demonstrating significant public trust in the OMP, 5,221 out of 6,025 phase 1 complainants have met with the OMP, and inquiries held. Progress was made in tracing missing persons in 2023 as the OMP’s Tracing Unit found 16 persons alive, and confirmed three deceased. 1,313 families received Certificate of Absence (CoA) and steps have been taken to extend the validity period until 2028, she said.
During the past year, despite the financial situation in the country, the Office for Reparations (OR) had granted Rs. 41.2 million to the families of the missing. With the financial and technical assistance of the IOM, the OR continues to implement several projects to provide psychosocial support for aggrieved communities, she added.
The Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) has been further strengthened by an Act of Parliament, whereby it now functions as an independent institution, like the OMP and OR. The ONUR conducts training programmes to promote religious coexistence and conflict transformation workshops, providing opportunities for interfaith and intercultural dialogue,” she said.
Sri Lanka reiterates its categorical rejection of Resolutions 46/1 and 51/1 and the external evidence-gathering mechanism that stems from these two divisive and intrusive resolutions. Both of these resolutions, that do not have the consent of the country concerned, have wide-ranging legal and political implications for all countries. The establishment of such unhelpful mechanisms, utilising the funds of Member States at a time when the UN is facing a liquidity crisis for dire humanitarian needs, for a purpose and end result that is vague and ambiguous, contravenes the very founding principles of this Council. Its sole purpose seems to cater to the aspirations of a few and does not in any way help the people of Sri Lanka,” she said.
She noted that the Online Safety Bill, a domestic legislation that the Government is now in the process of amending in good faith, taking into consideration the additional proposals presented by civil society and other stakeholders.
After reviewing petitions following the tabling of the revised Anti-Terrorism Bill in Parliament on January 10, 2024, the Supreme Court has provided its determination on the said Bill. The Government has taken cognizance of the Supreme Court determination, and the bill will be appropriately amended prior to being passed into law. Six rounds of consultations with civil society organisations had taken place regarding the draft NGO Act (NGO Registration and Supervision Bill) in Sri Lanka. It is emphasised that there is a necessity of incorporating provisions in the bill to tackle concerns such as terrorism financing and money laundering, while all concerns raised by civil society organisations have been considered and integrated into the draft bill,” she said.
Notwithstanding our position on the HRC Resolutions, as a responsible member of the international community, Sri Lanka will continue to engage constructively with the UN and its agencies, in keeping with domestic priorities and policies as well as the international obligations voluntarily undertaken,” she added.
Earlier, UN Human Rights High Commissioner Volker Türk urged the Sri Lankan government to immediately undertake credible accountability measures to investigate and prosecute past and present human rights violations and economic crimes.
Sustainable peace and reconciliation will not be achieved in Sri Lanka with regressive laws and authoritarian approaches, which will only serve to perpetuate the human rights concerns of the past,” the High Commissioner said.
I urge the Government immediately reverse this trend and undertake credible accountability measures to investigate and prosecute past and present human rights violations and economic crimes. I also urge Member States to continue to reinforce these efforts, including through appropriate use of universal and extra-territorial jurisdiction and targeted measures against credibly-alleged perpetrators of serious human rights violations and abuses,” the High Commissioner added.
He said that it was through addressing the root causes of the country’s conflict and economic crisis, and ensuring accountability, that Sri Lanka would be able to enhance its prospects of achieving genuine reconciliation and sustainable peace and development.
He said there was great hope that the country would embark upon a long-overdue transformation that would benefit all its communities.
The High Commissioner expressed concern about new and proposed laws, which he said include the Online Safety Act, the Anti-Terrorism Bill, the Electronic Media Broadcasting Authority Bill, and the NGO Supervision and Registration Bill.
The High Commissioner also referred to the consequences of Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, saying it continued to bite deeply, particularly for the most marginalised.
Poverty rose further to an estimated 27.9% last year. Nearly two-thirds of households across the country have seen their monthly incomes decrease since March 2022, while food, transportation, health, and education costs continue to rise. Despite the government’s efforts, social protection remains overstretched, and the government’s largest budget expenditure this year will go towards servicing its debt,” he said.
While the government has introduced a draft legislation for a Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation, the environment for a credible truth-seeking process remains absent. My Office continues to receive allegations of surveillance, harassment, and arrests by security forces of civil society representatives, journalists, and victims, as well as of people who have been involved in organising commemoration events for war victims,” the High Commissioner said.
I remain deeply concerned about recurring, credible accounts received by my Office of abductions, unlawful detention and torture, including sexual violence, by the Sri Lankan police and security forces, some of which allegedly took place in 2023, mainly in the north and east of the country. Last week, the appointment of a new Inspector General of Police was confirmed, despite the Supreme Court’s finding that he was responsible for the torture of an individual in 2010. These cases highlight the need for comprehensive security sector reform,” he said.
He said his office continued to work to advance accountability in Sri Lanka. It is providing support to several jurisdictions undertaking criminal justice investigations, and is deepening its information and evidence based on specific incidents of human rights concern. It has also been carrying out research on enforced disappearance and conducting consultations with victims.
Human rights have a skin colour, and the darker you are, the less human rights you have. These exact words by Swedish MP Abir Al-Sahlani, when speaking at the European Parliament on 27 February, couldn’t have put it any way better. She said this when she stood up for Gaza, expressing that the hypocrisy is obvious and that our collective humane has failed.
Enshrined as the cornerstone of contemporary civilisation, human rights aim to safeguard the inherent equality and dignity of every person. However, underneath the seeming universality is a brutal reality: skin colour clearly shapes how these fundamental rights are accessed and enjoyed. Here, we set out to disentangle the complex web of historical legacies, systematic biases and societal constructions that link skin colour to human rights. We explore the core of this complicated subject, from centuries-old hierarchy to modern prejudice, in an effort to shed light on the ongoing fight for justice and equality.
One must first face the lingering effects of racism and colonialism to comprehend the connection between skin colour and human rights. Global civilisation has been shaped by ideas of racial superiority and inferiority from the time of European conquest to the transatlantic slave trade. Ibram X. Kendi in his book titled, ‘Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America’ shows that by dehumanising indigenous peoples based only on their physical attributes, colonial powers were able to justify their exploitation and subjugation of these groups, establishing the groundwork for long-lasting oppressive institutions. The wounds from this past are still felt today, feeding the vicious cycles of injustice and inequality.
The underlying cause of the problem is structural racism and institutional inequality, which work together to maintain differences in treatment based on skin colour. People with darker skin tones face systemic marginalisation and discrimination in countries all over the world, as well as obstacles to housing, healthcare, work and education. Social and economic institutions have been profoundly impacted by centuries of discrimination, resulting in deeply ingrained systems of privilege and disadvantage that disproportionately impact marginalised populations. The effects of systemic racism are
long-lasting and widespread, affecting everything from the criminal justice system to the healthcare industry.
The issue of colourism, which favours those with lighter complexion over those with darker skin, widens the gap among groups of colour. Colourism fosters ideas of beauty, worth and attractiveness based on skin tone. It has its roots in colonial hierarchies and is supported by media portrayals and societal standards, as described in Toni Morrison’s book, The Bluest Eye. This type of prejudice marginalises people who straddle many identities even more by intersecting with other axes of oppression including gender, class and ethnicity in addition to maintaining intragroup disparities.
Over continents, colonialism’s echoes may be heard, leaving a legacy of oppression, exploitation and dispossession in its wake. This is particularly noticeable in areas where the effects of colonial control are still felt, such as Palestine, Africa, the Congo, Asia and the Middle East. Palestinians are still being oppressed and massacred and displaced from their homes, and now worse, forced starvation and famine in Palestine by the Israeli occupation, and Western nations are complicit in this by continuing to give, and in some cases now actively involved on the grounds, in the apartheid criminal nation unflinching military and diplomatic backing. Comparably, the Continent of Africa struggles with the long-lasting effects of colonial exploitation as Western businesses continue to pillage its abundant resources, causing poverty and instability to persist. Millions of civilians in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have been left homeless and displaced as a result of resource-driven wars that are supported by Western interests.
Influence of the media
It is impossible to overestimate the influence of the media on stories and attitudes. Sadly, sensationalism, prejudice and misinformation too frequently overshadow the experiences of marginalised populations. Western nations reporting on wars in places like Yemen, Syria and Myanmar, and the ongoing genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestine, frequently repeat oversimplified narratives that fall short of expressing the complexities of the underlying problems, and moreover, they continue to lie, deceive and change narratives. Rather, by reinforcing preexisting assumptions and misconceptions, these narratives contribute to maintaining a narrative of superiority and further entrench inequality. Further, nations with a history of horrific human rights violations continue to have strategic relationships with Western powers, demonstrating the preference for geopolitical objectives over concerns for human rights.
Human rights certainly have a skin colour. And, sadly those in the West think that the East or the Global South has so much violence and brutalities that they need to come here to teach what human rights is. Rather, it is they who should really learn what those two words are. The universality of human dignity is undermined and inequality is perpetuated by the hypocrisy of human rights, which is highlighted by systematic racism, colonial legacies and media misinformation. It is critical that we address these differences head-on as we negotiate the complexity of a globalised society, working for justice, equality and human rights for everyone, regardless of background or skin colour.
A diversified strategy that both acknowledges historical injustices and aggressively tackles systematic inequality is needed to address the hypocrisy of human rights. Holding governments and companies responsible for their acts, amplifying the voices of the marginalised and increasing awareness are all made possible via advocacy, education and grassroots activity. Additionally, establishing intercultural communication and solidarity is crucial to tearing down long-standing oppressive structures and creating new ones. For this, the Global South or the East should rise, tall and strong. And in time, it will.
A Spanish tourist has suffered a group sexual assault in the Dumka district while traveling around the world with her husband.
Seven men have raped me, recalled the Spanish woman who was gang-raped in Jharkhand’s Dumka, around 300 km from state capital Ranchi, on Friday night. The woman, with bruises all over her face, shared the horror in an Instagram post: “Something has happened to us that we would not wish on anyone. Seven men have raped me.”
“They have beaten us and robbed us although not many things because what they wanted was to rape me,” she said.
The tourist who was travelling on a motor bicycle with her husband was allegedly gang-raped overnight from 1 to 2 March in the Dumka district of India’s Jharkhand state – a well-known tourist destination.<br /><br />The victim was on a motor cycling trip with her husband to Nepal via Bhagalpur, they had stopped at Dumka when the assault took place.
According to her statement, the couple had pitched their tent in a secluded spot near Hansdiha market.
While she was asleep, several youths from the area broke into the tent and took turns to rape her. They also used physical violence, she reportedly said in her complaint to local police.
Officers arrived on the scene in the early hours of the morning and arrested three people.
Another official mentioned the involvement of seven to eight youths.
Following the assault, the woman was admitted to the Saraiyahat Community Health Centre for medical treatment.
The authorities have opened an investigation into the matter.
Officers say she is undergoing medical examinations at the Phulo Jhano Medical College Hospital in Dumka.
The Spanish embassy in India has contacted the authorities and has sent personnel to consult in the region.
As per a PTI report, Dumka Superintendent of Police Pitambar Singh Kherwar said Hansdiha police patrolling team found two people on the side of the road around 11 pm on Friday.
“The patrolling team sensed that something had happened to them. Since they were speaking in Spanish, the police could not understand what they were saying. However, the policemen brought them to a local hospital assuming they needed some treatment,” he said.
The Spanish couple told doctors about the incident of sexual assault, he said.
Despite all the consumer items going up in prices on a daily basis, so are the channeling services in private hospitals. It varies from hospital to hospital! For example , especially in Colombo hospitals, there are rumors floating about that the Nawaloka hospital is facing the brink of bankruptcy, but once one enters the hospital , it could be seen full of patients in every corner all the time!
In Nawaloka there is a particular charge at the rate of Rs.4000.00 ( for a professor of Nephrologist (the one who deals with one’s kidneys) where the Hospitals charges vary from 1300 to for other specialists. This exorbitant amount is known as the ‘Professor’ , a distinguished title which is known for the specialists for this discipline.
This extra charge of Rs.4000, (hospital charge for channelizing extra and a service charge a service booking for the Professor is added to my travelling. What happened to me was that I left home, Thalawathugoda, at 3.00 pm to be at the hospital by 4.30 pm . The receipt mentions that the session commences at ‘estimated’ time of 4.33 pm. I was waiting for nearly two more hours, but the professor did not appear at all! I became furious and changed it to Monday 19-02-2024! I went again on the 19th Monday, and waited for more than one hour but the nurse assigned to the Professor advised me that she could not confirm at what time the professor would come to see the patients.
What doctors should do
Basically, the doctors should be punctual and keep up to the schedule. This is how I feel about it! It will become no sense at all, by keeping the patients until all odd hours for the specialist to arrive!
Patients believe in a specialist, as they are being recommended by someone. The patients have implicit faith in the specialist and by delaying consultation, in the manner displaced above will certainly have a much more effect on the hospital itself . But on the receipt ,the hospitals do state very craftily how to get out with grace!
Also, there is no point in getting ready for the nurse (allocated to the specialist) by taking blood pressure and collecting all records with patients ( in my case various tests were done by a laboratory and was referred to, in readiness with anxiety about my Cardiologist by the Cardiologist. Generally, from my personal experience. Until I retired from the National Health Services in the UK (from the MCA- Medicines Controlled Agency), it depends on Sri Lanka by the specialist to show arrogance by pretending to be the God?
It is also health hazard, for instance those patients who are suffering from Angina or some kind of a heart problem to have to wait continuously until the specialist arrives, because the patient would be stressed to such an extent b and they expect be on time the as the patient has paid what is expected to pay before seeing the specialist! The patient (her stress factor would increase tremendously about the time one has to wait) .It will be a disaster if the specialist does not appear at all, like I have waited for the professor just not to be at the appropriate time!
In Exceptional Circumstances
There are cases where the special the excuse is thrown at every instance. In such cases, it’s the sole responsibility of the specialist to advise the hospital nurses, rather than keeping it to himself. Equally, the Department of Health may be able to put a ‘stop’ to specialists, who want to be ‘money earners’ in order to maintain their day-do-day activities of the so-called doctors extravagantly.
In the UK, all specialists are sincere in their attitude towards their patients and there is the possibility one (patient) could say ‘ it is my body after all, that you are dealing with body because they take an oath (oath of Hippocrates) to serve on all patients in a humanitarian manner!
There should be love and devotion being a doctor in the first place. That
They tell the doctors that they are a ‘ superior lot’ just because they (doctors) generally wear a collar and a tie! It does not make them superior in their vocation but in simple terms but it boils to be that specialists are disrespected by the public as they are bound by the oath they take when they qualify as doctors .
I knew of a surgeon ( Sri Lankan) ,who was nominated several times for the ‘Golden Scalpel Award’ throughout the UK. He decided to operate on a ninety-year-old patient, as he felt that the patient would survive the operation, despite all comments by his colleagues. After the operation he thought he should be successful in a better social life!
Well! A few months later the patient (in Wales) came to see the surgeon with an ‘alarm clock’. All he had to say was that you gave the time for me doctor and personally him and said I shall in return with the same smilie– Please have much more time for operations of that nature.”
Is it not clear how humanity works in Wales in the UK?
by Daya Gamage Foreign Service National Political Specialist (rtd.) US Department of State Courtesy The Island
India’s security needs consolidate US manoeuvring strategy in Indo-Pacific:
Aware or unaware of the intricacies of big power play in the Indo-Pacific region to the emerging political entity in Sri Lanka, JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has declared that he and his political party are (now) alive to India’s security concerns after his return from India having had discourses with External Affairs Minister and other leading Modi administration officials needs serious scrutiny.
In an interview with Sri Lanka’s Sirasa TV on February 15, Dissanayake reiterated that the ‘incoming’ National People’s Power administration will not do anything that undermines Indian security”.
If Dissanayake had been aware that ‘India’s national security’ was somewhat beyond her ‘control’ and connected to the larger Indo-Pacific or Asia-Pacific region with ‘outside forces’ deeply embedded in, he would have made a ‘measured statement’ about India’s national security.
Before examining how India is tied to ‘a foreign military and technological force’ connected to the Asia-Pacific Region and that India’s national security cannot be isolated from ‘outside forces’ engaged in the region, it should be found out how Sri Lanka is connected to the overall regional security, an issue that Dissanayake doesn’t seem to have paid much attention to. The eight-page, 2007 (disclosed) US-Sri Lanka signed Acquisition and Cross-Services Agreement (ACSA) and the 83-page, 2017 ACSA (still kept classified by both Washington and Colombo) have much relevance to the overall Indo-Pacific region.
US Code Title 10 Section 2342: Cross-Servicing Agreement, under which a long process of US government assessment takes effect, how useful a non-NATO country, such as Sri Lanka could be to the national interest of the United States is vital to the understanding of Sri Lankan policy.
The US Code declares (Quote) (a)(1) Subject to section 2343 of this title and to the availability of appropriations, and after consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense may enter into an agreement described in paragraph (2) with any of the following: (Among others)
(D) The government of a country not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization but which is designated by the Secretary of Defense, subject to the limitations prescribed in subsection (b), as a government with which the Secretary may enter into agreements under this section. (End Quote)
Before scrutinising other Sub-Sections, Sub-Section (D) is well connected to a ‘declaration’ of a diplomatic cable that reached Washington from the American Embassy in Colombo: 20 February 2007 diplomatic cable sent under the signature of Ambassador Robert Blake made it very clear (Quote) Since this agreement primarily benefits US forces, we think there are strong arguments to proceed with the signing the agreement (End Quote) referring to the 2007 ACSA. It is not difficult to understand why the 2007 agreement was expanded to 83 pages in 2017 and why it is still kept a secret.
Now to Sub-Section (b) of the U.S. Code Title 10 Section 2342: Cross-Servicing Agreement:
(Quote) (b) (which is well connected to the signing of both the 2007 and 2017 ACSA) The Secretary of Defense may not designate a country for an agreement under this section unless –
(1) the Secretary, after consultation with the Secretary of State, determines that the designation of such country for such purpose is in the interest of the national security of the United States; and
(2) in the case of a country which is not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Secretary submits to the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on International Relations of the House of Representatives notice of the intended designation at least 30 days before the date on which such country is designated by the Secretary under subsection (a). (End Quote)
The Pentagon, the State Department and Armed Services and International Committees of the US Senate and House of Representatives are very much involved in the process of using feed backs and assessments from the US diplomatic post in the host nation.
This writer, who was knowledgeable about this process during his engagement with the State Department for more than two decades, was aware of the manner in which the US diplomatic mission in Sri Lanka played that role.
To enter into an ACSA treaty, the designated country – in this case, Sri Lanka, which entered into the agreement in March 2007 and 2017– Washington has to determine (Quote) the designation of such country for such purpose is in the interest of the national security of the United States . (End Quote)
Sri Lanka occupies some very important real estate in the Indo-Pacific region, and it’s a country of increasing strategic importance in the Indian Ocean region”, declared Alice Wells, US State Department’s Deputy Assistant Secretary addressing the foreign media at the department’s Washington Media Center on 24 January 2020—three weeks before she was in Colombo meeting newly-elected President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
The 2018 National Defense Strategy guides the Department of Defense to support the (US) National Security Strategy – the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 – specifically calls for expanding cooperation with democratic partners in South Asia, including Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.”
This 2018 document – declassified in January 2021 – evinces a special interest in Sri Lanka’s survival in the Indo-Pacific region, the formulation of its foreign policy, and its relations with India, the United States and China.
It should be mentioned here that the writer along with another (retired) Senior Foreign Service/Intelligence Officer (American) is currently developing a manuscript (for publication) exploring Washington’s foreign policy manipulations and discharges toward Sri Lanka and India, and the manner in which Sri Lanka and India were (and are) playing their roles in response to Washington’s excessive and (almost) hegemonic role in the Indo-Pacific region.
It is in this context that India’s national security can in no way be isolated from Washington’s military/defense and intelligence approaches and activities in the Asia-Pacific region and its foreign policy discharges that this writer and his co-author discovered through their extensive research and investigations.
Some of the salient policy determinations and projections in the now-declassified 2018 National Security Strategy – the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act document of the US government are as follows:
· A strong India, in cooperation with like-minded countries, would act as a counterbalance to China.
· India remains preeminent in South Asia and takes the leading role in maintaining Indian Ocean security, increased engagement with Southeast Asia, and expands its economic, defense, and diplomatic cooperation with other US allies and partners in the region.
· US Objective: Accelerate India’s rise and capacity to serve as a net provider of security and Major Defense Partner; solidify an enduring strategic partnership with India underpinned by a strong Indian military able to effectively collaborate with the United States and her partners in the region to address shared interests.
· US Actions: Build a stronger foundation for defense cooperation and interoperability; expand US defense trade ability to transfer defense technology to enhance India’s status as a Major Defense Partner.
· US Objective: Strengthen the capacity of emerging partners in South Asia, including the Maldives, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, to contribute to a free and open order. US Action: Establish a new initiative with South Asian partners modeled on the Maritime Security Initiative.
· National Security Challenges: How to maintain US strategic primacy in the Indo-Pacific region while preventing China from establishing new illiberal spheres of influence.
· US Action: Enhance combat-credible US military presence and posture in the Indo-Pacific region to uphold US interests and security commitments.
Now, let’s see how ‘Indian National Security’ that Anura Kumara Dissanayake has referred to, and aspires to safeguard under a JVP-led NPP government he is hoping to form, is tied to the Indo-Pacific Region that Washington is playing a dominant role in.
US-India Relationship: Critical to Indo-Pacific
A shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific bolsters the US-India relationship as the two countries continue to strengthen defense ties, a senior Pentagon official said on Sept. 19, 2023.
Siddharth Iyer, the Director for South Asia policy in the Office of (US) Secretary of Defense, said the defense partnership had experienced an incredible and unprecedented amount of momentum” as evidenced by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin twice traveling to India recently and the warmth and familiarity” between the two countries.
This relationship is one of the top priorities for the department,” Iyer said. Our belief is that getting the US and India relationship right is not just necessary, it’s essential to achieving our strategy in the Indo-Pacific.”
What he meant by our strategy” is the United States’ strategy.
I think one of the ways in which we think about the roadmap is really a manifestation of Secretary Austin’s commitment to accelerating India’s military modernization, and for him, putting the department on the hook to find targeted opportunities to propose to advance India’s indigenous defense production capabilities,” Iyer said during a discussion on furthering US-India security cooperation hosted by the Hudson Institute in Washington.
department on the hook”, meaning the United States on the hook.
India’s Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar engaged with (US) Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin for the fifth US-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue in New Delhi on November 10, 2023.
They reaffirmed the importance of the US-India Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership in ensuring international peace and security. The Ministers also underlined their strong commitment to safeguarding a free, open, and an inclusive Indo-Pacific.
The Joint Statement released November 10, 2023 on the Fifth Annual India-US 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue reaffirmed the US-India”commitment to further deepen the multifaceted defense partnership through wide-ranging dialogues and military exercises of increasing complexity and sophistication, accelerated joint projects initiated under the June 2023 Roadmap for US-India Defense Industrial Cooperation and expanded collaboration in emerging domains, such as space and artificial intelligence. They expressed satisfaction with the pace of cooperation in Maritime Domain Awareness and looked forward to identifying pathways to promote stronger service-to-service ties and share technologies to address an array of maritime challenges, including in the undersea domain.”
These discourses, dialogues and rapport have prompted steps to deepen and diversify” the two countries’ so-called Major Defense Partnership.
The two (US and India) militaries signed their second Master Ship Repair Agreement, with the US Navy and Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd., in August 2023, recommitting themselves to advancing India’s emergence as a hub for the maintenance and repair of forward-deployed US Navy assets and other aircraft and vessels, according to the White House. The countries also made further commitments to the US companies investing more in India’s maintenance, repair and overhaul capabilities and facilities for aircraft.
In late September 2023, Ely Ratner, the US Department of Defense’s Assistant Secretary for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs, Donald Lu, State Department’s assistant secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs, Vani Rao, a secretary in the Indian Ministry of External Affairs and Vishwesh Negi, the Joint Secretary of Indian Ministry of Defense engaged in a wide range of ambitious initiatives” dialogue between the two nations.
According to a US Defense Department statement The officials also discussed regional security developments and strategic priorities across the Indo-Pacific region. A strong US-India partnership is essential to upholding security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.”
India having entered into a military partnership with the United States, and Sri Lanka’s close proximity to India in political and economic spheres, Sri Lanka is at a crossroads surrounded by Washington, New Delhi and Beijing.
As an emerging leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake could have made a ‘measured statement’ on the official policy of the government he is planning to form towards ‘India’s security’ as data given above show the manner in which Washington has tied up with New Delhi, and the strategy the United States has adopted to forge a strong defense ties with India; contrary to what Dissanayake believes, India is not developing an ‘isolated national security policy’. New Delhi has been formulating her national security policy in collaboration with Washington, and that security policy – to which JVP-NPP has undertaken to protect and safeguard – provides for a dominant role for Washington in the Indo-Pacific (or Asia-Pacific) region. Sri Lanka is unable to escape Washington’s machinations in the Indo-Pacific region as noted at the outset.
Isn’t Dissanayake aware of the US-India defense collaboration? If so, is he concealing that fact, or if not so, isn’t he capable of strategic thinking?
As a footnote, it is necessary to refer to Dissanayake’s pronouncement about foreign nations and their diplomatic agents’ special interest in communicating with him and his political entity, according to him in an interview with SIRASA TV on February 15 (Quote) Anyone who can think logically can understand that states engage with political actors that have power. India, China, the US, and many others are now engaging with us because they think we will win elections (Unquote).
The writer finds it very unusual for the (US) Chief of Mission to entertain the notion that she should maintain close rapport and contact with a non-ruling political party leader. The US diplomats were expected to maintain contacts with (about) two national political parties that alternately exchanged power; they established contacts with ‘non-national’ political parties and their leaders to fulfill ‘diplomatic niceties’ and obtain alternative interpretations to that of what main political leaders and their national parties express.
In the case of JVP-NPP, undoubtedly, they are emerging as a national entity, and foreign diplomats, including the American ambassador Julie Chung, have taken note of the emerging political reality to maintain relations with it. Whether Ambassador Chung believes, in a confused political atmosphere, the JVP-NPP could form the next administration is another matter.
Two questions emerge from Dissanayake’s belief that foreign nations and their diplomats ‘suddenly’ reach out to his political alliance because they strongly believe that its rise to power is imminent: (1) Is it because the reconciliation between the JVP-NPP and India and Dissanayake’s undertaking not to obstruct that nation’s national security interests suits Washington and if JVP-NPP ever captures power or reaches the level of an influential and formidable opposition power Washington (and/or Julie Chung) will have tamed the once anti-American/anti-Indian JVP? (2) Shouldn’t JVP- NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake declare his policy towards the US; the defense collaboration between Washington and New Delhi; and that Ambassador Chung is aware that JVP-NPP has conveniently ignored India’s defence collaboration with the US? Is this a diplomatic achievement of Washington?
As much as JVP-NPP owes the Sri Lankan public an explanation, elucidating its undertaking to safeguard the national security interests, Sri Lankan policymakers and lawmakers need to have a comprehensive understanding of where Sri Lanka stands in this complex foreign policy issue.
(The writer is a retired Foreign Service National Political Specialist of the U.S. Department of State accredited to the Political Section of the U.S. diplomatic mission in Sri Lanka)
The Netherlands has returned six artefacts taken by force from Sri Lanka during the colonial era. This is the first batch of treasures to be returned.
Comment
The artifacts that were stolen from Ceylon rightfully belong to Ceylon (now renamed as Sri Lanka). Additionally, Sri Lanka has a strong claim under the Law of Unjust Enrichment to part of the revenue collected by the Rijks Museum in Amsterdam by selling tickets to visitors over the last 150 years. That money must be repatriated to Sri Lanka. We are shareholders and co-owners of our artifacts illegally seized and taken abroad.
This principle of sharing profits with the victims of Western Colonialism in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean islands through repatriation of revenue collected over 200 years or more by exhibiting stolen goods taken from the Colonies, is a universal principle that is applicable in any part of the world.
I call on the Govt. of Sri Lanka to pursue this matter as a matter of urgency within the framework of Public International Law.
Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena handed over laptops to software engineering students at a function held at the Temple Trees yesterday (February 29).
Japanese IT University has provided free laptops to software engineering students of newly-established Lanka Nippon BizTech Institute (LNBTI), with the contribution of funds from Japan.
The Prime Minister attended the ceremony and handed over laptops to several students marking the importance of this significance gesture to bridge the digital gap and his LNBTI’s unwavering commitment to enhancing student access to technology.
Acting Japanese ambassador, Katsuki Kotaro and the Secretary to the Prime Minister, Anura Dissanayake handed over laptops to another group of students. The Acting Ambassador said Japan is committed to support Sri Lanka’s digital development and urged the students to make best use of state of art technology available to them to successfully navigate their future careers.
These cutting-edge devices, equipped with state-of-the-art technology, are poised to empower LNBTI students pursuing their Software Engineering Degree Program. LNBTI, a collaboration between “hSenid Ventures” of Sri Lanka and “Metatechno Inc.” of Japan, stands as the first and only Japanese higher education institute with degree-awarding status in South Asia.
Director LNBTI said several free laptops are available for students from rural areas who wish to join the Institute.
The event culminated with the Prime Minister encouraging LNBTI students to harness the power of technology for innovation, education, and socio-economic development. This ceremony stands as a beacon of progress, epitomizing LNBTI’s commitment to unleashing the potential of technology to uplift forthcoming graduates and serving as an inspiration for future initiatives dedicated to bringing the two nations closer through the contribution of professionals in the IT industry. LNBTI Directors Saman Kumara and Ravinder Perera, academic staff, students and parents attended this function.
New Delhi had objected to a Chinese energy project in the location, instead offering a grant for the initiative
The initiative is the third India-backed energy project coming up in Sri Lanka’s north and east. The National Thermal Power Corporation is spearheading a solar venture in the eastern Sampur town, while the Adani Group is setting up renewable energy projects in Mannar and Pooneryn in the north | Photo Credit: ANI
Three years after objecting to a Chinese energy project in northern Sri Lanka, barely 50 km off Tamil Nadu’s coast, India is set to implement a hybrid power project in three islands off the Jaffna peninsula with a $11-million grant.
Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority, the Government of Sri Lanka, and Indian company U-Solar Clean Energy Solutions on Friday signed the contract for building Hybrid Renewable Energy Systems” in Delft or Neduntheevu, Nainativu and Analaitivu islands off Jaffna peninsula in the island’s north.
The project, which is aimed at addressing energy needs of the people of the three islands, is being executed through grant assistance from Government of India. The hybrid project combines various forms of energy including both solar and wind, towards optimising capacities,” a press release from the Indian High Commission in Colombo said.
In a post on social media platform ‘X’ thanking the Government of India, Sri Lanka’s Power and Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekara said: The project with 530 kw Wind power, 1,700 kw Solar power, 2,400 kwh Battery power and 2,500 kw of stand by diesel power system will be constructed at the 3 Islands by U-SOLAR.” The Bangalore-based company was chosen through a competitive bidding process conducted by the Sri Lankan government for Indian firms, officials said.
The initiative is the third India-backed energy project coming up in Sri Lanka’s north and east. The National Thermal Power Corporation is spearheading a solar venture in the eastern Sampur town, while the Adani Group is setting up renewable energy projects in Mannar and Pooneryn in the north.
India’s offer
The Sri Lankan Cabinet first cleared Sinosoar-Etechwin Joint Venture in China, to execute renewable energy projects in the three islands. The company was chosen through a competitive bid backed by the Asian Development Bank. Concerned by the prospect of a Chinese project very close to India’s southern coastline, India offered to implement the same project with a grant instead of a loan, and Sri Lanka took it up.
A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed in March 2022, during External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s visit to Sri Lanka. China’s displeasure at the turn of events is no secret. The Chinese Ambassador in Colombo voiced rare criticism of Sri Lankan authorities for suspending the original projects for unknown reasons” and sending out the wrong message” to potential investors.
Meanwhile, Sino Solar Hybrid Technology, whose energy project was suspended in Sri Lanka, in December 2021, signed a deal to implement a similar project in the Maldives.
Sri Lanka awards solar and wind power projects to Indian company, signaling strategic shift amid concerns over Chinese influence. India boosts bilateral energy partnership
Sri Lanka on Friday awarded the construction of three solar and wind hybrid power generation facilities to an Indian company after cancelling a tender won by a Chinese firm. This decision follows the temporary shelving of the project, initially financed by an Asian Development Bank (ADB) loan, two years ago.
This came amid strategic competition for major infrastructure projects in the island nation, which is currently emerging from its worst economic crisis since independence. Beijing, which is also Sri Lanka’s single largest bilateral creditor, accounted for around 10 percent of the island nation’s $46 billion foreign debt at the time of a government default at the peak of the crisis in 2022.
India’s assistance for the energy deal underscored the significance New Delhi attached to bilateral energy partnership”, the Indian embassy said in a statement. India: a committed partner! HC @santjha & Hon.State Minister Indika Anuruddha witnessed contract signing of the Hybrid Renewable Energy Project in Nainativu, Analaitivu & Delft islands, off Jaffna. This grant project by India addresses energy needs of the people of the 3 islands,” the Indian mission in Sri Lanka said in a post on X.
The project will consist of work to construct 530 kw of wind power, 1,700 kw of solar power, 2,400 kWh of battery power and a 2,500 kw diesel power system for Delft, Analativu and Nainativu islets, Sri Lanka’s Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekara said in a statement. Sri Lanka’s energy ministry said Friday that the project had been revived and was now fully funded by an $11 million Indian government grant. It added that renewables firm U-Solar from India’s tech hub of Bengaluru had been awarded the building contract.
The Indian envoy in Colombo Santosh Jha was present at the ceremony. The Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority, the Government of India and the U Solar Clean Energy Systems, a Bengaluru-based company signed the agreement. India’s assistance to the project for the people of the three islands, which are not connected to the national grid, underscores the significance attached by GOI to bilateral energy partnership as well as the human-centric nature of development partnership, officials said.
Several landmark initiatives such as the power grid connectivity, multi-product two-way oil pipeline are currently under discussion between India and Sri Lanka in the energy sphere, according to a report in NewsFirst.lk, a Sri Lankan news portal. India’s overall development partnership portfolio stands at USD 5 billion with almost USD 600 million being in grants alone, it said.
The Finance Ministry on Thursday (Feb.29) unveiled the Government Action Plan, which was prepared based on the Governance Diagnostic Assessment (GDA) furnished by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Taking to his X handle (formerly Twitter), Finance State Minister Shehan Semasinghe said this action plan further demonstrates the Sri Lankan government’s commitment to building a sustainable economy and good governance in the country.
The IMF had prepared the governance diagnostic report at the request of Sri Lanka, and the publication was deemed imperative for the authorities to adopt their own action plan to implement the recommendations in the assessment, beyond the priority commitments under the EFF arrangement.
Sri Lanka is the first country in Asia to have undergone the IMF Governance Diagnostic exercise.
The IMF earlier lauded the timely publication of the GDA, highlighting that it was a commendable first step towards addressing deep-rooted corruption weaknesses.
The Buddhist lobby set out to re-establish Buddhism in the Northeast when the Eelam war ended in 2009. They were helped in this task by the army. The Buddhist lobby started off by setting up Buddha statues. Buddha-images were planted triumphantly in Tamil areas of re-conquest” lamented Tamil Separatist Movement. By 2012 the number of Buddhist statues from Omanthai to Yālpāṇam had increased to 29.
A Buddha statue came up in Sambaltheevu in Trincomalee with police protection. Construction work started on the Buddha statue at Mahindaramaya, Valaichchenai In 2019. The 60-foot statue will be the tallest in Batticaloa said chief priest, Ven. Katugastota (Kaddukasthodda) Mahindalangara.
Buddha statues were placed in sensitive locations. One statue was in front of Thirukoneswaram Hindu temple in Trincomalee and another was at Thiruketheeswaram temple in Mannar.A large Buddha statue has been built near Yālpāṇam harbor making it clearly visible to the vessels, complained Tamil Separatist Movement.
The military has built Buddha statues within or in close proximity to Hindu temples at Vavuniya, Kilinochchi, and Point Pedro, complained Aadalayan Centre. A 67 foot Buddha statue is coming up in front of the Nainai Nagabhooshani Amman Hindu temple, at Nainativu.
The Buddhist lobby then went on to build temples in the northeast, regardless of opposition from the Tamil Separatists. They started with Kankesanturai in the north (Tissa vihara) then Mullaitivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa. A Vihara has come up in front of the hot water springs in Kinniya.
In 2016 Tamil Separatist Movement stated that new viharas were coming up at Omanthai, Semmadu, Kanakarayankulam, Kilinochchi, Mankulam, Paranthan and Pooneryn. Nine Viharas are coming up in Mullaitivu district alone. In Kokkilai which is in Mullaitivu district, a Buddha vihara is coming up with army support .There is a Buddhist site at Muḷḷivāykkāl as well.
Northern Province Governor Reginold Cooray replied in 2016 that there are only 13 Buddhist temples in the entire Northern Province. There is nothing wrong in constructing Buddhist temples.
These newly constructed Buddhist sites are becoming places of devotion, lamented the Tamil Separatist Movement. Many tourists stop at these key junctions and make donations. Pilgrim resorts have started to appear. Then Sinhala settlements come up near these resorts, complained the Tamil Separatist Movement. One example is the Madhu Road Housing Scheme that came after the vihara and pilgrim resort were built.
Tamil Separatist Movement complained that Buddhist places of worship have been built in strategic places in the north. There is a temple at Navatkuli. Navatkuli is a strategically a very important location. Two important Jaffna roads, A32 and A9 intersect at Navatkuli. These two roads are the only land route between the Jaffna Peninsula and the rest of the island. A Buddhist temple at this location would help the Buddhists control access to Jaffna.
Similarly Maṅkuḷam is the main junction between Vavuṉiyā and Kilinochchi towns. Mankulam junction and Kaṉakārayaṉkuḷam junction connect roads from all four directions. They are the key business locations in Kilinochchi district.
There is a newly built large Buddhist stūpa on the A9 road, near Maṅkuḷam junction. It is designed as a proper Buddhist monastery” with the aim of bringing monks to reside there. A plan for expansion is visible. The building of a large stūpa at this key commercial junction not only has a religio-military dimension, but also a commercial aspect.
A sapling of the Śrī Mahā Bodhi has been planted on a 20 feet-high mound at Kanakārayaṉkuḷam on the A9 road. The place is guarded around the clock by four soldiers who live in a nearby military barrack. A soldier also operates as a tourist guide at this site and gives the history of Śrī Mahā Bodhi and how the sapling was brought here after the military victory over the LTTE. There are plans to arrange for Buddhist monks to reside at the site. Devotees who pass through the A9 route daily in their thousands donate generously to the site. The site is continuously expanding.
Jude Fernando (2013) [1] speaks of the malāsanayas which have been set up all over the north .The term Malasanaya refers to the stand for flowers placed before a Buddha statue, but in this case, Malasanaya probably means a small outdoor shrine.
The end of the Eelam war led to a rapid growth in malāsanayas in the north. New Buddhist malāsanayas can be found in Mullaitivu district, and in Mallāvi, Vaṭakau and Tarmapuram in Kiḷinocci district, said Jude. In the Eastern Province there is a new Buddhist malāsanaya near the hot water wells in Kiṇṇiyā.
Malāsana have been built on the intersecting junctions of roads. There was one at Parantan junction, which connects the A9 road to two other directions.. They are frequently visited by Buddhists who travel on the A9 road as tourists going to the Northern Province.
There were malasanayas in police stations, in public places, and military camps as well. Some are located inside the camps but could be seen from the road. A good number are located in between the main road and the barbed-wire fence of the camp.
There were 12 clearly visible Buddhist sites of worship within 129km, along the main A9m road from Ōmantai to Yālpāṇam. there are five such places Within 33.8 km on the road from Yālpāṇam to Paruttittuṟai there were at least 20 such sites from Matavācci to Maṉṉār visible from the road. These figures came from a random count done by a team of Tamils and Siṃhalas as part of a Human Rights training programme in 2010.
The Buddhist lobby is reaching out beyond Jaffna as well. .Vediyarasan Fort on the island of Delft was declared an ancient Buddhist site by the Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka. The construction of a Buddhist shrine on the island of Katchatheevu, a notable place of pilgrimage for Tamil Catholics, has raised fears around the possibility of Sinhala colonization, said Tamil Guardian.
Tamil Separatist Movement has charged that Buddhist temples are built on Hindu temple lands. In Kōkkiḷāi in Mullaitīvu district, a Hindu temple (Piḷḷayār kōvil) which was damaged during the war has been demolished and replaced by a Buddhist shrine.
The entire district of Maṉṉar though populated by Tamils has been brought under the archaeological province of Anurādhapura. A section of Thirukeetheswaram temple (Mannar) has been taken over for a shrine for Buddhists. The District Secretariat in Mannar had granted rights to a monk to build within the precincts of a Hindu temple, but the trustees of the Hindu temple managed to get the Buddhist temple stopped.
In the Eastern Province the animosity towards Buddhism is leading to confrontations. There is now an open tussle between the Buddhists and non Buddhists in Eastern Province. Neither side is prepared to give in. Kurundi is one example.
Buddhists are determined that the Eastern Province must maintain its position as a Buddhist province. They are setting up new Buddhist temples and enlarging the existing ones. A new building for Sri Pantharma temple in Vellaveli (Batticaloa) was provided by the army in 2015. The commemorative plaque was entirely in Sinhala, complained Tamilnet.
The Eastern Province Development Committee found at its meeting of August 2023 that land had been given to places of worship in the Trincomalee District without any formal procedures. Arisimale temple had got 100 acres. The 365 acres requested by the Tiriyaya temple was reduced to 265 acres, by a Parliamentary Select Committee. 27 perches of land has been requested for Boralukanda Rajamaha Vihara. It was decided to re-survey and settle the issue.
In 2023, it was reported that the President intended to appoint a committee to determine whether Kurundi and Tiriyaya had historically owned 2,000 and 3,000 (sic) acres of land respectively. President wanted to know how these two Viharas could own more land than Maha vihara in Anuradhapura. The committee must show historical evidence about the land once owned by the Kurundi and Tiriyaya Viharas. This did not go down well. A cartoon in Island newspaper of 18.6.23 made fun of the Presidents observations on Maha vihara.
The Buddhist lobby has taken an interest in Trikoneswaram temple in Trincomalee. R.Sampanthan had written to President Ranil Wickremesinghe on 14 September, 2022 saying I am informed that meetings have been held in Trincomalee regarding Thirukoneshwaram and certain decisions are to be taken.
A proposal has been made that a new route be opened to the Buddha statue and from there to Thirukoneshwaram kovil. This is not necessary. It can result in persons encroaching and occupying land on the route. This will result in the sanctity and piety of the two sites getting diminished. I kindly request that the opening of this new route be stopped. This will only result in evil being done. DBS Jeyaraj said in November 2022 that this controversial move seem to have been put on hold.
Some years ago some traders from Ratnapura were brought and installed on the route to Koneshwaram, continued Sampanthan. Meat and Fish were cooked there. A decision was taken that these persons be shifted from this area but not been implemented. He also complained that some persons claiming to be Archeological officials have visited this area
Sampanthan then recalled that In August 1968, a group of prominent Hindus representing several Hindu organizations wrote to Prime Minister Dudley Sanganayake and the Hindu Minister in the Government M. Tiruchelvam regarding the Koneshwaram Temple. They requested that the Fort Fredrick precincts be declared a sacred area on account of the historic Koneshwaram Temple being located within.
The appointment of the committee on ‘Declaration of Fort Fredrick of Trincomalee, a Sacred Area’ was gazetted on 27 August 1968. Three days later on 30 August the Ven. Mangalle Dharmakirti and Sri Dambagasare Sumedhankara Nayaka Thera of Tammankaduwe lodged a protest with Prime Minister Senanayake.
According to Minister Tiruchelvam’s former Private Secretary Ram Balasubramaniam, the Buddhist monk claimed that an ancient place of Buddhist worship” would get into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists” because of the committee being appointed to declare Koneshwaram a sacred area. A widespread agitation was threatened if the project was not shelved immediately. Dudley Senanayake vehemently denied that Fort Fredrick was going to be declared a Hindu sacred area. He emphasized that Fort Fredrick was under the Defence Ministry.
In May 2023 there was a test of strength, between The Tamil Separatist Movement and the Buddhist lobby. This time, for once, the Buddhist lobby won. In May 2023 the Buddhist lobby had arranged for 50 Thai monks to arrive by boat to Trincomalee, and conduct a ceremony near the Bo Gas Hatara temple, to celebrate the arrival of the Siam Nikaya upasampada in 1753. Derana news of 14.5.2023 reported on what happened next.
The delegation arrived and got as far as Jaya Sumanaramaya by foot. They were prevented from proceeding any further by students of University of Jaffna who had set up an attalaya blocking their route. They had stayed the previous night there. These students said that the Buddhist lobby must stop their procession immediately; otherwise they will gather all the undergrads of Northeastern University as well and demonstrate.
The Sangha then went to the Trincomalee clock tower. Camera showed a row of monks seated looking formidable. They did not sit there for long. They pushed through the army barriers using poles and reached Bo Gas Hatara. The Tamil students who were there departed and the ceremony was held.
This is the place where the new upasampada started” said the chief priest, standing before the gate of St Mary’s Convent. TNA must understand that there is a loyal, patriotic, Buddhist community of monks and laymen here.
Derana news also reported that Sampanthan had said in Parliament, that there was a sacred kovil near Bo Gas Hatara and this is why they were objecting. Homeland Democratic Party” had written to India, USA and Thailand to stop this ceremony. (Continued)
[1] As at 2013, Dr. Jude Lal Fernando (Jūd Lāl Pranāndu) was a post-doctoral research fellow and lecturer in Buddhist-Christian dialogue at the Irish School of Ecumenics, Trinity College Dublin. He has written on Expansion of Siṃhala Buddhism into the Tamil Region: Religio-Military Dimensions of Post-War Lanka”. He has collected documentary pictures of the Sinhalisation of the Tamil area in Īlam’s North-East region after the defeat of the LTTE . the quotations that follow are taken from: Buddhism among Tamils in Tamilakam and Īlam Part 3 Extension and Conclusions Editor-in Chief: Peter Schalk https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:604163/FULLTEXT06.pdf
Buddhist lobby made it a point to celebrate Wesak in the Northern Province. Wesak celebrations were organized in Jaffna in 2005. Religious activities were at Naga Vihara and Kadurugoda temple. Large crowds had thronged to Jaffna for Wesak to view the celebration. There were lanterns and dansala at the Alfred Duraiyappah stadium.
Jaffna celebrated Wesak in 2009 too. The celebration lasted for three days. Wesak lanterns were lit along the main trunk roads. Wesak was celebrated at Lumbini Vihara, Kilinochchi.
The most celebrated moment of Buddhist rituals and festivals in the post-war” Tamil region was the government sponsored celebration of Vēsak in May 2011 said Tamil Separatist Movement.
N 2011 there were no Buddhists in the North except the occupying army, Jude Fernando observed. But, the whole of North, from Vavuniya to Jaffna along the A-9 road, was full of colorful Vesak decorations, huge lanterns and flying Buddhist flags as if the people of the North are Buddhists. A number of Vesak dansal had been set up in several places. All this was done by the occupying Sri Lanka Armed Forces and Police as a sign of subjugation of the Tamils by the Sinhalese Buddhists, Jude said.
In 2014, Wesak celebrations were organized by the Jaffna Buddhist Society” with the assistance of the army. This too attracted large crowds. There was a special Wesak zone with a giant pandal and a dansela run by the army. The Wesak zone attracted over 100,000 on first day. Bhakthi Gee were sung by soldiers, students of Jaffna schools and the students of the Manipay Nandarama Tamil Buddhist Dhamma School.
Wesak celebrations organized by the Jaffna Security Force Headquarters in 2018 were very popular, judging from the crowd turnout. The Wesak Dansela catered to over 15,000 people each day. The Wesak pandals attracted large crowds.
Previously, if a person from Jaffna needed to witness the Wesak celebrations, they would have to travel either to Anuradhapura or Colombo, but now with the Wesak celebrations being held in the North, the Northern people too could enjoy this festival,” said viewers. Both the young and old come for the Wesak celebrations. They enjoy seeing the lanterns and pandals and it also gives them an understanding of the Buddhist culture, they said. Tamil politicians, however, objected to the Wesak celebrations.
The Buddhist lobby is now in a position to initiate a string of Buddhist pilgrimages to the north and east. In the past the Buddhists only went to Nagadipa, now there is Sapumalgaskada and Kurundi, in Mullaitivu, Boralukanda and Tiriyaya in Trincomalee.
It is now time to transfer worship of Nagadipa from Nainativu island to the Jaffna peninsula. Jaffna was the original Nagadipa. Therefore Jaffna must now be recognized as Nagadipa, and made a part of the Solosmastana pilgrimage.
The Buddhist lobby must also consider propagating Buddhism in the north and east. There is no rush to obtain converts. The Buddhist philosophy must be available to any Tamil who wishes to learn about Buddhism. That will be sufficient, in my view.
At a talk I attended in 2019, It was suggested, that Tamil should be taught in the Pirivenas, so that they can teach Buddhism to Tamil speakers. The present objection to temples is because there is a distrust of Buddhist temples in Jaffna, said one analyst. Ethnic discord may not have arisen if in the 30s and 40s monks learnt Tamil and preached the Buddha’s words in the North and East, said another. It may be better to sponsor Buddhism in the north east without enforcing Sinhala colonization, said a third commentator. The presence of more Buddhists may have diffused the situation and prevented a war. So it should be Buddhistization and not Sinhalisation, he said.
There was a short period in Jaffna when in 1962 a small group of Tamil speakers converted to Ambedkar-Buddhism and later re-converted to Hinduism. There was a short-lived conversion to Buddhism in villages such as Caṅkāṉai, Kāṅkēcanturai, Puttūr and Karaveṭṭi in the mid-1960s said AJV Chandrakanthan.
The Maviddapuram Temple entry crisis and the growing political and social discriminations that were meted out to the minority Tamils, culminated in the declaration by a group of minority leaders, their families and children of their desire to convert to Buddhism. This led to the formation of The All Ceylon Tamil Buddhist Association (Akila Ilaṅkai Tamilar Pauttac Caṅkam) in 1962. [1]
They jointly ventured into the task of establishing Tamil Buddhist schools to respond to the need for education of minority Tamil children and to facilitate the religious needs of the newly converted Tamil Buddhist children. Four schools were established in four villages in the Paruttittuṟai district. These are: Puthoor Panchaseela Vidyalaya, Atchuvely Shree Vipasi Vidyalaya, Karaveddy, Kanpolla ShreeNaratha (Kanpollai) and Alvaii Somage Vidyalaya
these schools gradually became Tamil schools for all Tamil children in the area and the short lived Buddhist religion eventually lost its fire and fervour. In retrospect, conversion to Buddhism was seen only as an abortive short cut to sharp and swift social emancipation. By climbing the ladder of Buddhism the minority Tamils hoped for social egalitarianism which they thought was enshrined as a fundamental Buddhist religious principle. Thus, those who opted to climb this ladder were soon disillusioned as their expectation was unattainable.
The Tamils knew that this conversion will wither away and die in a matter of months. As expected it did. Critics observed that this activity received no support from the Buddhist public. What form of sustainability did the Sinhala Buddhist officialdom provide for the new converts? did they ever provide a system that would enable the continuity of their newly founded mission, t Asked critics. ( continued)
[1] The following were the office-bearers of this Association: President: Taviṭ Mārimutu Vairamuttu, J.P. Joint Secretaries: K. Kanagaliṅkam, V. Mārkkaṇṭu Vice-Presidents: N. Ciṉṉattampi, M. Poṉṉuturai, S. Kiruśnacāmi Treasurer: S. Iyāturai Buddhism among Tamils in Tamilakam and Īlam Part 3 Extension and Conclusions Editor-in Chief: Peter Schalk https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:604163/FULLTEXT06.pdf p 171
The Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference Phase III was held in Colombo. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was the chief guest with Julie Chung, U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka Hayashi Makoto, Japanese Deputy Assistant Minister for Southeast and Southwest Asian Affairs, and Milinda Moragoda founder of Pathfinder Foundation. The distinguished speakers were joined by other heads of diplomatic missions, regional experts, and think tank leaders to provide insights into the complex topics for discussion at the conference.
The Pathfinder Foundation, in consultation with its International Advisory Group, has curated a program to stimulate discussions and propose actionable recommendations.
Ambassador (Retd.) Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman PF and Ambassador (Retd.) Shivshankar Menon, former Indian Foreign Secretary and National Security Advisor, the co-chairmanship of the conference explores critical themes affecting the Indian Ocean community, including the Indo-Pacific strategy and its regional implications, recognition of the importance of underwater domain awareness within security and economic dimensions, the pressing problems of climate change, maritime disaster management, and promoting a blue-green economy. The Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference live streaming is available on the Pathfinder web and FB page.
By Sarath Wijesinghe President’s Counsel (LL.M (UCL London)), former Ambassador to UAE and Israel, former Chairman of the Consumer Affairs Authority, President of the Lanka Ambassador’s Forum – United Kingdom, Solicitor in England and Wales
Legal education is paramount in Sri Lanka, where there is a legal profession comprising 20,000 lawyers and academics in universities. Despite this, legal education remains minimal due to a lack of facilities and promotional activities. In contrast, other countries give legal education more prominence.
Legal education in Sri Lanka is based on the constitution and the legal framework of the country, which is mainly based on Roman-Dutch law, with influences from Sri Lanka and South Africa. Other legal systems, such as Kandyan law and maritime law, also play a role. Legal education is generally conducted in English in the higher courts, while other courts use Tamil and Sinhala, but records in the highest courts are maintained in English. There is a debate over whether the case records of the highest courts should be in Sinhala, especially for controversial matters decided by governors.
Dr. Jayatissa De Costa’s book, “Laws of Sri Lanka,” is an excellent reference for students, academics, and the public, even though law is not taught to them. Under the Chapter of 1933, advocates and proctors can be admitted, a practice dating back to 1874. The entire admission process for legal education is in the hands of the Law College, headed by the Honorable Chief Justice, which is a point of interest for academics and professionals.
There is ample time to educate lawyers academically. Currently, the lawyers admitted are also officers of the Supreme Court, following the amalgamation of two professions advocates and proctors by the administration of law introduced by Hon. Felix Dias Bandaranaike. This reform was initiated with high hopes for the commoner to address law’s delays, but unfortunately, it did not fully materialize.
The Law College exams are difficult, and there are other qualifications available, such as a Bachelor of Laws degree (LLB) from Sri Lanka or abroad. Institutions involved in teaching include the Law College, Colombo University, Open University, Peradeniya University, Jaffna University, General Sir John Kotelawala University etc., which conduct law degrees accepted by the Law College. The Law College also recognizes degrees from other universities, but its exams are excessively tough for entry into the legal profession. However, they maintain certain standards, ensuring that those who pass the exams are well-qualified.
Another famous book for legal education is by LJM Cooray in 1975 on legal education, with the rest of the information available on the internet. The bodies responsible for legal education are the Law College and other law faculties, which maintain certain standards. Legal education in Sri Lanka was initially influenced by British rule, starting with the Charter of Justice, where advocates were enrolled, and the administration of justice and law fused the two professions, a practice that continues today.
Law is not taught in schools and institutions aimed at the commoner, which is a societal need. Civics was taught in schools, but this is no longer the case, which is a concern for academics and concerned citizens given the current situation in the country regarding law and order. The Ambassadors’ Forum is planning to compile the 12th volume of its Foreign Policy Perspectives series on Law and Order to discuss this issue, in addition to the volumes compiled on many important topics such as agriculture, peace, and reconciliation, which are academic, practical, and aimed at professionals and academics in society.
The legal profession is seen as a partnership of judges, lawyers, academics, etc., who are educated and competent, but there is a need for a proper training institute for judges and for judges who understand life and judicial temperament. Some judges in minor courts need a lot of training. There are concerns about the standards for lawyers, which is true for standards of education, language proficiency, etc. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the Law College must take notice of these issues.
The Law College is an independent body, and the principal has authority and responsibility. Academics and lawyers have concerns about the way the principal is trying to do the job without assistance from legal professionals. It is time for the principal to address this matter. This also contributes to the rise of criminal activities due to a lack of knowledge and provisions by the respective parties on the rule of law.
Legal education is a complex study on the development of professional identity and studies. Sri Lanka has leading visionaries and world-renowned judges and professionals, such as Justice Weeramantry, who is held in the highest esteem worldwide. The profession must take notice of these figures and use them as examples.
Therefore, as the Bar Association of Sri Lanka is completing 50 years of existence, it is time to look back, learn from mistakes, and take steps for the future to ensure that Sri Lanka’s legal system is not second to any in the world, including the UK, from which the system was imported. It is time for the judiciary, Bar Association, academics, and professionals to come together in one forum for their benefit and the benefit of citizens at large, especially now when the legal profession is at a low ebb. In the recent past, we were at a reasonably good level, so at this juncture, legal professionals, academics, and the judiciary must resolve to make things right, using this anniversary as a platform.
It is evident that a recent claim is being made by some that the Buddha was born, attained enlightenment, delivered his teaching and passed away in Sri Lanka.
However, evidence seems to strongly indicate that the Buddha was born outside Sri Lanka (most probably in Lumbini in the country known today as Nepal) and that the events of attainment of enlightenment, delivery of the teaching and passing away took place in the northern part of the country known today as India.
Evidence in India
Of the much evidence that support this, two pieces that pertain to India are as follows.
1. It is known that names of places, such as Kuru, Videha and Kosala and of rivers, such as Yamuna and Ganges, found in ancient Indian literature, including the Mahabharata, are found in the Buddha’s discourses (e.g. Kosala samyutta and Udana 5.5).
2. The four classes (Brahmins, downwards) in the caste system in India are indicated in relevant discourses of the Buddha (e.g. Digha Nikaya 27).
Apart from these two pieces of evidence, there is much other evidence (including the availability in India of many Buddhist stupas, sculptures and relics) to support that the aforesaid events took place in India.
However, these two pieces of evidence alone seem sufficient to establish that these events took place in India.
Evidence in Sri Lanka
Additionally, there is much evidence that pertain to Sri Lanka that dispel the claim that the events, referred to above, took place in Sri Lanka.
Two pieces of such evidence are as follows.
1. The ancient chronicles of Sri Lanka, including the Mahawamsa, do not state that these events took place in Sri Lanka.
2(1). None of the many Kings and other heads of state or any others in the past 2500 years and more had indicated that these events took place in Sri Lanka.
(2). This failure on their part is indeed very strange if they had in fact taken place in Sri Lanka!
These two pieces of evidence alone seem to be sufficient to dispel this claim.
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Yet, in spite of the contrary evidence in both India and Sri Lanka, there seem to be those who adhere to this claim.
Possible Consequences
Two of the possible consequences of promoting this claim would be:
1. The division of buddhists in Sri Lanka, resulting in a general weakening of their position in the country, and
2. The devaluation of the many ancient sources of the history of Sri Lanka, including the Mahawansa.
It may be appreciated that the devaluation of these sources would effectively mean the devaluation of the country as a whole, as they are an intrinsic part of it.
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Thus, it seems necessary that a prudent and effective response be made by concerned citizens and authorities regarding the recent claim, taking into account evidence in both India and Sri Lanka and the indicated possible consequences.
ශ්රී ලංකාව සතිපොළක් මට්ටමටම අද පත්කර ඇති බවත්, මේ රට උරුමයක්, ඉතිහාසයක් හා අයිතියක් ඇති රටක් මිස සතිපොළක් නොවන බවත් මහාචාර්ය ලලිතසිරි ගුණරුවන් මහතා පවසයි.