Long-term investments in Sri Lanka are India’s plan to fix economic crisis: Envoy

July 26th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

After helping Sri Lanka with an unprecedented assistance of around $4 billion since January as the country plunged into a deep economic crisis, India is now planning to invest heavily in newer sectors through both private and public firms there, Gopal Baglay, high commissioner of India to Sri Lanka, told ThePrint in an interview.

The sectors India will focus on include renewable energy, hydrocarbons, ports and infrastructure, and IT among others. Both countries are also looking at signing the long pending Economic and Technology Co-operation Agreement.

The top Indian diplomat in Colombo said New Delhi will now work with the new government there, both at the functional as well as political levels, to facilitate talks for a bailout package by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for Sri Lanka, which got stuck earlier as the situation there worsened.

The island nation has been reeling under a massive crisis following over 100 days of protests by its people, witnessing a change of regime with the ousting of former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who eventually fled the country. Subsequently, Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected as president and Dinesh Gunawardena as prime minister.

Sri Lanka is an economy having three main sources of revenue — exports, tourism and remittances. Due to Covid, some of these sources dried up completely. Sri Lanka is now trying to come back to normal levels of functioning and the economy will benefit from more investments. As a result, we are now looking at bringing in more investments in this country,” Baglay told ThePrint.

We will engage with the new Sri Lankan government on this for promoting greater trade, greater investment and more cooperation between the two economies,” he added.

Since January this year, India has offered aid and humanitarian assistance to the tune of around $4 billion to Sri Lanka, the largest ever given to any country, to help the island nation meet its shortage of food, fuel, medicines and other essential items.


Investment in newer sectors

According to Baglay, discussions with the new government there have already begun regarding which sectors the investments will be coming in.

He said Indian investors, from the public as well as private sectors, will explore opportunities in certain key sectors of ports and infrastructure, renewable energy, electricity, hydrocarbons, agriculture and dairy, education and information technology, among others.

Basically those areas where India has its own strength…And we being in the neighbourhood are in a better position to create wider ties in these areas. It is already happening as we speak,” he said, adding that a team from NTPC Ltd (National Thermal Power Corporation Limited) had visited Sri Lanka earlier this month. 

The NTPC is looking at establishing a solar power plant in Sampur in eastern Sri Lanka near Trincomalee, under a joint collaboration with the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

Even in this situation, which obviously has its own difficulties, we continue to work with the Sri Lankan government to push forward, as best as one can, joint ventures and joint projects. At the same time, we are also in discussion with the new government to create more avenues for newer investments from India,” Baglay highlighted.

He said that apart from renewable energy and IT, the focus now will also be on the manufacturing of pharmaceutical products.

Sri Lanka presently imports pharmaceuticals, 70 per cent of which actually comes from India. So, the idea is if Sri Lanka can not only start producing pharmaceutical products for its own requirements but eventually also export them to earn forex,” added Baglay.

Similarly, the high commissioner said, Sri Lanka has huge potential in solar and wind energy, thus that can also be exported to India after meeting its own requirements.

So it will create another source of revenue…Sri Lanka sees benefits in this issue. In the current situation, Sri Lanka has seen the benefits of a closer economic partnership with India. They have also benefitted from a large economy like ours and a large and diversified market,” he added. 


India to assist Sri Lanka on IMF package

As Sri Lanka anxiously awaits for the IMF to design and offer a bailout package to help stabilise its teetering economy, the multilateral lending institution is acting tough as the country continues to remain chaotic while lack of clarity on Chinese debt data continues to pose a challenge.

India takes care of Sri Lanka’s interests in the IMF as both are members…We’ve come forward in the talks whenever we have been asked to help. But their negotiations with the IMF are their negotiations as a sovereign government. But we have facilitated the process and facilitated the sentiment in the international community in supporting Sri Lanka at this juncture,” Baglay underlined.

He said India has made a strong case” for Sri Lanka in bilateral talks also with the US, Japan and Australia for coming forward to help the country.

Earlier this month, IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva had called the crisis in Sri Lanka a warning sign” for countries which have high levels of debt but constrained policy space.

A high-level IMF delegation had undertaken a visit to Sri Lanka end-June, but the talks for a comprehensive package remained inconclusive.


Conclusion of ETCA ‘beyond’ FTA

Apart from investments, Baglay said both sides are now also working towards expediting the conclusion of the pending Economic and Technology Co-operation Agreement (ETCA), which will go beyond” the existing India-Sri Lanka free trade agreement that came into force in March 2000.

ETCA is something which goes beyond the FTA because it also brings in several other aspects. Technology is the key driver here,” he added.

The ETCA was initially slated to be signed in 2016 when President Wickremesignhe was the prime minister of Sri Lanka. It is expected to address larger issues of market access and asymmetry in two-way trade.

Sri Lanka is also carrying out a unique ID project for its citizens under a grant assistance from India. This is based on India’s Aadhar model.


Source: The Print
-Agencies

Sri Lanka confirms 119 new Covid-19 cases and five more deaths.

July 26th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

The Director-General of Health Services has confirmed 5 deaths and 119 infections of Covid-19 reported yesterday (July 25).

https://youtu.be/ZcP8VLew62s

The new development brings the total number of Covid-19 related cases confirmed in the country to 665,094 and the death toll to 16,544.

According to the Department of Government Information, the victims include three males and two females, above the age of 60.

Overseas legal moves targeting ex-Prez: Manohara wants govt. to ensure his safe return

July 26th, 2022

By Shamindra Ferdinando Courtesy Island

President’s Counsel Manohara de Silva yesterday reminded the new government that it couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for the protection of ex-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa now being hounded by interested parties over unsubstantiated war crimes allegations entirely based on hearsay evidence.

The leading lawyer said so in response to The Island query regarding South Africa-based International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) requesting Singaporean Attorney General to arrest the ex-Sri Lankan President over war crimes. Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009 against LTTE terrorists responsible for many heinous crimes, including assassinations of ex Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi and President Ranasinghe Premadasa, while the double talking West tried to throw it a last minute lifeline by sending a ship to ferry away its leadership from Northeast Sri Lanka as they were cornered by security forces.

The ITJP made a similar move in the US in 2019. Foreign Ministry spokesperson yesterday confirmed that the Sri Lankan mission in Singapore has brought the development to the notice of the Ministry.

Reiterating his earlier accusation that the US may have declined to issue a visa to the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to pave the way for interested parties to take action against the former Defence Secretary, De Silva said that the government and the Parliament should make their stand unequivocally clear on the issue.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa accompanied by his wife, Iyoma and two bodyguards arrived in Singapore on July 14 from the Maldives. The group landed in Male on the previous day after having left Sri Lanka in the wake of violent protests.

The constitutional expert declared: The state has a duty to protect its citizens. The yahapalana government co-sponsored the UNHRC resolution which accepted the findings and recommendations of the UNHRC report. This report recognized the right to prosecute under universal jurisdiction (that is to prosecute in any country even offenses committed in one’s own country) or to establish in Sri Lanka courts with foreign judges, investigators and prosecutors. This disgraceful plan of the yahapalana administration was reversed by the present PM Dinesh Gunawardena when he was the foreign minister in the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government.

Since this treacherous move to accept UNHRC recommendations was made during Wickremesinghe- Sirisena government, the incumbent government should clarify whether they still support those findings, including the right to prosecute under universal jurisdiction. The present government should immediately provide for the ex-president’s safe return and ensure that adequate security is provided for him to live in Sri Lanka, including accommodation under protection of the state.”

Manohara de Silva said that a thorough inquiry into the events leading to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation would reveal how external and local elements manipulated the population to create a situation conducive for targeting the wartime leadership.

Lawyer de Silva said that the ITJP inadvertently contradicted the report of the three-member Darusman panel as regards a key issue pertaining to the removal of aid workers from the war zone in Sept 2008 whereas the UN report acknowledged the presence of UN and ICRC personnel till early 2009.

Darusman panel member Yasmin Sooka is ITJP’s Executive Director who has been engaged in a major campaign against Sri Lanka’s wartime political and military leadership.

Sri Lanka’s former Ambassador in Myanmar Prof. Nalin de Silva said that the ITJP move against the former President should be examined against the backdrop of the rebel SLPP group’s strategy that strengthened the Western efforts to get rid of the Rajapaksas.

The rebel group comprising Vasu-Wimal-Udaya deliberately or inadvertently facilitated the Western and Indian project meant to humiliate those responsible the eradication of the LTTE. Prof. de Silva asked whether those who spearheaded the protest movement were happy about ex-President Rajapaksa’s predicament. The academic declared that those who couldn’t stomach the LTTE’s defeat backed the campaign that forced both Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to step down.

Re: $50 – $80 million dollar investigation:

July 25th, 2022

Mr Ranjith Naranpanawa Rowville Victoria

The Hon Senator Penny Wong
Suite 4
19 Gouger Street
Adelaide
South Australia

CC: Prime Minister Albanese.
       Secretary General UNHRC.

Re: $50 – $80 million dollar investigation:

Dear Senator Wong,
Firstly please allow us to congratulate you on your outstanding efforts towards peace and International trade.

Secondly this letter was authorised by the Executive Committee of;
THE GLOBAL PEACE CONGRESS OF AUSTRALIA INCORPORATED on 21/07/2022.

Our NGO promotes Peace wherever it’s needed, much more  in Sri Lanka at the moment.
A mother threw herself and her two children off a bridge into the river,  committing suicide because she could no longer bare to see her children suffering hunger.

Also people are dying from the oppressive heat whilst lining up to try to get a minuscule amount of fuel to cook their rice with.

Corruption on all levels is rampant.

The country is in crisis with citizens rioting in the streets and burning down houses and invading the Presidential Palace, ransacking it.

The most valuable farmers are in need of urgent agriculture assistance.

We have a good ear to the ground in Sri Lanka and we have been told that not one citizen has received any food assistance or fuel from the gifted Australian money.

As taxpayers we are keen to communique with you to attempt to locate the journey of that money.
* to whom was it paid?
* has a transparent audit been sent
  back to you or your department?
* do you have something positive
  that we can show the people of Sri
   Lanka to prove that the aid was
   sent and can be accounted for.

We are a most generous country, we are always the first to help when other countries are in crisis.
This is exactly how taxpayers expect their hard earned dollars to be spent.

Thanking you in anticipation of your reply and please do not hesitate to contact us if you think we can help in any way.

Yours Earnestly
President
Mr Ranjith Naranpanawa
5 Landsbrough Avenue
Rowville
Victoria

Public Officer/ Secretary
Diannah Paramour
7010 Huon Highway
Dover
Tasmania

පුස්තකාල මිලියන 22

July 25th, 2022

ජයන්ත හේරත්

’60 සිරිමාවෝ ආවාය

පත්තරකාරයෝ

පහර පිට පහර

දිගට හරහට

දුන්නෝය.

පස්සර අමරානන්දගේත්

හුළං ගියේය.

ආණ්ඩුව

පැරදුනේය 

පලා ගියේය.

’65 ආවේ ඩඩ්ලිය

53 එපාවී

60 ඕනවී

60 එපාවූ ඩඩ්ලිය.

’70 දි

පත්තර කාරයෝ

සිරිමා-දිශානතිය ට

භ්රමණය විය

දින්නේ සිරිමා ය.

’77 ජේ ආර් දින්නේය

පත්තරකාරයන්ගේ වැඩය.

පත්තර කාරයෝ

හොඳ වැඩ කාරයෝය

හොඳට නරකට දෙකට

කට නෙවේය පත්තරමය!

ලංකාවේ ආණ්ඩු

එන්නේය

ජනතාව

ෆේල් කරන්නේය.

ආණ්ඩුව යන්නේය

අලුත් පරණ ආණ්ඩුව

නව වෙස් මුහුණුවරකින් 

එන්නේය.

අවුරුදු කීපෙකින්

පරණ ආණ්ඩුව

නැවත  එන්නේය

ෆේල් වෙන්නේය

ආපහු යන්නේය.

පාස් වෙන්නේය

හොඳට ආපහු

හැරී බලන සඳ..

මේ කිසිම ආණ්ඩුවක්

අසාර්ථකමත් නැත.

ජනතාව නට්ටටම

ෆේල් කරලත් නැත.

Cumulative effect එක

සමුච්චිත බලපෑම

ධනාත්මක ය.

Positive ය.

’58

පටන් ගත්

C P de Silva ගේ

මහවැලි යෝජනා ක්රමය

තවමත්

නොනැවතී

ගලා බසින්නේය.

අතරමැදදී

ජාල විදුලියත්

දෙන්නේය.

කුඹුරුවලට

ගොවීන්ට

වතුරත් දෙන්නේය.

ලංකාවේ 100% ක්ම

විදුලිය සංධි කර තිබෙය.

මිලියන 22 ටම

මදි නොකියා ඇත්තේ

ස්මාර්ට් ෆෝන් ය.

Galaxy 22ය.

Google Pixel 6ය.

iPhone 13 ය.

ස්මාර්ට් ෆෝන් එක

අලුත් දෙයියන්නාන්සේ ය. 

පුස්තකාල ය.

මිලියන 22 ය.

jvp npp කුරුටුගාමී

ස්මාර්ට් ෆෝ න් 

පාවිච්චි කරන්නේ

හනුමන්තගේ

වැඩටය

ගිනි තියන්නය.

ලංකා ගිනි-අවුලුවන්නන්ගේ සංගම්

නැති කලේ

පුස්තකාල 2ක් ය.

එකක් තිබුනේ යාපනේය. 

අනෙක කුරුඳු වත්තේය, රනිල් ගේය.

ගිනි වැලකීම

හා

ගිනි නිවීම හොඳය,

ගිනි තැබීම වැරදිය

රටටම පාඩුය.

ගොවියා දිනවපු,

වී මෝල්කරුවන් පාලනය කෙරුණු

වී අලෙවි මණ්ඩලය,

ඩීල්කාරයන් හා එකතුව

ජේ ආර්

’77 දි 

වසා දැම්මේය.

66

ඩඩ්ලි ගේ

ගොවි හමුදාව

උපන් ගෙයිම මළේය.

ගොවියා

පොහොර සහනාධාර

ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ගෙන,

පුද්ගලික මෝල්කාරයාට

වැඩි මිලට

වී ටික දෙන්නේ

ආණ්ඩුවට දීමෙන්

ලැබෙන ගාන අඩු නිසාය.

මාරම ඩීල් ය!

ගොවියා පරාදය

මෝල් මාපියාව දිනුම්ය.

ආපහු හැරී බලන සඳ..

නැවත

වී අලෙවි මණ්ඩලයක්

ගොවි හමුදාවක්‌ 

ස්ථාපිත කලොත්

හොඳය.

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Part 7F1

July 25th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The JVP did not fade away after April 1971 as it would have done, had it been a purely local affair. Instead, JVP met secretly and reorganized.    JVP first retreated into their hideouts in the jungles of the North Central Province. They moved the camps from place to place.  They did not stay in one place for long. The leader at Namal oya camp was in a separate chena known only to couple of trustworthy members.

There were jail breaks. In November 1971 JVPers escaped from Vidyalankara, Vidyodaya and Weerawila camps. At Vidyalankara, they   escaped through a tunnel which they had dug.  Prison authorities had earlier reported that there was no tunnel  leading to the conclusion that JVP has accomplices in the prison. At Anuradhapura prison as they escaped, JVPers had freed the other prisoners as well.

The plan was to get back the original cadres rather than recruit new ones. JVP prisoners received visits by   persons pretending to be relatives. They carried JVP messages in and out of these camps and prisons.  JVP cadres   met them as they were released. One of the places used for this was the Peradeniya University.  It was done discreetly without arousing suspicions of undergrads, said Indradasa.

howver, some of the 1971 lot did not  join. most, if not all, of the surviving Wellawaya JVPers  did not join in the 1988-9 JVP  terrorism, said Lalin Fernando. instead there were new recruits such as Richard de Soyza.

Somawansa Amarasinghe, fleeing the country, had hidden in a house provided by Richard de  Soyza. Richard was translating a book by Wijeweera into English the night he was abducted. Richard had tried to get the radio and TV stations paralyzed  during the 1987  insurgenecy. Richard  was not the hero that the media had projected him to be.  Ben Bavinck  recroded in October 1989 that a  Sinahla pastor from Kurunegala  had told him that several JVP members were Christian, the pastor knew them personally.

Cells were established throughout the country except North and East. Cells were set up in Colombo, Galle, Tangalle, Embilipitiya, Ratnapura, Polonnaruwa, Chilaw Kegalle and Moneragala.  There were cells of 25 in each police area  Cells were all linked with each other.  Cells were used for recruitment, indoctrination, and weapons training. Cells were organized in schools as well. JVP also later had   cells at Walkers and Central Finance Co in Kandy

The five lectures had originated in 1968 and were developed in 1969. In 1977 the five lectures were revised. They now focused on the need to capture power by force.  They were given by specially trained members.

After 1971, JVP made changes in its structure. All key points in the organization were held by those loyal to Rohana Wijeweera. A secret Central Committee was established, which gave the main directions.  The identities of this secret committee were known only to the district organizers. The leading JVPers had code names.

The JVP was wary of those who wanted to join them and they were first screened. There was tight control of information. Those who came for lectures were given places to meet at, from where they would be taken to a secret venue. The organization structure of JVP was secretive. It was almost beyond destruction said Rohan Gunaratna. 

By 1977, Wijeweera had set-up an organization with thirteen Politbureau members and twenty-nine Central Committee members. The Politbureau Members were Rohana Wijeweera, Upatissa Gamanayake, Piyadasa Ranasinghe, Saman Piyasiri Fernando, P.B. Wimalaratne, Gunaratna Wanasinghe, Sumith Athukorale, Somawansa Amerasinghe, H.B. Herath, D.M. Ananda, Shantha Bandara, Nandatillake Galapatthi and Lalith Wijeratne. Names of the Central Committee members are given in the footnote below. [1]

The JVP Politburo never met in full session. They got together only in ones, twos or threes. It was D M Ananda the functionary number 1 in the JVP’ who conveyed decisions from one group to another.

The organization was divided into three Departments. The departments were directly placed under the Politbureau. Department No1” consisted of Zonal Committees. The island was divided into five zones, (i) Western/Sabaragamuwa; (ii) Central; (iii) Rajarata; (iv) Uva/Eastern, and (v) Southern.   Analysts noted that the North and North West were excluded. The names of the Zonal leader are given in the footnote below.[2] 

The Zonal Committees were in turn divided into District Committees which were placed under the leadership of members of the Central Committee. The District Committees were headed By Central Committee members. Names of District committee members are given in footnote below. [3]   .

Each district was divided into a number of Divisions. A district could have two or more Divisions, depending on the size and requirements. Each Division had a Divisional Secretary, and a Secretary each for education, finance, military organization, propaganda, youth, students, workers, bhikkhu and women. Rank wise, the Secretaries of the Divisions were just below the Central Committee. But often, a single person   held various ranks simultaneously. The military wing had   an operation leader, trainer, intelligence specialist,  planner and strategist

Divisions were classified and numbered .  Kandy district was divided into four divisions D1 to D4. D1 contained K 33, K 66 and K 99. K 33 was Mahanuwara, Senkadagala ,K 66 was Udunuwara, Yatinuwara   and K 99 was Galaha, Marassana and Talatuoya. D2 was Gampola and Nawalapitiya, D3 was Galagedera and Harispattuwa, D4 was Teldeniya, Ududumbara, Kundasala and Wattegama.  With the exception of Wattegama, l these are  the polling divisions of the Kandy electorate.

Department No. 2” consisted of National Committees. There were national committees for Education, Finance, Propaganda, and Military Organization. Gunaratne Wanasinghe headed the committee for education; Finance was Somawansa Amerasinghe, Propaganda, Upatissa Gamanayake and Military, Saman Piyasiri Fernando

Department No. 3” consisted of eight Front Organizations. They were Youth, Students, Bhikkhus, Women, Trade unions, Rural,  Cultural and Propaganda. Through these JVP   expanded its support among school children, university students, unemployed youth, Buddhist monks, the nationalist intelligentsia and intermediate layers of rural Sinhala society” said analysts. The women’s wing was started in  1983 and schools girls joined.

There was  the Patriotic Students Movement for secondary schools. This was entirely controlled by the JVP though they avoided getting identified directly with it.  Branches of this organization were set up in several schools in Colombo and outstations.  The intention was to build up a membership, especially in the ‘A’ level classes, from which these students would enter university. This would ensure a readymade membership from among freshers.  JVP had put up posters near smaller schools so that an awareness of JVP would be in their minds when they reached A levels. This was one of their most valued sources of recruitment.

In the universities JVP started with action committees. From these developed a powerful apex organization, the Inter-University Student Federation (IUSF). The IUSF co-ordinated student activities in a national level. The IUSF  became the most powerful organization formed by JVP in the universities.   By 1985, the JVP came to dominate student politicsin school and University.

Analysts noted that the Arts students, who had traditionally given the lead, were now the followers. At the Peradeniya University, it was the Engineering students who took the lead, at the Colombo University it was the  Science undergrads and  at  Ruhuna , it was the medical students. 

Two powerful  bhikkhu fronts, Deshapremi Taruna Bhikshu Sanvidanaya and Manava Hitavadi Bhikkhu Sanvidanaya were set up by the JVP  in the 1980s  Young bhikkhus, some from University  joined these fronts  and were  very active. The possibility of some bhikkhus giving up their robes and joining the JVP/DJV cannot be ruled out, said Attanayake.  It is also  possible that members of the JVP, posing as priests, went to various temples to propagate their ideology. The robe  could be used to great advantage, observed Indradasa. The robe offered cover, and had impact on a Buddhist population. 

However, this was not the first JVP bhikkhu  organization . Young bhikkhus had participated in the 1971 insurgency. The decision to  start the 1971 attack was  taken in  the  Bhikkhu hostel of a university. In Kotmale insurgent activity had  centered around the Buddhist temple, where they coordinated the plan to attack the police station.   Fifty     six bhikkhus had been arrested by 1976. The correct figure could he much higher, said analysts.

These bhikkhus had gone to great lengths to provide all kinds of incidental help, said Attanayake. These bhikkhus had  assisted in raising funds for the organization. They  had provided shelter in abandoned temples to JVP members on the run. These temples were also used for storing weapons.

For the trade union front, JVP created their own trade unions and also infiltrated the trade unions of other political parties. JVP-led trade union, the Samastha Lanka Sevaka Sangamaya which only had about 500 to start  with, benefited by the July 1980 strike where the government dismissed over 40,000 workers. They also  benefited from the Nurses strike of 1986.   JVP tried to take over the GMOA but failed.

There were 17 JVP dominated or controlled trade unions in 1986. A trade union combine, called Janata Satan Peramuna, comprising all JVP trade unions was formed thereafter. When JVP trade unions were proscribed, JVP infiltrated the service itself.

JVP also set up  the Jatika Sisya Madyastanaya and the Jatika Kamkaru Satan Madyastanaya. Jatika Sisiya Madhastanaya handled all JVP action in schools and technical colleges . It formed committees of teachers, parents, and staff.  In 1986 JVP had support in over 2000 schools in island except in north and east.

 there were also ‘sympathetic  organisations’ such as   ‘Citizens Committee of Colombo’, ‘HR  organization of University teachers’ and  ‘international University bhikkhu Federation.

JVP conducted  its  propaganda at village, district and town level. JVP had monthly, bi weekly and weekly publications.  Publications had militant sounding titles,  such as Vedihanda”,” Ripalaya” (rifle)” Aragalaya”.  Some publications were targeted  towards specific groups, such as fishermen, school teachers, or  security forces By 1987 these publications were popular at village level. there were also the  JVP  radio transmissions. Postersgave time and frequency.

To attract mass support at village level JVP  organized several attractive campaigns in late 1970s and 1980s where  Wijeweera said that JVP was the leading left movement in the country. The JVP are the only saviors  of the workers ,unemployed, students and the masses.

Speakers at public meetings of JVP were articulate, they were carefully handpicked, progress monitored. Many listened to speeches  even if they did not agree with all of it,  to hear the criticisms against those in power in the country. Hundreds joined JVP  from 1983-1987 and were indoctrinated.

JVP was  a major underground force from1983-1987. JVP had   grass roots contacts and  knew exactly where to go and whom to meet  it was not possible to catch the JVP in a particular area, because there was absolute secrecy. they used five to ten aliases.  

 leaders and cadres never operated in an area native to them. Nobody knew them.  . there was a rapid transfer of activists from one unit to another or from one zone to another.  if  the leader was caught, he would be rapidly replaced       Even if all are taken from one district those in the other district will oversee, said Rohan Gunaratna.  

By 1984, the JVP had decided on a second armed struggle. JVP’s plans for the next insurgency was known to the authorities from July 1983, said  Rohan Gunaratne.

 in 1984 JVP  started camps for    military training in jungles between Ampara and Siyambalanduwa, there were camps at Hiniduma, Hambegamuva. Hambegamuwa camp was a major JVP training center.

Batches of 30 to 40 were trained for five to seven days. these temporary training camps familiarized member with various types of weapons such as T56, AK 47, said Indradasa. This was done mainly by hand drawn sketches, and pictures of rifles. A rudimentary military training was given.  There were also classes in physical training. At the camp trainees were forbidden to divulge real name, and  place of residence,  only the leader knew the names.

A separate military wing  was set up in 1986  and JVP started to collect weapons. Weapons were discovered in Ruhuna, Colombo  and Peradeniya  universities..in 1987 intelligence services had received reports of university students undergoing weaponry training in camps of the Deshapremi Janatha Vyapaaraya  DJV. The biggest such training camp was held in the Erathna area, near Sri Pada in January 1987. Maheepala Kodippili, following his arrest, admitted to the CID on June 19, 1987, that he had attended the training camp along with a group of university students under the direction of Sarath of the Colombo University. 

 JVP leader Padmasiri was asked to form an armed student battalion. there were at least 100 combat trained JVPers in University of Ruhuna. Undergraduates  had played a key role in the raid on Pallekelle army camp.


[1] Central Committee Members were  Gamini Wijegunasekera, Kandewatte, Amarasiri, Lionel Fernando, Ragama Some, Upali Jayaweera, Norman Manawadu, Ananda Idagama, Ruwan, Jayatilaka. Palitha, Jude Anthnny, Mirigama Chandare, P. Thangarajah, Gamini Jayalath, Beligalla Siriwardene, Aruna Wijesuriya, Gunapala Satharasinghe, Ariyasena, Piyasena Ramanayake, Dharmawardhana Munasinghe, Indraratne, Samaranayake, Algiriye Munasinghe, Y.M. Aheyratne, K.G. Jinadasa, Sirimal, Ranjitham Gunaratnam and  Kitulagoda. 

[2] The Zonal Leaders were 1.Western/Saharagamuwa Zone Political Secretary: D.M. Ananda Military Secretary: Saman Piyasiri Fernando 2. Central Zone Political Secretary: Piyadas:1 Ranasinghe Military Secretary: H.B. Herath 3. Rajarata Zone Political Secretary: Lalith Wijeratne Military Secretary: Lalith Wijeratne 4. Southern Zone Political Secretary: Upatissa Gamanayake Military Secretary: Upatissa Gamanayake 5. Uva/Eastern Zone Political Secretary: Shantha Bandara Military Secretary: H.B. Herath( godahewa probably)

[3] Distdct Secretaries D.M. Ananda (Colombo), Dharmawardana Munasinghe (Gampaha), P.K.B.A. Indraratne (Kegalle), Mahinda (Puttalam), Upali Jayaweera (Kandy), Dhammika ldamegama (Matale), Ranjitham Gunaratnam (Kurunegale), Wimalaratne (Kalutara), S.K. Jayatilaka (Galle), Gamini Wijegunesekera (Matara), Ariyasena (Hambantota), Sumeda (Polonnaruwa), Tissa (AnUradhapura), Premakumar (Trincomalee), Shantha Bandara (Nuwara-Eiiya), Amarasiri (Badulla) and Kandewatte (Monaragale

.

මේ රටේ කවුරු බලයට ආවත් මෙම ජාහික ප්‍රතිපත්තිය පිළිගැනීම සහක්‍රියාත්මකකිරීම අනිවාර්යයයි.

July 25th, 2022

ආචාර්‍ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර

1ජනතාවගේ එදිනෙදා ජීවිතයට අත්යාවස්‍ය සහල් පිටි, අල, පරිප්පු, ලොකු ළුුණු, කරවල සහ සීනි  වැනි ආහාර ද්‍රව්ය සහ, ඉන්ධන, ඖෂධ වැනි දේවල්, පෝලිම්වල පැය ගණන් නොසිට  හිගයකින් තොරව සාධාරණ මිලකට ලබාගැනීමට මෙන්ම ජලය, විදුලිය සහ ප්‍රවාහන සේවා අඛණ්ඩව ලබාගතහැකි  පරිසරයක් ඇතිකිරීම

2 අත්යාවස්‍ය භාණ්ඩ සඳහා දැඩි පාලනමිල ක්‍රමයක් ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම සහ එය උල්ලන්ඝනය කරණ සහ භාණ්ඩ සඟවන පුද්ගලයින්ට එරෙහිව දැඩි දඩුවම් දීම

3 වී වගාව ප්‍රධානකොට ඇති කෘශිකර්මාන්තයට, මෙන්ම අපනයන වැවිළි කර්මාන්තයට අවවස්‍ය රසායනික පොහොර සහ පළිභෝධ නාසක වැනි යෙදවුම් සාධාරන මිලකට හිගයකින් තොරව ලබාදීම.

4 ගෙවතු මුල්කොට ගෙන  දීපව්යාප්ත දැවන්ත ආහාර නිශ්පාදන වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් ගම් මට්ටමින් වහාම ඇරඹීම සහ  නිස්පාදිත භාණ්ඩ, ප්‍රවාහනය,අළෙවිකිරීම ගබඩාකොට තැබීමට සීතගබඩා  පහසුකම්, අලෙවි සන්වර්ධන දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවෙන් සැපයීම

5 පසුසම්පත් හා ධීවර කර්මාන්ත වලටද අවවස්‍ය සියලුම පහසුකම් ලබාදී විශේසයෙන්ම ධීවර කර්මාන්තය idhiriyeidhii දැවැන්ත අපනයන කර්මාන්තයක් බවට පත්කළහැකි අන්දමින් සන්වර්ධනය කිරීම.

6 බහුතර ජානතාවගේ එදිනෙදා ජීවිතයට අනවස්‍ය, ඇපල්, මිදි චීස් සහ රට බීම වර්ග වැනි සුඛෝපභෝගී භාණ්ඩ ආනයනය කිරීම වහාම නතර කිරීම

7 අතීතයේදී පැවති අන්දමට අඩු ආදායම් ලාභීන්ට සලාක ක්‍රමයට සහල්,පිටි සීනි වැනි අතයාවස්‍ය ද්‍රව්ය ලබාදීම සහ වැඩි ආදායම් ලබන පුද්ගලයින් සහ ආයතන වලින් වැඩි බදු අයකර ගැනීම

8 රජයේ අනවස්‍ය වියදම් වහාම නතර කිරිම

9 පාසැල් යන ළමයින්ට ඇඳුම් සහ පොත් ලබාදීම වැනි අනවස්‍ය දේවලට විරාමයක් තැබීම.

10. 13 වන විවස්ථා සන්සෝධනය සහ පලාත් සභා අහෝසිකිරීම.

11මැති අමතිවරුන්ගේ වැටුප් වසරකට නතර කිරීම සහ ඔවුන්ට ලබාදෙන සියළුම අමතර දීමනා, වරප්‍රසාද  අහෝසි කිරීම සහ දැනට දී ඇති නිල වාහහන සියල්ල ආපසු ලබාගෙන වෙන්දේසියේ විකුනා එම මුදල් ඹාණ්ඩාගාරයට බැරකිරිම සහ ඔවුන් සියලුදෙනාටම විදෙස් ගමන් තහනම් කිරීම.මැතිසභා රැස්වීම වලට පොදු වාහනවලින් එන මෙන් දැන්වීම.ඒ සම්ඟම ඔවුන්ට දී ඇති පුද්ගලික සේවක මන්ඩල (ඇමති 25 රාජ්ය ඇමති?—) සහ ආරක්ශක නිලධාරින් ආදී සියල්ලද වහාම ඉවත් කළයුතුය

12 ශ්‍රී ලන්කා පරිපාලන සේවයට අයත් නැති සියලුම අමාත්යාන්ශ ලේකම් වරුන් සහ ශ්‍රි ළන්කා විදේශ සේවයට අයත් නැති සියළුම විදේශ සේවා පත්වීම් අවළන්ගු කල යුතුය

13) රජයේ සේවයට බඳවාගැන්නීමේ පටිපාටියට සහ ක්‍රම්වේදයන්ට පටහැණිව සහ භණ්ඩාගාරයේ සේවා හා සන්ක්‍යා අද්යක්ෂකගේ නියමයන්ට පටහැනිව කිසිම රජයේ ආයතන්යකට කිසිම සේවකයෙකු අලුතෙන් බඳවා නොගත යුතුය.

මෙම ක්‍රියාත්මක වැඩපිළිවෙල නිසියාකාරව සිදුවේදැයි සොයාබැලීමට විෂේෂ ඒකකයක් බැගින් සෑම අමාත්යන්ශයකම පිහිටුවීම

14 රජයේ මෙම වැඩ පිළිවෙල ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීමේ වගකීම ජාතික මට්ටමේ අමාත්යන්ශ හා දෙපාර්තමේන්තු වලට අමතරව දිසා, උපදිසා සහ ගම් මට්ටමේ පූර්ණ වගකීම දිසාපති, ප්‍රාදේශීය උපදිසාපති සහ ග්‍රාමසේවා නිලධාරීන්ට පැවරීම.

(මෙම වැඩ පිළිවෙල ක්‍රියාත්මක කිරීම දේශපාලන ඇඟිලිගැසීම්වලින් තොරව සිදුකළ යුතුය.)

අඛණ්ඩ ප්‍රගති සමාලෝචනය

පළමුව සතිපතාද  දෙවනුව දෙසති පතාද ඉන්පසුව මාස්පතාද අඛණ්ඩව ප්‍රගති සමාලෝචනය කළයුතුය. සෑම මසක අවසානයේම කාර්ය සාධනය සමාලෝචන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් මගින් නිලධාරින් මෙන්ම ඇමැතිවරුන්ද ඇගයීමේ වැඩපිළිවෙලක්ද ක්‍රියාත්මක කළයුතුය

3 තෙවනුව වහාම ගතයුතු තවත් කරුණු කීපයක්

1රජයේ අනවශ්ය වියදම් වහාම නතර කිරීම සහ ආදායම් වැඩි කිරීම

උදා: 1 අමාත්ය මණ්ඩලය මෙම ලිපියේ සඳහන් පරිදි වහාම 17 ට සීමා කිරීම

2 ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය විහිලුවක් බවට පත්කොට කැබිනට් ඇමතිවරුන් හුදු පඹයන් බවට පත්කොට ඇති විවස්ථා විරෝධී රජයේ ශබ්ද විකාශන යන්ත්‍ර සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ කොඩිගස් පමණක්වූ රාජ්ය ඇමතිවරුන් වහාම ඉවත් කිරීම එසේ කළ විට අමාත්යාන්ශ 24 ක් වැසීයාම නිසා ඊට අදාල කාර්යාල,නිලධාරින්න් ,යාන වාහන සහ වෙනත් වියදම කෝටි ගණනින් අඩුවෙනුඇත

3 කිසිම වැඩකට නැති පින්පඩිකාරයින් රැළක්වන පලාත් සභා ආණ්ඩුකාරයින් වහාම ඉවත් කොට දිස්ත්‍රික් පාලනය විනාශකල ජාතියට සුදු අලියෙක් සහ හූනියමක් වූ පලාත් සභා අහෝසිකොට දිසාපතිවරුන්ට තම දිසාවේ රාජකාරිය කිරීමට යලිත් නිදහස දීම

4 මැති ඇමතිවරුන්ගේ සියලු දීමනා සහ වැටුප් නතරකොට මෙතෙක් රටට හා ජාතියට කර ඇති පව් ගෙවීම සඳහා, රට යථා තත්වයට පත්වන තුරු,නොමිලේ සේවය කරන මෙන් දැන්වීම,

5 පාඩු ලබන රාජ්ය ආයතනවල ප්‍රධානීන් වහාම ඉවත්කොට ඒවා යථාතත්වයට පත්කළ හැකි අය පත්කිරීම

6 සියලුම අතිරික්ත අමාත්යාන්ශ සහ රාජ්ය ආයතන වසා දැමීම

7 සියලුම මැති ඇමහිවරුන්ගේ සහ හිටපු ජනාධිපතිවරුන්ගේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප් සහ සියලුම වරප්‍රසාද වහාම අහෝසිකිරීම කිරීම

8 අඩුම ගානේ 1977 සිට හෝ සියලුම දේශපාලකයින්ගේ වත්කම් පරීක්ශාකොට වැරැදිකරුවන්වන් සියලුම දෙනාට දණ්න්ඩුවම් කිරීම සහ යුතු අන්දමින් උපයාගෙන මේ රටේ හෝ විදේශවල තිබෙන සියළුම වත්කම් ශ්‍රි ලන්කා  භාණ්ඩාගාරයට ලබාගැනීම

8 අධිකරණය ,රාජ්ය සේවය සහ සියලුම විස්ව විද්යාල ස්වාධීන කිරීම

9 සියළුම රාජ්ය අයතනවල අතිරික්ත රාජ්ය සේවක්යින් වන්දි

ගෙවා ඉවත්කොට ස්වයන් රැකියාවලට යොමුකිරීම

10 ජාතිකරාජ්ය වැටුප් ක්‍රමයක් හා අර්ථවත් අයබදු ක්‍රමයක් ඇති කිරීම.

ආදී වශයෙන් (මේ ටිකෙන් පමණක් ප්‍රකෝටි කීයක් රටට ඉතිරිවේදැයි බලනමෙන් මම ජනාධිපහිවරයාට කියමි.

4 සිව්වනුව ඩොලර් යුද්ධය ජයගන්නා හැටි

ණය ගෙවීම සහ හාණ්ඩ ආනයනයට අවස්‍ය ඩොලර් සොයා ගැනීම

1)      මහබැන්කුව මගින් දැනට කෙරීගෙන යන වැඩපිළිවෙලට අමතරව ලෝකය පුරා විසිරීසිටින ශ්‍රී ලාන්කිකයින්ට මාස්පතා රට ගොඩගැනීමේ අරමුදල නමින් මහ බැන්කුවේ විශේෂ ගිණුමක් ආරම්භකොට එයට තමන්ට හැකි මුදලක් එවනමෙන් නව ජනාධිපති වරයා ඔවුන්ට ආයාචනයක් කිරීම. ඒ සඳහා ඔවුන් උනන්දුකිරීම සඳහා විසේෂ ප්‍රතිලාභ ක්‍රමයක්ද ඇතිකළ යුතුය

ළොව පුරා විසිරී සිටින 30 ලක්ෂයකට අධික පිරිසකගෙන් මසකට එක් අයෙකු ඩොලර් 10 ක් එව්වත් එක් මසකට $ මිලියන 30 ක් ලැබේවි නේද.එක් අයෙක් $ 100 ක් එව්වොත් එය එක් මසකට  $ මියනයක් (මි300) නොවේද?මෙම අරමුදලේ උතුම් අරමුණ දැනගත් විට $ 100 ට වඩා වුවද  එවන දේශප්‍රේමීන්ද සිටින නිඅසා, මාස කීපයක් ඇතුලත රටේ සියළුම ණය ගෙවා අව්සන් කිරීමට හැකි බවද කිව  හැක.

2)  හෑම ශේස්ත්‍රයකම අපනයනය ඉහල දැමීමේ වැඩපිලිවෙලක් ක්‍රියාත්මක් කිරීම. අපනයන කරුවන්ට අව්ස්ය සෑම පහසුකමක්ම ලබාදිය යුතු අතර, ඒ සඳහා ඔවුන් උනන්දුකිරීමේ විසේෂ වැඩ සටහනක් ඇතිකල යුතුය.

3) අත්යවස්‍ය දේට පමණක් ආනයන භාණ්ඩ සීමාකිරීම

4) රට, අහරින් ස්වයන්පෝෂනය කිරීම. ඒ අතර වී වගාවට ආර්ථිකයේ ප්‍රමුඛස්ථානය දියයුතු අතර ඊට අවශ්ය ජලය,රසායනික පොහොර, පළිභෝධනාසක ආදිය සාධාරණ මිලකට ලබාදීම. මීට සමගාමීව අලි, ඌරන්, මුවන් ,ඉට්තෑවන්,වඳුරන්, රිළවුන්, දණ්ඩු ලේණන්, මොණරුන් සහ වෙනත් පක්ශීන් වැනි වනසතුන්ගෙන්  වගාවන්ට සිදුවන හානි (දැනට 35 %) අවම කිරීමේ දීපව්යාප්ත වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ක්‍රියාත්මක්   කිරිම. ආහාරවලින් රට ස්වයන්පෝෂිත කිරීමෙන් ආහාර ද්‍රව්ය ආනයනය සඳහා දැනට වැය වන අතිවිශාල මුදලක් ඉතිරිකරගත හෑක ආහාරවලින් රට ස්වයන්පෝෂිත කිරීමෙන් ආහාර ද්‍රව්ය ආනයනය සඳහා දැනට වැය වන අතිවිශාල මුදලක් ඉතිරිකරගත හෑක

5.ඊට සම්ගාමිව රටතුල  දැවැන්ත කෘශිකාර්මික, කාර්මික සහ සේවා ආදි සියළු අන්ශවලම අපනයනය කඩිනමින් වර්ධනය කිරීම මඟින් විදේශ විනිමය ලබාගැනීම වැඩි කරගැනීම සහ ඊට් අවගස්‍ය ව්‍යාප්ති උජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති  රටතුල පවතින අර්බුධකාරී තත්වයෙන් ජනතාව සහ රට මුදාගැනීමට යෝජිත ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්ති.

එක්සත්, සව්භාග්යමත් ප්‍රබල ශ්‍රී ලාන්කික ජාතියක් ගොඩ නැගීම සඳහා සියළු දෙනාම ඒකමතිකව පිළිගත යුතු

5.පස්වනුව  ජාතික  ප්‍රතිපත්ති මාලාවක්

1 කි පු 307 සිට 1815 දක්වා නිලවශයෙනුත් එදා සිට අද දක්වාම නිලනොවන ලෙසිනුත් අඛන්ඪව වසර 2329 පැවති පරිදි මේ රට සින්හල බෞද්ධයින්ගේ පරම මාතෲ භූමියමිය බව මෙරටවාසී සෑමදෙනාම මෙන්ම සමස්ථ ලෝකවාසීන්ම අවිවාදයෙන් පිළිගතයුතුය

තවද කිසිම අවස්ථාවකදි කිසිවෙකුට ඒ තුල වෙනම වාර්ගික ප්‍රදේශයක් හෝ වෙනම පාලන ප්‍රදේශයක් හෝ වෙනම රාජ්යයක් ඉල්ලීම හෝ ප්‍රකාශකිරීම රාජද්‍රෝහී හී ප්‍රකාශයකි.

මේ අතර රටේ පුරවැසියන් වශයෙන් ජීවත්වන දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් සහ වෙනත් සුළුජනකොටස් මේ බිමෙහි වසර 2500 කට වැඩි කලක් පුරා රටේ පරම උරුමකරුවන් වන සින්හලයින් සමඟසුහදව ජීවත් වී ඇත. ජාතියේ උරුමයට තර්ජනයක් නොවන තුරු ඔවුන්ද සින්හල අපගේම සොහොයුරන් වශයෙන් අපි සලකමු. කෙසේ වුවද අපගේ එම පරම උරුමයට ඔවුන් කිසිදිනක වචනයෙන් හෝ ක්‍රියාවෙන් තර්ජනයක් නොවිය යුතුය. එමනිසාම ඔවුන් කිසිවෙකුට මේ රටතුල අයිතිහාසික නිජබිම් හෝ වෙනමරාජ්යයන් ඉල්ලිමට කිසිදු අයිතියක්ද  නැත.එසේම මේ රටේ ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම විවස්ථාවේ ඒ බව විව්ස්ථා ගත කළ යුතුය.  එසේම සැමදෙනාම  ඒ බව පැහැදිළිව වටහා ගතයුතුය.

2රටේ නම සින්හලේ/ශ්‍රී ළන්කාව විය යුතුය ඒ හැර ඉලන්කයි ආදි වෙනත් වචනවලින් යකින් එය හැඳින්වීම රාජද්‍රෝහී අපරාධයක් වශයෙන් සැළකිය යුතුය. ක්ස්ෆෝර්ඩ් සරසවියේ මහාචාර්ය සී සී

 ඩේවිස් ගේ දකුණු ආසියාතික සිතියම්වල ද සඳහන් වනුයේ ක්‍රි.පූ. 5 වනසියවසේ සිට 17 වනසියවස දක්වාම මේ රට සින්හලේ වශයෙන් හැඳින්වූ බවය.

3 මේ රටේ ජාතිය. ක්‍රි පූ.543 සිට පැවති පරිදි සින්හල වියයුතුය. දෙමළ සහ මුස්ලිම් ජනකොටස් යනු මේ සින්හලයින්ගේ රටට විටින් විට පැමිණි සින්හලේ රජ්වරුන්ගේ සහ පසුව මේ රටේ පාලකයින්ගේ අනුග්‍රහය ඇතිව මෙහි පදින්චි පුරවැසිකම ලබාගත් සන්ක්‍රමනික ජනවර්ග පමණි. ඔවුන් අතීතයේදී කිසිම අවස්ථාවක මේ රට තුල වෙනම ජාතීන් වශයෙන් ප්‍රකාශ කොට නැත.එබැවින් වර්තමානයේද අදදනොකළ යුතුය. එසේම එවැනි ප්‍රකාශ කිරිම හෝ කටයුතුවල යෙදීම රාජ්ද්‍රෝහී  අපරාධ්යක් වශයෙන් නීතිගත කළයුතුය

4 ක්‍රි ව පෙ 307 සිට අඛ්හණ්ඩව පැවති පරිදි අදද බුද්ධාගම මේ රටේ රාජ්ය. ආගම විය යුතුය කෙසේ වුවත් සියළුම ආගම්

ම් ඇදහීමේ පූර්ණ අයිතියට සහතික කෙරේ.

5කි.පූ. 307 සිට පැවති පරිදි බුද්ධාගම මෙ රටේ රාජ්ය ආගම විය යුත්හුය

6 රටේ රාජය භාශාව සින්හල විය යුතුය

7 බුද්ධාගම රටේ රාජ්ය ආගම වියයුතුය.

8 මේ රටේ,ජනාධිපති,අගමැති, අග්‍රවිනිස්චයකාරතැන,ත්‍රිවිධ හමුදාපතිවරුන්, පොලිස්පති සහ නීතිපති      සින්හල යින්ම වියයුතුය

9 සියලුම ජනවර්ග,ආගම්,ආදිය මුල්කරගෙන පිහිටුවා ඇති සියළුම දේශපාලනපක්ශ තහනම් කළ යුතුය.

10 ඒකීය රටක් එක  නීතියක්     

11     මධ්යම කඳුකරයේ මු ම අඩි 5000 ඉහල අධිරක්ශිතයක්

11 එක් ජාතික කොඩියක්

12 එක් ජාතික ගීය

ජාතික ආර්ථිඅකයේ ගොවිතැනට මුල්තැන

12 නව මැතිවරණ  ක්‍රමයක්

13 දැනට පවතින  ජනතා පරමාධිපත්තිය ආරක්ශාවන මුල්තැන දෙන ආණ්ඩුක්‍රම විවස්ථාඅවක් වක්      

14     දරුණු අපාරධවලට මරණ දඬුවම

15 දේශීය සහ විදේශීය රාජ්ය සේවය වුර්තිකයින්ට පමණි නි

16 වෙනස්නොවන නොබැඳි විදේශ ප්‍රතිපත්තියක්

17 සෑමපුර වැසියෙකුටම රටේ ඔනෑම තැනක පදින්චියට, දේපල මිලදි ගැනීමට රැකියා කිරීමට අව්ස්ථාව    

18     මේ රට ෆෙඩෙරල් රාජ්යක් කොට දෙමල බලය නන්ග්වා සින්හල බ්ලය බිඳ දමා සින්හල ජාතිය විනාශ කිරිමට       ඉන්දියාව විසින් බලහත්කාරයෙන් අප හිස මත පැටවූ1987 ජූලි 29  ඉන්දු-ලන්කා ගිවිසුම සහ ඒ තුළින් උපන් 13 වන විවස්ථා සන්සෝධනය අහෝසිකොට මේ රටට හා ජාතියට  හූනිමක් වි ඇතිති පලාත් සභා වහාම අහෝසි කිරීම.

19 මේ රටේ ආර්ථිකය බිඳවැටීමට ප්‍රධාන හේතුවක් වන  දැනට පවතින අධිකක රජයේ නිවාඩු දින ගණන ජාත්යන්තාර්ජත්යන්ට්‍ර සාමාන්න්යන්ය ගණන වන 12 හෝ ඊට ආසන්න සන්ක්යාවකට අඩුකොට  වසරකට අපතේ යන මිනිස්නඉස් දින ගණන රටේ සන්වර්ධනයට යොදාගතයුතුය

2020 මහ මැතිවරණයේදී මේ රටේ මුළු චන්ද සන්ක්‍යාවෙන් 3.16% ක් පමණක් ලබාගත් ත්‍රස්ථවාදි ණඩයකට බලය දී ඊට විරුද්ධව චන්දය  දුන් 97% ජනතාවක් පාවා දී , වසර 2500 ක් පැවති මේ සින්හල බෞද්ධ රටත්, ජාතියත් විනාශ කරනවාද?

July 25th, 2022

ආචාර්ය සුදත් ගුණසේකර. හිටපු ලේකම් අග්‍රාමාත්‍ය සිරිමාවෝ බන්ඩාරනායක. සභාපති ශ්‍රි ලන්කා පරිපාලනසේවා සන්ගමය (1991-1994) සභාපති. මහනුවර සින්හල බෞද්ධ ජේෂ්ඨ පුරවැසියන්ගේ සන්විධානය.

ශ්‍රි ලන්කා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටින මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් 225 දෙනාම වෙත, විෂේශයෙන්ම සින්හල මන්ත්‍රීන් වෙත කෙරෙන අනතුරු ඇඟවීමක්.

 ක්‍රි.  පූ. 543 සිට සින්හලේ රාජධානිය වශයෙන්ද ක්‍රි.පූ.307 සිට අද දක්වා ලෝකයේ ඇති එකම සින්හල බෞද්ධ රාජ්‍ය වශයෙන්ද පැවති බව මේ රට විනාශකිරීම සඳහා අධිරාජ්‍ය වාදීන් විසින් දෙමල මුස්ලිම් මිනිසුන් සින්හලයින්ට එරෙහිව උසිගන්වනතුරු පිළිගත් දෙමළ සහ මුස්ලිම්  මන්ත්‍රීවරුන්ද මේ සින්හල රටේ නීත්‍යානුකූල පුරවැසියන් වනනිසා ඔවුන්ටද මෙම නිවේදනය අනිවාර්යෙන්ම  අදාල වේ.

පැරණි ලෝකයේ අනාදිමත් කාලයක සිට මෑතක් දක්වාම මිහිබට පාරාදීශය, ධර්මද්වීපය සහ ඉන්දීය සාහරයේ මුතු ඇටය වැනි විරුදාවලි ලැබූ ඔබ අප සියලුදෙනාගේම  මව්බිම වන මේ රම්‍ය දිවයින අද අතිශයින්ම අවාසනාවන්ත රටක් බවට පතව ඇත. 1948 ඊනියා නිදහස ලබනවිට මුළුමහත් ආසියාවේම දෙවන සමුර්ධිමත් රට වශයෙන් තිබුණු එය  අද ආසියාවේ පමණක් නොව මුලු ලෝකයේම හිඟන රටක් සහ කඳුලක් බවට පාලකයින් විසින් පත්වකොට ඇත. එසේම අද එය ජාති විරෝධි, දේශද්‍රෝහී උන්මත්තක ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගේ  කෙළිමඬලක් වී ඇත.1948 සිටම මේ රට පාලනය කලායයි කියන සියලු දෙනාම එසේ වීමට වගකිවයුතු බවද මුළු රටම පිළිගෙන ඇත. වර්තමාන පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටින ඔබ සියළු දෙනාද ඊට වගකිව යුතුබව පිලිගත යුතුය.

 මා මෙම ඉතා වැදගත් පණිවිඩය ඔබ සැමදෙනාමවෙත එවන්නේ අපගේ මව් රටත් ජාතියත්, ඒ තුල වසන සියලුදෙනාත් සම්බුද්ධ සාසනයේ චිරස්ථිතියත් පරසතුරන්ගෙන් සහ රට තුලම සිටින පරසතුරු බලවේගයන්ගේ නියෝජිතයින්ගෙන් ආරක්ෂාකොට ගැනීමේ පරම අධ්‍යාශය පෙරදැරිකොට ගෙනය

ඊනියා අරගලයක යෙදී සිටින ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගෙන්  මේ රට සහ මේ රටේ හින්දු, මුස්ලිම් මිශ්‍රිත සින්හල බෞද්ධ ජාතියේ අනාගතය ආරක්ෂාකොට ගැනීම, එසේම ඔවුන්ගේ ආගම්ද ජාතියක් නැති ආගමක් නැති මිත්‍යාදෘෂ්ඨිකයින්ගෙන් බේරාගැනීම,

සින්හල බෞද්ධ ජනාධිපති ඝෝඨාභය රාජපක්ශ රටින් එලවා දැමීමට මුල්වූ කන්ඩායම් අතර සිටින ඊනියා අරගල කරුවන් වන ජ.වි.පෙ., පෙරටුගාමීන්. කතෝලික පල්ලිය, සහරාන්ගේ ණඩයට අයත් මුස්ලිම් අන්තවාදී ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන් මෙන්ම 1505 සිට අද දක්වාම අධිරාජ්‍ය වාදීන්ට ඉටුකොට ගැනීමට නොහැකිවූ අරමුණ වූ මේ රටේ සින්හල බෞද්ධ  ජාතිය සහ සන්කෘතිය මේ මිහිපිටින් අතුගා දැමීමට  සහ සින්හල, දෙමල මුස්ලිම්වරුන් අතර අනාදිමත් කාලයක් පුරා පැවැති සමගිය විනාෂකොට, මේ රට අස්ථාවර කිරීම සහ විනාශකිරීම සඳහා කුමන්ත්‍රණ කරන බටහිර අධිරාජ්‍යවාදීන්, ඔවුන්ගේම නියෝජිතයින් වන ඊනියා සිවිල් සන්විධාන, ජේ.වී.පී.  සහ පෙරටුගාමි සමාජවාදි,පෙරමුණ, කතෝලික පල්ලිය, සිවිල් සවිධාන,  රාජ්‍ය .නොවන  සන්විධාන සහ විදේෂීය සන්විධානද, රාජ්‍ය නොවන සන්විධාන  සහ සියළුම සින්හල බෞද්ධ විරෝධී  විදේෂ  සන්විධාන හරහා ඩොලර් පොම්පකරමින් සිදුකරගෙනයන මේ මහා විනාශය ඔබ අප සියළු දෙනාම එක්වී පරාජය කළයුතුය.

එබැවින් ඔබ 225 දෙනාම එක මවකගේ දරුවන්මෙන් මේ රටේ හා ජාතියේ මෙම තීරණාත්මක අවස්ථාවේදී මෙම ප්‍රකාෂයේ අඩන්ගු කරුණු ණුවනින් සලකා බලා 20. 7. 2022 දින  ජනාධිපති වරයෙකු තෝරාගැනිමේදී, එම පුරාණ සිරිතට අනුව රටේ දේශපාලන ස්තාවරත්වය හා ජාතියේ තිරසාර සමඟිය සහ සහෝදරත්වය නැවත ගොඩනැගීම සඳහා පහත දැක්වෙන කරුණු ඔබ සැමගේ දැඩි සැලකිල්ලට ගන්නා මෙන් දෙශානුරාගයෙන් හා ජාත්‍යෑලයෙන් මම ඔබ සැමගෙන් ඉල්ලමි.

එම අපේක්ෂකයා

1 දැනට මේ රට තුල පවතින සින්හල, දෙමළ සහ මුස්ලිම් අන්තවාදි ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගේ ග්‍රහනයෙන් රට බේරාගෙන පක්ෂ, පාට භේධයෙන් තොර රට හා ජාතිය මුල් තැන්හි තබා සෑමදෙනාගේම සහයෝගය සහ ගෞරවය දිනාගත හැකි අයෙකු වීම

2ස්ථාවර සර්ව පාක්ෂික රජයක් පිහිටුවා රට තුල පළමුව නීතිය හා සාමය යළි තහවුරු කොට සාමකාමි වාතාවරනයක් ඇති කිරීම සහ සියළු පක්ශ පාට, ජනවර්ග, කුලමල, ආගම් ආදි භේධයකින් තොරව  කටයුතු කිරීම,

3අද රට තුල ගිනිගෙන දැවෙන ප්‍රශ්නවූ, අත්‍යාවශ්‍ය ආහාර ද්‍රව්‍ය, ඉන්ධන, ගෑස්, .ඖෂධ කඩිනමින් ලබාදීම,   රසායනික පොහොර, වල්නාෂක, පලිභෝධ   සහ  කෘෂි උපකරන වැනි යෙදවුම් පහසුවෙන්  හා ගොවින්ට දරාගත හැකි මිලට කලට වෙලාවට ලබාදිය හැකි එසේම ඔවුන්ගේ නිෂ්පාධන සඳහා උපරිම මිලක් ලබා දීම මගින් ජනතාවට සහන සැලසීම.

4 රට තුල පවතින විදේශ සන්චිත ගැටළුවට කඩිනම් පිලියම් යොදා ආර්ථිකය ස්ථාවර කිරීම

5අනවශ්‍ය රාජ්‍ය ආයතන,රටට මහා සාපයක් හා සුදු අලියෙක් වී ඇති පලාත් සභා වැනි රටේ කාර්යක්ෂම පාලනය විනාශකොට ඇති එසේම රාජ්‍යවියදම් අහස උසට නන්වා රට බන්ක්ලොත් කළ  නාස්තිකාරි ආයතහන වසා දමා  රාජ්‍ය වියදම් අඩුකොට රාජ්‍ය සේවාවේ කාර්‍යක්ශමතාව වැඩිකොට ජනතා සේවය ප්‍රශස්ථ කිරීම.

6 පවතින ආර්ථික දුෂ්කරතා යටතේ සෑම රාජ්‍ය අන්ශයකම වියදම් අඩුකොට ජනතා සහනවැඩි කිරීම

7 රාජ්‍ය දේපල විකිණීම වහාම නතරකොට රට තුල දේෂීය ව්‍යවෂායකයින්ට රට සන්වර්ධනය කිරීමට අවස්ථාව ලබා දීම.

8 මේ රට තුළ  බහුතර ජනතාවගේ මෙන්ම ලෝක ප්‍රජාව පිළිගන්නා රාජ්ය පාලනයේ පළපුරුදු, පරිනත, විචක්ෂණ පුද්ගලයකු වීම

9 මේ රට තුල මෙන්ම ජාත්‍යන්තර සන්විධාන, විදේශ රාජ්‍යනායකයින්. ඉහල පෙලේ ජාත්‍යන්තර රාජ්‍ය ධූතයින් සමඟ සම මට්ටමේ සිට ඔවුන්ගේ ගෞරවය දිනාගෙන ක්‍රියා කිරීමට හැකියාව ඇති අයෙකු වීම ආදි සෑම අන්ශයකකම ඉතා උසස් ප්‍රතිඵල කෙටි කලකින් ලබාදීමට හැකි පුද්ගලයෙකුවීම යන කරුණු පමණක් සලකා

නැවතත් පක්ෂ, පාට, කුළමල. පුද්ගලික කෝන්තර සහ හිතවත්කම් ආදී කිසිත් නොතකා ඉහත සඳහන් කරුණු පමණක් සැළකිල්ලට ගෙන රට හා ජාතිය වැටී ඇති අඝාධයෙන් ගොඩගත හැකි අයෙකු

20.7.2022 දින මේ රටේ නව ජනධිපතිවරයා වශයෙන් පත්කොට ගැනීම 2500 වසරක් පැවති රට හා ජාතිය වෙනුවෙන් ඉටුකළයුතු ඔබ සියළු දෙනාගේම පරම වගකීම බව මින් දන්වා සිටිමි.

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ඔහුගේ අතීත ක්‍රියාවන් වල කුමන අඩුපාඩ්ඩුකම් තිබුණත්

1 ඉදිරිපත්ව ඇති අපේක්ශකයින් අතුරෙන් රාජ්‍ය පාලනයේ ඇති පලපුරුද්ද, වැඩබලන අගමැතිවරයා මෙන්ම වැඩබ්ලන ජනාධිපතිවරයා වශයෙන් පත්වූ අවස්ඨහාවේ සිට මේ දක්වා ඔහු ක්‍රියාකොට ඇති ඈකාරය සහ ඉහත අන්ක 1 සිට 10 දක්වා සඳහන්කොට ඇති කාර්යයන් සාර්ථකව ඉටුකිරීමේදී දක්වා ඇති හැකියාව, දැනට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සිටින කිසිම දේශපාලන පක්ශයකට ඔහු අයිති නැතිවීම, ඔහුට රැකීමට පරපුරක් නැතිවීම සහ ඉදිරිපත්ව සිටින අය අතර සහ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුල ඔහුට ඇති පෞරුෂත්වය ආදි හේතූන් සහ ප්‍රියමනාපකම ආදී හේතූන් මත

රට තුළ පවතින උග්‍ර අර්බුධකාරී වාතාවරණය  යටතේ ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ට යටත් නොවෙන එකම අපේක්ශකයා වීම, ජනාධිපති තරඟයට දැනට ඉදිරිපත්වී සිටින අය අතුරෙන් සුදුසු එකම පුද්ගලයා රනිල් වික්‍රමසින්හ බව මගේ නිගමනයයි

එසේම ඔහුට මේ අවස්ථාව නොදුන්නොත් මින් ඉදිරියට වෙනත් කිසිම පුද්ගලයෙකුට ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගේ අනුමැතිය නැතිව පාර්ලිමේන්තු අසුනකට පවා ඉදිරිපත්වීමට නොහැකි දවසක් මේ රටේ උදාවන බවද තවද මේ රටේ අධිකරණවල තීන්දු දීමද අනුර කුමාරලා කුමාර් ගුනරත්නම්ලා දෙන නියෝග අනුව සිදු කිරීමට සිදුවන දවසක් උදාවීම නියතය.

 2022.7.20 වනදායින් පසු මේ රට තවදුරටත් සුසුමෙන් හා කඳුලින් බරවූ ශාපලත් දේශයක් කරනවාද එසේ නොමැතිව යලිත් සිනාවෙන්, ප්‍රීතියෙන් හා බලාපොරොත්තුවෙන් පිරි වාශනාවන්ත දේශයක් කරනවාද යන්න රඳා පවතින්නේ ඔබ 225 දෙනාගේ අතේය.

ජාතියක් නැති, ජන්මයක් නැති , ආගමක් නැති ඊර්ෂියාව ක්‍රෝධය සහ වයිරය  මත පදනම්වූ මේ රටට ආගන්තුක දේශපාලන දර්ෂනයකින් වියරු වැටුණු, කුළය සහ පන්ති භේධය අනුව ගොඩනැගුනු, ඇති උන්ගෙන් උදුරා ගෙන නැති උන්ට දී සියල්ලන්ම නැතිඋන් කරණ දේශපාලන උන්මාදයකින් .පෙළෙන, 2020 මැතිවරණයේදී එම තනතුරට ඉදිරිපත්ව සිටින එකම සුදුස්සාට නොදී මේ රටේ මුළු චන්ද ප්‍රමාණයෙන් යෙන්  3.16% ක් පමණක් ලබාගත් ත්‍රස්ථවාදි ණඩයකට මේ රටේ 97% ජනතාවක් පාවා දෙනවාද යන ප්‍රශ්නය අවසාන වශයෙන් මම ඔබ සෑමගෙන් අසමි

තවදුරටත් රාජ්‍ය යාන්ත්‍රණයේ සිව් වන කණුව අරගලයයි කියන  එසේම අරගලය මේ රටේ නීතිය යයි මාධ්යයෙන් ලෝකයට ප්‍රකාශකරන  අරගල කරුවන් ගෙන් තොර රජයක් මේ රටේ නොතිබිය යුතුයයි හඬගා කියන කුමාර් ගුනරත්නම් වැනි ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගෙන් සැදුණු කණ්ඩායමකට මේ රටේ දේශපාලන බලය දෙනවාද  එසේකොට දේශපාලන වශයෙන් ඔබ සියළු දෙනා සියදිවි නසාගන්නවාද යන්න 20.7.2022. දින ඔබලාම තීරණය කළ යුතුය.

The message I sent to Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe after he was elected as the President’

July 25th, 2022

Dr Sudath Gunasekara, Hanthana Pedesa,   Mahanuwara,

The President                                                             

Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka          

Presidential Secretariat,                                       

Colombo 1.                                                                

Dear Sir,

First of all, as an old friend, let me congratulate you on your unprecedented victory. It is like the Phoenix rising from the Ashes. It is a world record getting elected as the President of a country of 225 Member Parliament, where all are hostile, with only I vote (that is your own),. Isn’t it a miracle that has made history in world politics? I think it is your persistent endurance and patience besides, the good luck of the country, that has elected you as the President at this most critical time of our motherland

Right from the beginning, of this Presidential race I wished you be elected as the President. Looking at the other three candidates, I had no doubt about your victory, as I deem you are the only person who can take up the challenge of restoring law and order and normalcy in the country followed by regaining the trust of the people, restoring stability and rebuilding the Sri Lankas economy as out of all 225 in the present Parliament. Therefore, you are the best in the Parliament  for this high   Office of the nation at this critical hour, as I have argued in detail in my letter of 19th July circulated among all 225 in Parliament and other national leaders and the media who could exert some influence on them. (a copy attached). As you would see from this letter, definitely you were my choice. It is indeed by providence of the God, I think, you took over the nation in this extremely critical time of this Island nation,

I wish you all the success in your role as the President of this nation. I also congratulate you for appointing Dinesh as the Prime Minister and Ali Sabry as the Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of that sleepy Professor Peiris. I hope he will be a second Kadiragama in Sri Lankan politics.  

Further to the letter I sent you soon after you assumed duties as the Acting PM, I am also attaching two other letters I have published in the media. I hope they will be helpful to you, in discharging your responsibilities for the emancipation of this country and its people from the difficult times they are facing and also from the injustices and betrayals inflicted upon them by the colonial powers and also by those who mismanaged the country and its economy since the so-called Independnce.in 1948.

In these notes I have tried to give a summary of the just and burning aspirations of the people in this country, which all governments since 1948 have failed to fulfill. Now the ball is in your court Sir,

Once again, I wish you all success in your new assignment as the President of this beautiful Island nation, with the Blessings of the Triple Gem! 

Yours Sincerely,

Dr Sudath Gunasekara.

Hanthana, Pedesa Mahanuwara TP 071 8075326

Bring in Law & Order Now! Funding Depends on Peace!

July 25th, 2022

Prof. Hudson McLean

Protests are Part & Parcel of Democracy, but taking advantage of a situation is Not!

Current demonstrations and taking over the official buildings have gone too far.  Looting of Government & Historical property must be stopped. This is a Crime Against the Society!

The demonstrations were against the Rajapaksa regime and the Rajapaksa family is No Longer in government.

What some of these demonstrators have not realized is that the Ring Leaders are being funded by foreign governments who are trying to bring in the LTTE Tamil Terrorist idealogy into action through the back door.  This cannot happen!

Whilst Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhala heritage, peaceful Sri Lankan Tamil, Muslims, and other foreigners, do have a right to stay!

That said, both the Army and the law enforcement should do their utmost to maintain Law & Order, in order not to give any excuses or leave loopholes for LTTE Tamil Terrorism to restart, which was stopped by Gotabaya Rajapaksa and General Sarath Fonseka.

Now that COVID-19 is almost over, foreign tourists are seeking opportunities to spend their foreign currencies in Peace & Security,  Sri Lanka NEEDS this Revenue!

Sri Lanka may start to recover from COVID-19, from new waves of tourists, and a resurgence of domestic cultivation for both domestic & export.

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

High Commissioner Moragoda visits Amul Headquarters in Gujarat; discusses ways and means to enhance dairy sector cooperation

July 25th, 2022

High Commission of Sri Lanka New Delhi

Sri Lanka sought ways and means to develop its dairy industry with the cooperation of India, when an official delegation led by Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to New Delhi, Milinda Moragoda held discussions last week with the Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation Limited (GCMMF), popularly known as Amul.

High Commissioner Moragoda met Amul’s Managing Director Dr. R.S. Sodhi for discussions at the Federation’s headquarters in Anand, during the former’s first official visit to the State of Gujarat since assuming office in India.

High Commissioner Moragoda was in the State of Gujarat on a two-day official visit to meet with state officials and potential investors.

The discussion with the delegation led by the Managing Director of Amul focussed on dairy sector cooperation between Sri Lanka and India with special attention on importing Amul dairy products through the existing Indian credit line and replicating the Amul cooperative model in Sri Lanka with a view to ensuring self-sufficiency in milk. The possibility of introducing buffalo farming to Sri Lanka as a source of milk with the technical assistance of Amul was also discussed. In India, buffalo milk accounts for 45% of the total milk production of the country, while 55% of Amul’s total milk production comes from buffaloes.

Following the discussion, the High Commissioner and the delegation visited Kaira Milk Union dairy plant in Anand where packaging of milk and production of other dairy foods take place.  

Formed in 1946 as a cooperative society in response to the exploitation of marginal milk producers by traders and agents in small cities, Amul was closely associated with anti-colonial sentiments and India’s independence movement. Today, Amul is jointly controlled by 3.6 million milk producers in 18, 565 villages in Gujarat. These village cooperatives form thirteen milk unions and the GCMMF functions as the apex body of those milk unions and manages the cooperative. The Federation is the largest food products marketing organization in India. 

Amul spurred India’s ‘White Revolution’ or achieving self-sufficiency in milk, transforming India from a milk-deficient nation into the world’s largest milk producer, surpassing the United States of America in 1998. This was done through replicating the Amul model throughout India.

Under the guidance of freedom fighter and unifier of India, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Tribhuvandas Kishibhai Patel became the founding chairman of the organization and led it until his retirement in the 70s. Dr. Verghese Kurien, who is considered to be the man behind the enormous success of Amul, joined the organization in 1949 as its General Manager, and later became the founder Chairman of the GCMMF in 1973, a post that he held until 2006.

During his visit to Amul headquarters, High Commissioner Moragoda paid floral tributes to the statues of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Tribhuvandas Kishibhai Patel and Dr. Verghese Kurien.

High Commission of Sri Lanka

New Delhi

25 July 2022

Peaceful Protests vs Robbery & Destruction of Government Property

July 25th, 2022

Prof. Hudson McLean

First of all Peaceful Protest against the Government is Part of Democracy!

But when Democracy is being misused for Terror & Theft, the perpetrators MUST be punished with Hard Labour!

The President’s House and the property of other politicians cannot be used as an Act of Vengeance.

The protestors reached their reasons and the President was removed.

Rights group seeks arrest of former president Rajapaksa in Singapore

I for one, Do Not Agree!

This again is an Act of Revenge, led by sympathizers of LTTE Tamil Front. 

Gotabaya Rajapaksa was a Military man, a Hero,  who failed in the Governance of Sri Lanka.

If he has defrauded, Yes, then he should be tried. Not otherwise,

Express Your Opinion – Read What Others Say!
The Independent Interactive Voice of Sri Lanka on the Internet.

Please visit -: http://www.lankaweb.com/

ජනපති කොඩිය පඩියට එලන්නට සැලැස්මක් තිබේද?

July 25th, 2022

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

                 වැඩබලන රනිල් බලය ලැබුණු විගස වර්ෂ පණහක් තිස්සේ භාවිතා කළ රටේ  නායකත්ව ධජය ඉවතට විසි කර දැමුවේය.මෙරට පළමු ජනපති ලෙසට පත් වූයේ අග්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරවරයාව සිටි විලියම් ගොපල්ලව මහතාය.ඔහු පත් විමෙන් පසු ඒ රාජ්‍ය නායකත්වයට සුදුසු වන පරිදි ධජයක් නිර්මාණය විය.නිල් පාට පසුබිමක මැද රාජ්‍ය ලාංඡනය විය. 1972 මැයි 22 සිට 1978 පෙබරවාරි 04 දක්වා වූ සිය ධූර කාලයෙහි මේ නිල ධජය ඔහු භාවිතා කරන්නට ඇත. අනතුරුව 1982 දී මෙරට පළමු විධායක ජනපති වරයා ලෙසට පත් වූ ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතා තමන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුව නිල ධජය නැවත ප්‍රතිනිර්මාණය කරගත්තේය. ඔහුගේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය වූයේ ධර්මිෂ්ට සමාජයකි.කොළ සුදු සහ රෝස පාට වට තීරු සහිත එම ධජය මැද්දේ ධර්ම චක්‍රයත් සතර කොන බෝපත් හතරත් පෙන්නුම් විය. ඔහුගෙන් පසුව ජනපති තනතුරට පත් වූ රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාද තමන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති වලට ගැලපෙන ලෙසට ධජය වෙනස් කර ඇත.ධර්ම චක්‍රය වෙනුවට නෙළුම් මළක්ද බෝපත් හතරක්ද වී කරල් චිත්‍රයක් සහිත් එම ධජය මගින් සෞභාග්‍ය පිළිබිඹු වූයේ යැයි කියති.

    රණසිංහ ප්‍රේමදාස හදිසියේ ඝාතනය වූවායින් පසු එම තනතුරට පත් වූයේ ඩී.බී. විජේතුංග මහතාය.ඔහු ඉතා කෙටි කලක් එම තනතුරෙහි සිටි අතර ඔහුගේ ධජයේ මත දුඹුරු පැහැති පසුබිමක ධර්ම චක්‍රයත්  සක්ගෙඩිය මෙන්ම ත්‍රිශූලයද දක්වා තිබුණි. අනතුරුව බලයට පත් වූ චන්ද්‍රිකා කුමාරතුංග මහත්මිය ජනපති තනතුරට පත් වූවායින් පසුවද මේ කොඩියේ වෙනස් කම් සිදු වී තිබේ.කහ පැහැති පසුබිමක ධර්ම චක්‍රයත් නෙළුම්මල මෙන්ම සුපුරුදු පරිදි බෝපත් හතරක්ද දක්වා තිබුණි. චන්ද්‍රිකා මැතිණියගේ දෙවනි ධූර කාලයෙන් පසුව බලයට පත් වූ මහින්ද රජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ නිල ධජය වූයේ ද පෙර පරිද නෙළුම් මලක් ද බෝපත් හතරක්ද සහිත කොඩියයි. අනතුරුව 2015 දී ජනපති තනතුරට පත් වූ මෛත්‍රීපාල සිරිසේන මහතා ධජය පිළිබඳ විශේෂ අවධානයක් යොමු කොට වෙනස් කම් කීපයක් එක් කර ඇත. නෙළුම්මලත් බෝපත් හතරට අමතරව වටා ඇති වර්ණ තීරයට ඔබ්බෙන් මෝස්තර පේළියක් විය.මේවායේ වර්ණ වරින් වර වෙනස් වී තිබේ.දැන් අවසාන වශයෙන් එළඹ තිබෙන්නේ ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතාගේ ධූර කාලයයි.මෙහිදී ජනපති නිල ධජය ඉතා සංකීර්ණ වී තිබේ.එහි අර්ථ ගණනාවකි.

              ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා විසින් භාවිත කරන  නිල ධජය වටා කහ පැහැති තීරුවක් විය.. එම තීරුවෙන් සියලු ජාතීන් අතර එකමුතුව, සාමය සහ අවබෝධයෙන් කටයුතු කිරීම නිරූපණය කෙරෙන්නේ යැයි දක්වා ඇත.. ඊට ඔබ්මෙන් සුදු පැහැති තීරුවක් සහ තද දුඹුරු කුරහන් පැහැති තවත් තීරුවකි. සුදු පැහැති තීරුවෙන් සියලු අතින් සලසන ජාතික ආරක්ෂාවත්, දුඹුරු පැහැති තීරුවෙන් ගොවි අර්ථ ක්‍රමයත් නිරූපණය කරන බව දක්වා තිබේ.ඊට ඔබ්මෙන් තැඹිලි පැහැති තීරුව මත වී කරල් මෝස්තරයක්ද, නාමල් සතරක් සහ කුරහන් මල් සතරක්ද වෙයි. එහි වී කරල් සහ කුරහන් මල් තුළින් සශ්‍රීකත්වයත්, නාමල් සතරෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්බන්ධතා සහ ලොව සිව් දිගින් පැමිණෙන්නන්ට දක්වන ආගන්තුක සත්කාරයත් නිරූපණය කෙරෙයි. නාමල්වල ඇති තැඹිලි පැහැයෙන් දෙමළ ජනතාවත්, කොළ පැහැයෙන් මුස්ලිම් ජනතාවත් සිහි ගන්වයි. ඉන් ඔබ්මෙහි තද දුඹුරු පසුබිම මධ්‍යයේ කහ පැහැති සහ සුදු පැහැති රවුම් දෙකක් මැද නෙළුම් මලක සිතුවමක් වෙයි.

 නෙළුම් මල තුළින් පිවිතුරු පාලනයත්, කහ පැහැති රවුමෙන් ප්‍රඥාවත් සුදු පැහැති රවුමෙන් සත්‍යවාදී බවත් නිරූපණය කෙරෙන්නේ යැයි කියති. නෙළුම් මලෙහි කලංකයේ සිට සිව් දිගට විහිදෙන සූත්‍රිකා පෙළක් දිස්වන අතර එමඟින් කීර්තිය සහ යසස දස අත පැතිරීම නිරූපණය කෙරේ. සෙසු ජනාධිපති ධජවල සිව් කොණෙහි නිරූපිත බෝපත් සතර මේ ධජයෙහිද නිරූපණය කර ඇත. එමඟින් බුද්ධාගම සහ එතුළින් ජාතියට ලැබී ඇති ආභාෂය නිරූපණය වෙයි.

              ජනපතිවරයෙකු තෝරා පත් කරගන්නේ පූර්ණ ජනතා චන්දයකිනි. ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය උපරිම වශයෙන් නිරූපණය වන්නේ ජනපති තනතුර විසින් යැයි ජේ.ආර්. ජයවර්ධන මහතා වරක් ප්‍රකාශ කර තිබුණි.ජනතා පරමාධිපත්‍ය උපරිම වශයෙන් ලබන පුද්ගලයා තමන්ගේ ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුව ජනතාව වෙනුවෙන්ද රට වෙනුවෙන්ද කළ යුතු සේවය අවංගව සාජුව ඉටු කල යුතුය.1972 සිට ප්‍රකාශයට පත් වූ ජනපති කොඩි වල ඉතාමත් සංකීර්ණ සහ ගැඹුරු අරුත් දක්වන කොඩියක් ලෙසට ගෝඨාභය සමයේ භාවිතා කල කොඩිය හැඳින්විය හැකිය.නමුත් ගැටළුව තිබෙන්නේ හිටපු ජනපතිවරයා ඒ ප්‍රතිපත්ති අනුව ක්‍රියාකලාද යන්නයි. මෙහි සඳහන් ජාතික ආරක්ෂාව ගැන ඔහු කිසිම සැලකීමක් කර නැත. ආරක්ෂක අංශ වලට අණ දීමේදී ඔහු දැක්වූ නිවට නියාලු ස්වභාවය නිසා අදවන විට නීතියේ ආධිපත්‍ය විශාල වශයෙන් බිඳ වැටී තිබේ.නොබැඳි රටක් වහයෙන් ජාත්‍යන්තර සම්බන්ධතා පිළිබඳ දැක්විය යුතු අපක්ෂපාතී කම පිළිබඳ ඔහු කිසිවටක් සැලකිල්ලක් දක්වා නැත.කොඩියේ සඳහන් පිවිතුරු පාලනයත් නායකයෙකු සතුවිය යුතු ප්‍රඥාවත් සත්‍යවාදී බවත් කිසිවිටක ප්‍රදර්ශනය නොකෙරුණ බැවින් ජනතාවගේ කෝපය ඔහු කෙරෙහි විශාල වශයෙන් එල්ල විය.

        කෙසේ වෙතත් ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ මහතා සිය ධූරයෙන් ඉවත්ව ගිය පසු වැඩබලන ජනපති ධූරයට පත් වූ රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ මහතා ජනපති ධජය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ලද්දේ කිනම් හේතුවක් මතදැයි පැහැදිලි කර නැත. මෙවැනි ඉල්ලීමක් ජනතාව වෙතින් ලැබුණේ ද නැත.එම නිසා ඔහුගේ අප්‍රකාශිත ගුප්ත ක්‍රියාදාමය අර්ථ විවරණය කළ හැක්කේ වසර ගණනාවක් තුළ ඔහු මෙරට දේශපාලනය තුළ කළ කී දේ මත පදනම්වය.ලාබාල තරුණ මන්ත්‍රීවරයෙකු ලෙසට පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට තේරී පත්වූ රනිල් සිය මාමා අනුගමනය කරමින් ලිබරල් ප්‍රතිසංස්කරණ වාදියෙකු විය. අධ්‍යාපන ධවල පත්‍රිකාව ගෙන ඒමෙන් මෙරට අධ්‍යාපනය තුළ ඇති කළ වෙනස්කම් අනාගතයට කෙලෙස බලපා ඇත්දැයි වර්තමාන අධ්‍යාපන රටාව දෙස බැලීමෙන් පැහැදිලි වේ. කොටි සංවිධානය රට බෙදා වෙන් කර ගැනීම සඳහා ඇති කළ යුද්ධය ඔහු සාධාරණීකරණය කරන ලද්දේය.ඔස්ලෝ සම්මුතිය තමා පිළි ගන්නා බව ඔහු පුන පුනා ප්‍රකාශ කරමිනි .ඒ අනුව ක්‍රියාකරමින් බෙදුම්වාදීන්ට වෙනම රටක් බිහි කරලීමට අවශ්‍ය නීතිමය තත්වය ලබා දෙන්නට දිගින් දිගටම උත්සාහ දරා ඇත.විධායක ජනපති ක්‍රමය ඇති කළ ජේ.ආර්. රටේ ඒකීය බව වෙනුවෙන් දැමූ ව්‍යවස්ථාමය ගැටය ලිහා ලන්නට අවස්ථා කීපයකදීම ඔහු උත්සාහ දැරීය.19 වන සංශෝධනය ගෙන ඒම එහි එක් පියවරකි.පළාත් සභා තබා ගෙන විධායක ජනපති ධූරය අතහැරිය කල්හි. වෙනම රටක් බිහි කරලීමට අවස්ථාව ලැබෙන බව ඔහු දනී.

මෙම ලිපිය සටහන් කරන අවස්ථාව වන විට පාර්ලිමේන්තුව තුළ ජනපති සටන ඇවිළී ඇත. මුදල් වලින් වෙන්දේසියේ වැටුණු මන්ත්‍රී චන්දය දෙස ජනතාව බලනුයේ ජුගුප්සා ජනක හැඟීමකිනි.කෙසේ වෙතත් දැන් වැඩ බල ජනපති වශයෙන් කටයුතු කරන රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ වැඩි චන්දයෙන් නව ජනපති තනතුරට පත්ව තිබේ. අභිනව ජනපති  වශයෙන් කොඩිය ප්‍රතික්ෂේඵ කරන්නේ ඇයි දැයි පැහැදිලි කල යුතුය.  යම් විදියකින්  එම ධජය ඉවතට විසි කොට පඩියට දමා නිග්‍රහ කරනු ලැබුවහොත් රටේ  ඒකීය බවත් රටේ සුරක්ෂිත බව අනතුරේ වැටෙනු ඇත. ජනපති තනතුර  වෙනුවට බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සහ ඇමරිකාවට අවනතව ක්‍රියාකරන අග්‍රාණ්ඩුකාරයෙකු ලෙසට තම ප්‍රභූත්වය රැකගෙන වැජඹීමට දරණ උත්සාහයක් මේ ක්‍රියාවලියෙන් ඉස්මතු වන බව පැහැදිලිය.1815 දී රට මහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍යට පැවරූ කල්හි රජු විසින් භාවිතා කල සිංහ ධජය බ්‍රිතාන්‍යයට රැගෙන ගොස් ඉංග්‍රීසි අධිරාජ්‍ය යේ කතිර කොඩිය මෙරට භාවිතා කිරීමට ආරම්භ කරන ලද්දේය.ඒ නයින් බලන කල්හි රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ විසින් ජනපති කොඩිය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරන ලද්දේ නව යටත් විජිත පාලනයකට යෑමට දැයි යන්න අප සැවොම පැහැදිලි කරගත යුතුය.

මතුගම සෙනෙවිරුවන්

OVERSEAS TRAVEL BAN IMPOSED TO LEADERS OF NON-PARTISAN PROTEST

July 25th, 2022

Sri Lanka News

An overseas travel ban has been imposed to frontline leaders of the non-partisan protest against the current regime including Convener of the Inter-University Students’ Federation (IUSF) Wasantha Mudalige, Secretary of the Ceylon Teachers’ Association Joseph Stalin, Convener of the Socialist Youth Union Eranga Gunasekara, Rev. Fr. Jeewantha Peiris, Lahiru Weerasekara and Rangana Lakmal, based on a request made by the Colombo Fort Police.

The non-partisan protest leaders were charged of damaging public property during a protest held in front of the Colombo Police Headquarters on June 06 and the case filed against the protesters was taken up before Magistrate Thilina Gamage today (25).

DID COOMARASWAMY’S $12 B BORROWINGS THE ROOT CAUSE FOR THE CRISIS?

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Lankanewsweb.net

JUNE 16, 2022

Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy is building himself as an economic savior. He became CBSL Governor thanks to his school mate Malik Samarawickrama. He is certainly a gentleman economist. His knowledge of financial markets according to CBSL sources was very shallow. So he depended on his officials. During his tenure it is now clear he persuaded the Government to obtain USD 12 billion in ISB loans. By doing so, Sri Lanka’s debt servicing became unsustainable. That was the origin of Sri Lanka’s external debt problem. That’s why in the IMF Article 4 Report, it was said that the Sri Lankan economy was VULNERABLE at the eve” (that means at the beginning) of the Pandemic.

Nevertheless, Professor Lakshman, Cabraal and Attygalle somehow secured Forex inflows to pay loans and interest, as well as roll-over maturing debt. They also sourced Forex to buy fuel, coal, medicine, gas, and foodstuffs, and to clear the containers of imports, even with some delays.

During the month of March 2022 alone, the government paid back and rolled-over sovereign Forex debt payments of a staggering USD 1,166 million, out of the total amount of repayments of approximately USD 7,100 that was due in 2022. That was successfully done under the watch of Cabraal and Attygalle.

In April 2022, the Forex debt servicing was only USD 244 million, while the Forex debt servicing for May and June was only another USD 789 million, adding to a total of USD 1033 million. The repayment and roll-over of these amounts were comfortably manageable with the likely inflows into the CBSL from the 25% export conversions of about USD 750 million, and the roll-over of maturing SLDBs of about USD 363 million totalling USD 1,133 million.

In addition, Sri Lanka was also on the verge of receiving a significant inflow of the cash loan of USD 1 billion and trade loan of USD 1.5 billion from China that were expected to materialize towards the latter part of the month or early May 2022. In the meantime, negotiations were at a fairly advanced stage on the Indian line of credit of a further USD 1 billion, as well as a further accommodation of about an additional USD 500 million by India through the postponement of the Asian Clearing Union (ACU) settlements.

But, for the then cow-boy” like new finance team of Ali Sabry, Nandalal Weerasinghe, Mahinda Siriwardene and behind-the-scenes Harsha de Silva, it was very convenient and easy claim to make that there was no other option but to default, and make an announcement to that effect on 12th April 2022. That decision to default which was an over-turning” of a 74-year debt honouring government policy was done without even a Monetary Board recommendation or a Cabinet approval. There was no Parliamentary approval either, although Parliament had diligently voted the required funds for the repayment of all Forex debt when it approved the Budget 2022.

By taking that reckless and highly controversial decision to default, this adventurous quad put the entire country into a huge mess and an irrecoverable spin. As a consequence, today, although the Forex loans are not paid, there’s still no Forex for the country to buy any of the vital supplies, as claimed by Ali Sabry and Nandalal Weerasinghe. Shortages and queues are increasing with no end in sight, because no country or supplier wishes to do business with Sri Lanka without up-front payment, as the country has officially announced that it is bankrupt. Based on that announcement, the Ratings Agencies have also duly placed Sri Lanka’s sovereign debt at a D” default status.

Simply consider the situation as to what happens when a person defaults on a loan to a bank and gets his name into the CRIB. Everyone knows that such person won’t be able to get any more loans from that bank or any other bank or from other lenders. Obviously, the same principle applies to defaulting countries also. Surely, Ali Sabry and Nandalal Weerasinghe should have anticipated and known that would happen to the country, when they decided by themselves to default on Sri Lanka’s sovereign debt?

However, even in this pathetic background which has been created by Coomaraswamy, Ali Sabry, Weerasinghe, Siriwardene and Harsha Silva, it’s still Cabraal, P B Jayasundara, Attygalle and Lakshman who are being targeted and humiliated by news presenters, government ministers, opposition politicians, etc., as being the persons who are responsible for this current crisis.

Remember also that Coomaraswamy, Weerasinghe and Siriwardene, together with Harsha Silva were at the helm of affairs of the economy, until the eve” of the Pandemic (as described by the IMF), and therefore they must definitely take responsibility for the creation of the vulnerability of the economy (as also stated by the IMF) by that time. Thereafter, under Lakshman and Attygalle, both Weerasinghe and Siriwardene served as Deputy Governors. Even under Cabraal, Siriwardene functioned as a Deputy Governor, although Weerasinghe had, by then retired as a Senior Deputy Governor, as late as April 2021.

If so, how is it that Weerasinghe and Siriwardene are now attempting to wash their hands off from blame and trying to shift the blame for the current crisis for which they should be blamed, more than anyone else?

It’s therefore time that people begin to understand the true situation which has arisen from the hasty and reckless decision to default on the debt, and hold these actual culprits who have put Sri Lanka into this trouble by defaulting debt, responsible.

The current situation also raises a suspicion as to whether there’s a specially cleverly absolve the real culprits including Coomaraswamy, Weerasinghe and Siriwardene from being held responsible for the fallout of the present economic crisis.

We need to identify the true culprits who actually led Sri Lanka into this irrecoverable mess by their reckless actions. That’s why it’s now time that the popular journalists and citizens start asking the right questions from the current authorities, without blindly believing what they are saying for public consumption..

Sri Lanka’s Presidential Secretariat resumes operations after 107 days

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Telegraph Online

The government said investigations into the occupation of the presidential secretariat, the damage caused to it by the occupation

Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickeresinghe

Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickeresinghe


Sri Lanka’s Presidential Secretariat, which was stormed by a sea of anti-government protesters in early July, resumed operation from Monday amidst tight security, 107 days after the building’s entry gate was blocked, officials said.

The building’s entry gate has been blocked by the protesters since April 9. On July 9, the protesters stormed the building and occupied it. In the early hours of Friday last, police and security forces conducted a raid and took back control of the building from the protesters on the order of the crisis-hit island nation’s new President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The presidential secretariat which was occupied by the protesters from July 9 till Friday last is re-opened and the staff reported to work on Monday, officials said.

The Secretariat resumed operations under a tight security cover, they said.

Security forces had already opened Galle road for traffic in front of the Secretariat.

The protest, also known as the Aragalaya — a Sinhalese word for “struggle”, disrupted work for a prolonged period at the Presidential Secretariat, which had gone through heavy damages during the agitation and required necessary renovations. Cleaning and repair work were undertaken over the weekend to ready the Presidential Secretariat for the reopening.

Protesters have been camping outside the presidential office, demanding the resignation of former President Rajapaksa, and Wickremesinghe, a key Rajapaksa ally. Protesters have blamed Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe for mismanaging the economy that has left the country’s 22 million people struggling to buy fuel, food and basic necessities.

The use of force to evict the protesters was condemned by the international community and the rights groups. However, the government defended the move.

President Wickremesinghe has said he would extend support to the peaceful protesters but would be tough on those who try to promote violence under the guise of peaceful protests.

The government said investigations into the occupation of the presidential secretariat, the damage caused to it by the occupation and alleged stealing of some valuable items from the building are underway.

In another development, a firearm snatched by protesters from a soldier during an attempt to break into Sri Lanka’s parliamentary complex earlier this month has been recovered, police said here on Monday.

The Navy divers found the T56 rifle snatched from a soldier by the protesters on July 13 during a search operation at the Diyawanna bridge within the close proximity of Parliament on Saturday, they said.

A massive protest on July 13 attempted to break into the parliamentary complex in continuation of the popular uprising on July 9, which forced the fleeing of the then president Gotabaya Rajapaksa from the country to the Maldives and then to Singapore.

Police said the protesters had snatched the weapon and ammunition from a soldier during the protest.

Sri Lanka towards a government of national unity

July 25th, 2022

by Arundathie Abeysinghe courtesy AsiaNews

Newly appointed Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena has been tasked with coordinating consultations with political parties. President Ranil Wickremesinghe spoke to parliament after his election, urging MPs to join forces to change the system. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party will work together on the basis of the proposals put forward.

Colombo (AsiaNews) – Sri Lanka’s new prime minister, Dinesh Gunawardena, has been tasked with coordinating consultations with political parties to form a government of national unity with the possibility of expanding the cabinet.

For this reason, he will negotiate with the parties in parliament a common programme in which they could play a “significant role” in the government, with the objective of providing a solution to the current political and economic crises.

Government sources told AsiaNews that the two main parties in parliament, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) led by opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) of former President Maithripala Sirisena, have expressed their willingness to enter a national government depending on the proposals that will be put forward.

According to the current plan, the number of ministers will be limited to 25 since the cabinet cannot include more than 30 members, while the number of deputy ministers will be less than 40, although their number could be increased, depending on the response from the other parties in parliament.

Constitutionally, if a national government is formed, the number of cabinet ministers, ministers of state, and deputy ministers could be decided by parliament.

A government of national unity is the “best solution to overcome the current crisis,” some analysts told AsiaNews.

According to sources in the SJB, once the model of the all-party government” is presented, they will be “willing to discuss the proposals within the party and make a final decision.”

The SLFP said instead that they would consider the proposals if their proposals too were accommodated. At present, they have not yet decided whether to accept ministerial positions or not.

According to a senior government official, newly elected President Ranil Wickremesinghe urged all parties in parliament, “to join hands and unite to implement a new system as the period of division was now over.”

Public opinion,” he explained, does not want the old politics; hence, parliament must unite and work together to work towards specific goals to ensure the country moves forward”.

For the president, it is a well-known fact that the country is facing great difficulties and the country’s youth are demanding a change in the system”. Hence, it is necessary to put aside political differences and unite to get the country through this difficult period.”

In his speech, Wickremesinghe extended a special invitation to his rival candidates, Dullas Alahapperuma and Anura Kumara Dissanayake, as well as opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, former presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa, and Maithripala Sirisena and all other parties, including the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), to join the national unity government.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Gunwardena took up his duties this morning. He is an old schoolmate of Wickremesinghe, a friend since the age of three, but heads a party diametrically opposed ideologically.

Whereas Wickremesinghe is a free-market champion and pro-Western, Gunawardena is a staunch Sinhala nationalist who believes in socialism and would like more state control over the economy.

Taisei Corp. denies bribery allegations

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Details of a disinformation campaign to discredit the government making allegations of demanding a bribe from a Japanese company engaged in the construction work of the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) expansion project have been revealed.


A serious bribery allegation levelled against senior Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa in parliament quoting un-substantive social media reports has cited the Japanese Taisei Corporation Sri Lanka Ltd., as the aggrieved party.

Aviation Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva has stepped down temporarily from his post, pending an investigation into bribery allegations against him relating to the settlement of contractual issues of US$ 570 million Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) funded Terminal-2 construction work of the BIA Development Project (BIADP) Stage two.


When contacted to verify the truth behind these accusations, Taisei Corporation Sri Lanka General Manager Maskato Sato said that he was shocked to hear such unfounded allegations levelled against Minister de Silva who has never asked for any bribe from the company.


He noted that JICA is funding the project as the investor and there was no involvement of the Japanese government in this endeavour.


A decision to suspend funding or continue the project should be taken by JICA, but there was no such decision whatsoever, he said. He claimed that unsubstantiated social media reports damaged the friendly relations between the two countries.


Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa ordered an investigation into the claims made by Premadasa. On his part, Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva pointed out that this was a totally false allegation and there was no substantial evidence to prove any demand for bribes from the Japanese company.


He categorically stated that he has made a request to conduct an investigation into this matter and he has decided to step down from the ministerial portfolio temporarily till the conclusion of the relevant investigation.


According to JICA, the construction of the new passenger terminal building is expected to be completed in 2024. The terminal building would be developed based on the Eco-Airport concept, with advanced Japanese technology and knowhow.


The concept includes rainwater harvesting for landscaping works and recycled water from the sewerage treatment plant for flushing toilets, photovoltaic power generation, solar energy harvesting, LED lighting, energy-efficient glazing, etc.  


After the completion of the terminal, BIA is expected to handle 15 million passengers per annum. A new apron and taxiways were unveiled under the BIA Expansion project recently.


JICA’s total financing for the expansion of BIA is JPY 74,397 million or around Rs. 113 billion, which has been provided under special terms for economic partnership.


The loan facility has been granted on concessionary terms, with 0.1 percent p.a. interest and a 40-year repayment period to promote technology transfer, build quality infrastructure and economic cooperation between Sri Lanka and Japan, according to JICA sources.

Open-Air theatre at Viharamahadevi Park available for peaceful protests: Prez

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

American Civil Liberty Union says protesters cannot block Govt buildings 

President Ranil Wickremesinghe briefed the diplomatic community that facilitates within Colombo, such as the Open-Air theatre at Viharamahadevi Park, New Town Hall, Hyde Park and Campbell Park were all being made available for non-violent protests.

In his briefing to the diplomatic community last Friday, the President reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to upholding the rights of peaceful, non-violent protests.


The meeting had been convened to brief the Diplomats on the removal of the protesters who had been illegally occupying the Presidential Secretariat. President Wickremesinghe stated that both Article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Article 14 (1)(b) of the Constitution of Sri Lanka, which governs the rights of peaceful assembly, would be upheld by the Government.


The President said that the instructions given by the American Civil Liberties Union stated that protesters were not permitted to block government buildings and interfere with other purposes the property was designed for. 
The Diplomats were also briefed on the measures being taken to ensure that non-violent protests were allowed to proceed within the city without endangering property or lives. Facilities within Colombo, such as the Open-Air theatre at Viharamahadevi Park, New Town Hall, Hyde Park and Campbell Park were all being made available for non-violent protests.


Addressing concerns regarding the GotaGoGama protest site, it was explained that it had not been removed by security forces, contrary to erroneous social media reports. Furthermore, the participants were also briefed by the Attorney General on the legal avenues being pursued, including producing all those arrested by the police before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court.

  • The Diplomats were also briefed on the measures being taken to ensure that non-violent protests were allowed to proceed within the city without endangering property or lives

IMF staff level agreement delayed due to unrest by protesters

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff level agreement which was to come in August this year has been delayed because of the unrest caused by some protesters whose agitation later turned violent, a cabinet Minister said today.

Minister of Labour and Foreign Employment Manusha Nanayakkara told a media briefing that the staff level agreement with IMF has been delayed because of the protests that later turned violent.

The World Food Organization Chief who was to visit Sri Lanka last week, put off his visit by a week while Sri Lankans have lost employment opportunities in some countries. These job offers have been awarded to people from African countries,” the Minister said.

What Sri Lanka needs today is political stability and peace,” he added.

There are peaceful protesters and insurgents who might plan to launch an arms struggle to capture power as they can never win elections. Our government will disarm these persons,” the Minister also said.

While stating that the government will always support peaceful protests, the Minister said they would be given locations to carry out their struggle. We will also come up with constitutional reforms and present them to  Parliament on the 22nd Amendment to the constitution on Wednesday. An exercise to bring in a new constitution under which the Executive Presidency would be scrapped, will also be introduced soon,” he said. (Yohan Perera)

Remanded for Facebook post

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

A suspect was produced before Galle Magistrate Pavitra Sanjeewani Pathiran today on the charge of sharing a Facebook post showing solidarity to the ‘Aragalaya’ struggle and containing malicious statements against the police and security forces was remanded till August 8.

The suspect Ahmed Niswar of Galle Fort had been arrested and produced in Court by the Criminal Investigations Department.

The lawyers appearing for the suspect requested Court to release the suspect on bail but the Computer Crime Unit in Matara who produced the suspect protested against it. (D.G.Sugathapala)

Energy Minister says only QR Code quota system for fuel from Aug. 01

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera says that the National Fuel Pass will be implemented islandwide from Tuesday (July 26) in multiple locations at Ceypetco and Lanka IOC filling stations. 

In a twitter message, he said the system will be in place with the Last Digit of Number Plate until the 1st of August. 

From the 1st of August, only the QR Code system quota will be in place and the last digit of number plate system and other allocations will be invalid.

The minister said that filling stations not equipped or having technical difficulties will follow the last digit of number plate system and fuel quota allocation until the technical issues are rectified. 

He said that 60% of the locations have already been equipped and tested and that they will be given a priority in fuel distribution.

Minister Wijesekera requested all fuel station owners at Ceypetco and LIOC to adopt the system immediately and that distribution will be strictly enforced to fuel stations with the QR Code facilities by the 1st of August. 

We request the public to register with National Fuel Pass and support the initiative,” he said.

He added that options will be given for users to register multiple vehicles with their business registration by the end of the week and to government institutions to register. 

Divisional Secretaries will be given access to the platform to register generators, gardening equipment and other equipment, he said. 

Police Department and Divisional Secretaries will be given access to register three-wheelers, allocating each three-wheeler to one specific fuel station. 

The Ministry of Transport will be given access to register buses allocating them to depots or fuel stations accordingly, he said.

Meanwhile other services such as health, agriculture, fisheries, tourism, industries and service providing sectors will be given access to the system to register their requirements and allocation of vehicles at fuel stations.

The minister said that from the 1st of August only the QR Code system quota will be in place and that the last digit of number plate system and other allocations will be invalid. 

The National Youth Corp and National Youth Council members as well as volunteers are to assist the programme at fuel stations for the next 10 days, he added.

Sri Lanka asks China for help with trade, investment and tourism

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

(Reuters) – Sri Lanka has asked China to help with trade, investment and tourism to help it grow sustainably, Colombo’s envoy to Beijing said on Monday as it negotiates for an emergency $4 billion package to help it emerge from an economic meltdown.

The island nation of 22 million people is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence in 1948 after running out of foreign reserves. Protesters angry about the shortages of fuel, food and medicine toppled the Rajapaksa ruling family.

Ambassador Palitha Kohona’s emphasis on China as a key to Sri Lanka’s economic recovery reflects Beijing’s status as one of Sri Lanka’s two largest foreign creditors, along with Japan. China also holds some 10% of Sri Lanka’s external debt,

In an interview with Reuters at Sri Lanka’s Beijing embassy, Kohona said Colombo wants China to ask its companies to buy more Sri Lankan black tea, sapphire, spices and garments and to make Chinese import rules more transparent and easier to navigate.

He said Beijing could also help by pouring further investment into vast China-backed port projects in Colombo and Hambantota. Major Chinese investment plans had not materialised because of the COVID-19 pandemic, Kohona said.

In addition, Sri Lanka would like to see more Chinese tourists, whose numbers fell from 265,000 in 2018 to almost zero after the 2019 suicide attacks and the pandemic.

Kohona said new Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe has plans to visit China to discuss cooperation on matters including trade, investment and tourism.

Wickremesinghe is no stranger to China. A photo of him shaking hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping when he visited Beijing in 2016 as prime minister hangs in the hallway of the embassy where Reuters interviews Kohona.

Kohona said he expects no fundamental change in the new government’s policy towards China.

He said he understands China is finding it hard to act quickly to help Sri Lanka now because as a major global creditor it is also financially exposed to many other countries in financial difficulty. Maybe if it was only Sri Lanka, then the decision-making would’ve been much easier.”

For several months Sri Lanka had been in talks in China for a $4 billion aid package, consisting of a loan of $1 billion to repay a roughly equivalent amount of Chinese debt due this year.

It is also asking for a $1.5 billion credit line to pay for Chinese imports. Kohona said these imports are mainly inputs needed by his country’s lucrative garment industry such as buttons and zippers.

Sri Lanka also hopes to persuade China to activate a $1.5 billion bilateral currency swap.

Kohona said discussions on financial aid with China are still underway but no date for the next meeting has been set.

The Chinese foreign ministry said this month that Beijing is willing to work with other countries and international financial institutions to play a positive role” to help Sri Lanka.

Beyond financial aid, Sri Lanka also hopes China can help it buy fuel, fertilizer and other urgently needed supplies.

China pledged 500 million yuan ($74.09 million) of emergency support for Sri Lanka in April and May. We need a lot more,” Kohona said.

Source: Reuters

–Agencies

Covid-19 cases in Sri Lanka on the rise again

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

There has been a minor increase in the number of Covid-19 patients detected within Western Province and other provinces, according to the Health Ministry’s Director of Medical Technical Services and Chief Coordinator for COVID-19, Dr. Anwar Hamdani.

Speaking to the media today (25), he said that the people should once again start following the health guidelines they used to follow before, emphasizing that it is mandatory to wear face masks, maintain social distancing, limit unnecessary movements and to minimize gatherings.

In addition, he mentioned that wearing a face mask not only helps prevent Covid-19 but also the other respiratory diseases.

The fourth dose of Covid vaccines is recommended to obtain as soon as possible, as the Health Ministry has got enough vaccines stocks, the doctor said, adding that the people with chronic diseases, aged over 60 should be more concerned about vaccination, as they are prone to complications at this condition.

He also pointed out that this can be referred to as a sub-lineage of Omicron variant, adding that it has a rapid response.

Dr. Hamdani, who mentioned that the situation in Sri Lanka, is yet at a controllable level also said that there is a slight increase in the number of deaths reported per day.

He further stated that it is the responsibility of everyone on whether a new wave of Covid-19 is created within the country at the current situation or whether it is controlled at this opportunity.

Meanwhile, the Monkeypox virus is also spreading in other countries of the world, while patients are also being reported from countries as close as India, he added.

In addition to Covid-19, the dengue virus is also spreading rapidly. At the same time, common viruses such as flu and cough are also being spread.”

Fulfill your duty with proper health guidelines in the same way. Be concerned about obtaining the Covid vaccine if you haven’t been vaccinated.”

Moreover, the Deputy Director General of Health Services Dr. Hemantha Herath stated that 56 new Covid-19 patients were identified yesterday (24).

Fuel imports have to be restricted in next 12 months due to forex issues – Minister

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

Minister of Power and Energy Kanchan Wijesekera says that the ‘QR Code’ system was introduced since the country’s daily fuel demand cannot be fulfilled. 

Due to foreign exchange issues, fuel imports have to be restricted in the next 12 months, he said in a tweet. 

He also said that the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) has never distributed fuel daily to every single fuel station and that is practically not possible even when stocks are unlimited.

It’s time normalcy was restored in Sri Lanka

July 25th, 2022

By Sugeeswara Senadhira/Ceylon Today

Colombo, July 25:  Two experienced politicians – Ranil Wickremesinghe, who entered Parliament as a 28-year-old youth in 1977, and Dinesh Gunawardena, who followed his Royal College classmate to the Legislature six years later in 1983, took the two top positions in the Government last week, those of President and Prime Minister respectively.

They are faced with an enormous task of solving the economic issues that include shortages of fuel, gas, and a few other essential items, dwindling foreign exchange reserves and debt restructuring. As they stressed after taking office, there is an imperative need for restoring normalcy in the country, as the 3-month-old protest movement had brought the country to a standstill, leading to a halt in economic activities and day-to-day life, leading to the exacerbation of the sufferings of the people.

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Hence, the government deployed Police and Armed Forces to remove  protestors who forcibly occupied the Presidential Secretariat, the highest office of public administration. As the protestors blocked the entrance to the Secretariat, the President and his staff had to function from makeshift offices in other government buildings.

As the Minister in charge of Public Security, Tiran Alles clarified, the Police and Armed Forces used only limited force to disperse the protestors. However, a few persons who attempted to resist were forcefully evicted. While the clearance of the entrance to the Secretariat was taking place, a separate Police unit was deployed to take the injured personnel to hospitals without undue delay. Both President Wickremesinghe and Prime Minister Gunawardena said they were willing to talk to Opposition parties as well as the representatives on Aragalaya protest movement. Hence, early steps could be expected to have a broad dialogue on political reforms.

One of the major issues highlighted by the leaders of the country-wide protest movement and various professional bodies was the need for constitutional reforms and a new political order. The people have determined that a new political order is required because of the negative experiences from the past, where the legislative and executive powers opposed each other, resulting in instability. Hence, the solid backing received by President Wickremesinghe from Parliament, where 134 MPs voted for him.This is of great significance, as acceptance within Parliament is crucial for implementation of major decisions, especially the unpopular and painful economic reforms that are urgently needed, will need bipartisan support in the House.

This was the basis upon which the argument for an All-Party Government was born a few months ago, and this is an opportunity to have Sri Lanka’s first true All-Party Government and push through important legislation, which would not only help Sri Lanka survive this crisis, but also thrive in the long term.

There are many practical reasons why the present system needs to be changed. There is a dire need which is recognized across the political spectrum for a constitutional division of powers between the Executive, Legislature, and the Judiciary.

The existing Constitution has given rise to many problems because of its inherent ambiguities. In order to safeguard the security, sovereignty, stability, and integrity of the country, it is essential that changes be made to the existing Constitution. Reforms will be required to establish a strong Executive, Legislature, and an independent Judiciary that can ensure the sovereignty of the people.

In post-independent Sri Lanka, there were a few significant political reforms, starting with the 1956 change of order initiated by S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and later the first Republican Constitution of 1972 enacted by the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Government.

However, the most distinctive change was the switchover to the system of Executive Presidency, which was introduced in 1978 by the Government of President J.R. Jayewardene. The Executive President of Sri Lanka has enormous political powers and these were exercised by all the Presidents since 1978.

The first tenure of President Mahinda Rajapaksa from 2005 to 2010 proved that a strong Executive Presidency was required to defeat a ruthless terrorist movement such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The executive powers entrusted to him by the Constitution were very useful for him to take effective steps to eradicate LTTE terrorism and safeguard the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka.

However, with the growth of demand to devolve some executive powers to the Parliament, the 19th Amendment was introduced in 2015. It resulted in several ambiguities. The people had very negative experiences, in a situation where the Executive and Legislature were pulling in different directions.

The current government is in a position to foster a balance of power in  Parliament, as President Wickremesinghe is very keen to work with the Opposition to improve accountability through a vibrant function of Parliamentary bodies such as the Parliamentary Committees. It is expected to take early steps to protect democratic objectives through strengthening Parliamentary committee systems such as COPE and create a culture of self-criticism within the Government.

The crisis created by the 19A demonstrated both the weaknesses and the strengths of Sri Lanka’s constitutional democracy. Hence, before enacting new constitutional reforms, it is essential to have a prolonged national dialogue, a serious study, and create awareness among the public, especially the intellectual community. There should be a discussion between the Government, Opposition parties, intellectuals and others on Presidential powers, balancing with the Legislature and Judiciary, the vulnerability of Sri Lanka’s political system, institutional characteristics of that system, and then consider the relationship between the Executive and the Legislature in order t

Russian President Putin’s congratulatory message to President Ranil

July 25th, 2022

Courtesy Adaderana

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has met with Russia’s Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Yury Materiy this morning (25).

During the meeting, the Ambassador extended Russian President Vladimir Putin’s wishes on President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s election to the office of the Presidency.

In his congratulatory message to President Wickremesinghe, Russian President Vladimir Putin says he wishes for further development of the Russian-Sri Lankan relationship and constructive bilateral cooperation in all spheres for the benefit of the people in both countries.

The Russian President’s message reads: 

Please accept sincere congratulations on the occasion of your election as President. 

The Russian-Sri Lankan relations are of traditionally friendly nature. I am counting on your activities as Head of State to foster further development of the constructive bilateral cooperation in various spheres for the benefit of our peoples and in the interest of strengthening the regional stability and security.

I wish you every success as well as good health and prosperity.”

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Pt 7E1

July 24th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

Ten out of the island’s 22 Administrative Districts were battlegrounds, in the 1971 insurgence, said observers. There were attacks on police stations in all 22 districts. JVP attacked with home-made weapons in groups of 25 to 30. JVP believed that controlling these rural police stations would provide them with weapons and also provide them with secure bases for subsequent attacks by the JVP on towns.

 If not for the premature attack in Wellawaya which resulted in the police and military being placed on high alert, the situation would have been very grave. For not only would several police stations have been captured, but the JVP would have been able to arm itself with modern weapons.

When I approached the Wellawaya police station, the area around it was like a battlefield littered with spent shotgun cartridges, empty tins and items of clothing and footwear, recalled Capt FRAB Musafer. The police station had taken a battering; the telephone and power lines were cut. There was no electricity. Police and eyewitnesses said a large group of insurgents, some dressed in blue uniforms, had carried out the attack. It was unbelievable that such an outrageous raid had been conducted against the state. it was certainly a critical moment in Sri Lanka’s history, said Musafer.

The Kegalle, Kurunegala, Galle and Anuradhapura Districts were the worst affected. Kegalle and Galle were the hotbeds with over a thousand full-timers each. This was replicated in the Galle, Matara and Hambantota Districts.

With the exception of Dickwella all Police Stations in the Matara District were abandoned. In the Ambalangoda Police Area all stations, Elpitiya, Uragaha, Pitigala and Meetiyagoda fell to the JVP..Batapola, Deniyaya and Ambalangoda were under the control of the JVP. In areas like Batapola, the JVP had barricaded themselves with trees and lamp-posts.

A major attack occurred at Hanwella, where the A4 High Level and Low Level Roads converge. Early on the morning of the 6th about 100 JVP combatants using hand bombs, Molotov cocktails and firearms attacked the Police Station.  the police fled into the surrounding jungle. The JVP captured the station’s armoury of weapons, hoisted a red flag and stopped transport into Colombo. They held the town until armed police from Homagama, supported by troops from Panagoda overpowered them.

In Kegalle the Pindeniya JVP detachment attacked both the local Police Station and the Bogala Graphite Mines, capturing a lorry load of explosives from the mines. Warakapola Police Station was successfully attacked, its weapons including two sub machine guns seized and the building set ablaze, Police Stations at Bulathkohupitiya, Aranayaka, Mawanella, Rambukkana and Dedigama were also attacked and the station at Aranayake burned down. Only Kegalle police station and the area surrounding it remained under government control.

At Anuradhapura the JVP had established a base camp as well as six sub camps in the surrounding jungle where weapons, explosives and food had been stored. JVP operations in the Rajangana and Tambuttegama areas were controlled from this base camp.

Widespread JVP attacks were launched across the North Central Province, only the Anuradhapura Police Station was spared. The outlying stations had to be abandoned and personnel withdrawn to Anuradhapura. Vavuniya Police Station in the Northern Province was also attacked. The Army was only able to move into the outlying areas of the Anuradhapura District on the 30th of April.

Less intense activity was reported in the Kandy, Badulla and Moneragala Districts. Badulla where Sunanda Deshapriya was the District Secretary had around 500 JVP members. Despite the lack of weaponry, the full-timers were equipped with blue uniforms, military boots, and haversacks and were supposed to have a shotgun each. 

The Wellawaya group of insurgents had jumped the gun, and this alerted the government .The   insurgency was disrupted. Scattered across the country, knots of youth in their dark blue or black uniforms were in disarray, some attacking police stations but others holding back. Premasiri and his band of youth who were supposed to lay siege to the Gampaha police station which had a large contingent of 100 personnel abandoned their quest and slunk into the night.

At Potuhera the army had arrested a group of JVPers retreating from the Warakapola area. They were retreating to Ritigala jungles on instructions from their high command.They had been taught various ways to survive in the jungle. They had been told what to eat apart from fruits and berries and tender leaves. Even creatures such as lizards and snakes and insects particularly termites and earthworms were recommended.

Sunanda Deshapriya, JVP District Secretary for Badulla was retreating through the Walapane jungles. But after a starvation diet of murunga kola for days, the 150 cadres under his command began deserting.  Ultimately the group dwindled to 12. They had neither food, nor money. Some days they were lucky if they could dynamite fish. Bitten by leeches, they struggled on, until six decided to go back into the city, others on to Knuckles. Two were captured and killed and the remaining four, including Sunanda went back to Welimada. He travelled from there to Batapola, disguised as a mason.

JVP had planned to stage simultaneous attacks on the police stations islandwide under cover of darkness. This was openly conveyed to the authorities via threatening postcards. Police intelligence was also able to crack the JVP codes without much difficulty.

These code messages showed that the first targets would be the police stations. The attacks were to be carried out simultaneously on a particular day at a given time, the information would be sent through coded messages in newspapers. All police stations would come under attack at midnight on of April 5. The plan was to fire with guns at the station, and throw hand bombs and Molotov cocktails so that the policemen would run away or be killed. The attackers were to rush in and seize all the firearms in the stations.  Police were ordered to be on full alert on this day, said Edward Gunawardene.

Edward Gunawardene observed that the least damage was in areas where the police had taken the offensive. Kekirawa police Station, though attacked several times, held out.

At Ampara the ASP in charge A.S. Seneviratne on information received that a busload of armed insurgents were on the way to attack the police station in broad daylight had hurriedly evacuated the station and got men with arms to hide behind trees and bushes having placed a few dummy policemen near the reserve table that was visible as one entered the station. As the busload of insurgents turned into the police station premises a hail of gunfire had been directed at it. About 20 insurgents had been killed and the bus set ablaze.

Talangama Police station that policed Battaramulla was guarded by the people of the area. Even my brothers spent the nights there armed with my father’s shotgun, said Edward. IP Terrence Perera who was later shot dead by the JVP in 1987 was the OIC. The excellent reputation he had in the area made ordinary folk flock to the station and take up positions to defend it if it was attacked.  

There were also those who gave assistance in the form of food and drink for all those who had gone to the aid of the police there. Edward Rupasinghe a prominent businessman of Battaramulla supplied large quantities of bread and short eats from the Westown Bakery which he owned. However as the attacks on police stations and state property became more and more intense, the SP Nugegoda decided to close down the Talangama Police Station and withdraw all the officers to Mirihana.

A police patrol had just returned to Wellawaya and as customary the arms and ammunition were locked up in the strong room by the reserve PC on duty. He had thereafter ventured out to the verandah to have a smoke when the insurgents opened fire killing him. Another policeman was also shot. He died in hospital.

. The body of the reserve police constable was lying at the entrance of the police station. With no access to any firearms, there was very little the police could do .A brave policeman crawled up to the dead constable, and retrieved the keys to the guns. This enabled them to retaliate and return fire.  After a few hours, the attack was repulsed. Musafer said that it was surprising that the insurgents with such overwhelming numbers had not thought to over-run the police station during the lull.

The Police sleeping quarters at Wellawaya were attacked with petrol bombs. During the attack PC Banda had run across to the post office and opened fire from a flank with a .303 rifle. One JVPer was killed.  This turned the tide. The JVP fled. He probably saved the Police that day, said Lalin Fernando.  PC Banda was awarded a bravery medal by the Police.

A memorial at Wellawaya in honour of the two policemen killed in the JVP attack on the Wellawaya police station in 1971.

The plight of the police in these stations has   been ignored by analyst. The fact that the police Department was a legitimate and useful part of the administration was not considered. The police were seen as agents of cruelty and repression. When Parliament finally met, many MPs mainly government MPs, brought in many allegations of abuse against the police. Mrs. Bandaranaike had dismissed them with the following words: “If not for the police, none of you will be here talking ill of them.

The media have focused only on the harassment and torture given to the darling JVP by the brutal police, and none at all on the fact that the police were the JVP targets. There is no sympathy at all for their plight or their natural resentment. They were attacked and killed while on duty in the police station.

The army, following its principles, opposed any attack on JVPers who had been arrested. For instance at Wellawaya when two teen age JVPers were found hiding in a paddy field, a constable aimed a kick at one of them and soldier    swung his rifle at them. The army officer in charge recalled I yelled at him to get out. I warned the Policemen baying for revenge that the ‘captives’ were not to be harmed in anyway”.

At Potuhera the army had arrested a group of JVPers. Boys in their teens dressed in blue shorts and shirts. They had all been badly beaten up. I cautioned the airmen not to beat them further and took them into police custody. They had bleeding wounds which were washed and attended to by several policemen as they were all innocent looking children, said Gunawardene.

 At Wellawaya, the army found a wounded insurgent who they thought was dead. Someone noticed a slight twitch in his body and shouted that he was alive. No sooner this was said, a rifle was raised by a policeman to squash his skull but he was thwarted by one of the soldiers who pushed him off balance. We dispatched the injured man in the Army truck to hospital but he was confirmed dead on arrival, said Musafer.

There was political interference during the insurgency. There is an interesting example of this at Kurunegala.  The Superintendent of Police Kurunegala has been on medical leave and Leo Perera ASP was bravely handling the situation almost single handed said Edward Gunawardene. The morale of the police at Kurunegala was high because Leo Perera had led them admirably.

The Pothuhera police station had been overrun and occupied by insurgents.  Leo Perera ASP Kurunegala had approached the station with a party in mufti unnoticed by the insurgents, taken them by surprise and shot six of them dead. The police station had been reestablished immediately after.

When Gunawardene visited the Potuhera police station, the officers were all full of praise for the exemplary courage shown by ASP Leo Perera in destroying the insurgents and re-establishing the station quickly. One officer even went to the extent of suggesting that a brass plaque be installed mentioning the feat of Leo Perera.

I complimented Leo him for the excellent work done and told him that the high morale of the Kurunegala police was solely due to his leadership. He smiled in acknowledgment. But I noticed that he was not all that happy. He had a worried look on his face, recalled Gunawardene.

In the evening I received a call from the IGP that he would be arriving in Kurunegala at 8 a.m. accompanied by General Attygalle, continued Gunawardene. He told me that they wanted to have a chat with Leo Perera. The undisclosed mission of the two top men was to take Leo back to Colombo with them.

 The IGP had been pressurized by Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike to transfer the ASP, but the IGP had decided not to displease and discourage a young officer by making him feel that he had been punished. The IGP was more than conscious of the fact that the ASP had done an excellent job in quelling the insurgency in the Kurunegala District continued Gunawardene.

By that time I had come to know that several Kurunegala SLFP lawyers had made some serious complaints against the ASP. having received credible information that some of these lawyers were in league with insurgent leaders, Leo Perera had not only questioned and cautioned them but even got their houses searched. Three of the insurgents shot dead by Leo at Potuhera had been local criminals who had been associating closely with these lawyers.

Leo Perera told the IGP and General Attygalle of the underhand manner in which three lawyers, mentioning their names, who pretended to be great supporters of the government were behaving. He went on to emphasize that he even had proof how they were hand in glove with insurgents and local criminals. The IGP and Attygalle were silent.

Thereafter, a high level team of investigators arrived from Colombo. This team consisted of Kenneth Seneviratne, Director of Public Prosecutions; Francis Pietersz, Director of Establishments and Cyril Herath, Director of Intelligence. They visited several places including the Kurunegala, Potuhera and Mawathagama police stations; and the Rest House which had been the meeting place and ‘watering hole’ of some of the lawyers during the height of the troubles. Many lawyers and several police officers were also questioned. They completed their assignment after about a week and left for Colombo. They had not been able to find evidence of any wrongdoing by ASP Leo Perera. ( https://island.lk/a-senior-cop-remembers-april-1971/)

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Part 7E2

July 24th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The government of Sri Lanka had received reports from intelligence that an armed insurrection was planned by a select group of youth. This information was ignored by the government.

 A report submitted later to Criminal Justice Commission inquiry no 1 indicated that two years prior to April 1971, groups of young persons between ages of 18-25 were known to be meeting in secret. These groups were active in many part of the island. They had formed cells, each of   5- 24 unemployed youth from poor families. They were trained in jungles and remote areas in basic of jungle warfare such as survival techniques, rope climbing, self defense, living off the land. Police had recovered maps diagram sketches, and data relating on police stations and military establishments, arms and ammunition dumps from the JVP and had made arrests.

Information was received that JVP  attacks were to be at night, therefore  Capt FRAB  Musafer who  headed a  platoon deployed in Weerawila,  had sent  a wireless message, in consultation with the GA, to Temple Trees requesting for flares to assist in night fighting operations. There was no response.  Musafer heard later, from another officer that he had been ridiculed, saying that Musafer had unnecessarily got the jitters. It was no laughing matter when news of the Wellawaya attack at night was received.,

The government had not given any special powers to the army to search and detain. At times we did observe groups of cyclists travelling further south but they carried nothing on them. We suspected they were couriers but there was nothing we could do about it. We did search Wijeweera’s neat and tidy home occupied by his mother and sister but found only magazines titled Red China” said Musafer.

For the officials at Kegalle, it had been like sitting on a powder keg. From January 1971, the signs of an attack had been evident. Information flowed in from two sources: Police intelligence and also the spy network floated by SP Seneviratne using a special vote of Rs. 50,000.

 Reports were received of “various” happenings in the countryside. Small groups of youth meeting in secret in lonely places. The ‘desana paha’ (five lectures) being delivered. Collection, manufacture and storage of weapons. Jungle training of fighting cadres. Testing of devices in the jungle. Shooting practice. Strange explosions.

“There were also reports brought in by grama sevakas, DROs and informants such as school principals, of young boys going ‘missing’ from home for days. Tailors in the area told us how orders for a large number of uniforms had been placed,” GA Wijedasa said. 

“As a professional cop, I was able to interpret the signs and symptoms. Little incidents were brought to my notice. Six-foot lengths of barbed wire were being removed from fences. These were subsequently cut into 1-1 1/2″ pieces and used in anti-personnel bombs,” said SP Seneviratne.

JVP cadres were also collecting fused bulbs and jam bottles, tins and similar-sized containers to make bombs and Molotov cocktails. The containers were filled with kerosene or petrol and had a fuse. “That was what saved us. Kegalle is a wet area and they couldn’t light the fuse, because the boxes of matches they carried were damp.”

Often at night, when the SP and GA met for dinner in the Residency, they would hear the tell-tale ‘clink-clink’ of the insurgents making their way through the forest. They were carrying ‘Molotov cocktails’ in their haversacks and as they walked over the uneven terrain, stumbling over rocks and roots, the bottles and cans would knock against each other.  What would also give them away was the sound of the dogs barking. As they walked past a house, the ‘game-ballo’ would sound the alarm.

Early in 1971, as the unrest in Kegalle escalated, GA Wijedasa activated the District Security Coordinating Committee of which he was chairman. It comprised the SP, the head of the army unit stationed in the area, the Additional Government Agent and the Headquarters DRO.

Information about the activity in Kegalle area was collated and analysed and many reports sent to the government. But nothing happened. Daily dispatches were sent through special messengers. But no action was taken. Defence Secretary A.R Ratnavale put them to Premier Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who discussed the intelligence reports at her Cabinet meetings with MPs from the area. But they only reassured her that “our boys” wouldn’t do such things. The matter was discussed and shelved many times. 

The Kegalle officials also made recommendations that in case of a massive attack, schools should be converted to detention centres. That was not taken seriously either. 

Athula Nimalasiri Jayasinghe, ‘Loku Athula’, (later MP for Gampaha and Deputy Minister of Power and Energy) was in charge of the Kegalle and Kurunegala Districts.  He was one of the four top leaders of the JVP. .He was responsible for armed wing of the group. He organized training camps. He was in command at Kegalle and Kurunegala.

Once the decision to attack was made Loku Ahtula moved into the area on the 3rd, meeting area Leaders at Weliveriya and coordinating operations with detachments in Veyangoda and Mirigama. About 600 JVP combatants were deployed across the Kegalle District, concentrated at Warakapola and Rambukkana. JVP had also established themselves in Aranayaka, Dedigama and Morontota and were dominating these areas. JVP had good knowledge of terrain n Kegalle .

Tholangamuwa Central College, located some five miles from Warakapola on the Kegalle road was the JVP headquarters. A bulldozer was parked across the entrance to the school so that no one could storm them.

The JVP insurgency at Kegalle  shows training and preparation well beyond that of a spontaneous uprising. It was clear that JVP were reasonably well trained in use of firearms, field craft, guerrilla tactics, and had numerical superiority said Cyril Ranatunge.

JVP had mastered the ambush technique which can be expected only from professional trained soldiers, noted the army. One patrol had been ambushed at Uthuvankande on Kandy-Colombo road, by about 75 JVP with rifles, sub machine guns, shot guns and homemade bombs. They had blocked the road with a lorry in a well selected site. One mobile patrolencountered stiff resistance in Aranayaka town and was ambushed  at Ussapitiya school premises.  The attack had been by 100 insurgents.

One captive JVP had told Cyril  Ranatunge, army officer in charge of Kegalle that he had been assigned to kill the Coordinating office (who was Cyril). They had been trained to hate the army, he said. Also, Ranatunge observed, the JVPhad their own transport system and their own courts of law where civilians were indicted. LTTE took years to establish law courts, JVP   did it in few days, Ranatunge remarked.

As soon as Government Agent K.H.J. Wijedasa and Superintendent of Police Ana Seneviratne heard of the Wellawaya attack, they put into action their secret contingency plans. All petrol stations in the Kegalle district were sealed to conserve fuel and police guards deployed at water supply stations, electrical sub-stations and the telecom exchange.  But the JVPers were one step ahead. They felled trees across the power lines, plunging whole areas into darkness. Cycle chains were thrown over high tension wires to cause short-circuits. Phone lines were cut and roads blocked with uprooted trees and lamp posts. 

Within the district, all 14 police stations had fallen. “There was minimal resistance by the Police.JVP had destroyed Warakapola police station, also Bulathkohupitiya, Aranayaka, Mawanella, Pindeniya, Rambukkana, and Dedigama police stations. Government was only in control of three acres which housed Kachcheri, police station, law courts. the police radio was their only link with the outside world.

The Army could only access the interior regions of the District on the 10th and initially had to focus on removing road blocks and repairing culverts and bridges to gain mobility. When they penetrated the countryside they were frequently ambushed as in Aranayake.

Once Wellawaya was attacked,  the government declared a State of Emergency, dusk to dawn curfew and the Army deployed two platoons of the 1st Battalion, Ceylon Light Infantry (1CLI) to the Kegalle District, which would soon become the centre of fierce fighting.

Colonel Cyril Ranatunge was appointed military coordinating officer for Kegalle in JVP insurrection 1971. This was the first military operation for his unit. At that time,  army and police were not experienced or trained to handle an insurrection of this scale and intensity.  However, we have learned too many lessons from Vietnam and Malaysia. We must destroy them completely,” army said.

Cyril set up an intelligence cell at Kegalle to gather and disseminate information. he contacted all government agencies, headmen, now grama sevaka, public sector and private sector persons. We gathered information on the hide outs and movement of JVP and then took on targets without wasting time. No operations were planned without proper intelligence.

Operations were not in the form of attacks on JVP camps. there weren’t any except for those in Rambukkana Dedigama and Morontota. We caught them through ambush. We got info on where they go their food, how they moved from village to village. The ambushes were set as late in the evening as possible and troop got into position and stayed without a murmur and got the targets. The JVP thought they had the run of the land at night.

They quickly re-established the police stations. they set up temporary police stations. This restored public confidence.    Cyril had set up vigilance committee consisting of local leaders, frequent meetings with people in Kegalle town and suburbs and villages were helpful. With success against the JVP, there was not difficult in getting valuable intelligence unlike at the start. We trained a large number of home guards they gave accurate info   on any suspicious activity through the police stations. We never gave the JVP in Kegalle a chance to regroup, we kept them on the run. The fury and intensity of the violence dissipated as quickly as it came. 

On the 12th at Utuwankande the Army was ambushed by the JVP using rifles and submachine guns. But the battle was turning in favour of the Army which brought to bear superior arms to put pressure on the rebels and gradually reopen the abandoned police stations in the district. They received new Saladin armored cars.

Finally on the 29th led by Loku Athula the JVP forces began their withdrawal from the District, from Balapattawa via Alawwa and then north. As they retreated in the direction of the Wilpattu Park they came under attack from the Army and from the air by Air Force helicopters. The Army finally ambushed them near Galgamuwa, killing some and capturing Loku Athula on 7th June. Around 16,500 JVP members were captured, arrested or surrendered. The remaining combatants withdrew into jungle sanctuaries in the Kegalle, Elpitiya, Deniyaya and Kataragama areas. GA Wijedasa estimates 15,000 had been killed in Kegalle district. “There was not much burning of bodies,  they were thrown into the Maha Oya.” 

Some counter insurgency operations however continued into the following year. A forward base was established  in Horowapatana as late as November 1972 from where they carried out combing out operations until April 1973.  1CLI’s D-Company closed its Kegalle operations only in December 1974.

When I threw out the insurgents in Kegalle, they emerged in Anuradhapura, where I then went, said Ranatunge. A platoon of 1CLI armed with 82mm mortars was sent to Anuradhapura in May and participated in Operation Otthappuwa, to take control of this area. By the end of May the insurrection was completely crushed.

Lalin Fernando who was in   charge at Wellawaya  in 1971 recounts. At Wellawaya I observed a fence at the rear of the police station. Behind it was a vast  paddy field. I climbed over the fence and saw two very young lads lying down by the side of the ‘niyara’ (bund) of the paddy field. At first, I mistook them for villagers and asked them to scram. They wouldn’t move. I then drew my .38  revolver and aimed it at them. I asked them to stand up. They were frightened and  hesitant. I then yelled at them  and the two stood up slowly.

 I was unnerved. They must have been about 14-15 years old. They were unarmed and came up to me in great fear. I called the Platoon Sergeant Punchi Banda and asked him to give them a ‘ducking’ at the station well and bring them back to me. After the ‘ducking in warm water, which the two boys had apparently relished after a whole day in the sun, they were separated and each given a piece of paper and a pencil and asked to write down the names of those who came with them to attack the police station. Sergeant Punchi Banda supervised them. We had 25 (not 500) identical names. This was passed on to the Battalion HQ. We had cracked the Wellawaya gang.

One ‘insurgent’ we caught later was Sirisena. He was 12 years old. He was an orphan being looked after by his grandmother. His job had been to carry the boxes of matches to light the petrol bombs. He soon became the mascot of the platoon, eating and sleeping with them and helping in doing odd jobs. Concerned by the possible  Police response, I released him on the day we pulled out of the Police Station, concluded Lalin.

The JVP couldn’t hold on to the areas they had captured, such as parts of Kegalle, because they lacked popular support, said  Kegalle’s GA Wijedasa. The defeat of the  JVP was primarily due to the lack of support from the masses agreed the JVP. This, it should be noted,  is very different to the Eelam war, where the public supported the LTTE .

“The people were not used to violence. They were not happy about the destruction of public property – buses and government buildings being set ablaze and the disruption of essential services, said GA Wijedasa.

 The JVP’s contention that tea and rubber estates should be uprooted and manioc and sweet potato planted instead did not go down well with the common man. The thinking that big houses and bungalows had to be shared by five families was met with disapproval. This may have all been misdirected JVP propaganda or misinformation, but the people opposed it. 

At Morontota public were happy army had come and gave them information. .  JVP killed anyone they suspected was an informant. The JVP held Batapola till April 23. Then the army with the help of villagers attacked their camp. 

Two youths had visited the house of a retired school master on the outskirts of Mawanella town and demanded his gun. He had gone in, and loaded his double barrel gun and come out on the pretext of handing it over to the two youths he had shot them both dead, discharging both barrels. The schoolmaster and his family had taken their belongings, got into a lorry and immediately left the area.

POHOTTU AS USA’ S PROXY Part 7E3

July 24th, 2022

KAMALIKA PIERIS

The 1971 JVP Insurgency was totally a new experience for Sri Lanka. Once the government woke up to the fact that they had a full blown insurgency on its hands, it moved fast to squash it, said Gamini Gunawardene. The Opposition UNP got to a side, did not obstruct and engage in the blame game.

The government responded strongly to the Insurgency and suppressed it successfully, using army, police and foreign assistance. We have learned too many lessons from Vietnam and Malaysia. We must destroy the insurgents completely. We have no choice, army said.

This was the first time that the Sri Lanka armed force had to face an attack against the state. The forces used their limited resources. In 1971 the Royal Ceylon Air Force (RCyAF) consisted of three squadrons: No. 1 Flying Training Squadron with nine Chipmunk trainers based at China Bay, No. 2 Transport Sq. equipped with five Doves, 4 Herons and three Pioneer fixed wing aircraft and four helicopters and No. 3 Reconnaissance Sq. with Cessna aircraft. In the 1960s Britain had gifted five Hunting Jet Provost T51s jet trainers which had gone out of service by 1971.

Beginning at 0900 hours on 5th April the Jet Provost, which were in storage at China Bay, began operating out of this airbase. Armed with Browning machine guns and rockets, they carried out air to ground attacks using 60 lb rockets. The three Bell 206A Jet Ranger helicopters protected by Bren Guns airlifted 36,500 lb of ammunition during April to critical police stations. In addition the Doves carried out supply missions and during the course of April, 900 soldiers and 100,000 lb of equipment were transported by the RCyAF.

The JVP seized parts of the Colombo-Kandy A1 Trunk Route at Warakapola and Kegalle, cutting off the main artery between Colombo and the tea growing highlands. In response the Jet Provost had to mount aerial attacks on the key bridge at Alawwa. This led to the downing of a Jet Provost and the death of her pilot.

India loaned us Gurkha soldiers to guard Katunayake Air Port. On 8th April a full day curfew was declared and a load of ammunition was air lifted here, as we had run short of ammunition.

In the aftermath of the insurgency the armed forces expanded. The Air Force which had 1,400 personnel in 1971 grew to 3,100 by 1976. New units were raised: a Special Police Reserve Force, a Volunteer RCyAF and a new Field Security Detachment targeting subversion was created.

The government was able to win the war against the JVP in 1971 because it received arms from abroad. China, Australia, Pakistan and Yugoslavia   sent arms and equipment. However the disparate array of equipment would pose a logistics dilemma for the military.

The sudden influx of arms and ammunition rapidly altered the balance of power against the JVP. For example the Army took Yugoslav artillery into Kegalle to flush out the rebels.

Within four days of the JVP attack, Air Ceylon’s Trident took off from Singapore carrying a consignment of small arms provided by Britain from its base there. The following day the UK agreed to supply six Bell-47G Jet Ranger helicopters armed with 7.62mm machine guns. On 12th April on board a US Air Force Lockheed C-141 Starlifter, Washington shipped out critical spare parts for the RCyAF helicopters which were flying twelve hour days. And at Colombo’s request New Delhi on the 14th sent six Indian Air Force Aérospatiale SA 315B Lama utility helicopters with crews to Katunayake Air Force Base, along with troops to guard them as well as arms, ammunition and grenades. They would remain in the country for three months.

On the 17th Air Ceylon flew in nine tons of military equipment which the Soviet Union made available from supplies in Cairo. While on the 22nd a Soviet Air Force Antonov AN-22 transporter arrived with two Kamov Ka-26 rescue helicopters and five Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-15 jet fighters and one MiG-17 high-subsonic fighter. The Soviet aircraft were accompanied by 200 trainers and ground crew.

Meanwhile there were reports that the JVP were endeavouring to bring weapons in by sea. But the Royal Ceylon Navy’s frigate and Thorneycroft boats could not secure the island’s territory nor prevent supplies reaching the rebels. This compelled Colombo to rely on the Indian Navy which sent three of its Hunt-class escort destroyers, INS Ganga, INS Gomathi and INS Godawari to patrol Ceylon’s maritime perimeter.

There was also the need to catch and prosecute the offenders.    An ‘Ops Room’ was hastily set up at the Temple Trees. IGP Stanley Senanayake who had gone to England was recalled. A team was created which included handpicked persons such as former IGP Alaric Abeygunawardena.

An investigating office was set up elsewhere.  Abeygunawardane had a few CID and Intelligence officers attached to him, who continued to monitor and direct operations to arrest the balance rebel leaders who were hiding.

Police station OICs and ASPs were asked to send their investigation files direct to this office. Under Emergency Regulations, admissions made to ASPs by suspects were made admissible in courts. Abeygunawardane’s office had a few Senior State Counsels like Ranjith Abeysuriya, Kenneth Seneviratne and some others to prepare cases for prosecution and advise the police officers on further investigations. Thus cases were filed in courts without delay.


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