The distribution of fuel should be further streamlined through the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB), the Supreme Court pointed out today.
This was mentioned when two fundamental rights (FR) petitions filed over the country’s economic crisis were called before the Supreme Court judges Vijith Malalgoda and Arjuna Obeyesekere this morning.
The FR petitions were filed by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL), seeking a court order directing the government to provide short- and long-term solutions to provide uninterrupted supply of fuel, electricity, food, medicines and other essentials.
The petitioners have stated that they were compelled to file the FR applications due to the shortages in essential goods and services that are considered vital for the survival and existence of the citizens of the country in whom is guaranteed the fundamental right to equality, equal protection of the law and the right to life under the constitution.
During today’s proceedings, the Supreme Court bench ordered the BASL to submit an affidavit to the court, containing additional proposals to resolve the crisis situation.
Further consideration of the two FR petitions has been fixed for August 31.
But there were criticisms as to how the darling JVP was treated. In 1971, Senator S Nadesan drew attention to the Emergency Regulations enacted at the time, particularly Regulations 19 and 20 which dealt with arrest, detention, cremation and burial. These Regulations say that any police officer may arrest without a warrant a person suspected of an offence under the Emergency Regulations. The earlier safeguards that such a person must be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours and also that police must report to magistrate if they arrest a person without a warrant were removed. When the Parliament met, many MPs, mainly government MPs, brought in many allegations of abuse against the police.
This was Sri Lanka‘s first insurgency, and the country, naturally, had no laws to deal with it. A Sedition act had been prepared in March 1971, said Samaranayake and this was to be used for arrest and trial of insurgents on charges of sedition.
Attorney-General stated that there were no provisions to prosecute JVP members who had been taken into custody without arms. The government therefore passed the Criminal Justice Commission Bill. The Criminal Justice Commission conducted investigation into the 1971 uprising. Critics said that the Act violated natural law. It was intended to prosecute persons for an offence committed in the past. It was retrospective.
Senator Nadesan made a long speech in Parliament about the JVP insurgency. He took pains to project the insurgency as a home grown operation. Senator Nadesan’s speech was used as an appendix in the report made by Lord Avebury, who came on behalf of Amnesty International, to report on the 15,000 people kept in detention without trial.
In his speech, Nadesan attributed the rise of the JVP to population growth, higher education and unemployment. The insurgents were mainly poor undergraduates who saw no future for themselves, said Nadesan. There were no jobs awaiting them. They were studying because there was nothing else to do. Politics was the principal diet of the students.
Nadesan agreed that the armed uprising had attacked a duly established, democratically elected, popular government. But he listed several weaknesses in the government, such as nepotism, favoritism when it came to jobs and compulsory retirement of those over 55. Very violent speeches were made by the sons of these dependants, observed Nadesan. Also said Nadesan, there was unemployment. People were thrown out of jobs.
MPs gave themselves pensions, enhanced allowances and wanted to import Peugeot cars for official travel. The Senators listening to Nadesan helpfully added at this point, ‘there were also objections to MPs foreign travel and safaris’. Nadesan said he did not know of those and was speaking only of what he did know.
Nadesan listed a series of allegations regarding criminal behavior on the part of the armed forces dealing with the insurgency. Allegations have reached my ears from reputable sources whose names I will not disclose here, that insurgents who surrendered or were captured were shot in a large number on the ground that there was no way of keeping them in prison and there were no faculties for transporting them or for accommodating them. Whether this allegation is true or not is a different matter.
Allegations have been made that in areas far away from the place of actual confrontation between security forces and insurgents, a number of youth were arrested on suspicion. Some were shot summarily, others assaulted, tortured, taken away and shot. Suspects were asked to run away from the police station and then shot when running.
Allegations have been made that in some police stations torture and sadisms have been indulged in by some police officers, they were deprived of their wrist watches and then sent off. Nadesan had been able to verify one such case.
Allegations have been made that the houses of parents of a large number of young persons who were suspected of being insurgents have had their houses burnt down. Allegations have been made that some members of the police force and army have in broad daylight gone to shops, markets and other places and helped themselves to goods and in some cases they have indulged in looting of shops and boutiques, taking away jewellery.
Allegations have been made that after curfew house in places close to Colombo like Nugegoda and in faraway places like Badulla members of security forces have gone into boutiques and shops and carried away jewellery and cash to the extent of Rs 5,000, 6000 and 7000. Allegations have been made that people’s residences, shops and boutiques with all valuables have been burnt down, concluded Nadesan.
Neville Jayaweera, then GA Vavuniya, said the JVP were not mean criminal types. They were decent and most respectful, very young and idealistic. They were fighting for a new society. They were a couple of thousand starry eyed youth armed with shot guns and homemade bombs, with a charismatic leader. They had no idea what they were to do after capturing Vavuniya police station and Kachcheri, added Jayaweera.
My encounters with them in 1971 in Vavuniya had been wholesome ones, he said. Jayaweera had sent some money to his wife through a trusted bus driver. JVP had stopped the driver, detained him, used the bus, and then sent him on to Colombo with the money intact. Jayaweera was full of praise for their honesty.
Neville Jayaweera felt sorry for the dead JVP. They were misguided but they had caught a vision. The loss of their lives was no less tragic, their deeds no less heroic. For their dead no bugles, no volley in salute, only the indignity of tyres. JVP leader attacking Vavuniya police station took over three hours to die, it was heartrending said Jayaweera. I was left with a pang of conscience at the wanton killings of their cadres carried out by the security forces, said Jayaweera.
The two JVP insurgencies of 1971 and 1987 have not been looked at analytically. Commentators have focused on describing what the JVP did, not why they did it. Commentators treat the JVP with great indulgence, calling the JVP an idealistic, romantic youth movement, which arose spontaneously. It was nothing of the sort. It was an externally influenced movement intended to destabilize and break up the state.
Analysts now trace JVP beginnings to the 1960s at the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, where agitation started in the mid 1960s. I was in the University at this time. The first University student strike took place in my time, in 1962 or 1963. I have forgotten what it was about. Its climax came when the demonstrating students, suddenly barricaded the staircase to the administration building. They sat there, occupying the full staircase, which curved up on either side. Lecturers immediately said, Somebody is behind this. Our undergrads would not, on their own, have thought of this tactic.”
Cyril Ranatunge said that Marxist students at Peradeniya became aggressive in the 1960s, supported by sympathetic staff. Violence emerged in Peradeniya in latter part of 1960s, he said.
In 1968 the army was billeted in University Peradeniya campus as the annual armed services parade was to be held in Kandy. Instead of a warm welcome, students mounted a violent attack on the army with stones and home made weapons. One soldier was severely wounded and hospitalized with head injuries. Later we found that the JVP was rehearsing for1971, said Ranatunge.
I remember wondering why the students had reacted like that. As an educated group they should have respected the army, welcomed it and recognized the right of the government to station its army anywhere it chose. Graduates were allowed to enter the army at a certain high level. However, I recall one lecturer, a relative, supporting the student action and saying that the government should never have stationed the army on the University campus.
The 1971 JVP insurgency has been described as a romantic, innocent revolution, an unplanned spontaneous attack. It was no such thing. It was pre-planned and well organized. The purpose was to bring down the SLFP government of Sirimavo Bandaranaike. JVP was planning a putsch, to remove the government by force. Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was to be eliminated. She would be taken into custody from her Rosmead Place residence.
JVP started in the classic manner. Once the new SLFP government came into power there was an unprecedented outburst of lawlessness throughout the country, said S. Nadesan. JVP had infiltrated government industrial concerns and had intimidated the workers. There were work stoppages.
The 1971 insurgency was carefully planned in advance. Kamal Gunaratne commented on the planning that would have gone into a simultaneous attack on 92 police stations. Each attack was planned ahead. The electricity supply was cut before a police station was attacked. Approaches to police stations were sealed off, in some cases, by felling large trees.
Cyril Ranatunge commented on the posters and graffiti which appeared over night throughout the island (except in North and east). Overnight posters appearing all over at the same time pointed to an organization which was orchestrated and well disciplined, he said.
JVP cadres were expected to take and hold certain areas. Colombo district which spanned a large area was demarcated into five, Meda Kolamba (the city limits); Dakunu Kolamba (the coastal areas up to Mount Lavinia); Kotte (from Kirullapone to Avissawella); Uthuru Kolamba (beyond the Kelani river to Peliyagoda and Negombo); and Nuwara Paara (from Peliyagoda to Nittambuwa).
‘JVP Disha Lekam’ (head of the area) of the Nuwara Paara covering Peliyagoda, Kadawatha, Ganemulla, Weliweriya, Kirindiwela, Mirigama, Veyangoda, Gampaha and Nittambuwa) was Jayadeva Uyangoda alias ‘U Mahaththaya’.
JVP did not attack only police stations. They attacked army camps and utilities as well. These were more important than the police stations. The police stations were to provide secure rear-bases for subsequent attacks by the JVP on towns and cities.
JVP planned to attack the armed forces in their camps. The army cantonment at Panagoda would be attacked. Navy personnel at Ragama and air force personnel at Katunayake were to be immobilized by introducing a purgative to their food.
JVP had compiled information regarding vital institutions which affected the country security and economy. They targeted utilities. JVP had tried to attack the transformer on the Wariyapola Road in Kurunegala district. Edward Gunawardene, in charge of operations in Kurunegala recalled that the sergeant guarding a large transformer on the Wariyapola Road with two other constables ‘started calling me on the walkie talkie in a desperate tone.”
Vavuniya was one of the pockets where the JVP was able to hold out for a long time, observed Jayaweera. That is because JVP took Vavuniya in a planned manner. JVP controlled the road at Iratperiyakulama and Omanthai, cutting Vavuniya off from Anuradhapura and Jaffna. JVP also controlled roads at Medawachchiya, Rajangana, and Polgahawela, which meant they had control of all key road and rail junctions.
JVP controlled Madukanda, a village in Vavuniya which provided a link to Trincomalee. A hard core of about 25 stayed on in the thickly forested ridge off Mamaduwa village, north east of Vavuniya from where till mid August, 1971 they made regular incursions into town and torched school buildings and buses and sniped at army camps and patrols. Air strikes failed to flush them out, said Jayaweera. They were eventually flushed out.
JVP also had its retreat planned. From Kegalle JVP moved to Anuradhapura, then when that got hot they fled to Kantalai and Wilpattu. Anuradhapura unlike Kegalle was thick jungle in the interior with public in the central areas only. JVP had selected remote areas, such as Kahatagasdigiliya, Kala oya, Galenbinduna wewa, and Ottappuwa, as their bases for staging operations said Ranatunge.
Army camps were set up in these places.The air force was also brought into pursue fleeing insurgents and helicopters to move reinforcement at speed. JVP then went into inaccessible areas off Kantalai, into a vast area of forest reserve on Trincomalee Road. Army had no idea where their camps were and had to start all over again.
JVP came perilously close to overthrowing the government. Had the simultaneous attacks taken place on a single night as planned, the utterly unprepared government would have found it difficult to defeat the JVP. During the first 72 hours the JVP strategy appeared to be working. Then the government got its act together and defeated the JVP.
JVP was a destructive movement heading towards fascist movement and it should be destroyed said an army officer. This officer has gone after the JVP leaders all along and had played a significant role in getting the front line leaders of the JVP movement.
Waging a battle against a state is no easy task observed a Daily News editorial. While the JVP did succeed in virtually taking over some areas especially in the south, it was no match for the army and the police that were at the disposal of the Government led by Sirimavo Bandaranaike. It was a sort of baptism of fire for a government that was just one year old when April 1971 happened. The insurrection was brutally crushed and all those who surrendered were later ‘rehabilitated’ and released to society.
JVP gained control of some areas during the insurgency, but did not know what to do next, said analysts. JVP activists who managed to control large areas of the country following April 5th did not know what to do next.The hierarchical system of cells had kept members isolated from each other and ignorant of the JVP’s overall plan.
Instead of taking over neighboring towns and cities and marching on to other areas, they simply waited until those areas were also captured. They failed to set up a new government or new administration in the areas they controlled. They were not trained for that. They were trained to await orders from a higher authority, said Rohan Gunaratne.
JVP only had short term plans, not long term ones, observed Chandraprema. JVP had focused solely on a single decisive blow against the Government. There was no provision to conduct even a short term guerrilla operation, indicating that JVP was only a tool obeying its handlers. JVP‘s task was to bring the country to a grinding halt through terror and killing. It was to set the stage for a takeover by a foreign country.
JVP in 1971 was not trained for guerilla war. Analysts observed that JVP’s conspiratorial structure was excellent for surprise armed attack, but not for long drawn-out guerrilla warfare. The cadres were not physically or psychologically prepared to continue an armed struggle. They only had a scanty and inadequate training in military tactics and weapons use. The arms and ammunition such as shotguns and locally made hand-thrown bombs were not only inferior in quality but were in short supply as well.
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka (AP) – Sri Lanka’s new president said Wednesday that his government is preparing a national policy roadmap for the next 25 years that aims to cut public debt and turn the country into a competitive export economy as it seeks a way out of its worst economic disaster.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe in his speech to Parliament said Sri Lanka needs long-term solutions and a strong foundation to stop a recurrence of economic crises.
Massive public protests have blamed Wickremesinghe’s ousted predecessor, Gotabaya Rajapakasa, and his powerful family for years of mismanagement and corruption that have bankrupt the nation and led to unprecedented shortages of essential imports like fuel, medicine and cooking gas. But many are still skeptical of Wickremesinghe and accuse him of trying to protect the former leader and his relatives.
Sri Lanka announced in April that it is suspending repayment of foreign loans. Its total foreign debt is $51 billion, of which it must pay $28 billion by 2027.
Wickremesinghe said his government had initiated negotiations with the International Monetary Fund on a four-year rescue plan and had commenced the finalization of a debt restructuring plan.
“We would submit this plan to the International Monetary Fund in the near future, and negotiate with the countries who provided loan assistance. Subsequently negotiations with private creditors would also begin to arrive at a consensus,” he said.
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Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe and his wife Maithree arrive at the parliamentary complex in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
Wickremesinghe had said earlier that negotiations with the IMF have been difficult because of Sri Lanka’s bankruptcy and that an expected early August target for an agreement with the agency was not possible and is now expected in September because of social unrest in the country.
He said the hardships had eased somewhat with reduced power cuts, fertilizers being brought in for cultivation and cooking gas distribution improving.
“Safety measures have been taken to avoid food shortages. Bringing essential drugs and medical equipment to the hospitals has been initiated. Schools have been reopened. Measures are being taken to overcome the impediments faced by the industries and export sectors,” he said.
Instead of relying on foreign loans for fuel imports, Sri Lanka should initiate a system where export income and foreign workers’ remittances are used for purchases, Wickremesinghe said.
“We also have to limit selected imports in order to balance the payments for fuel. On the other hand, fuel supply has to be curtailed. These hardships would need to be borne until the end of this year.”
He thanked neighboring India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi for giving Sri Lanka a breath of life by providing timely assistance through credit lines and loans to buy food, medicine and fuel.
Wickremesinghe said the government’s aim is to create a surplus in the primary budget by the year 2025 and to bring down public debt, currently at 140% of GDP, to less than 100% by 2032.
“The economy should be modernized. Economic stability should be established and transformed into a competitive export economy. In this context, we are now preparing the necessary reports, plans, rules and regulations, laws and programs,” he said.
“If we build the country, the nation and the economy through the national economic policy, we would be able to become a fully developed country by the year 2048, when we celebrate the 100th anniversary of independence,” Wickremesinghe said.
Wickremesinghe was elected president last moth to complete the rest of Rajapaksa´s five-year term, which ends in 2024. Rajapaksa fled the country after protesters, furious over the economic hardships, stormed his official residence and occupied several key government buildings.
Wickremesinghe cracked down on protests and many leaders of demonstrations have been arrested on charges of trespassing and damaging public property. Protest camps set up in front of the president’s office were dismantled by armed soldiers who beat up protesters.
However, Wickremesinghe on Wednesday denied that he was “hunting down” protesters.
He said he will protect peaceful protesters and opened an office to handle complaints of any wrongful action. People who violated the law unknowingly or at the instigation of others will be dealt with “sympathetically” while those who were involved in violence intentionally will be prosecuted, he said.
Wickremesinghe said that since young people had taken the lead in protests and wanted a change in the political system, he will make way for more youth to attend Parliament in the next election.
“The next election should be the term of the youth. I consider that the creation of a new constitution with new attitudes in order to provide space for youth is one of the main priority tasks. “
He sought amity among political parties, saying only an all-party government can solve the country’s problems.
“The expectation of all the citizens of the country at this juncture is for all their representatives in Parliament to work together in order to build the country,” he said.
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Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe, center, inspects a military guard of honour standing next to the speaker of the parliament Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena after arriving at the parliamentary complex in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe inspects a military guard of honour after arriving at the parliamentary complex in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe, left, inspects a guard of honour after delivering his policy speech at the parliament as prime minister Dinesh Gunawardena stands by him in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Sri Lankan president Ranil Wickremesinghe, second left, gestures while talking to speaker of the house Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena as prime minister Dinesh Gunawardena, third left, watches at the parliamentary complex in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Navy sailors march as they prepare to receive president Ranil Wickremesinghe before arriving to deliver the policy speech of his government at the parliamentary complex in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe inspects a military guard of honour standing next to the speaker of the parliament Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena after arriving at the parliamentary complex to deliver his policy speech in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Wednesday, Aug. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena)
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Sri Lanka leader proposes 25-year plan for crisis-hit…
The passport of a British national who posted about the protests at Galle Face has been seized by the Immigration and Emigration officers yesterday.
The officials visited the house of British national, Kayleigh Fraser and seized her passport reportedly over violation of visa conditions.
Kayleigh Fraser had posted a video on social media showing immigration officers inspecting her passport.
Fraser said on her social media that she received a call from Sri Lankan immigration authorities demanding that she leave the country immediately.
During her interaction with immigration officers, she asks why they are taking her passport. The officers claim that they are questioning whether she has violated her visa.
The officials reportedly informed Fraser that an investigation will be conducted and the passport will be returned.
She was informed to appear at the Immigration and Emigration Department within 7 days to obtain her passport
Queen Elizabeth has sent a congratulatory message to President Ranil Wickremasinghe saying she is looking forward to continue the warm friendship between Britain and Sri Lanka.
The British High Commission to Sri Lanka has conveyed the congratulatory message from Her Majesty The Queen Elizabeth II to the President of Sri Lanka, Ranil Wickremesinghe.
The message reads as follows:
I would like to extend my congratulations to you on becoming President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.
I look forward to continuing the warm friendship between our two countries during your Presidency.
I send my good wishes for your future role and the success and the happiness of your country and people.”
The Colombo Fort Police has informed those occupying tents and temporary shelters at the Galle Face protest site to vacate the premises by 5.00 p.m. on August 05.
The law enforcement authorities stressed that legal action would be sought against those who fail to comply with the instructions.
In an announcement, the Galle Face occupants were urged to behave in a manner that is in compliance with the country’s law and not to oppress the members of the public.
The Health Ministry says that another 122 persons have tested positive for Covid-19 today, as the daily count of new cases continues to rise in the country.
This brings the tally of Covid-19 cases registered in the country thus far to 666,086.
Meanwhile, the Director-General of Health Services confirmed 08 new coronavirus-related deaths for August 02, pushing the country’s death toll from the pandemic to 16,574.
The deaths reported today include 07 males and one female, according to the figures released by the Department of Government Information.
The female victim and three of the male victims were above the age of 60 years. The remaining four were aged between 30-59 years.
Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith is not only asking questions but making all sorts of wild allegations. Cardinal Malcolm also needs to answer some questions.
Cardinal Malcolm – Are you aware that within the course of 3 years the AG’s dept is to file charges against 79. Did such happen to the victims of LTTE over 30 years of LTTE terror?
Cardinal Malcolm – Are you aware that since May 2009 until April 2019 not a single suicide attack took place until 21 April 2019.
Cardinal Malcolm – Wasn’t the 21 April 2019 attack made possible as a result of the neglect to national security, closure of intel units & unwarranted arrest of intel officers making security apparatus vulnerable & unattended & open to extremists?
Cardinal Malcolm – have you questioned the yahapalana government during whose watch this attack took place & questioned why they neglected national security. Is there a reason why you are not going after the govt in power who was responsible for security when foreign intel had informed them 97 times of an impending attack?
Cardinal Malcolm – Then PM Ranil Wickremasinghe informed on 22 April 2019 (day after the Easter Sunday bombings) that the Govt was aware of the attacks. Why has he not been questioned?
Cardinal Malcolm – on 23 April 2019 President Sirisena admitted lapses in Easter Sunday attacks, what was your response?
Cardinal Malcolm – PM Ranil Wickremasinghe declared in a SKY news interview on 26 April 2019 that joining foreign terrorist groups was not against Sri Lankan law. What was your response to this?
Cardinal Malcolm – PM Ranil on 27th April 2019 apologized for failing to prevent Easter Sunday attacks, what was your response?
Cardinal Malcolm – Did you ask the yahapalana govt why they ignored 97 foreign intel warnings?
Cardinal Malcolm – why did the 8 Islamic extremist suicide bombers choose churches as targets?
Cardinal Malcolm – why did the 8 Islamic extremist suicide bombers select 3 hotels & why send 2 suicide bombers to one hotel, while the other 2 hotels were sent only 1 suicide bomber each?
Cardinal Malcolm – did you ask the foreign intel teams that arrived immediately after the attacks (FBI, UK Counter Terrorism Police, Interpol) what their investigations revealed since they took away parts of the evidence used by the attacks? How come you omit to question them?
Cardinal Malcolm – have you tried to find out if National Thowheed Jamaath is connected to foreign countries & their intel & if they were also involved in the Easter Sunday attacks? How come you are avoiding asking this?
Cardinal Malcolm – have you forgotten the swords found in mosques & homes? Have you asked the Muslim clergy why these swords, detonators and even large numbers of clothes were found hidden all-round the island? Is there a reason why you are not asking this?
Cardinal Malcolm – do you remember the raid on a house in Thalapitiya Galle on 6th May 2019 where 1000 military uniforms & weapons were found & on 8th May 2019, Rs.3m worth of military uniforms were found in Matale. Have you wondered why anyone would collect military uniforms.
Cardinal Malcolm – Former SIS head Nilantha Jayawardena says even diplomats knew about the attacks. Did you inquire what diplomats & did you ask the diplomats?
Cardinal Malcolm – Former SIS head Nilantha Jayawardena says Harin Fernando knew of the attacks. Did you inquire from Harin Fernando why he didn’t inform you?
Cardinal Malcolm – have you looked into the 2 US Govt employees who were detected at Hilton Jaic after sniffer dogs found 6 boxes explosives in the apartment on 30 July 2019 & they refused to allow the boxes to be scanned. These boxes had been put into a US embassy vehicle & taken away. Did you look into this?
Cardinal Malcolm – did you not think it strange why the US envoy Teplitz would say that US had ‘no prior knowledge’ of attacks would suddenly say on 24 April 2019 that more attacks may happen? Did you question the US embassy on why they did not have prior intel or why Indian intel kept it secret from US intel?
Cardinal Malcolm – what are your views on ISIS who took responsibility for Easter Sunday attacks & even released pictures of the suicide bombers? When ISIS has taken responsibility with a public announcement, what makes you think it is not them?
Cardinal Malcolm – Ruwan Wijewardena on 22 April 2019 said the attack was response to New Zealand mosque killing. Ruwan Wijewardena on 24 April 2019 says attacks were by a ‘splinter group’ of National Thowheed Jamaath. Have you questioned Ruwan Wijewardena on both these statements?
Cardinal Malcolm – Have you wondered why Bathurdeens’ brother who was deported from Dubai & arrested by CCD on 25th April 2019? Have you looked into what his connection was with the suicide bombers? What have you found?
Cardinal Malcolm – are you also following up on the arrest of Bathurdeen’s coordinating secretary Moh.Zanus on 30 April 2019 Chairman of the Mantai West Cooperative Society.
Cardinal Malcom – are you also following up on Alahudeen – uncle of Bathurdeen who is also the ACMC Treasurer. Alahudeen’s daughter was married to suicide bomber Ilham. She died in the Dematagoda house blast.
Cardinal Malcolm – have you questioned the Negombo Deputy Major who was arrested possessing a sword, dagger & 37 mobile phone batteries?
Cardinal Malcolm – did you look into Chandrika Bandaranaike’s statement on 28 April 2019 that Arabic & Madrassas schools are teaching extremism. Did you ask her for evidence or get the authorities to look into this & see how many of them are legal & registered?
Cardinal Malcolm – did you not wonder why MP Kadar Masthan would call for a general amnesty for the suspects on 10 May 2019?
Cardinal Malcolm – did you wonder why Moh. Nawshad former Wattala-Mahabage Municipal Chairman who was a member of NTJ would flee Sri Lanka on 29 April 2019 – have you demanded his arrest?
Cardinal Malcolm – have you kept track of Jamia Manarul Huda Arabic College were mobile phones, books containing activities of LTTE were recovered on 29 April 2019?
Cardinal Malcolm – are you following up on MP Dayasiri Jayasekera’s allegation on 29 April 2019 that Muslim Affairs Minister Haleem allowed 400 NTJ mosques to be constructed & who was funding them.
Cardinal Malcolm – are you also following up on arrest of Kotte Municipal Councillor H M Ali Usman & brother Raja Mohideen Sultan who were all arrested with 3 swords & a knife.
Cardinal Malcolm – are you also following up on 2 officials of the Easter Province Governor’s office who were arrested with bullets
Cardinal Malcolm – why did Rev. Siril claim on 23 Oct 2021 that the main suicide bomber Zahran Hashim leader of NTJ was given monetary & other support by Sri Lanka’s intel agencies & present head of SIS had links to Zaharan & followers?
Cardinal Malcolm – Rev Siril in March 2021 says the Church is not convinced the Govt was on the ‘right track’ to identify Easter Sunday architects – what is the track Rev Siril wants the Govt to take?
Cardinal Malcolm – Rev Siril in August 2021 says you are mooting ‘international assistance’ did you & he forget that foreign intel was helping investigations & even took away most of the evidence. Have you both questioned these foreign intel agencies?
Cardinal Malcolm – don’t you find it strange that the same people demanding accountability are demanding release of suspects that are arrested? This is no different to the Church campaigning to release protestors who have been unruly.
Cardinal Malcolm – you head the Church, not the Govt or the Intel/Police or the AG’s dept. You don’t make the arrests – they do. You can’t file charges – the AG’s dept does. You can’t demand people to be released while demanding justice.
Cardinal Malcolm – you demand justice for Easter Sunday, what about the justice for LTTE victims? Would you allow the Govt to conduct investigations into the role of Church links to LTTE? Would you allow action against Church fathers who supported LTTE even running child soldier orphanages & transporting arms in their vehicles?
Cardinal Malcolm now we come to the most difficult questions
Cardinal Malcolm – former SIS head Nilantha Jayawardena says at least 15,000 people knew of an attack on Easter Sunday which included members of Parliament & Diplomatic missions – have you probed who in Parliament knew, who among the diplomatic missions knew and why none of them did not tell you. After Nilantha Jayawardena’s revelation we have just 2 questions – did they tell you or didn’t they tell you? If they did, Cardinal Malcolm, you must stand on the dock and answer some serious questions!
Harin Fernando’s testimony to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on 16 September 2020 corroborates with former SIS head who said that 15,000 people would have known about the attacks before the attacks.
How come you, Cardinal Malcolm was not one of this, 15,000 people who knew of an impending attack?
Cardinal Malcolm – MP Harin Fernando is a staunch Catholic. His father Nihal Fernando who was in hospital told him days before Easter Sunday not to go to Church because of a likely attack – did Harin Fernando tell you of an attack or like how his father got to know, did you & the Catholic Clergy were informed too? Harin Fernando’s father had been informed by Sergeant Nandalal of CID team that visited Pasikudah to arrest Zaharan’s team member ‘army Mohideen’ to recover explosives in Wanathawilluwa.
Cardinal Malcolm – After the attacks Harin Fernando had tweeted that IGP had sent an alert by his Deputy Priyalal Dissanayake dated 11 April 2019 regarding Indian intel warnings. These warnings were reissued 2 days before attack & 2 hours before 1st suicide mission on St. Anthony;s Church. Have you questioned Harin Fernando regarding his knowledge of an attack before the attacks?
Cardinal Malcolm – Harin Fernando claims to have visited Temple Trees before the attacks & shown PM Ranil a letter sent to police officials regarding an impending attack. Don’t you find it odd, that a staunch Catholic like Harin Fernando would visit PM Ranil to show letter but not visit you? Why didn’t he visit you? Did you ask Harin Fernando why he didn’t inform you or show you that letter?
Cardinal Malcolm – Do you recall an article titled Catholic Church may have had prior knowledge of Easter Sunday attacks – Harin Fernando” by Maneshka Borham on Sunday Oberserver 20 September 2020
There are some startling revelations in this article. Do you deny what is being implied?
Cardinal Malcolm – As per Harin Fernando’s statement to the Commission he insinuates that the Church was aware of the attacks and that was reason why no public mass was held on the morning of 21 April 2019.
Was a Public Mass to be held on 21st April 2019 & was it cancelled & if so why?
Cardinal Malcolm – Why did 3 auxiliary Bishops Maxwell Silva, Anton Ranjith & J D Anthony Jayakody issue a statement attempting to deny the insinuation by Harin Fernando – this is what they have written
Cardinal has indeed presided over the solemn celebration of the Easter Vigil service at midnight on Saturday 20thApril 2019which followed with the Easter Sunday festive mass at St. Lucia’s Cathedral, Colombo 13 ending in the early hours on Sunday morning” (21/4/2019)
As per this statement the midnight mass on Saturday 20th April 2019 ended on the morning of Sunday 21st April 2019 (Easter SundaY) but it was held not at St. Anthony’s Church but at St. Lucia’s Cathedral which is a distance away from St. Anthony’s Church though both are located in Kotahena.
St. Anthony’s Church is a Shrine
St. Lucia’s is a Cathedral.
Thus the statement of the 3 Bishops doesn’t negate what Harin Fernando insinuated that mass was not held at St. Anthony’s Church.
Cardinal Malcolm – why did the 3 Bishops attempt to negate Harin Fernando’s insinuation when neither midnight mass nor morning mass was held at St. Anthony’s Church?
Cardinal Malcolm – Is it also not correct that after the early morning mass at St. Lucia’s Cathedral you held a Holy Mass at the Archbishops House & it was only after the news of the attacks that you rushed to the scene? (to arrive from Archbishops House in Colombo 7 to St. Anthonys Church in Colombo 13 – it taks a good 20 minutes)
Cardinal Malcolm – if you were holding a Mass at the Archbishops House in the morning prior to the attacks, doesn’t it mean you had no program to hold mass that morning at St. Anthony’s Church when the attacks happened?
Cardinal Malcolm – Another article Sri Lanka Catholic Church forgives” Easter Sunday suicide bombers” appearing on 12 April 2020 quotes Cardinal declaring we offered love to the enemies who tried to destroy us”.
We are a bit confused Cardinal – if you can shower love & forgiveness to the men that caused the deaths of 279 innocent people, why are you going behind a conspiracy” without proof but accusing all & sundry when it suits you?
Wasn’t this why Harin Fernando himself claimed the Catholic Church was engaged in politics in June 2020, three months before he gave a statement to the Inquiry.
If 97 intel warnings reached at least 15,000 people, it is baffling that yourself & the Church would not have been warned as well. Whether Cardinal or the Church knew but are pretending to have not known lies on their conscience. But the one’s that knew & didn’t do anything to prevent harm to people of the venues that were named are morally culpable for the deaths of 279 people & lifelong injuries to others & grieving families. No amount of pointing fingers can erase this guilt. Their conscience will prick them to their dying days of knowing but choosing not to do anything to prevent it.
Whenever we receive the slightest rumor even of a traffic block, we inform our friends and family not to use that route – it is strange that 97 intel warnings & 15,000 knowing of an attack would not even stop people entering Churches or informing hotel security to increase surveillance. During LTTE heyday apart from one incident to Hotel Oberoi – even LTTE failed to attack major hotels in the capital.
Cardinal Malcolm – you can come up with all sorts of allegations & play politics with Easter Sunday, but you must first respond to deny if you were not one of the 15,000 who were aware of the attacks but did nothing to prevent people entering the Church that fateful day on 21stApril 2019 – when you had the power to do so! The country is facing political and economic issues – we do not need to add religious politics to it too.
The 1987–89 JVP insurrection was the second unsuccessful armed revolt conducted by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna against the Government of Sri Lanka, then under President J. R. Jayewardene.
Victor Ivan said that he had anticipated the rise of the JVP in its second insurrection. He was told that old JVPers who refused to obey the JVP were under threat they could even be killed.
Unlike the first unsuccessful JVP insurrection of 1971, the second insurrection was not an open revolt, but appeared to be a low intensity conflict that lasted from 1987 to 1989 with the JVP resorting to subversion, assassinations, raids and attacks on military and civilian targets.
In most semi- urban and village areas JVP were faceless. Threats came without the courier seen. JVP delivered messages, tied to stones and thrown into gardens of the intended recipients. These had to be obeyed otherwise the JVP punishment was very severe.
There were message drops for the JVP members Aliases were used. The other members would know only that X was a member but not his position in the JVP. In 1989 main areas of JVP was Piliyandala, Homagama, Hokandara, Kahatuduwa circle.
In 1987 JVP also embarked on a comprehensive agenda to destroy the economy. The JVP burnt down 245 out of 545 agrarian service centers in the country along with paddy stocks and storage facilities in 1987-89.
A group wishing to take over and run a country does not start by ruining its economic infrastructure as JVP did. JVP was instructed by its handlers, obviously, to create difficult economic conditions that would make the public rise against the state. A senior academic had designed the blueprint for this economic destruction to be implemented by JVP, said Rohan Gunaratne.
JVP succeeded in doing this, and by October 1989 the economy had been crippled. JVP and its handlers hoped that the resulting hardship would turn the public against the government. However, this did not happen. Instead the academic who had designed the plan fled the country with his family when the insurgency failed.
The JVP insurrection of 1986 to 1987 took a toll of the rural areas, said Garvin Karunaratne, former GA Matara. Thanks to the JVP, the well to do people in the rural areas, the estate owners, the rice millers, lorry owners and traders all left the rural areas for the cities.
In my subsequent visits to Matara I met many a rice miller and many a merchant who were the live wire in their rural habitat in Kamburupitiya, Hakmana etc. They had got rid of their rural possessions and migrated to the Matara town.
Many people who had been living happily on their estates left for good. Some have never stepped into their estates since the JVP uprising of 1987-1989. They have allowed their workers to manage the estates are satisfied with whatever returns they got.
The development of the rural areas requires the services of every entrepreneur and entrepreneurs come from the rich families with enough money to invest. They are not in the rural areas now. That was the legacy left by JVP with their two insurrections concluded Karunaratne.
JVP carefully and methodically hit the key sectors in the economy. Tea estates in the Uva Badulla areas and coconut and rubber estates in the south were badly hit. Over 2,09,000 kilograms of tea were destroyed by the JVP in the central provinces. The JVP targeted the transport sector and this paralyzed the country and brought it to a standstill. Public and private transport was reduced to such low levels that food shortages threatened.
The two tactics used by JVP to hit the economy were orders to close factories and work places and secondly, order to workers to strike. In 1987 Ramya Weerakoon’s apparel business was contacted by the JVP. Little notes were delivered to the security guard in the factory by JVP errand boys, she said. Close the factory today with full pay for workers the notes said. A slip usually came on Friday or Monday, Ramya recalled.
If the two adjoining factories were also losing, she also closed her factory. The days of lost production hit them hard but they had to obey. A factory owner had defied the JVP order and they ordered him to shut down for a week. Another factory in Horana was burned down.
Between 1987 and 1989, JVP called many strikes. In September 1988, JVP ordered nationwide strikes with widespread compliance. Shops, transport, hospitals and government services were shut. Bank, Postal and telecommunications virtually halted. On 15 August 1989, the JVP called for a total island wide general strike on Indian Independence Day.
Some 90,000 tea plantation workers in the southern Ratnapura district went on a week-long strike from 7 September 1989 in response to a JVP call. Neither the imposition of emergency nor the threat of dismissal had any effect on the workers, possibly because of the terror the JVP inspired. The striking workers also could not be dismissed as that might have resulted in a wave of sympathy strikes in other sectors.
Employees of the government road transport service went on strike, demanding higher wages. They were later joined by the private run mini-buses and railways crippling the public transport.
The transport strike was followed by several token and one-day strikes. On 26 June 1989 the JVP called for a 24 hour general strike to sympathize with the 52,000 striking transport workers. Telecommunications and postal workers had walked out of their posts in support of the bus workers demands. Port workers and state sector workers staged a wildcat strike. Oil refineries remained closed due to JVP instigated strikes.
Twelve key trade unions had announced that they would launch agitations to seek Sri Lankan Rs. 2,500 as basic minimum wages, the amount which was being offered to the Jan Saviya families under the poverty line. The JVP had instigated these strikes.
JVP also took an anti India stance. Wijeweera, set a deadline of 14 June 1989 for a complete boycott of Indian goods, departure of all Indians of Sri Lankan and Indian origin.
This call had a devastating effect on the economy and bring the country to a standstill. Not only is Sri Lanka dependent on India for certain essential goods, there were eighteen private and public sector Indian companies operating in Sri Lanka, including state Bank of India, Indian Overseas Bank, Indian Airlines Air India Pugoda Textiles, Bombay Dyeing and the Taj group of hotels. Over 70 per cent of the state Transport Board buses were of Indian make and the Sinhala drivers could not defy the JVP boycott call.
Financial assistance for Sri Lanka from international financial institutions has been conditioned to have a macroeconomic framework for the country. Although the macroeconomy is a broader area like a jungle as stated by R.G.D.Allen in his famous title Macroeconomics, many countries have developed their macroeconomic framework, considering the vital structural factors of the framework, people have no understanding of this framework and there is a question of whether the policymakers have a clear understanding of the macroeconomic framework. The linkage of variables in the framework is vital and if policymakers are performing research on the linkage of variables government could maintain control of the economy that will become a managed economy.
The factors related to the macroeconomic framework consist of factors that influence vary and it is significant the calculation of the real value of impact between variables for successful planning. policymakers need clearly understand the factors and the ratio of influence of each factor. The role-playing related to this work might be difficult work. IMF also considers that low-income earners should be given subsidies and there should be a policy plan for the purpose. Before 1990 many Western countries were giving subsidies to low-income earning families but it was changed during the decade indirect forcing them to find employment.
What are the variables related to the macroeconomic framework, I believe, population and growth, national income and growth, export revenue and growth, foreign exchange earning and growth, import expenses and growth, in this way many factors or variables need to identify and each variable must have a plan with strategies to control and maintain the stability.
Sri Lanka spends a large sum of money to maintain universities that offer many undergraduate and graduate programs, why is the government cannot use these trained people to maintain a successful macroeconomic framework?
On 21 April 2019 9 suicide bombers committed suicide in 3 Churches, 3 hotels and 1 motel killing over 270 innocent people. While all of the suicide bombers are dead, we are yet to know whether they committed suicide on their own free will or whether a bigger plot was involved. ISIS claimed responsibility over a tape released honoring the dead. However, Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith on 21st July 2019 blamed Easter Sunday attack on an ‘international conspiracy’ to destabilize Sri Lanka while addressing a congregation at St. Sebastians Church, Katuwapitiya. Fast forward to 2020 & thereafter the Cardinal & his fellow Church companions are now singing a new song. Before we debate the new version, let us seek an explanation to the initial theory forwarded by Cardinal & question what made him change this the year after.
The Cardinal attributed the security lapse to ‘weakening & demoralizing the intelligence services to please international partners & international NGOs’. He declared that these ‘international conspirators” had used a few ‘misguided Muslim youth’ to carry out the attack.
Does this mean that the ‘international conspirators’ control ISIS as well?
The Cardinal’s allegation gets juicier — he goes on to quote from a report in the Sinhala language Divaina newspaper & says the head of the Islamic State group Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi was being sheltered by the US.
Cardinal was thus indirectly implying the international conspirator.
This was a very serious allegation by the Cardinal. As a responsible religious head he cannot be accusing people or countries without facts or evidence.
Who were the international partners of the then yahapalana government?
Who were the international NGOs linked to the international partners?
Can Cardinal provide the answers?
We know that 2015 regime change took place with US & India leading the onslaught and John Kerry heralding the victory. What role did the Church play in this election? What role did the Church play in the 2019 and 2020 elections.
The Cardinal went on to even attack the United Nations claiming it was only interested in the welfare of the suspects arrested in connection with the bombings & not the plight of the survivors.
Cardinal says UN representatives ask about human rights and they visit those who are in detention but not the victims.
This is no different to the manner UNHRC was interested only in the fate of the LTTE and not the victims of LTTE.
Pope Francis had given the Cardinal over $90,000 in June to help the victims. Hopefully all victims have got their share.
In April 2021 two years after the Easter Sunday attacks, Cardinal says he blames the attack on ‘unnamed parties’ that used the perpetrators as pawns to ‘strengthen their political power’ – the Cardinal was referring to international forces & their links to Wahhabism.
Who are these international forces? How are they linked to Wahhabism.
At a press conference the Cardinal declared
My comments have been misunderstood. I never said there is no Islamic extremism or expansionism in the country. I wasn’t referring to any political force. I was talking about Wahhabism and how it might be a tool used by certain powerful countries,”
Can the Cardinal tell us who these powerful countries using Wahhabism as a tool are?
The Cardinal goes on to add
I wasn’t referring to any local political forces or leaders,”…What we see in this (Easter Sunday attack) is not religious fanaticism or a love for a religion, but the attempts of certain forces to consolidate their position.”
Can the Cardinal elaborate on what these forces are trying to do to consolidate what position in Sri Lanka.
The Cardinal has been making numerous controversial statements since 21 April 2019. Deciphering these is not only tedious but confusing. Anyone who has kept track of these statements will be more than confused what the Cardinal is playing at. This is why it is time that not only Cardinal but all other clergy restrict their statements to only religious ones and stay away from politics or making political statements which includes the Cardinals fellow bishops as well.
However only the following proposals were included in the press release.
1.Establishment of a Crisis Management Cabinet and the
2.Inclusion of all Members of Parliament in the attached committees for Ministries, as well as the
3 Appointment of an Advisory Committee consisting of experts and intellectuals to each Ministry.
It the party said it also presented its stance about the structure and responsibilities of the National Assembly to be established in the Parliament.
But here again details were not given
Where are the other 6 proposal made by the SLFP? I shall be thankful to the Secretary of the SLFP if he could release a full list for the information of the general public as soon as possible as the people are impatiently awaiting to see the steps that the government is going to take to rescue the country of the present appalling political, economic and social mess these politicians themselves have created over the past 74 years and more particularly since 1977.
They must also understand that people are now fed up with this type of politicians centered policies of all Governments that brings benefits
only to politicians at the expense of the people. People want a people centered and people friendly set of policies to be implemented immediately at least now, to rescue this country and its people from the abysmal depths in to which it has been dumped since 1948 by these politicians.
I am not talking on political ideologies, I am demanding only a new approach to solving the problems of the country, a radical departure from the stale and vision-less policies and programmes that have been followed by all Governments since Independence and once again I repeat particularly after 1977 with the introduction of the disastrous open economic policies with subservience to imperial colonial agencies like the IMF and the World Bank. Whose only objective was to make the other countries poorer and poorer by converting the to remain as eternal dependencies of the colonial powers and markets for their goods and supply sources of cheap labour and raw materials, by destroying all their indigenous institutions and economies.
Let us at least now look at an inward-looking development model so that we become a self- sufficient and self- reliant prosperous nations once again.in this cruel capitalist world exploited by the Western ex colonial countries.
( Scenario Narratives, LOCK STEP, Scenarios for the Future of Technology and International Development, Rockefeller Foundation 2010 මැයි – පිටු 18-19 )
We were pleased to support our longtime client BlackRock on a deal that spanned across multiple practice areas and regulatory regimes to facilitate a term loan with enormous complexities.”
The application made by President Ranil Wickremesinghe that he be discharged from the proceedings in connection with the twelve Fundamental Rights petitions filed over Easter Sunday attacks should be dismissed by Supreme Court, Colombo Archbishop Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith said.
Tendering written submissions before Supreme Court, Colombo Archbishop today maintained that President Ranil Wickremesinghe cannot be necessarily discharged from these proceedings.
President Ranil Wicremesinghe had been made a party to a Fundamental Rights petition filed by Bar Association of Sri Lanka as the 8th Respondent, for the various acts or omissions which resulted in the violation of Fundamental Rights whilst he had been serving in his capacity as the Prime Minister who functioned at the stage at which the Easter Attacks had taken place on the 21st April 2019.
Archbishop of Colombo, who represents the most aggrieved party of the victims of the Easter Sunday attacks had been named as the 57th respondent.
In his written submissions, the Colombo Archbishop stated that the jurisdiction granted by Article 126 was introduced for the first time through the 19th Amendment and such jurisdiction has been thereafter preserved by the Legislature under the 20th Amendment as well.
Therefore by the said Article 35 (1), the Supreme Court can exercise its fundamental rights jurisdiction to scrutinize the acts and omissions of the President. Colombo Archbishop further submitted that discharging the President Wickremesinghe from these proceedings would accordingly directly contravene with the Articles 7 and 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Colombo Archbishop was represented by Shammil Perera PC. (Lakmal Sooriyagoda)
A person who illegally entered the President’s House in Fort on July 9 and took photographs while sitting on the President’s chair was arrested by the Colombo Crimes Division in Deraniyagala.
Police said the arrested suspect who is 28-years-old, was identified as a resident of Samanpuragama.
The suspect is scheduled to be produced before the court tomorrow.(DSB)
The Director General of Health Services has confirmed another 07 coronavirus-related deaths for August 01, increasing the country’s death toll due to the virus to 16,566.
The deaths reported today include 03 males and 04 female patients, according to the Government Information Department.
Two of the Covid-19 victims were between the ages 30-59 years while the remaining five were aged 60 years and above.
The person, who was arrested on suspicion of being the first to forcibly enter the Presidential Secretariat when the protesters took over the premises on July 09, has been remanded until August 05.
He was produced before the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court today (Aug 02).
Further, Fort Magistrate Thilina Gamage ordered the suspect to be referred to an identification parade on 05 August.
The Fort police arrested the 38-year-old male from Pannipitiya yesterday (Aug 01).
The premises, which had been blocked by protesters for more than 100 days, was overrun and stormed by protesters on July 9 demanding the resignation of then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
Several political parties including the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) have agreed to attend future talks on forming an all-party government, the President’s Media Division says.
Several rounds of discussions were held today with the members of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) and National Congress today.
Representatives from each political party including CWC Senthil Thondaman, the party’s general secretary Jeevan Thondaman, National Congress leader MP A.L.M. Athaullah and several others have attended the talks.
During the meetings, President Ranil Wickremesinghe has pointed out that the people are looking forward with expectation for the establishment of an all-party government.
Meanwhile, SJB’s general secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, speaking on the matter, stated that all parliamentarians in the party have given their nod to join the talks scheduled for next Friday.
On Friday (July 29), President Wickremesinghe extended an invitation to all Members of Parliament to join discussions on forming an all-party government to create economic and social stability in the country.
Delivering a statement in Kandy the following day, he mentioned that best way to resolve the current crisis situation in the country is an all-party government.
During ancient times in Sri Lanka, the kings went and sought advice as well as blessings from the Sangha. The kings went to the Sangha – the Sangha did not come to the King. The role of the Maha Sangha was advisory. The reverse is happening now. In the western hemisphere, the Church played a key role in governance. Post-colonial rule, governance transferred to the State & its institutes. Religions were kept confined to their places of worship. However, of late, we see an unwelcome increase in the interference of governance by religious bodies, at times conflicting with state governance. Presently, we see religious heads organizing demonstrations, processions, holding placards, inciting hatred, animosity and divisions amongst communities as well as making the country vulnerable to attacks as a result of the negative publicity they are generating locally & international by their conduct. This conduct has gone too far & beyond levels of acceptability. The Government must take action to restrict all religious heads to remain within their religious confines and not get involved in politics unless leaders come to them for advice.
President Ranil Wickremasinghe must consider the following:
No Buddhist Theros in Civil Universities: Return Student Theros to the Bhikku universities and separate them from laymen universities. This will stop the increasing numbers of men dressed in Buddhist robes and behaving in unruly manner as seen in the recent protests. We question whether these men in robes are real Buddhist theroes or university students dressed in robes. To prevent such doubt – it is suggested that theroes are separated from laymen.
Buddhist clergy in the midst of protests: This was such an ugly site and something Buddhists do not wish to encourage or see in the future. There were some so-called Buddhist theroes claiming to observe වස් වසිනවා in the open air Galle Face Green, making a joke out of a Buddhist observance.
Catholic Church: The Church is accountable not just for 500 years of colonial crimes but has played a negative role since independence. The Catholic Action by a segment of military to topple the government in 1960s, the Church directly involved in LTTE terrorism & separatism in Sri Lanka, to the more recent manner that Church fathers & nuns were steering the recent protests. People have a right to protest but do people need Buddhist theroes and Catholic priests to steer protestors? When majority of Tamils are Hindus, why would Catholic priests need to be taking a prominent role aligning with LTTE fronts?
Hindu & Islamic clergy – were also seen galvanizing youth at the protests. There is no requirement for any clergy to be involved in protests & this ugly practice must stop before it reaches ugly levels.
The religious leaders of all faiths should feel ashamed that if people’s values have deteriorated, they are part responsible for instead of bringing people closer to spirituality, they are busy inciting hatred into their minds.
As a result people are losing confidence and respect in religious heads and this is not a very good sign and should be addressed.
In a world of stress & calamity, we expect much more than what the Spiritual Leaders are presently doing (applicable to all religions) People cannot be simply confined to following rituals or customs while religious heads are busy doing politics. Leave politics to the politicians and without pointing fingers at politicians, religious heads must do their duty first.
As a result of the conduct of religious heads, people of these faiths have become disoriented and disillusioned and distancing themselves resulting in a society that has lost the need to be spiritually awakened as well.
Leave politics to the politicians – leave protests to the protestors – … suggest religious heads remain confined to what their robes require them to do.
1.AnimalWelfareBill – Lobby strongly for the enactment of the Animal Welfare Bill which is long overdue since its release by the Law Commission in 2006
2.Animal Protection Education in Schools – Promote animal protection education and see it take root in Sri Lanka’s system of school education beginning from the kindergarten.
3. Animal Law as a subject in the Law Faculty – Campaign for introduction of ‘Animal Law ’as part of legal studies in high schools and tertiary education i.e., Law Faculty.
4. Legal Proceedings – JAN will issue legal proceedings and enter public litigation when required to save lives or defend the interests of innocent defenseless animals in our courts.
5. Legal circles for JAN – Establish Panels of Lawyers in different areas, who are familiar with the existing animal protection and welfare laws and the Rights of Nature including laws relating to the protection of forests. These Panels will provide their services for a nominal fee, by covering work in all courts located in the island. An initial training will be given by legal experts working with JAN.
6. Introduce Laws – Campaign to prohibit animal sacrifice and ritual slaughter of animals, horse races, cock fights, pigeon races, elephant races, cattle cart races etc. in Sri Lanka.
4.Blacklist animal abusers – Maintain a list of convicted animal abusers to prevent such abusers from owning / possessing domestic animals that can be subjected to further abuse or cruelty.
5. Prohibit firecrackers and fireworks – These items cause serious pollution to the environment and are hazardous to all living beings and therefore should be banned. Manufacture of local firecrackers and import of gunpowder lead to the production of Hakka Patas” killing 100s of elephants and other animals during a year.
‘Hakka Patas’ is the name given to an improvised small explosive device which contains black gun powder, lead and iron made into a ball of a firecracker shape that is used illegally to keep the wild animals away from crops and to kill small animals. But they are often swallowed by elephants with very harmful results.
‘Hakka Patas’ are inserted inside a cucumber or a pumpkin which are favourite delicacies of wild animals. What happens next is a destroyed mouth cavity and painful agonizing death which can take up to two weeks as the animal becomes incapacitated from an inability to chew and swallow food.
6. Unauthorized, illegal encroachment of lands – Encroachment by illegal settlers. Cases must be filed against such encroachers, with a view to regaining the title to the ownership of the lands either by the Department of Wildlife or the Department of Forests. Failing to enforce the law by proceeding against encroachers is tantamount to a violation of the rights of all citizens in the country including its wildlife.
7.Responsible sterilization – Lobbythe government to make rules and regulations requiring sterilizationof domestic dogs and cats at each home to prevent rapid increase of population of stray animals. Non – compliance to be punished with fines. Licensed breeding places should be monitored, sterilization carried out where necessary and pet shops should also be closely monitored. The monitoring can be carried out by the PHI/ Municipal Council. The responsible sterilization programs are meant to prevent the unmanageable increase in stray animals, reduce animal cruelty and abuse, and to stop deadly diseases from spreading to humans and other animals.
8. MechanicalElephant Project – Plan, design and manufacture an artificial mechanical elephant to take the place of real elephant(s) and thereby avoid causing suffering to the elephants that are used regularly in processions (‘Pereheras’). The Vice Chancellor and the Professors of the Engineering Faculty at the University of Moratuwa, have agreed to devise an initial prototype of the mechanical elephant using their combined expertise.
The above project is intended to be a turning point in the cultural ethos of this country, resulting in not only preventing the abuse of sentient beings but containing the negative feedback and ostracizing of Buddhist monks and temples carried out by various vested interests that use ‘elephants in perahera’ as a pretext for their extremist activities to denigrate the image of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.
This proposed move is not meant to be interpreted in any way as a withdrawal of support for processions (Pereheras) which are part and parcel of the traditional Buddhist cultural activities of the country.
9. Elephant Joy Rides – Stop and prevent elephant joy rides completely, because it involves abuse and cruelty to captive elephants in Sri Lanka.
10.Ceremonial burial for elephants – a Pansakula’’ ceremony to be held to invoke blessings for the dead elephant. A ceremonial procession to be conducted for the dead elephant prior to burial in the presence of school children and villagers from that area. A Wildlife expert/ Conservationist will be invited to deliver a talk to the mourners on the importance of peaceful coexistence between humans and elephants. By doing so the younger generation will learn to respect and protect the life of an elephant rather than seeing it as a threat to the community that should be destroyed.
11.Drug stores and Chemists that provide veterinary medicine – Proposed entities can provide both imported / local medicine, medical equipment that are useful for all animals and these can be sold at a reasonable price. Promote locally manufactured wheelchairs for disabled animals, so that JAN can be a supplier to the Wildlife Department, Livestock Ministry, and local government. While this is an income to local entrepreneurs, a minimal fee can be charged by JAN for its contribution and this amount can be retained for animal welfare.
12. Close down ‘Dehiwala Zoo’ – Lobby to close the Jailhouse for animals euphemistically called a ‘Zoo’ at Dehiwala and strive to have these hitherto caged animals relocated to the Ridiyagama Safari Park. Thereafter redesign and transform the ‘Dehiwala Zoo’ land area to function as a metropolitan/ city jungle, which will provide clean air and much needed green space to one of the most polluted metropolitan areas in the country.
13. Asia’s largest meat factory – Work towards closing this established meat factory where its work has been carried out without proper approval granted by the Central Environmental Authority (CEA). Having such factories will tempt many farmers to start more and more animal-based agriculture businesses by giving up traditional crop cultivation.
14. Cattle Slaughter – Lobby the government to stop cattle slaughter in Sri Lanka by further pressuring it to keep up with its pledges and to implement the initial steps agreed by the government so that we could end the inhumane cattle slaughter in Sri Lanka.
15.The concept of one lakh Jack trees – Carry forward the Bathgasa ideology/ movement of Arthur V. Dias also known as Kos Mama”.
16.Reforestation – Obtain vacant lands from the government and plant indigenous plants and trees suitable to the ecosystem, throughout Sri Lanka.
17. Office for JAN – Need to establish a small liaison office for JAN, with the following equipment: Laptop (Nos.2) with high capacity, color printer, scanner, photocopy machine, video camera, table mic stand, pedestal mic stand, podium, internet connection.
A multimedia projector and a white screen was donated by a member Ven. Pagoda Janthawansa Thero.
18. Staff/coordinators – Recruit 2 staff members to the JAN liaison office to carry out JAN project work.
19.Printing and publication of books– Spread ideas enshrining compassion to animals, veganism, vegetarianism, global warming, and related subjects. Find authors to write on the above subjects that are suitable for various ages. Organize seminars.
20.Release songs – In order to promote kindness and care towards animals and nature, ten songs written by Ven. Dr. Omalpe Sobitha Thero and Mr. Maithri Pannagoda, Attorney-at-Law, will be released to the electronic and social media.
21.Charity Shop – Raise funds for the JAN organization where people can donate new and used items in good condition, i.e., furniture, clothes, etc. which will be sold for a nominal amount to the public. JAN will need to hire a space to put up a temporary shop and hire two employees.
22. Maintain JAN donation collection boxes – Place and maintain donation collection boxes in public places like airports, banks, post – offices, supermarkets, grocery stores etc.
23.AVegan day during every week – Lobby the government to declare a vegan/vegetarian day on the weekend. This can be promoted in universities, schools, military and police establishments, prisons, hospitals etc. Both the government and private sector can serve only vegetarian/ vegan food during Vegan day. The suggested day could be a Friday. By promoting such a day, we can educate the public about its positive impact on global warming and on human health.
24.Vegan Vesak – Promote a Vegan Vesak week in respect to the teachings of Lord Buddha to practice ahimsa and cruelty free approach towards the voiceless during the month of May. This can be practiced throughout Sri Lanka and to be carried to the rest of the world.
25. World Vegan Day – Organize an annual march on World Vegan Day which falls on 1st November. Invite the public to take part in this march, including school children, clergy, government institutions, tri-forces and the Police Department to take part under their own banners.
Sticker campaigns on the importance of veganism can be promoted Proud to be a Vegan”.
26.Vegan Supermarket/department store– Establish a Vegan supermarket. Need to find an investor (a foreign chain of supermarkets will be appropriate). JAN can help them establish and earn a small share of profit, so that revenue can be utilized for JAN projects. In vegan supermarkets, a vegan food court can be set up to promote veganism.
27. Vegan Fair – Conduct food stalls consisting of vegan/vegetarian dishes, especially during Christmas and Ramadan seasons (where meat consumption is very high). Also introduce stalls containing animal free products such as shoes, clothes, bags, and other similar goods.
28.Vegan Certification – Establish an organization affiliated to JAN, to issue vegan certification for products (same as for halal products).
29. Vegan/VegetarianWeddings – Promote young people to conduct their weddings using cruelty-free methods by serving vegan/ vegetarian dishes to all guests. A well-known person or celebrity will hand-over a certificate and plaque sponsored by JAN, on the day of the wedding and bless the couple.
30, Seminars –For schools, dhamma schools, universities, academies to lecture on veganism, vegetarianism, the importance of protecting wildlife, water resources, forests, environment, and spreading kindness to cohabitants, other living beings, harmful effects of global warming and animal agriculture.
31.Promote kindness/care to animals and nature- Promote/campaign and instill kindness, care and interest in the general public by displaying large paintings, murals, banners and pictures of animals, oceans, wildlife, nature and the environment by depicting the importance of conservation, protection and each and every citizen’s responsibility and commitment. These can be displayed in schools, buses, trains, and places where communities gather.
32.Act against animal cruelty in the world – JAN to lobby and present appeals to foreign embassies in Sri Lanka, to prohibit bull fights, horse racing, cobra-mongoose fights, cock fights, dog fights, dog races, hunting, trophy hunting in these countries, as these are medieval and inhumane cultural practices that are repugnant to current day morality and ethical standards of modern civilization.
33.Foreign Volunteers – Invite foreign volunteers (where it is mandatory at their universities to do social service/work ) to visit and work at the Bodhiraja Foundation Cattle Sanctuary and in other projects/work carried out by the same organization. A certificate can be issued to the volunteers at the end of the duration.
34. Animal Welfare Societies in Schools to be established using the model in Taiwan as a term of reference
The April 1971 JVP insurrection took the country by surprise because it was against a popular, SLFP government which had just one year before, won 91 seats out of 151 in the 1970 general election. The JVP insurrection of 1971 was met with stunned disbelief, said Suriya Wickremasinghe. It was marked with confusion, bewilderment, rumor and speculation. How such a situation could have come about. Was there a foreign hand behind this extraordinary event?
Of course there was. It was obvious that this was no home grown insurgency. Kamal Gunaratne commented on the planning that would have gone into a simultaneous attack on 92 police stations in 1971. JVP cadres had been told that there were highly placed politicians, foreign countries, and military personal backing them, said Tassie Seneviratne.
JVP definitely had foreign contacts and foreign support. Viraj Fernando, an engineer who was sympathetic to the JVP, had at Wijeweera’s request gone overseas in November 1970 to make contact with foreign rebel groups to procure weapons, said Jayantha Somasunderam. Rohan Guneratne said that Ananda Idamegama had contact with foreign ministries in Colombo.
Chandraprema said that early in the 1971 JVP insurgency, it was rumored that JVP was receiving covert aid from a foreign source. JVP was able to hide its international links. “We were home-made revolutionaries, with no proper arms and ammunition and bombs made of tinkiri tins,” said Sunanda Deshapriya.
We in the CID were asked to probe whether and how the JVP was funded, said Gamini Gunawardene. But no definite avenues of financial assistance to the J. V. P. were established, said Samaranayake.
But a scapegoat was needed. The public were told that North Korea was responsible for the insurgency.Implicating evidence was found and the North Korea Embassy was immediately closed down and the diplomats banished from Sri Lanka. Experts knew that North Korea had nothing to do with it, so did seasoned politicians. Godahewa (2012) stated firmly that JVP had received funds in 1971 and named Middle East, Thailand and Japan.
N.M Perera stated that the insurgency was a CIA operation. Several politicians, including N.M. Perera thought the JVP were CIA agents, said H.L.D. Mahindapala. The JVP also said so, accusing each other of being CIA. Dharmasekera, who was dismissed from the JVP, accused Rohana Wijeweera of being a CIA agent. Rohana Wijeweera said that Dharmasekera’s organisation ‘Mathroo bhumi Arakshaka Sangamaya’ was CIA. When, ‘Vikalpa kandayama’, another splinter group of ex JVPers, emerged, Wijeweera said its leader was a CIA agent.
Analysts observed that when the government, appealed to foreign governments for assistance the assistance from the US government was very little. However Prime Minister Sirimavo had been told to ask for help from the US Seventh Fleet which was exercising in the Indian Ocean at the time.
Garvin Karunaratne, who was GA, Matara at the time said that in the days immediately after April 5, 1971, ‘when we were holding onto the coastal strip at Matara,’ a very large ship appeared on the coast and came very close to Dondra. Sri Lanka did not have a ship of that size. Watching the drama through binoculars from the Army camp I saw a number of boats being lowered to the sea and things being put into them.
Dondra was under JVP control at that time except for the police station and the adjacent areas and there was no possibility of conducting checks in the area. We radioed Army Headquarters and one of our planes came, hovered around the ship and we heard machine gun fire for around fifteen minutes. The ship vanished just afterwards. This episode is known only to me and the Army on duty at that time, concluded Karunaratne.
Edward Gunawardene was at Kurunegala dealing with the 1971 insurgency there, when an Air force vehicle drew up at the police station with nine young men who had been arrested. They were JVPers who had been instructed by their superiors, to leave Warakapola and retreat to Ritigala.
At this time, as if from nowhere, appeared two young foreign journalists, a man and a woman. One was from the Washington Post and the other, the young woman from the Christian Science Monitor. They questioned the JVPers and took photographs, said Edward. (https://island.lk/a-senior-cop-remembers-april-1971/).
It was obvious that the JVP was receiving some form of external aid in the period 1977-1983, said Chandraprema. When JVP were arrested there were Habeas corpus applications. These were paid for by applicant’s relatives or by an aid organization. BBC filmed an attack on JVP at University of Sri Jayewardenepura and showed it as ‘island of terror’.
In 1985 Amnesty International issued a report on Sri Lanka taking the side of the JVP. When an armed gang abducted eight bhikkhus of the Manawa Hithawadi Organization in 1988 Somawansa phoned Amnesty international in London. DJV had trained a few of its members in India.
.JVP tried to show that all funds were obtained locally, through membership fees, donations, robberies. JVP robbed cash from banks and petrol sheds. Dalandagama Maho cooperative petrol shed, Polgahawela and Galagamuwa petrol sheds were robbed in 1986. In 1988, Digana Peoples Bank was robbed of Rs 8 million, Wellawatte Peoples Bank robbed of Rs 20 million in cash. JVP robbed cash and jewellery from Marandagahamula Peoples Bank in 1987, and Wallewatte Peoples Bank in 1989. A pay roll of Rs 4 lakhs was robbed in Balangoda. Another pay roll from Kalebokka was taken in 1989.
But JVP could not have funded its two insurgencies in this ad hoc manner. JVP had heavy expenses. Some Rs 1,000,000 to Rs 1,200,000 was needed as payment to full timers . Two activists in Kandy were given Rs 120,000 and 150,000. Money was also needed to lease houses, purchase and maintain vehicles.
In the late 1980s JVP bought three houses. Araliyawatte in Lilambe area Wariyapola, a house at Gonapola junction, Batuwita and the mansion Katugaha Walawwa in Neluwa near
Attampitiya road. When Shanta Bandara was captured Rs. one million had been offered for his release.
JVP had a quantity of quick firing automatic rifles better than what the IPKF had in 1987 said Chandrprema. Peradeniya undergrads were armed with lethal weapons, observed Wiswa. Where did they get these guns Peradeniya academics asked.
The frequent use of landmines by the JVP indicated that JVP was receiving regular supplies of explosives from overseas, said Sri Lanka Intelligence. but the mystery surrounding the sources of arms supply to the JVP has not been resolved, said analysts.
After the 1989 defeat, the JVP was rescued by its foreign contacts. The foreign links of the JVP came to light only then, said Godahewa. This fact has not received the publicity it deserves. India’s RAW had arranged to provide accommodation and other assistance in India to fleeing JVP cadres. Nearly 400 were given sanctuary. In April 1989 Somawansa’s wife and son had been sent to Japan, then UK. They had returned home in September 1989.
The sole Politbureau member to escape, after the 1987 insurgency, was Somawansa Amarasinghe alias Siri Aiya . Somawansa Amarasinghe had coordinated the international network during the 1987 insurgency. Somawansa Amerasinghe fled to India on a boat on March 17, 1990. He was assisted by RAW to safely flee Sri Lanka, and was given refuge in India.. Indian authorities looked after him.
He arrived in Thailand with his family from India on October 19, 1990, and sought political asylum at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on March 6, 1991. Later on July 7, 1991, he went to Italy and stayed at Walpolage Dharmasena’s house. Then, at 8 pm on August 26, 1991, Somawansa was brought to the French border in Turin, Italy, by Dharmasena’s car. Shortly afterwards, Somawansa traveled to Britain via France, (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somawansa_Amarasinghe note 11)
In UK Somawansa had run a special international JVP cell. This was used, very successfully to conduct special meetings in different countries in Asia, on behalf of the JVP. According to Dharman Wickremaratne, Somawansa had traveled to Italy via France and thereafter to Switzerland. Somawansa lived in Paris and London for 12 years and returned to Sri Lanka to lead the JVP in 1994.
JVP continued to be active thereafter and the charge of foreign influence continued to follow it. Many consider JVP to be a tool used by foreign handlers. In 2011 it was reported that JVP had 13 international branches in UK, US, Italy, France, Cyprus, Sweden, South Korea, Australia, Japan, Saudi Arabia, UAR, Qatar and Oman.
JVP is an agent of the west and is attempting to create trouble in the country, said Nalin de Silva. Nalin de Silva had observed in 2004 and 2010 that JVP was a western tool. JVP was being used by the western forces, he said. JVP was getting huge sums from US and Norway to support Fonseka in Presidential election of 2010, he concluded. Wimal Weerawansa also said in 2010, that JVP was run with the help of funds given by some foreign embassies.
JVP are outrageous hypocrites, said ‘Old Soldier’ in 2019. They may mystify some with their verbosity, but who and what do they represent? Could they be working as a proxy for a shadow organization, he asked.
Colombo, August 1 (newsin.asia): On July 9, it looked as if Sri Lanka was undergoing a revolution through raw peoples’ power. Massive crowds had converged on Colombo to force the incompetent President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to quit. The Presidential palace, the Presidential Secretariat and the Prime Minister’s office were stormed, vandalized, and occupied. But the most barbaric act was the burning of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s personal residence, that housed thousands of books and rare objet d’art.
Shockingly, a member of the opposition in parliament and a former army chief, Field Marshal Sarath Foneska, even appealed to troops not to obey orders. Unhelpful Western diplomats kept urging the government not to use force to stop the protesters while turning a blind eye to arson and vandalism indulged in by the so-called peaceful protesters.”
The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government did totter soon enough. The President fled to Singapore and resigned by email from there. Sri Lanka had had its first successful revolution, the media crowed, as previous attempts in 1962, 1971 and 1988-89 had failed. The hated Rajapaksas had been banished and the country was thought to be on the threshold of a new order with the common man in the driver’s seat.
Conventional politicians went on a pilgrimage” to the agitators’ camp to pledge support and seek guidance” from the motely crowd. The media, both local and international, sang hosannas for the Aragalaya (Sinhalaese word for struggle), while totally blacking out the vandalism and arson committed by the agitators.
However, for all that, the Aragalaya fizzled out within days. The revolution” failed not because of peoples’ pressure, as it was portrayed in the local and international media, but because an insecure President had caved in without a fight. The revolution also lacked peoples’ support. The general masses were dismayed by the arson and lawlessness indulged in by the radical leadership of the movement. The Sri Lankan masses prefer to change governments periodically but only through the ballot box. They have always opposed insurrections. The insurrections in 1962, 1971 and 1988-89 failed because of a lack of peoples’ support.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled not because of popular pressure but because he lost confidence in himself. He issued no instructions to the law and order machinery thus immobilizing it. The mobs had the run of every government building they stormed because of the collapse of the law enforcement agencies.
Peace and normalcy was restored subsequently for three reasons: (1) the law and order machinery got its act together thanks to firm legally issued instructions from President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government machinery began to demonstrate a resolve to safeguard the constitutionally sanctioned order. (2) The broad masses (the silent majority) opted out of the struggle preferring orderly transfer of power to disorderly, chaotic and unplanned change. (3) There arose a yawning gap between the silent majority and the politicized elite of Sri Lanka and their mouthpieces in the media.
For most of the three-month Go Home Gotabaya” movement, the agitators were peaceful, drawn as they were from the educated English-speaking middle classes. They were staging 24 into 7 sit-ins in front of the Presidential Secretariat. But eventually, radical political elements and the lumpen, spear-headed by the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP), infiltrated the movement and took over the leadership. It is the latter section that was responsible for the vandalism, arson, the storming of government offices and the violent confrontations with the security forces. The apolitical and non-violent demonstrators were inveigled into believing that the rough and vocal types were genuine revolutionaries.
But when Ranil Wickremesinghe took over the Presidency, the law and order situation changed radically. He declared a State of Emergency and legally empowered the security forces to use all legitimate methods to maintain law and order and safeguard the sanctity of government and private property. Once the top showed grit and determination, the law and order machinery began to work. Scores of trouble-makers were identified and arrested. This had a salutary effect on people who would have otherwise participated in the mayhem even if only for a bit of adventure. Gradually, even the violence-applauding media mellowed a bit.
But to bring the situation under control, Wickremesinghe has had to address some critical issues. These were: (1) the shortage of essentials like fuel and foreign exchange. (2) the IMF’s insistence that China should first reschedule the repayment of its loans to Sri Lanka before IMF finalizes its bailout package (3) American Ambassador Julie Chung’s interference in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka and her repeated demand for restraint in dealing with the agitators while totally ignoring the arson and occupation of government offices by the latter.
The President is addressing the shortages, though fuel is still in short supply for lack of foreign exchange. Sri Lanka is hopeful of getting some debt relief from China to enable the IMF to announce its bailout. At long last, China has indicated to Sri Lanka’s Ambassador Dr.Palitha Kohona that it could provide US$ 4 billion in loans at a low rate of interest and a long repayment period.
The American envoy Julie Chung has been silenced by President Wickremesinghe by drawing her attention to the list of dos and don’ts published by the American Civil Liberties Union, according to which, it is illegal for agitators to occupy or destroy government or even private properties. Top political commentators are now referring to the envoy’s alleged role in fomenting violence and wonder if that was part of a larger design to destabilize and dominate Sri Lanka.
Debate within the protest movement on wrapping up the seafront camp was triggered by a violent crackdown by security forces 10 days ago.
Colombo, Sri Lanka – The mainly youth-led protest movement in crisis-hit Sri Lanka is divided on whether to withdraw from a sea-facing camp they set up months ago near the presidential secretariat in capital Colombo.
The GotaGoGama camp, also called Galle Face Green, is the epicentre of the protests in Sri Lanka that started more than 100 days ago to demand the removal of the then-government over the country’s worst economic crisis in seven decades.
At their peak, the protests saw tens of thousands of people occupying important government buildings for days, forcing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country and resign.
Six-time Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected the new president, despite the protesters demanding the entire ruling elite quit.
The debate within the protest movement on wrapping up the camp was triggered by a violent crackdown by the Sri Lankan security forces 10 days ago. Many protest leaders were arrested, their tents destroyed and the area cordoned off.
At their peak, the protests saw tens of thousands of people occupying important government buildings for days, forcing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country and resign.
Six-time Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected the new president, despite the protesters demanding the entire ruling elite quit.
The debate within the protest movement on wrapping up the camp was triggered by a violent crackdown by the Sri Lankan security forces 10 days ago. Many protest leaders were arrested, their tents destroyed and the area cordoned off.
Sri Lankan soldiers remove tents from the site of the protest camp outside the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo [File: Rafiq Maqbool/AP]
Several ministers in the government have also called for the removal of protesters from the camp.
Speaking in Parliament last week, Urban Development Minister Prasanna Ranatunga said the allocated protest site should be moved to another location as Galle Face is an economic hub.
Following his remarks and due to continuous arrest and intimidation of protest leaders, some protesters have already moved out, Shabeer Mohamed, one of the leaders of the protest movement, told Al Jazeera.
Some others who love GotaGoGama and the groups backed by certain political parties are still there,” he added.
A popular library at the camp is among some of the tents that was removed by the protesters.
Vimukthi Dushantha, a convener of the Black Cap movement, says his group decided to leave the village to launch their next phase of the struggle, which he said was titled Aragalaya 4.0” after the Sinhala word for struggle”.
Our main slogan at GotaGoGama was for Gotabya to leave. Now he is gone,” he told Al Jazeera.
We believe the role of GotaGoGama as the centre of the protest is now over. The next phase of the protest should focus on introducing political, social and economic reforms.”
Ironically, Galle Face Green was earmarked for mass protests by Gotabaya himself. But days after assuming the presidency, Wickremesinghe announced that several other places in Colombo had been identified as suitable places to hold future protests.
Public Security Minister Tiran Alles also stressed the need for the protesters to vacate Galle Face Green.
Recently some Russian tourists travelling around GotaGoGama said no tourists would come if these ugly tents continue to be there. This is the heart of the capital and this is where all the top tourist hotels are,” he told Al Jazeera.
The debate over vacating the main protest site in Colombo came days after many people sustained injuries in a military assault on the protesters. Many protest leaders have gone into hiding due to threats to their lives or of arrest.
They say the police officials have been visiting their families and relatives, asking for their whereabouts.
People demonstrate against forced eviction from the protest camp [File: Eranga Jayawardena/AP]
There are also allegations that the July 21 attack on the protest camp was carried out by a paramilitary group and not by the military, though army soldiers were also present there.
Some in the military told us a group in civilian clothes arrived in a bus and put military uniforms on inside the bus before launching the attack,” Pubudu Jagoda, a leader of the Frontline Socialist Party, told reporters. He claimed some uniformed attackers were drunk.
But Alles, the minister, rejected the allegation. Only the police and the military were used for the operation to get the protesters out,” he told Al Jazeera.
Meanwhile, the protesters are faced with a curious situation.
On May 9, exactly a month after the GotaGoGama camp was set up, former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the strongman patriarch of the country’s most powerful clan, resigned.
His younger brother Basil Rajapaksa left his parliamentary seat a month later, on June 9. The third brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, announced his resignation as president on July 9.
To maintain that trend, there are appeals now by people and some opposition politicians to call a mass protest on August 9. But protest leaders deny they have such plans.
